There are three major reasons the U.S. administration is boosting efforts to achieve at least some progress on the matter of Ukraine over the next seven months. First, there are indications that the European Union is becoming more divided. U.S. policymakers understand that in order to pressure Moscow to make concessions and agree to a deal on the status of Ukraine, at least for the near term, Western powers must be on the same page. The perception of the Russian threat varies across Europe, with some countries more willing than others to make economic and political sacrifices in order to deter Russia.
At the same time, the Kremlin has been working to woo some European governments and political parties. Some European governments are questioning the sanctions regime currently in place. So Western powers' negotiating position when it comes to Ukraine will likely wane over time. Thus, negotiations now are more likely to yield results beneficial for the U.S. than later.
The U.S. is also in a hurry to reach a deal because negotiations over the future of Ukraine are closely tied to another foreign policy headache: the Islamic State. In her interview, Susan Rice pointed out that U.S. and Russian intelligence, civilian and military experts are in touch with regard to Syria on a daily basis. She outlined that while the administration supports Russian airstrikes against the Islamic State and Jabhat al-Nusra, it is trying to dissuade Russia from also targeting other opposition groups. The U.S. needs Russian assistance to make significant progress in Syria, both in battle and in negotiations.
Finally, the Obama administration worries that the next president will not prioritize working with all sides to reach an agreement with the Kremlin over Ukraine. As George Friedman has outlined, Donald Trump has argued in favor of limiting American exposure to international crises and challenges, while Hillary Clinton supports continued commitment to international obligations and maintaining the fixed alliance system.
The implementation of the Minsk agreement and reaching a deal that secures Ukraine requires coordination between Washington, Berlin and Paris. It also means pressuring Kiev to adopt new election laws and persuading both sides to adopt and respect certain security policies on the ground in eastern Ukraine.
Pressuring Russia to respect agreements and deterring the Kremlin from making further military moves in the region also requires the presence of NATO and U.S. troops in the Baltic states and Poland, as well as Western involvement in the Black Sea region. The current administration is working to ensure that the necessary military and diplomatic measures to deter Russian aggression, implement the Minsk agreements and reach some kind of agreement with Moscow about the future of Ukraine will be in place by the time the next president comes to office. But foreign officials – including Ukrainian and Russian leaders – may be hesitant to reach agreements with the current administration due to uncertainties surrounding the upcoming U.S. elections.
The Obama administration is engaged in a race against time, knowing that prospects for a deal with Moscow that suits U.S. interests will erode over time and that cooperation with Russia in Ukraine could further U.S. aims in Syria. The U.S. cannot guarantee that Russia will respect any agreements in the long term, but for the administration, ensuring Ukraine's security in the medium term and buying time for Eastern Europe while new defense measures are being put in place remain top priorities.


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SYNONYM

#### According to
Index Fungorum

#### Published in
null

#### Original name
Helmisporium asterinoides Sacc. & P. Syd.

### Remarks
null

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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Biography of Emma Stone nude
Nov 6, 1988 (32 Years)
Emily Jean Stone
Our celebs database about Emma Stone
66 Nude videos
12 Leaked content
Emily Jean "Emma" Stone (born November 6, 1988) is an American actress. Born and raised in Scottsdale, Stone was drawn to acting as a child, and had her first role in a theater production of The Wind in the Willows in 2000. As a teenager, she relocated to Los Angeles with her mother, and made her television debut in VH1's In Search of the New Partridge Family (2004), a reality show that produced only an unsold pilot. After a series of small television roles, she won a Young Hollywood Award for her film debut in Superbad (2007), and received positive media attention for her role in Zombieland (2009).
Stone's first starring role was in the teen comedy Easy A (2010), for which she was nominated for the BAFTA Rising Star Award and a Golden Globe Award. She followed this breakthrough role with the commercially successful film Crazy, Stupid, Love (2011), and a dramatic part in the critically acclaimed film The Help (2011). Stone received wider recognition for playing Gwen Stacy in the 2012 superhero film The Amazing Spider-Man, and its sequel in 2014. She was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress for the role of a recovering drug addict in the black comedy-drama Birdman (2014). Stone made her Broadway debut in a revival of the musical Cabaret (2014–15).
One of the highest-paid actresses in the world, Stone has been nominated for an Academy Award, two British Academy Film Awards, and two Golden Globe Awards, and has won two Screen Actors Guild Awards. Aside from her acting career, Stone promotes several causes, such as promoting awareness of breast cancer.
Emma Stone nude pictures
Female Celebrities With The Most Beautiful Feet
Posted by celeb-gate at Mar 27, 2019, 11:22:09 AM
When you talk with your friends about hot celebrities, most of you would not admit that celebs feet are something you like. The so called feet fetish is not something people like to share in public, so you keep your secret love for female feet low. Thus, we are getting alot of questions about a ranking of hot feet and here we go.I have added the hottest six celebrity feet. It is not a ranking, all those six celebs have wonderful feet. And you know, there is not the one foot that strikes all the others.
Browse celebs nude pictures by name: e
Evelyn Burdecki
Esther Sedlaczek
Elettra Lamborghini
Enissa Amani
Elena Perminova
Eliza Coupe
Elena Krawzow
Emily Wickersham
Eliza Taylor-Cotter
Emilia Schuele
Eva Brenner
Emily Alyn Lind
Elena Kamperi
Emma Kenney
Esther Baxter
Elena Miras
Ember Reigns
Elene Lucia Ameur
Estefania Kuester
Emilia Jones
Erica Durance
Elizabeth Mitchell
Elizabeth Masucci

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Organizations Opposed to Single Payer
Single Payer News Stories
Single Payer Impact
Government Run Health Care
Job Losses
New Taxes
Out of Control Costs
Text of Legislation and Sponsor's Memo
Summary of Legislation
Legislators Sponsoring Bill
Vote Tallies
The Realities of Single Payer is a coalition of organizations united in opposition to legislation to create a Single Payer health care system in New York. Although this legislation, the New York Health Act, has been around for decades, it is gaining traction in New York due to the lack of information about the real impact it would have on New Yorkers.
Despite the claims of proponents, a Single Payer health care system is not only impractical, it would be a financial disaster for New York taxpayers. Proponents of the legislation rely on a faulty, outdated fiscal analysis to claim that it would save money and provide better access to quality care. New Yorkers would be forced to use a new government-run program; employer-sponsored and private health insurance would be prohibited.
While we agree with the goal of universal health care coverage of all New Yorkers, Single Payer advocates ignore the realities of the way the health care system functions and what drives costs. Since 95% of New Yorkers already have health care coverage, there is no reason to spend hundreds of billions of dollars to create a complicated, new government-run health care program. New Yorkers don't want their health care to be subject to whims of unaccountable Albany politicians.
The goal of The Realities of Single Payer is to provide accurate information on this critical health care issue.
Click here to see our Mission Statement
Click here to see a list of the organizations opposed to the New York Health Act
Record Wait Times for Care in Canada
Single Payer in the News: October 2021
Dr. Mary Bassett Named New York State Health Commissioner
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New Yorkers in support of universal health care but through a combination of private and public programs | Universal health care ≠ Single Payer | Join us!
Realities of Single Payer@SinglePayFacts·
Small manufacturers need NY to lower their taxes. A Single Payer health care system would only increase their burden. #NoSinglePayer https://www.syracuse.com/opinion/2022/01/small-manufacturers-need-ny-to-lower-their-taxes-guest-opinion-by-macny.html
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Upstate United@UpstateNYUnited·
Many of these "progressive" groups have pushed policies that have DRIVEN UP the cost of living in NY and DRIVEN OUT overburdened taxpayers. To truly move NY forward, our leaders in Albany should embrace pro-growth policies that will rebuild our economy.
👉 https://upstateunited.com/news/upstate-united-releases-2022-advocacy-agenda/ https://twitter.com/NickReisman/status/1481972001451515907
Nick Reisman@NickReisman
Progressive, watchdog groups urge oversight in economic development https://nystateofpolitics.com/state-of-politics/new-york/ny-state-of-politics/2022/01/14/progressive--watchdog-groups-urge-oversight-in-economic-development?cid=share_twitter
Realities of Single Payer
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Angelic GlitterWarehouse White Irredescent Loose Glitter Powder Great for Eyeshadow / Eye Shadow, Makeup, Body Tattoo, Nail Art and More!
Our Loose Glitter Blend is more than just plain loose glitter. We created the perfect ratio of glitter sizes and color to deliver the best loose glitter makeup available. Our loose Glitter Makeup Blend uses particle sizes that range from super ultra fine to fine. Fine glitter particles deliver the shine glitter lovers love while superfine glitter gives the ultimate coverage. Together they provide the benefit of full coverage while providing super shimmering shine that glitter lovers love.
Our glitter is PET solvent resistant glitter. Although we have tested this glitter solvency, we always recommend that you test a small sample in your solution. As we cannot, test every solution available.
There are so many fun things that can be done with our PET glitter. It's solvent resistant properties makes it great for nail art. It excellent for Gel Polish Nail art as well. Safe for use on skin. You can create excellent body art, body tattoos and body shimmers. Plus a great way to enhance your everyday makeup routine. Perfect for competitions and performances to really stand out.
Out PET glitter is better than craft glitter, so it will function perfectly on any craft projects you may be planning.
All pictures of our glitter were taken at our facility. We have worked really hard to match colors exactly. However due to differences in monitors and programs, there might be a slight difference in color.
If you have any questions about this product by GlitterWarehouse, contact us by completing and submitting the form below. If you are looking for a specif part number, please include it with your message.


Hey Runners! As you all know, foam rolling is one of those necessary evils. If you train frequently and run long distances, muscle recovery is essential for longevity and injury prevention. Foam rolling is the best way to get muscle relief and recovery (unless of course, you're lucky enough to get weekly massages!).
Here's my quick tutorial to help you get your foam rolling just right. Target the right areas and effectively release tight, fatigued muscles.
If you have a question or any suggestions for other exercises/topics you'd like me to cover, please let me know in the comments below.
How Often Should Runners Strength Train? This Pie Chart Breaks It Down.


Harumi Kurihara is one of the best-known cookery writers in Japan. Her recipes, based on Japanese home cooking, are full of her original ideas and are loved by many people of all generations. During her 29-year career as a cookery writer, she has published 140 books with a total number of copies printed exceeding 28million and has introduced more than 4,000 original recipes.
She also runs "share with Kurihara harumi" shops (60 branches in Japan) dealing with her original tableware, kitchen items, interior goods, aprons, and clothes and manages "Yutori no Kukan" restaurants and "Café Yutori no Kukan" cafés (a total of 8 restaurants and cafes in Japan). Through all her activities, she has been trying to show how to enjoy life and to make family life happy with home-made cooking.
Harumi Kurihara was born in 1947 in Shimoda City in Shizuoka Prefecture, a coastal city in Japan. As she grew up watching her mother cooking carefully since she was little, she acquired cooking skills naturally without having to make much effort. In 1973, she married Reiji Kurihara, who was a TV newscaster at that time, and had a daughter and a son. After their marriage, they often had visitors from the TV industry in their home and Harumi used to serve them with her homemade cooking. One of them asked Harumi to work for a TV program and in 1983 for the first time she started to work as an assistant for a cooking TV show. This experience made her what she is now.
Thanks to the presence of her family, Harumi Kurihara has been continuing working as a cooking expert for more than 20 years. The recipes she has introduced over the years have come out of her love for her family and her wish "to make delicious meals for them." This passion has expanded to her various businesses that introduce her lifestyle. Her daughter and son are now grown up and live separately from her and her husband. However, on special occasions such as birthdays or anniversaries, the six members of her family, including her children's husband and wife, gather and share precious moments.
Harumi Kurihara has never stopped being a "shufu" (housewife), even after she became busy as a cookery writer. She has always tried to introduce her recipes from the viewpoint of an ordinary housewife. Her recipes can be made using leftover food in the refrigerator or ingredients that everyone has in the kitchen. What is special about her recipes is that she never forgets to make little innovations to common home cooking using her free-wheeling and often unique ideas. This is how her innovative original recipes have been born. In the same way, the goods and items she has produced are based on the viewpoint of a housewife, focusing on function and usability.
In particular, her original apron line-up now features more than 600 designs, including one with a detachable mini-sized hand towel or another one with a place mat set, or a 2-way apron which is used as an apron with shoulder straps and also as a garcon apron. All of these products derive from her own creative ideas. Harumi Kurihara "enjoys life" and her lifestyle is reflected in her products that now range broadly from kitchen items to interior goods, aprons and clothes.
In 1989, six years after she started to work as an assistant for the TV cooking show, she published her first cookbook "Kondate ga 10 Bai ni Naru Tare no Hon" ("A book on various kinds of sauces to enjoy your dish in 10 versions"). This book was highly praised and during the following years she had the good fortune to publish one cookbook per year. In 1992, she published her fifth book "Gochisosama ga Kikitakute" ("I want to hear you say: That was delicious"). This was a new style cookbook, in which she introduced her family's favorite recipes based on her everyday home cooking and the foods illustrated were served on the dishes and bowls she used at her home. This book became a big hit among women, particularly housewives, and became a bestseller together with its sequel "Moichido Gochisosama ga Kikitakute" ("I want to hear you say once again: That was delicious"), each selling respectively more than a million copies. The total number of copies printed of these two books has now reached 2,400,000 and more than 10,000 copies of each are still reprinted every year.
In 1996, she began publishing the quarterly recipe magazine "Suteki Recipe" ("Nice Recipe"), the first personal magazine in Japan and one that has introduced her lifestyle as well as her cooking. It was redesigned in 2006 with the new name "haru_mi." The total number of issues published in 20 years has reached 80, which is unusually large for a personal magazine published in Japan. It introduces cooking recipes as well as interiors, gardening, and other things to make your life enjoyable with her free-wheeling and creative ideas. It has attracted loyal women readers, especially those in their thirties to fifties.
In February 2005, her first English cookbook, "Harumi's Japanese Cooking," was published by Conran Octopus Ltd. in the U.K. This book was named the best in the World Asian Cuisine Book 2004 and also won the Best Cookbook of 2004 in the 10th Gourmand World Cookbook Awards, known in the culinary world as "the Oscar for Cookbooks". Translated versions are available in Spain, France, and the Netherlands.
Harumi Kurihara has introduced various of her recipes on TV programs in Japan. Currently, on the cooking program "Your Japanese Kitchen" (NHK World TV) which started in 2007, she is introducing Japanese home-cooked recipes in English. This show is broadcast in about 80 countries and regions via broadcasting satellite or cable TV networks.
In 1995, Kurihara began to operate her business "Yutori no Kukan," managing shops and restaurants. The shops sell kitchen items, interior goods, aprons, and clothes that she has produced. At the restaurants, her original recipes are on the menu. Currently, she has 60 shops in major department stores across Japan and 8 cafés and restaurants (some of them are annexed to her shops) .
Harumi Kurihara has been collaborating with various companies. Currently, she participates in the development of desserts sold at convenience stores or general merchandising stores (Kuriharasan-chi no Osusowake).


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Series, Series with Wikis
Edit with form
Girls und Panzer Wiki
Wiki founding
, Sports
, Alternate History
, Military
Anime, Manga, OVA, Film, Guide Book
Girls und Panzer Wiki Wiki founding: October 12, 2012
Last checked: June 1, 2018
Girls und Panzer (ガールズ&パンツァー, Gāruzu ando Pantsā) is a 2012 Japanese original television anime series created by Actas. The animation is directed by Tsutomu Mizushima and produced by Kiyoshi Sugiyama. Takaaki Suzuki, who has earlier acted as a military history advisor for Strike Witches and Upotte, has revealed that he is involved in the production of the anime.[1] The series will begin airing in Japan in October 2012.[2] A manga series by Ryūichi Saitaniya launched in Media Factory's Comic Flapper magazine from June 5, 2012.[1]
The story focuses around high school girls battling in tanks.[1] The setting involves a universe where the art of operating tanks (戦車道, Sensha-do) is a traditional martial art for girls. The protagonist, Miho, moves to Oarai Girl's High School, where she is ordered by the student council chairperson to participate in the national Sensha-do championship.[3]
Official Edit
http://girls-und-panzer.jp/
Other Sources Edit
http://www.animenewsnetwork.com/encyclopedia/anime.php?id=14334
Other Wikis Edit
w:c:girlsundpanzer - Nov16 duplicate w/ 11pgs
w:c:girls-und-panzer - Dec9 duplicate w/ 2pgs
↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 17 May 2012, Squid Girl Helmer Mizushima, Strike Witches Advisor Reveal Girls und Panzer TV Anime, Anime News Network
↑ http://www.animenewsnetwork.co.uk/news/2012-07-27/girls-und-panzer-tv-anime-slated-for-october
↑ 2012年05月17日, "美少女×戦車"の新作TVアニメ「ガールズ&パンツァー」!, GA Graphic
Retrieved from "https://animanga.fandom.com/wiki/Girls_und_Panzer?oldid=68879"
Series with Wikis
More Animanga Wiki
1 Itai no wa Iya nano de Bōgyoryoku ni Kyokufuri Shitai to Omoimasu.
2 Yandere
3 Infection


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Sustainability Gets Sophisticated
Report finds a shift from tracking carbon emissions to analyzing every link in supply chain efficiency.
Katherine Tweed April 23, 2010
Less carrot and more stick is the driving factor that may compel many U.S. manufacturing firms to mind their carbon footprint and more, according to a new report from AMR Research and software giant SAP.
The survey of 189 companies in both energy-intensive and non-energy-intensive industries paints a slightly different picture than a recent Johnson Controls study of more than 1,400 companies as to what is pushing companies towards energy and carbon efficiency.
When it comes to drivers for sustainability, one-third of those surveyed said corporate branding and staying competitive were high on their list in 2008, but that figure plummeted to 12 percent in 2010. Compliance to regulatory requirements, however, jumped up from 11 percent to 27 percent of companies that identified it as a factor driving sustainability.
The larger Johnson Controls study, however, found that energy cost savings and brand image were the most significant drivers for investing in energy efficiency.
"Sustainability is alive and kicking," said Peter Graf, SAP's chief sustainability officer, who qualified the results of the survey by noting that the real motive that is fueling interest in energy efficiency is the bottom line. "It's not because of climate change. There is money to be made and money to be saved."
No matter the reason, investment and consideration of efficiency at all points in the business chain are being considered at every level in a way they have not been in previous years, according to the survey.
That translates into potential profits for SAP, which also announced its acquisition of TechniData on Wednesday. TechniData makes software to help companies with environmental, health and safety compliance. The acquisition will boost SAP's offerings for companies that are increasingly focusing on sustainability and carbon compliance given the EPA's Mandatory Reporting requirements and other drivers to focus on carbon and efficiency.
Both surveys found that the most prevalent approach to saving energy is through building management and reducing on-site energy consumption. Looking beyond buildings, there is expected to be a growing focus on re-engineering manufacturing processes, sub-building smart grid upgrades, and on-site energy production in the next three to five years.
Steven Stokes of AMR Research said that business sustainability will become fundamentally more sophisticated in the coming years, as real-time data replaces Excel sheets to track the organizational metabolism of a company, rather than simply its output.
"If a week is a long time in politics," he said, "boy, a year is a long time in sustainability."


Exporting particle hair from Blender possible?
I may have not got to that point in the documentation yet, but is it possible to use the particle hair from Blender?
A still out of Blender. Just a trash drum kit left to make for the instruments.
B4W supports hair particles only for instancing purposes. You may want to create a mesh in order to render human hair.


Welcome to the Fredericksburg FC Training Store! SKLZ has selected these top training products to help prepare you to be ready for soccer season, available at an exclusive price of 25% off. These proven tools were used to train many World Cup teams, including Germany and the U.S. National Team.


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October 2019 Global Defence & Security Industry - Military News
U.S. Army to test Chevrolet Colorado ZR2 based Infantry Squad Vehicle
Posted On Tuesday, 15 October 2019 08:28
General Motors has landed an exploratory $1 million contract with the US Army for its Infantry Squad Vehicle based on the Chevrolet Colorado ZR2.
BAE Systems unveiled Raven Countermeasure system to protect vehicles from missile threats
BAE Systems unveiled its Raven Countermeasure system for combat vehicles as part of its integrated vehicle protection system (VPS) suite of products. Raven is a proven directable infrared countermeasure capable of defeating anti-tank guided missiles, protecting ground vehicles and their crews, and improving mission effectiveness without the use of kinetic countermeasures.
Japanese soldiers, Philippine and U.S. Marines conduct amphibious landing
The Armed Forces of the Philippines, Japan Self-Defense Force, and U.S. Armed Forces united to conduct an amphibious landing exercise at Katungkulan Beach, Marine Barracks Gregorio Lim during Exercise Kamandag 3 on Oct. 12, 2019.
The army of Portugal buys Glock Coyote Tan G17 pistols
Portugal's army will replace its ageing Walther P-38 9mm pistols with Glock Coyote Tan G17s, Guns.com reports.
Russia: Roselectronika designs radar against small drones
Roselectrionika Holding of Rostec designed a radar to detect small drones at a distance of 7.5 km. The radar was designed by Salyut of Roselectronika together with Fakel of Almaz-Antey. Prototypes have been built and field trials held. The radar is made only of Russian electronic components and is unprecedented in the country, Rostec said.
First Indian indigenous sniper rifles unveiled by SSS Defence
In line with the central government's push to make India a major defence manufacturing hub, a firm based in Karnataka's Bengaluru has developed the country's first indigenous sniper rifle prototypes that are meant for use by the Indian armed forces, NDTV reports.
Turkish Hisar-A low altitude air defense missile system completes tests
Turkey's new indigenously developed "Hisar-A" low-altitude missile defense system has completed all of its tests, and will soon enter mass production phase, Daily Sabah reports.
Kuwait will purchase 19 U.S. M88A2 heavy tracked armored recovery vehicles
Posted On Sunday, 13 October 2019 21:34
The U.S. State Department has made a determination approving a possible Foreign Military Sale to Kuwait for nineteen (19) M88A2 Heavy Equipment Recovery Combat Utility Lifting Extraction System (HERCULES) recovery vehicles and related equipment and support for an estimated cost of $281 million. The Defense Security Cooperation Agency delivered the required certification notifying Congress of this possible sale on October 10, 2019.
Movements in Europe of U.S. Army equipment for Atlantic Resolve
The fifth iterations of the Atlantic Resolve armored and aviation rotations will begin arriving in Europe over the next two weeks. Since April 2014, U.S. Army Europe has led the Department of Defense's Atlantic Resolve land efforts by bringing units based in the U.S. to Europe for nine months at a time.
C-Astral from Slovenia has successfully fielding its new mini UAS ATLAS C4EYE
C-Astral, the Slovenia based integrator of small unmanned systems and a member of the Terra Drone group, has been successfully fielding its new mini UAS ATLAS C4EYE (Advanced Technology Light Acquisition/ATAK System) in a series of closed trials, involving the cooperation of manned, unmanned and NATO JTAC assets.
French Army unveils mockup of Serval 4x4 armored vehicle for VBMR light program
Posted On Saturday, 12 October 2019 21:33
A real size mockup of the Serval 4x4 armored vehicle for the VBMR Leger (Véhicule Blindé Multi-Role Léger - Light Multirole Armored Vehicle) program of the French Army was unveiled on October 10, 2019, in static display during a live demonstration of the French army capabilities. The delivery of the first Serval is scheduled for 2022.
BAE Systems will continue to upgrade U.S. M88A1 recovery vehicle to standard M88A2
BAE Systems has been awarded a $148.3 million contract by the U.S. Army to upgrade 43 M88A1 tracked armored recovery vehicles to standard M88A2 for added capability to evacuate damaged or stranded combat vehicles from the battlefield.
Latest FN Herstal innovations: ammunitions, ballistic calculator
For 130 years, Belgium-based FN Herstal has provided generations of Defense and Security Forces as well as Special Units, with firearms that give them a clear advantage in any engagement. This proud tradition is set to continue in showcasing both newly developed and combat-proven products aiming to defeat today's threats.
U.S. Army working toward improved Long Range Precision Fires
The U.S. Army is scheduled to test a new Precision Strike Missile, or PrSM, this month, which will leverage current launchers and be capable of achieving greater ranges than current technology, leaders said. Devon L. Suits, Army News Service, reports.
Pakistan Special Forces show strong interest in Russian made body armor
In the Krasnodar region, as part of Friendship 2019 joint Russian-Pakistani exercise, Special Forces servicemen of 49th combined arms army of the Southern Military District conducted fire training exercises for foreign colleagues using the latest small arms.
Edgybees launches Argus API platform enabling seamless integration of AR technology
This new platform facilitates customizable implementations of real-time visual intelligence technology, extending operational capabilities for industrial and commercial uses.
FED: Arquus presents its new 8x8 logistics truck
Posted On Thursday, 10 October 2019 10:03
Exhibitor at the Forum Enterprise Defense 2019 currently underway at Satory, Arquus presents his vision of the logistic truck of the armed forces of tomorrow. This 8x8 truck is the first element of the all-new Arquus logistics range, specially developed to meet the military needs.
South Korea conducts launch exercises with Hyunmoo missiles
Regular launch exercises are being conducted as of this year for Hyunmoo-series missiles that are currently in service, military authorities announced. Yoo Kang-moon reports on Hankyoreh.
U.S. Army Futures Command to highlight modernization efforts at AUSA 2019
In 2018, the U.S. Army stood up the service's newest command to drive innovation. Since that time, Army Futures Command has become fully operationally capable and complements the other Army commands, Forces Command, Training and Doctrine, and Army Materiel Command, as the cornerstone of the Army's modernization efforts. Phillip B. Fountain, U.S. Army Futures Command, reports on U.S. Army's website.
Russian Southern district, Crimea to get Nioby SV radars
Posted On Wednesday, 09 October 2019 12:41
Nioby-SV (Niobium) radars will be deployed in the Russian south. They will be supplied to the Southern Military District by the end of 2019.
Iranian army starts large exercise near border with Turkey
The Iranian Army Ground Force staged a war game in the country's northwestern regions near the common border with Turkey on Wednesday, Oct. 9. The unannounced military exercise has been held in regions near Oroumiyeh, the capital of the northwestern province of West Azarbaijan, with Army Commander Major General Abdolrahim Mousavi in attendance.
U.S. Army extends contract for upgraded M2A4 Bradley Fighting Vehicles
The U.S. Army has awarded BAE Systems a contract modification worth up to $269 million for continued production of the M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicle (BFV).
BAE Systems delivers refurbished M109A5 BR-Plus howitzers, M88A1 ARVs to Brazilian army
The Brazilian Army has taken delivery of 32 refurbished and modernized M109 A5 BR-Plus self-propelled howitzers and 5 M88A1 armored recovery vehicles from BAE systems.
Russian Defense minister Shoigu comments on armed forces rearmament
Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoigu chaired a teleconference with the top military brass in the National Defense Command Center. He spoke about the army and navy rearmament on the eve of a meeting in Sochi with the supreme commander-in-chief.
Arquus, an essential partner for French cavalry
An essential partner of the French Army, with more than 25,000 vehicles currently in service, Arquus was exhibiting at the Journée de l'Arme Blindée Cavalerie (Armor and Cavalry Day), which took place in Satory on October 7th, 2019.


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Of Judges And Contempt
A quotable quote. The excerpt below is from the speech of the then Perdana Menteri, Dato' Seri Dr Mahathir, on 23rd June 1989 in Parliament when moving the amendment bill that would introduce the now notorious section 8B of the Internal Security Act. This section denies the right to judicial review (except on procedure) and to that end has allowed for arbitrary detention at the discretion of the Home Minister.
Significantly, this amendment was moved after Operasi Lalang during which there were numerous, some successful, high profile applications for judicial review. This included that of Mr Karpal Singh. Some of these decisions led, in part, to the 1988 attack on the judiciary.
The language of the speech is reflective of the views of Dr Mahathir that appeared in the media at the time. One of these articles, an interview that appeared in the 24th November 1986 edition of TIME magazine, is worth reproducing. Dr Mahathir was quoted as saying:
"On the Courts. The judiciary says (to us), `Although you passed a law with a certain thing in mind, we think that your mind is wrong, and we want to give our own interpretation.' If we disagree, the Courts will say, `We will interpret your disagreement'. If we go along, we are going to lose our power of legislation. We know exactly what we want to do, but once we do it, it is interpreted in a different way, and we have no means to reinterpret it our way. If we find out that a Court always throws us out on its own interpretation, if it interprets contrary to why we made the law, then we will have to find a way of producing a law that will have to be interpreted according to our wish."
YB Lim Kit Siang took exception and applied to the High Court for an order of contempt against Dr Mahathir on the basis that the statement, in particular "We will interpret your disagreement", scandalised the Judiciary by bringing in into disrespect and disrepute. At the High Court, Justice Harun Hashim had this to say:
"The Court should not be over-sensitive to criticism. The impugned statement, read objectively, is not even a criticism of the Court far less scandalising it or a threat to the independence of the judiciary. In essence it is the despair of a Prime Minister on the inadequacies of the law and more particularly the officials whose duties are to translate into law the policies and aims of the administration to ensure a more effective government."
Eight days later, on 11th December 1986, the then Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the High Court. Tun Salleh Abas, Lord President (as he then was), somewhat prophetically, had this to say:
"…the impugned remarks do not ex necessitate connote, with in the requisite of the strictest burden of proof for proceedings for contempt, an attack on the judiciary in the way suggested by the applicant but rather tend to ventilate, perhaps understandably, the vexation of the executive in not being able to get through some desired objective or end without curial intervention."
Vexation was a gross understatement. Not too long later, a series of events led to the notorious nation wide ISA crackdown and the sacking of Tun Salleh Abas and two senior supreme court justices. These events would herald the commencement of a new chapter for not only Malaysia but also the Judiciary, one that would culminate in "correct, correct, correct, correct" becoming a favourite ring tone.
This is what Dr Mahathir had to say in Parliament (an excerpt):
"Tujuan utama pindaan-pindaan ini dicadangkan adalah untuk menentukan bahawa perintah tahanan yang dibuat oleh Menteri yang memutuskan bahawa seseorang itu mengancam keselamatan Negara tidak dipersoalkan di mahkamah. Ini adalah kerana kebelakangan ini keputusan Menteri mengeluarkan Perintah Tahanan telah kerapkali dicabar dan dipersoalkan di mahkamah. Sekiranya mahkamah dibiar menggantikan keputusan pihak Kerajaan dengan keputusan mahkamah, ini bermakna seolah-olah tanggungjawab bagi keselamatan negara tidak lagi terletak kepada Kerajaan tetapi sebaliknya telah dipertanggungjawabkan kepada mahkamah, yang sebenarnya bukanlah ahli dan pakar dalam bidang keselamatan. Keputusan-keputusan dan aliran mahkamah di negara-negara asing yang memainkan peranan campurtangan atau, dengan izin, "interventionist" menggantikan keputusan-keputusan mahkamah adalah tidak sesuai diikuti kerana ia bertentangan dengan konsep perasingan kuasa atau dengan izin, "separation of powers" antara eksekutif dan kehakiman yang menjadi pegangan kita di negara ini. Jika mahkamah boleh menukar atau dengan izin "reverse" keputusan eksekutif, maka pihak eksekutif tidak akan dapat membuat apa-apa keputusan kerana khuatir mahkamah akan menukarkan keputusan itu. Dengan itu pihak pemerintah tidak dapat bergerak kerana menunggu keputusan-keputusan mahkamah serta rayuan-rayuan kepada mahkamah yang lebih tinggi."
Everyone, even judges, need to heal from hurt.
It is time to start the process of reconciliation. Apologising to Tun Salleh Abas, Dato' George Seah and the late Tan Sri Wan Sulaiman and to the other judges who were suspended, and their families, is a necessary start to a crucial process.
Posted by Malik Imtiaz Sarwar at 6:47 PM 12 comments:
Labels: Internal Security Act, Judicial Crisis, Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia, Salleh Abas
Crisis In Trengganu? What Crisis?
It may be that in all the posturing that is happening within UMNO, within the Federal Government and the Attorney General's chamber concerning the events in Trengganu, some of the actors in the unfolding saga have lost sight of the obvious. In the absence of the Sultan, His Royal Highness the Regent of Trengganu has the absolute power and discretion to appoint the Menteri Besar of the state. Put another way, the choice is that of the Regent, and no one else. It is as simple as that.
The Constitution of Trengganu is a document in 3 parts: Laws of the Constitution of 1911, Laws of the Constitution of Trengganu (First Part) and Laws of the Constitution of Trengganu (Second Part). In determining the constitutional position on any matter pertaining to the state, all 3 parts must be read harmoniously. Put another way, all three parts must be reconciled.
It follows therefore that in determining the ambit of powers of the Sultan (referred to as Raja in the constitutional documents), or the Regent as the case may be (and for ease of reference, only the Sultan shall be referred to in this comment), reference must be made to all 3 documents.
Chapter Six of the 1911 Laws emphatically provides that His Royal Highness is empowered as the sole authority for appointing ministers and officials. The chapter does not qualify the power of His Royal Highness to do so nor does it set out any criteria by which His Royal Highness is required to exercise his power. As I see it, Chapter Six vests an absolute discretion in the Sultan to appoint ministers and officials. This would necessarily include the Chief Minister or Mentri Besar.
Article 63 of the First Part expressly preserves the prerogatives, powers and jurisdiction of the Sultan except where expressed otherwise in the First Part. This is significant as the absolute power of the Raja to appoint a Mentri Besar is preserved except where otherwise expressly provided.
Article 14 of the First Part provides for the appointment of the State Executive Council including the Mentri Besar. The appointment is made by His Royal Highness. The language of the provision does not detract from His Royal Highness' power to appoint. Criteria are however provided as follows: the candidate selected must be a member of the Legislative Assembly AND must be a member who in His Royal Highness' judgment is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Legislative Assembly.
The Second Part is silent on this aspect of the powers of the Sultan.
Reconciling Chapter Six of the 1911 Laws with Article 14 of the First Part, two points are manifest. The power to appoint the Mentri Besar is that of the Sultan and only that of the Sultan. In exercising this power, His Royal Highness must choose a member of the Legislative Assembly who in His judgment commands the confidence of the majority of the Legislative Assembly. Put another way, it is the subjective view of the Sultan that matters and not of anyone else. Though expressions of support are factors that should be taken into consideration, the Constitution does not bind the Sultan to act only in accordance with such expressions of support.
Furthermore, it is unreasonable to suggest that all that matters are the numbers. The Sultan cannot be expected, nor does the Constitution require His Royal Highness, to act as a rubber-stamp
In this context, I am of the view that the Sultan may take into consideration all matters that His Royal Highness may reasonably view as having a bearing on the question of confidence. What if the Sultan formed the view that he was not confident that a particular member who seemingly had popular support would not make a suitable Chief Minister. Statements issued by the Palace indicate the concerns of the Palace over the handling of the Pantai Batu Burok episode as well as events that occurred during the recent General Election by Idris Jusoh. These are matter that are evidently bearing on the minds of those who advise the Regent.
These are considerations of weight that go to the question of confidence more so for the fact that it is glaringly obvious that twenty UMNO assembly-men who have endorsed the appointment of Idris Jusoh may not necessarily be acting in accordance with their own conscience but rather the dictates of the party. There is, in a manner of speaking, a dimension of duress in the saga, made obvious by the threats of disciplinary action that have been leveled against Ahmad Said by UMNO. To this end, it is questionable whether it can be said that Idris Jusoh truly commands the confidence of the majority of the Legislative Assembly.
These factors go to show that there is basis for doubt in the mind of the Regent and the advisory council as to the appropriateness of appointing Idris Jusoh. If so, this doubt may reasonably undermine the belief of the Regent and the advisory council that Idris Jusoh truly commands the confidence of the majority.
Regrettably the rhetoric of the Prime Minister and the Attorney General lend to a conclusion that the Regent and the advisory council are expected to rubber stamp the wishes of the majority. Though this may have been how appointments were made in the past, this does not bind the Sultan or the Regent in the present, more so where the past practice may not have been Constitutionally thought through.
In the same vein, I would say that there is no basis for the assertion that the Regent is acting unconstitutionally. In the circumstances, such statements verge on being disrespectful.
For purposes of argument, I would go further. Even if the Regent had decided for no apparent reason to appoint Ahmad Said as Mentri Besar instead Idris Jusoh, there would be no basis for challenging the decision to appoint the said person. The decision is solely that of the Sultan and as such, is in my view not justiciable in a court of law. The only recourse for those members of the Legislative Assembly who disagree is to move a vote of no confidence in the Legislative the Assembly. This is clearly envisaged under the Trengganu Constitution (Article 14(6)).
Significantly, if that were to happen, a new State Executive Council would be appointed unless the Sultan is requested by the Mentri Besar to dissolve the Legislative Assembly in which event elections would have to be held. This may not be politically expedient for those who complain.
And perhaps that is what this is all about in the final reckoning.
Labels: General Election 2008, Malaysia, Mentri Besar, Prerogative, Trengganu, UMNO
Anti-Hopping: Of Politics, Morality and the Law
There is a great deal of discussion in the media about the possibility of elected members of parliament crossing over to parties other than those that they were members of when they contested in the recent General Election. Some opinion leaders, including the recently appointed "Law" Minister, Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, and constitutional law scholar, Professor Shad Faruqi, both of whom I have respect for, have suggested that laws aimed at preventing such cross-overs, or "hopping", should be enacted and that such legislation, if enacted, would be consistent with the Federal Constitution.
I have my reservations about the correctness of these views. Though the "morality" of a decision by a particular member of parliament to cross over may be questionable, there are several inter-locking aspects that must be considered. As will be shown, these center on two core themes: the freedom of association and the freedom of choice.
It would be best to deal with the more obvious aspects of the issue. The Federal Constitution guarantees the freedom of association (Article 10(1)(c)). The Supreme Court in 1992 decided that this freedom necessarily includes the right to dissociate (Dewan Undangan Negeri Kelantan & Another v Nordin Salleh & Another). In so concluding, the Supreme Court struck down as unconstitutional legislation by which the Kelantan state constitution had been amended to declare a seat vacant if a member of the state legislature resigned from or left his/her political party. The Nordin Salleh decision has become foundation for the proposition that anti-hopping laws are unconstitutional.
It must be noted that Parliament can however legislate laws that impact on these freedoms if such laws are deemed "necessary or expedient in the interest of the security of the Federation or any part thereof, public order or morality" (Article 10(2)(c)). It would follow that if crossing over were a threat to security, public order or morality, it would be permissible to enact laws to restrict the right to association and, concomitantly, the right to dissociation. I believe that in articulating the positions they do, Datuk Zaid and Professor Shad rely on this proviso.
There is a difficulty with this view.
The proviso allows for encroachment into a guaranteed fundamental liberty. Constitutionally guaranteed liberties are jealously guarded as they represent the foundations of the free choice that democracies are built on. It is a hallowed principle of constitutional law that encroachment is allowed for only where the Constitution permits such encroachment. Further, those provisions that allow for such encroachment are to be interpreted narrowly so as to allow only for a degree of encroachment that is essential to achieve the aim underlying such provisions. It is apparent that the proviso in Article 10(2)(c) is aimed at ensuring public security and public morality. The standard of morality that decisions are to be benchmarked however is the general standard of the community as a whole and not the standard adopted by certain factions within the community. This is an important feature of this discussion and I will return to it.
Further, it is settled principle that encroachment is permissible only to the extent that it falls within a margin referred to as the "margin of appreciation". The boundaries of the margin, as is clear from the expression of the constitutional provision, are defined by "necessity". Whether there is a necessity is not to be determined subjectively. Jurisprudence on this issue points to an objective assessment of a given situation to determine whether such encroachment is necessary in the interests of democracy, having regard to public security or morality. If so, then an incursion is permitted. This is however not to be taken as a blanket right on the part of legislature to enact laws as it pleases. The incursion must be proportionate to the nature of the threat sought to be dealt with.
From the above, it is clear that encroachment is permissible but within a very narrow margin. The question is therefore whether the reasoning advanced in support of a call for anti-hopping legislation falls within that margin.
Before considering the question, it would be useful to remind ourselves that the Federal Constitution and the state constitutions do not limit candidates for elections at the federal and state levels respectively to members of political parties. In fact, the Federal Constitution expressly declares that unless disqualified every citizen resident in the country qualifies for membership (Article 47). Election laws reinforce this position further. This is why independent candidates are qualified to stand for elections. I have made a point of reiterating this to demonstrate that from the constitutional and legal perspective, voters vote individuals rather than parties. No matter the social considerations, in particular trends that point to some voters voting by reference to parties rather than individuals, when determining the legality of a situation (and conversely, to determine whether a situation should be made illegal), it is the constitutional and legal perspective that matters.
From this perspective, it is not readily apparent that a member of parliament is, as some have suggested, "cheating" his constituents by leaving the political party he was in when elected. The assumption in law is that he was voted in as an individual and not as a member of a political party. That the characterization (of cheating) is used loosely as is clearly shown by the fact that it is improbable that a member of parliament could be charged, let alone convicted, of the offence of cheating for leaving his party.
We must therefore address the question by asking ourselves whether it is wrong to firstly, dissociate from a political party, and if no, then whether dissociating is made wrong by joining another political party. In my view as the former cannot be answered absolutely in the affirmative, then the latter must be answered in the negative. My reasoning is as follows.
I have already explained the 'personal' as opposed to 'party' basis of elections. Let us explore that further by assuming that a member of a particular party has been elected a member of parliament. He is then required by the political party to do something – for instance, involve himself in corruption – that he doe not agree with as a matter of principle. He sees that corruption has become so entrenched that, in effect, it stands in as an ideology of the party. He decides that he can no longer associate with the party and its members for their advocating of corruption. Is it being suggested that he cannot leave the party?
The example is an extreme one but it goes to illustrate how nuanced the question really is. In order to enact anti-hopping legislation, all the nuances will have to be considered. And as this is done, it will be progressively seen that it would be impossible to predict with certainty the various permutations involved. For a law to be enacted, it must be capable of certainty. The possible scenarios that present themselves do not allow for the level of certainty required of legislation. Not every case of dissociation and cross-association is necessarily immoral as some suggest. In fact, some might see such actions as not immoral at all.
The political perspectives of party members who's interests may be affected by such actions is not a true perspective and cannot be made the basis of law.
I can however see that there is sense is establishing a basis for deterring disassociations and cross-associations committed in bad faith. I believe that the basis is already in existence. There are laws pertaining aimed at preventing corruption that can be invoked if in fact members of parliament were 'bought off' by opponents. If such action involves elements of criminality, the Penal Code provides for a range of offences. There are also offences created under the Election laws.
And above all, there is the voter whose perception of a particular member of parliament will be affected by actions on the part of the latter that are seen as morally wrong. The fact that a member of parliament will lose credibility and be seen as untrustworthy and lose the next election is the strongest deterrent.
Is there a basis or even a need for anti-hopping laws? I do not think so.
Labels: anti-hopping laws, General Election 2008, Malaysia, members of parliament, politics, voting
Release The HINDRAF 5
A while ago, we heard from the Government (of the Federation) of how the rakyat wanted the Internal Security Act to remain on the books. I have my reservations about the truthfulness of that assertion. Whatever the case, I believe that if the Barisan Nasional component parties are sincere in their self-declared aim of wanting to re-evaluate themselves, they must question their continued support and use of anti-democratic legislation like the Internal Security Act, the Official Secrets Act and the Printing Presses and Publications Act.
In voting as they did this year, Malaysians were not only protesting, they went in search of a viable alternative. The Barisan Nasional must realize that it had allowed itself to become, or perhaps be portrayed as, a corrupt regime that considered itself above the law. This had largely been driven by the repressive methods that were allowed for by these self-serving laws. So much so that the rakyat had come to understand that the use of these laws, in particular the ISA, were not so much aimed at protecting the security of the rakyat and the nation but rather the interests of the Barisan Nasional.
If the Barisan Nasional wants to remain relevant, they will have to confront reality. The rakyat have spoken. They have not only signaled their rejection of the selfish ways of the coalition, they have also signaled their rejection of the methods the coalition has employed to its own ends.
Last December I wrote of how there was no justification to detain the HINDRAF 5 under the ISA. If they had committed crimes, the only proper thing to do was to charge them in a court of law and let due process run its course. I maintain this position.
In this context, the outcome of the General Election proves two things. Firstly, how deeply the issue of marginalization resonates with the rakyat. Whatever the posturing and the rhetoric, marginalization was the primary cause that underlay HINDRAF efforts.
Secondly, the outcome clearly establishes how Malaysians have matured far beyond May 13th 1969. If the Barisan Nasional government were to be believed, Malays would have only voted for Malays, the election result would have led to severe reactions and there would have been blood flowing through the streets as Malaysians turned on each other. As we saw, that was not the case. Malaysians transcended the parochial expectations of the Barisan, forging together in a common cause.
It is on the premise that I once again question the truthfulness of the stated belief of the Barisan Nasional government that the HINDRAF 5 are a threat to national security. The groundswell we experienced last Saturday clearly shows that they are not. Their detention cut, and continues to cut, into the consciousness of Malaysians of all ethnic backgrounds.
Mr Karpal Singh has called for the release of M Manoharan (Malaysiakini; 'Karpal: Release Manoharan now'). He says, in effect, that by having voted for him in the context of GE2008, the people have declared that he is not a threat to national security. I agree with Mr Karpal but go further. The logic applies equally to the other detainees.
The step of releasing the HINDRAF 5 is an obvious choice in determining which of the series of conciliatory measures that the Barisan Nasional government will have to undertake first in order to win back the trust of the rakyat. Repealing the OSA and permitting publications of newspapers without permits follow closely behind.
Release the HINDRAF 5.
Posted by Malik Imtiaz Sarwar at 9:04 AM 13 comments:
Labels: Barisan Nasional, conciliation, General Election 2008, HINDRAF, Malaysia
The 75th Candidate
At about 11 am on the morning of the General Elections, I spoke to Haris Ibrahim.
I was due to be interviewed by Al Jazeera and was trying to get a sense of where things stood on the ground. In his tireless campaign for reform through change, Haris had spoken at a ceramah almost every day since the commencement of the campaigning period. In almost hushed tones, Haris told me that he thought that the Barisan Nasional might be denied two-thirds majority. The feeling on the ground, he said, was electric and voters seemed to have reoriented themselves around issues.
His impression echoed that of Azmi Sharom. The night before Azmi had recounted his experience at a ceramah in Lembah Pantai at which Anwar Ibrahim and Raja Petra had spoken. As he told me how the largely Malay audience had erupted into cheers as Raja Petra had declared that Indians and Chinese would be defended with Malay bodies if they were victimised, the hair on my arms stood. He too thought that there was a real possibility of the two thirds majority being denied.
I was hopeful but uncertain as I drove into the city for the interview, perhaps because I was afraid to allow myself hope. A denial of the two-thirds majority would change the political landscape significantly, reintroducing a semblance of balance and forcing accountability.
A telephone call to Farish Noor, who was in Kota Bharu, fueled the uncertainty further. Though, as he observed, celebrations by supporters of PAS had begun even before polling was completed, claims of phantom voters being bussed in were causing anxiety. Tensions were running high, justifiably so in the context. A few days earlier, the Election Comission had mysteriously revoked its directive on the use of indelible ink. The lack of a coherent explanation for this extraordinary step, and it should not be overlooked that the Abdullah administration had show-cased the use of indelible ink as proof of the Government taking the matter of free and fair election very seriously, cast the situation in a very ominous light.
I was still in an uncertain frame of mind when at about noon that day, I was asked during the interview whether I thought the matter of irregularities in the electoral process, as some claimed, was going to be even more pertinent this General Election.
Looking out onto an unusually deserted KLCC park, it struck me how empty the city was. And as it struck me that people were away voting, I realized that there was a fighting chance. For many, the future could not get any worse. It could however get better if there was will to make it better.
And Malaysians were going to fight for that opportunity.
I was concerned though. The slim margin by which the two-thirds might be denied did not allow for irregularities. These irregularities would define the future of Malaysian. A strong mandate for the Barisan Nasional would have been politicized, allowed for a perpetuation of the state of denial and been used to reject much needed reforms.
The voter turn out was approximately 80 per cent, the highest it had ever been.
Malaysians have much to be proud of. On the 8th of March, 2008, they reclaimed the nation. It did not matter who they voted for, each candidate and political party had their strengths and weaknesses. It mattered that they voted, conscious of their choices.
They planted the seed for a new democracy.
I started watching the results come in at a friend's place over dinner.
On they way there, I had stopped by Blog House where Haris Ibrahim and friends had set up camp to monitor the results. A white board had been co-opted. The team was going to list down the parliamentary seats that the opposition captured. Haris pointed to a space for the 75th candidate. That was what it was going to take to safely deny absolute control.
He told me, a mad gleam in his eye, that we were going to get there. And this time, I had no doubt that we would.
Civil society paved the way, giving shape to the hopes of Malaysians and forging a voice for the disenfranchised.
Its efforts took many forms. In fighting their causes, NGOs highlighted areas of concern. In its road show, Article 11 brought into sharp focus the way in which the Constitution was being undermined in the name of religion but for the cause of politics. Almost 900 people turned up at 9 am on a Sunday morning for the first forum in Petaling Jaya. Looking out over the crowd, I remember feeling that we were at the start of something very, very big. And perhaps if I had been listening more closely to the cheers that morning as we spoke in turn about equality and the right to equal protection under the Federal Constitution, I would have heard the whispers of a wind of change.
Other NGOs showed how various aspects of our public lives had been compromised through corruption, political appointments and incompetence. The marches and the demonstrations made the rakyat see that we could no longer leave matters to others. The fearlessness of the organizers, the unflagging efforts of all concerned, were strong and very visible reminders of why each and every one of us had to start being responsible.
Malaysiakini, Malaysia Today and bloggers filled the information gap, providing essential information and critical opinion, their unrelenting commentary helping undermining illusions and delusions. In doing so, they became the conscience of the nation.
Individuals banded together and explored ways in which the rakyat could be empowered. Haris Ibrahim's 'The People's Parliament' started off about a year and half ago as a means to help voters understand that they could do much more if they organized themselves. Its 'pick a candidate' campaign was aimed at creating awareness that the power to change lay in ourselves.
As Haris thundered from many a stage these last two weeks, it was apparent that 'The People's Parliament' had become so much more. As a prime mover behind the 'People's Declaration' and the Barisan Rakyat, it forged the way for greater cohesion amongst the then opposition political parties. In persuading these parties to collectively endorse the Declaration, I believe that Haris and his team created the glue that will keep these parties together as they face the challenges of the future.
This is not to say that the political parties did not play a pivotal role. They did, and they did so remarkably. They were the political underdogs who were fighting for our survival and this time they were recognized as such. While many have described the result as a protest vote, I would rather think of it as a demand by the electorate of a viable alternative. The maturity of the Malaysian voter had surpassed the very average and uninspiring candidates that the Barisan offered. That the opposition had chosen to field committed, dynamic, younger professionals with little or no vested interest was a move that paid off richly. Malaysians are going to benefit tremendously from having Gobind Singh Deo, R Sivarasa, Charles Santiago, amongst others, in Parliament.
The unofficial results came in fast and furious. Samy Vellu, Zainudin and Sharizat had lost, along with a host of other Barisan candidates. Penang, Kedah, Perak and Selangor had been seized by the opposition.
Laughter took on a hysterical note, the giggling was almost maniacal. I found myself wondering about that list at Blog House.
Farish Noor and I spoke at a forum held by Sin Chew just after Merdeka last year. It was aimed at understanding where we stood, 50 years down the road. We spoke at length about the political landscape and both us of, in our ways, looked at the question of racial politics.
During my presentation, I asked why it was that Malaysians were so complacent about their future. We all saw how things were going so wrong. Race politics had allowed for a monopolizing of political control by an UMNO. Power sharing was notional at best. The way in which the submission of the memorandum concerning religious freedom by a faction of the cabinet had been handled and the incredible justifications offered for the keris waving and supremacist posturing at its annual assembly was reflective of UMNO's intolerance of any views but its own.
The Barisan Nasional operated on the fiction that as the component parties were constituted along racial lines, these parties spoke for all persons of these races. And yet it had become increasingly evident that these parties did not speak for all members of their particular communities. If at all, they largely spoke for the members of the party, and even then only for those who wielded influence. Malaysians all of ethnicities were suffering as a result of this elitist, self-serving presumption. As HINDRAF was about to show us, the consequences could no longer be suppressed and hidden.
In the face of these obvious truths, we had to ask ourselves why is it that Malaysians had allowed, and continued to allow, the Barisan to continue as it did with obvious consequences. Malaysians either did not vote or voted for the Barisan to an extent that not only did the Barisan form the government of the day but controlled parliament almost absolutely.
Security and stability are important considerations. Making a government accountable through the ballot box does not in itself necessarily create discord nor destabilize a community. A government did not have to be returned with an absolute majority to the extent that it considered itself beyond the reach of not only the opposition but the rakyat that voted that government in. Whether external factors – racial tensions – would lead to chaos was something that we had to confront. Malaysians had to start believing that we had matured since May 13th 1969 and if we had not despite the immense resources that had been invested in measures aimed at reducing disparities amongst the ethnic communities, then there was all that much more reason not to vote the Barisan in again.
Grand promises of reform made at the 2004 General Election had gone unfulfilled. The justifications offered for this failure were mainly political. If the system did not lend itself to reform, then it was the Government's responsibility to change the system. If the politics of the parties that constituted government impeded the changes, no matter the nobility of the aspiration, those parties did not deserve to be in government.
Change would however take time, stepping out of comfort zones and embracing an uncertain future were undeniably difficult things to do. We had to be shown incrementally that deviating from what had almost become a Malaysian tradition – the return of Barisan to power - was a constructive thing for the nation. Nothing was going to happen however if we did not take that first step.
I asked the audience that night to deny the two-thirds majority, to give the opposition 49 per cent of parliament if they were uncertain. The laughter my suggestion generated made it seem a very distant possibility.
Farish and I spoke at another forum on the 2nd of March this year. The mood was different. And when I suggested that Malaysians should vote the opposition to help the government, the laughter had a very different ring to it.
It was almost 4 am when we got to the 75th candidate, Loh Gwo Burne.
The official results were slow in being broadcast. They trickled in, heightening the excitement those of us there felt as the number of candidates on that list slowly increased. Some have suggested that the late declaration and broadcast of official results was aimed at downplaying the shock result so as to avoid untoward incidents. The directive by the police that there be no victory parades supports the theory as does the calls by the DAP for calmness when it learnt of its victory in Penang.
I have a different view. As useful as these efforts were in helping maintain order, if there were going to be clashes that night there would have been. The simple truth is that there were not going to be any clashes that night and the nature of results were the strongest indicator as to why this was going to be. Throughout the country, Malaysian of all communities had voted in support of a multi-racial opposition. They had voted on issues and not on race. There was no reason for any clashes, neither was there a context. Malaysian politics had matured.
And as a friend suggested two days later, perhaps we had laid to rest the ghost of May 13th. I would like to think so.
Labels: Barisan Nasional, Barisan Rakyat, Civil Society, General Election 2008, Malaysia, politics, UMNO Youth
MERDEKA!
Labels: General Election 2008, Malaysia


Yesterday my new Canon Pixma Pro 10s arrived! Cant wait to print some more photos and trying some different paper types with it, but here are my first impressions so far. Be advised though that I am a total newbie on printing.
First of, the Canon Pixma Pro 10s is HUGE, and I mean really huge. I have a fairly large-sized desk that used to hold my iMac and a secondary display, however since I knew the printer was large I removed the second display and put a shelf on top of the desk (to keep some remaining desk space). When the printer arrived I realized it's not only big but it's also heavy! The manual even states that it's a two person operation to lift the printer into position (I did manage it by myself though).
The printer is about 70cm wide and 30cm deep so it's not really a desktop printer I would say (you'll also need additional space behind and in front of the printer of course). But I still managed to make it work with the shelf even though the desk wiggles a bit when the printer is working.
The setup was fairly easy to get by even though the unboxing and installation papers from Canon is not really clear and precise, please fix this Canon. And while I'm giving a hint to Canon, it makes absolutely no sense at all that you include a USB-cable with my $80 selphy but not with a $800 pro printer?!
Drivers and application setup was a breeze, though I had a little struggle of adding the Print Studio Pro Plug-In to Photoshop CC 2018 (sorted by manually copying the plugin files to the correct folder).
So how about the most important thing, image quality? I did some quick test prints using both a4 and a3 paper (Canon Photo platinum pro) and I must say that I'm deeply impressed. When comparing these prints (both color and black & white) to the prints from a professional print studio that is printed on much more expensive media I can't really spot any differences in shadows/highlight or colors. So as for quality it's a huge thumbs up!
I'll do a follow up post after a while which will include inc consumption and reliability and maybe some different paper qualities.


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No, Australia Broadband does not charge any activation or setup fees and standard NBN Co installations are completed at no cost to you.
Does the NBN Co charge any connection or installation fees?