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Church Scandals
Paul Cliteur
Donald A. Collins
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James A. Haught
John G. Messerly
Stephen D. Mumford
Mark Tier
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Letter from our Chairman
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challenging religious privilege in public life
AllPaul CliteurDonald A. CollinsFrank DianaJames A. HaughtStephen HicksZoltan IstvanMatthias KüntzelJohn G. MesserlyStephen D. MumfordFlemming RoseGad SaadValerie TaricoMark TierPeter Voss
Time for a reset of US policy on human rights and military actions?
Kentucky's Attack On Abortion Rights Will Fail; Trump's Perfidy Continues
The Rule of Law and how Abortion and Slavery are intimately connected
Resist, persist and take the long view
AllBook ExcerptsBook Reviews
A world of Methuselahs?
The Supposed Dangers of Techno-Optimism
Christian author: Atheists are 'pompous prigs' & 'loud, nasty, unapologetic and in-your-face'
Excerpt: 'In the Closet of the Vatican'
Entrusted by God with the defence of the integrity and purity of morals
By Eric MacDonald | 6 July 2012
Choice in Dying
Such is the Roman Catholic Church's hubris, its overweening arrogance, that it does not shrink even from acts of political subversion in liberal democracies in the name of its claim to have been delegated by God to defend the integrity and purity of morals. The words in the title of this post come from Pius XI's (Pope Ambrogio Damiano Achille Ratti's) encyclical Casti Connubii, or, dropping the pretence of antiquity, Chaste Marriage. The interesting point about the Chaste Marriage, which was published in 1931, is that, without mentioning it, it is a direct response to Resolution 15 of the 1930 Lambeth Conference.
[Just to interject. Lambeth Conferences are the once every ten years (decennial) gatherings of Anglican bishops from around the world, meeting, at first in 1867 — not coincidentally the year in which Canada achieved Dominion status — at Lambeth Palace, the official London dwelling of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and later, as numbers of bishops increased, first at Church House (1968), and then at the University of Kent (1978), where subsequent conferences have been held.]
At Lambeth 1930, the following resolution was passed:
The Life and Witness of the Christian Community — Marriage and Sex
Where there is clearly felt moral obligation to limit or avoid parenthood, the method must be decided on Christian principles. The primary and obvious method is complete abstinence from intercourse (as far as may be necessary) in a life of discipline and self-control lived in the power of the Holy Spirit. Nevertheless in those cases where there is such a clearly felt moral obligation to limit or avoid parenthood, and where there is a morally sound reason for avoiding complete abstinence, the Conference agrees that other methods may be used, provided that this is done in the light of the same Christian principles. The Conference records its strong condemnation of the use of any methods of conception control from motives of selfishness, luxury, or mere convenience.
Voting: For 193; Against 67
It is doubtless significant that this is the only resolution for which the division (for and against) is provided in this archive. Notice how grudging and ambiguous the resolution is. While not giving its full approval, the resolution made it possible for Anglicans, in reasonably good conscience, to use artificial means of birth control. The significance of this motion was not lost on the Pope.
I should add here that in the very next resolution (#16),
The conference further record[ed] its abhorrence of the sinful practice of abortion.
And then in the resolution following this one we are told that economic reasons are not appropriate reasons for the practice of conception control, and calls on Christian public opinion to call for change in the economic conditions which induce people to use birth control in order to limit family size to fit the family's budget. Notice how grudging and timid the resolutions are. The church had not, at this time, given any consideration at all to the thought that couples might want to limit family size for other reasons, that there might be reasons for reducing the overall birth rate, or that the whole question of whether to have a child or not should be the decision of the woman concerned, in consultation with her partner, if need be, but at least that her fears, plans and purposes are amongst the main considerations governing the question of bringing children into the world.
Notwithstanding, this rather timid resolution was the occasion for the issuance of the encyclical Chaste Marriage. And not only that. Resolution 15 of Lambeth 1930 was the first shot in the struggle between Rome and Protestantism over which church or group of churches is the dwelling place of the Holy Spirit. Sad but true. Here's the story, which came as a surprise to me, and possibly will come as a surprise to you as well.
In 1964 a two-tiered papal commission was established to look into the question of population and birth control. One tier consisted of 15 cardinals and bishops, and the second tier consisted of 64 lay experts in a variety of disciplines. The commission's work took place during the period 1964-1966. Now, here's the astonishing part. According to Stephen Mumford, in his book The Life and Death of NSSM 200: How the Destruction of Political Will Doomed a U.S. Population Policy, which reads sometimes like a conspiracy theory on steroids:
According to commission member Thomas Burch, Pope Paul VI himself assigned them the task of finding a way to change the Church's position on birth control without destroying papal authority. [124]
In view of Chaste Marriage this would not be easy, for in that encyclical Pius XI (Pope Ratti) in the impossibly presumptuous language of such documents, said this — you will not miss the title of this post embedded in the following quotation:
Since, therefore, openly departing from the uninterrupted Christian tradition some recently have judged it possible to declare another doctrine regarding this question [namely, Lambeth 1930], the Catholic Church, to whom God has entrusted the defense of the integrity and purity of morals, standing erect in the midst of the moral ruin which surrounds her, in order that she may preserve the chastity of the nuptial union from being defiled by this foul stain, raises her voice in token of her divine ambassadorship and through Our mouth proclaims anew: any use whatsoever of matrimony exercised in such a way that the act is deliberately frustrated in its natural power to generate life is an offense against the law of God and of nature, and those who indulge in such are branded with the guilt of a grave sin. [para. 56]
Well, it doesn't get much plainer than that. But notice the context. Either the Anglicans are right, or they are wrong, and if they are right, then they speak for God, and God's Spirit dwells with them, and not with the Roman Church, for whose uninterrupted tradition the pope speaks. The stakes are high — though the terms are bogus.
In the event, the papal commission recommended that the church's stand on birth control be changed — by a fairly large margin. The lay vote was 60 to 4 to change church teaching, amongst the clerics the vote was 9 to 6 in favour of change. A minority report was written, of which a co-author was the then Archbishop of Cracow, Karol Wojtyla (and he was also the author of a great deal of Pope Montini's Humanae Vitae). The pope (Paul VI — Pope Giovanni Battista Enrico Antonio Maria Montini) did not take the advice of his commission, and issued the encyclical Humanae Vitae, in which artificial means of birth control (basically, the pill), and abortion are banned. Had the Holy Spirit spoken? A paragraph from the minority report, published in August Hasler's book, How the Pope became Infallible, and repeated in Mumford's book, tells the tale:
If it should be declared that contraception is not evil in itself, then we should have to concede frankly that the Holy Spirit had been on the side of the Protestant churches in 1930 (when the encyclical Casti Connubii was promulgated [Not entirely accurate or complete. Casti Connubii was issued on the last day of 1930. The Anglican Lambeth Conference and its Resolution 15 — to which the words 'on the side of the Protestant churches' presumably refers — came in August 1930.]), in 1951 (Pius XII's address to the midwives), and in 1958 (the address delivered before the Society of Hematologists in the year the pope died). It should likewise have to be admitted that for a half a century the Spirit failed to protect Pius XI, Pius XII, and a large part of the Catholic hierarchy from a very serious error. This would mean that the leaders of the Church, acting with extreme imprudence, had condemned thousands of innocent human acts, forbidding, under pain of eternal damnation, a practice which would now be sanctioned. The fact can neither be denied nor ignored that these same acts would now be declared licit on the grounds of principles cited by the Protestants, which popes and bishops have either condemned or at least not approved. [quoted in Mumford, op. cit., 126]
Recall that the man who became John Paul II (Pope Karol Wojtyla) was co-author of these words! As I read the paragraph over again I could not help but recall Christopher Hitchens' outrage at the pope's defining Limbo out of existence:
Of course, the consequences for the church may not have been so significant in the case of Limbo, but how do you counter the claim of one infallible pope that the uninterrupted tradition of the church opposes any use of the human sexual faculty which is deliberately closed to the possibility of procreation? Playing with the furniture of the afterlife is one thing, but how do you tell people that what had been denominated a grave sin is not so grave a sin after all? Of course, this will come as a relief to almost all of them, but it will make the pope look like a fool. This is one of the problems with the idea of infallibility, because, though infallibility is limited to those occasions on which the pope is speaking ex cathedra, there is no clear definition as to what constitutes speaking in this particular, infallible way.
According to Mumford — an American expert on fertility and population growth — defending the Catholic supposedly "pro-life" position has now become a make or break proposition for the papal authority and papal power, and the Vatican is prepared to go to practically any lengths to defend it. His book goes into great detail regarding the way that the church is using its power to undermine, not only American interests and security, but also the interests of the world community in a sustainable and secure future. The so-called "Fortnight for Freedom" is only the latest in the Catholic Church's crusade — or is it tirade? — tantrum, perhaps? — against government, law, or any social order that places obstacles in the way of the church's absolute commitment to ensuring that birth control and abortion will be withheld from women in any circumstance whatever, and its new-minted doctrine that human life begins at conception, and that, from the point of conception onward, unborn human tissue should be given all the rights and protections — and especially its right to life — to which every adult human being is entitled.
In pursuit of this, the USCCB (United States Conference of Catholic Bishops) prepared a Pastoral Plan, organising political leverage at every level of American society, using Catholic associations, dioceses, parishes, and even ecumenical relationships with other Christian communities, in order, ultimately, to achieve an amendment to the American Constitution, to be called the Human Life Amendment, which would define human life, with all the rights and privileges appertaining thereto, as beginning at the moment of conception. Stephen Mumford goes into great detail about the outworking of the (then) National Conference of Catholic Bishops' Pastoral Plan, first reproducing the entire plan (pp. 139-152), and then providing lengthy analysis in several chapters, a plan to be carried out without any regard at all for the priorities of the American government and people — priorities temporarily expressed in the National Security Study Memorandum 200 (the NSSM 200 of Mumford's title), and then laid aside, according to Mumford, largely as a result of decisions taken in the Vatican which amounted to a rejection of American democracy.
The point should, I believe, be taken seriously. In a homily preached at a Mass at the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception in D.C. closing the Fortnight for Freedom, the homilist, making the subversive purpose of the protest crystal clear, said this:
Thinking about the relationship of Caesar and God, religious faith and secular authority, is important. It helps us sort through our different duties as Christians and citizens. But on a deeper level, Caesar is a creature of this world, and Christ's message is uncompromising: We should give Caesar nothing of ourselves. Obviously we're in the world. That means we have obligations of charity and justice to the people with whom we share it. Patriotism is a virtue. Love of country is an honorable thing. As Chesterton once said, if we build a wall between ourselves and the world, it makes little difference whether we describe ourselves as locked in or locked out.
But God made us for more than the world. Our real home isn't here. The point of today's Gospel passage is not how we might calculate a fair division of goods between Caesar and God. In reality, it all belongs to God and nothing — at least nothing permanent and important — belongs to Caesar. Why? Because just as the coin bears the stamp of Caesar's image, we bear the stamp of God's image in baptism.We belong to God, and only to God.
Make no mistake about it: this is deliberately subversive of democracy. The use of the title "Caesar" is a particularly eloquent touch in this respect. Its purpose is to put the church (and in particular the pope) first in people's minds. That is where their true loyalty belongs — because, after all, the pope speaks for God. Mumford points out how this works in practice. Governments, according to the Roman Catholic Church, have no right to legislate on matters that oppose the church's moral teachings. It's as simple as that, and Catholics have an obligation to resist any such laws, and obedience to any such law is a crime. If abortion is a moral abomination, as the Catholic Church holds, then a law that would legalise abortion is such that (according to Pope Wojtyła's Evangelium Vitae — The Gospel of Life) "it is never licit to obey it, or to take part in a propaganda campaign in favor of such a law or to vote for it." (Para 73, my italics) This is clearly aimed at Catholic politicians, who have been warned. It also applies to the electorate, who are hereby forbidden to vote for politician who is, to use the lingo, "pro-choice." Moreover, Pope Wojtyła goes much further than this:
By virtue of our sharing Christ's royal mission, our support and promotion of human life must be accomplished through … political commitment. [Para 87]
Ever since Pius IX (Pope Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti), the Roman Catholic Church has never accepted that secular governments can be superior to the Church, and it has never accepted the legitimacy of the separation of church and state. Freedom, for the Roman Catholic Church, is the right to live by a system of laws that reflects the church's moral priorities.
This should be a matter of concern to us, and not only for the reasons that Stephen Mumford gives. Of course, I agree that world population growth is out of control and is causing serious degradation to the environment which would, even without global warming, entail serious, life-threatening issues for coming generations. The fact that the Roman Catholic Church, in defence of its ridiculous claim to papal infallibility, is prepared to risk even more serious erosion of the ability of the biosphere to support human life, not to speak of "[t]he widespread premature death and suffering" (Mumford, 203) that its position on birth control and abortion does in so much of the developing world — though its influence, coupled with support from the American government which it has suborned through its political machinations, on world population summit meetings – is surely basis enough for Mumford's conclusion regarding the papacy:
Our willingness to publicly accept the pope's views and claims of what is right and what is wrong is serving to postpone the inevitable self-destruction of the Papacy. Our leaders should end this unreasonable practice and let self-destruction take its course. [217]
It is long past time that the Vatican be given this message. Indeed, it is time to tell Catholics that it is time for them and the pope to accept that no human being should be given the kind of blind obedience that Catholics give to the pope, and that their judgement on matters of morality cannot be taken seriously because so irrevocably bound to issues of political power. An organisation that controls and excludes voices in the ongoing internal conversation on matters of faith or morals, to the extent and in the manner that is characteristic of the Roman Catholic Church, cannot be taken as making a serious contribution to the ongoingpublic conversation on questions of morals. We know that there are many different voices in the Catholic conversation, because the church has already excluded so many. No one should take seriously the conclusions of the church on moral issues if those voices are not permitted to have their say. The church's supposed commitment to reason requires it, and its claim to speak for Catholics is empty without it.
Two years ago, on the occasion of the pope's visit to Britain, there was a movement to arrest the pope (see here) for crimes against humanity, based on his role in the coverup of the sexual and physical abuse of children. At the time, Geoffrey Robertson, QC, published his book, The Case of the Pope, in which he expressed the opinion that there was probably sufficient evidence on which to base such an action. In that book, Robertson also speaks about a UN conference on population and development that was
hijacked by a church masquerading as a state, preventing consensus being reached on any proposal that might possibly challenge the proposition that the only acceptable human genital contact was that between husband and wife for the purpose of procreation. [102]
This pattern is being repeated again and again, spelling misery for millions. When in a homily sometime in the 90s I spoke of the pope as evil, because he had stood up in one of the most populous countries in Africa and called the use of birth control evil, I was told by some parishioners that speaking ill of the leader of another church was not acceptable to them. I said to them what I repeat now, that it is, indeed, a duty to speak out against someone whose claim to speak infallibly on matters of faith and morals is doing so much obvious harm in the world, and so I did it again, until those who objected got the point, that I would not remain silent while religious fools did and said things that cause harm to people. And that is why I continue to write against religion today, because I believe that religion is a great evil, that its continued prominence in the world is a source of enormous harm to untold millions of people, and that, indeed, compared to the harm and the hideous evil that so many other cruel and senseless despots and tyrants have done or caused to be done, the harm that religions still have the power to do is — or at least could be, if not checked — an even greater evil than anything done by the world's most pathological tyrants and warriors, and it will be done in the name of a god or gods, and in obedience to men who imagine that they speak in the names of their god or gods.
(h/t to the Network for Church Monitoring, and to Stephen Mumford, for making his books available for download on the n4cm website)
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Des manifestations indiennes contre l'amendement de la loi sur la citoyenneté ( ; en ) ont lieu en Inde à partir du  en réaction à l'instauration de l'amendement de 2019 de la loi sur la citoyenneté indienne.

La loi provoque une vive polémique du fait des différences de traitement entre les musulmans et les non-musulmans par le gouvernement indien. Elle devrait en effet permettre aux réfugiés issus d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et du Bangladesh d'obtenir plus facilement la nationalité indienne, les réfugiés musulmans étant en revanche exclus du dispositif.

Les heurts éclatent en particulier dans le nord-est du pays.

Le Premier ministre nationaliste hindou Narendra Modi est accusé par l'opposition de mener une politique hostile envers la population musulmane.

À partir du 23 février, des groupes de nationalistes hindous armés de sabres, de couteaux, ou encore de pistolets ont attaqué les quartiers à majorité musulmane de New Delhi, faisant 53 morts, des centaines de blessés et de mutilés, et incendiant des milliers de maisons. Le rôle de la police dans ces violences a été dénoncé par les organisations de défenses des droits de l'homme. Amnesty International a ainsi relevé dans un rapport « de graves violations des droits de l'homme », le passage à tabac de manifestants musulmans par les policiers, et la participation de ces derniers aux violences aux côtés des nationalistes hindous.

Contexte

Loi sur la Citoyenneté (Amendement) de 2019

La Loi sur la Citoyenneté (Amendement) de 2019 (, CAA) est une loi du Parlement de l'Inde qui modifie la loi sur la citoyenneté de 1955 pour accorder un cheminement plus rapide vers la citoyenneté indienne sous l'hypothèse de persécution religieuse à toute personne appartenant aux minorités spécifiques des hindous, sikhs, bouddhistes, jaïns, parsis et chrétiens d'Afghanistan, du Bangladesh et du Pakistan, qui sont entrés en Inde au plus tard le . Cependant, la loi ne mentionne pas les musulmans et n'offre pas les mêmes avantages d'éligibilité aux immigrants musulmans. La loi vise également à assouplir l'obligation de résidence en Inde pour la citoyenneté par naturalisation de onze ans à cinq ans pour les migrants couverts par la loi. Les bénéficiaires immédiats de la nouvelle loi seront , , , deux bouddhistes et deux parsis.

Registre national des citoyens
Le Registre national des citoyens (, NRC) est un registre de tous les citoyens indiens dont la création est mandatée par la loi sur la citoyenneté de 1955, telle que modifiée en 2003. Il a été mis en œuvre pour l'État d'Assam entre 2013 et 2014. Le gouvernement indien prévoit de le mettre en œuvre pour le reste du pays en 2021.

Après des progrès insatisfaisants sur le processus de mise à jour sur une décennie, la Cour suprême a commencé à diriger et à surveiller le processus en 2013. Le NRC mis à jour pour Assam, publié le , contenait 31 millions de noms sur 33 millions d'habitants, laissant 1,9 million de candidats. Les 1,9 million d'habitants qui ne figuraient pas sur la liste ont perdu leur nationalité et sont menacés d'expulsion. Beaucoup de personnes touchées étaient des hindous bengalis.

La forte proportion d'hindous (environ les deux tiers) parmi les personnes déchues de leur nationalité a été une surprise pour le gouvernement indien. Ce dernier, qui conduit une politique antimusulmane et nationaliste hindou, a réagi en adoptant la loi sur la nationalité visant à permettre aux hindous de retrouver leur nationalité indienne.

La construction de plus d'une dizaine de camps de détentions est en projet pour rassembler les personnes devenues apatrides. Le Bangladesh voisin, d'où les personnes ayant perdu leur nationalité sont censées être originaires, a indiqué qu'il n'accepterait de recevoir ces « migrants » que si la preuve de leur nationalité bangladaise était apportée. En attendant, les exclus  seront placés en détention provisoire. Pourtant, cette preuve semble dans la plupart des cas impossible à fournir, et les détentions pourraient donc être définitives.

Amit Shah a annoncé vouloir étendre l'exercice du Registre national des citoyens à l'ensemble de l'Inde, avec une date butoir pouvant remonter jusqu'au  (date de l'adoption de la Constitution). L'écrivain Raj Kamal Jha, rédacteur en chef de lIndian Express, de sensibilité libérale, témoigne de la montée de l'anxiété en Inde : « Dans plusieurs régions du pays, mes correspondants me décrivent comment d'innombrables familles sont en train de rassembler les preuves de leur droit à vivre en Inde. La peur et l'incertitude sont partout palpables. »

Critiques et réactions
L'Opposition parlementaire a déclaré que le Citizenship Amendment Act porte atteinte à l'identité musulmane en déclarant l'Inde un refuge bienvenu pour toutes les autres communautés religieuses, à l'exception de l'islam, et qu'elle cherche à classer légalement les musulmans comme citoyens de seconde classe en accordant un traitement préférentiel aux autres et viole donc l'article 14 de la Constitution indienne, qui garantit le droit fondamental à l'égalité de tous les citoyens en vertu de la loi.

Les détracteurs de la loi ont déclaré qu'en raison du Registre national des citoyens (, NRC), les musulmans deviendraient apatrides, tandis que la loi sur l'amendement de la citoyenneté pourrait protéger les personnes ayant une identité hindoue, sikh, bouddhiste, jaïne, parsi ou chrétienne comme moyen de leur fournir la citoyenneté indienne si elles ne prouvent pas qu'elles étaient citoyens de l'Inde en vertu des exigences strictes du NRC. Certains critiques affirment qu'il s'agit d'une tentative délibérée de privation des droits et de la ségrégation des musulmans conformément à l'idéologie ethnonationaliste Hindutva du pouvoir Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Le ministre de l'Intérieur Amit Shah avait précédemment fixé un délai pour la mise en place d'un NRC national en déclarant que le registre serait mis en place avant les élections législatives de 2024.

L'adoption de la loi a déclenché des protestations massives en Inde. Des groupes musulmans et laïcs ont protesté, alléguant que la loi équivaut à une discrimination religieuse parrainée par l'État. Un grand nombre de personnes en Assam et dans d'autres États du nord-est ont protesté contre le projet de loi, craignant que les immigrants illégaux non musulmans présents dans les États ne soient autorisés à rester et que le projet de loi puisse enhardir une nouvelle augmentation. l'immigration clandestine, affectant négativement la culture et la société de la région, et potentiellement l'escalade de la violence et des tensions sectaires. Après l'adoption de la loi, les manifestations dans la région sont devenues violentes avec plus de trois mille manifestants arrêtés le , et certains organes de presse ont qualifié ces manifestations de émeutes.

L'adoption de la loi a déclenché une énorme masse. La loi viole directement les articles 5 et 6 de l'accord Assam de 1985. La loi a été critiquée par diverses ONG, associations étudiantes et organisations libérales, progressistes et socialistes à travers le pays, le Congrès national indien et d'autres grands partis politiques annonçant leur ferme opposition. Les États du Madhya Pradesh, du Chhattisgarh, du Bengale occidental, du Pendjab, du Kerala, du Rajasthan et du territoire de l'Union de Pondichéry ont refusé de l'appliquer. Les États du Bengale occidental et du Kerala ont également suspendu toutes les activités liées à la préparation et à la mise à jour du registre national de la population qui est nécessaire pour le recensement ainsi que la mise en œuvre du registre national des citoyens. Bien que certains États se soient opposés à la loi, le ministère de l'Intérieur a précisé que les États n'avaient pas le pouvoir légal d'arrêter la mise en œuvre de la CAA. Le Ministère a déclaré que « la nouvelle législation a été promulguée en vertu de la Liste des syndicats du  de la Constitution ». Les États n'ont pas le pouvoir de la rejeter". La Ligue musulmane de l'Union indienne a également demandé à la Cour suprême de l'Inde d'annuler le projet de loi comme étant illégal et inconstitutionnel.

Des inquiétudes ont également été exprimées concernant l'exclusion de plusieurs pays non musulmans de l'Inde de la loi, tels que le Sri Lanka, à propos desquels Shiv Sena et plusieurs personnalités religieuses se sont querellés au sujet du statut de citoyenneté des hindous de langue tamoule qui ont été autorisés à légalement s'installer dans l'État indien du Tamil Nadu en raison de la discrimination subie auparavant au Sri Lanka, au Népal et au Bhoutan, ce dernier étant accusé de discrimination contre les hindous par le biais d'une société exclusivement bouddhiste. Les réfugiés tibétains en provenance de Chine sont également exclus du projet de loi en dépit d'être une minorité persécutée et de ne pas pouvoir acquérir la nationalité indienne. Le Akal Takht, le siège temporel le plus élevé parmi les Sikhs a appelé à l'inclusion de l'identité musulmane dans la loi.

Les participants

La CAA, même au stade de sa proposition, avait été controversée et avait fait face à de graves protestations de la société civile, de l'intelligentsia, des tenues politiques locales et des étudiants. La résistance initiale a été offerte par le All Assam Students Union (AASU), une organisation étudiante, mieux connue pour l'agitation du Mouvement Assam contre les immigrants illégaux du Bangladesh dans les années 1970 et 1980. L'organisation protestait activement contre la CAA depuis le 4 décembre, alors qu'il s'agissait encore d'un projet de loi. Le 12 décembre, des étudiants d'au moins 50 collèges et universités du pays étaient descendus dans la rue pour protester contre l'adoption de la loi. Cependant, la vague de manifestations étudiantes a fait boule de neige en un mouvement pan-indien à la fin du 15 décembre à la suite de ce qui s'est produit lors d'une manifestation organisée par des étudiants de l'Université Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) de New Delhi.

Organisations étudiantes

Protester

Assam

 Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chatra Parishad

National
 Fédération des étudiants de l'Inde ()
 Chhatra Bharati
 Pinjra Tod
 Étudiants pour la société ()
 Association des étudiants d'Ambedkar ()
 Fédération des étudiants de l'Inde () (affiliée au Parti communiste d'Inde (marxiste))
 Fédération de la jeunesse démocratique de l'Inde () (branche jeunesse du Parti communiste d'Inde (marxiste))
 Union nationale des étudiants de l'Inde () (aile jeunesse du Congrès national indien)
 All India Students Association (aile étudiante du Parti communiste d'Inde (libération marxiste-léniniste))
 All India Democratic Students Organisation

Pro-gouvernement
 Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (aile étudiante du Bharatiya Janata Party)

Partis politiques

opposés à la CAA
 Parti communiste d'Inde (marxiste)
 Parti communiste d'Inde
 Congrès national indien
 Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
 All India Trinamool Congress
 Samajwadi Party
 Rashtriya Lok Dal
 Indian Union Muslim League
 Parti du congrès nationaliste

favorables à la CAA
 Bharatiya Janata Party

Autres organisations
 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
 Vishva Hindu Parishad
 Bajrang Dal
 Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad

Méthodes
Les manifestants ont utilisé diverses méthodes, notamment des manifestations, des grèves de la faim, satyagraha, hartal et le cyberactivisme.

Poèmes et slogans
Les manifestants ont utilisé plusieurs slogans et poèmes pendant les manifestations. Le célèbre Ghazal du parolier et poète ourdou Rahat Indori  (« Cette terre a vu des sacrifices de tous ; Hindoustan n'est la propriété de personne ») résonne tout au long de la manifestation Poèmes révolutionnaires de Pash comme  (« Je suis de l'herbe, je vais me lever partout. »), le poème du parolier et écrivain Varun Grover comme  (« Les dictateurs vont et viennent mais nous ne montrerons pas nos documents »), , Main inkaar karata hoon (« Je refuse ») écrit par le chanteur Aamir Aziz et le poème populaire  Main hindustani musalmaan hoon (« Je suis un musulman indien ») par le poète indien Hussain Haidry a été utilisé pendant la protestation. Avec des poèmes, le célèbre révolutionnaire  (« Liberté ! »). Le slogan des étudiants du JNU a été largement utilisé tout au long de la manifestation dans tout le pays et à l'étranger.

Des slogans, poèmes et chansons utilisés pendant le mouvement d'indépendance indien comme Inquilab Zindabad (« Vive la révolution ! ») du combattant de la liberté indien Hasrat Mohani, , Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna aab haamare aneth mein hai; dekhna hai zor kitna baazu-e-qatil mein hai (« Le désir de révolution est dans notre cœur ; voyons combien de force l'ennemi a ») écrit par Bismil Azimabadi qui a ensuite été popularisé par le martyr Bhagat Singh, Ashfaqulla Khan, Chandrashekhar Azad et Ram Prasad Bismil ont été utilisés comme résistance vocale principale pendant la manifestation. Les manifestants ont utilisé la poésie écrite par des poètes tels que Faiz Ahmed Faiz et Habib Jalib, tous deux considérés comme des symboles de résistance contre les dictatures militaires et l'oppression de l'État au Pakistan. Des poèmes tels que, Ham dekhenge (« Nous verrons ») écrits par Faiz et , Main nahin jaanata, main nahin maanata (« Je ne reconnais pas, je n'accepterai pas ») écrits par Jalib ont inspiré des manifestations à grande échelle sous forme de bannières et de récitations.  Saare jahaan se achchha Hindustaan hamaara" (« Mieux que le monde entier est notre Hindoustan ») du poète ourdou Mohamed Iqbal a été récité lors des manifestations.

Outre la littérature hindi et ourdou, des poèmes et des slogans anglais sont également utilisés pour protester. Parmi eux, un tel monologue dramatique par un professeur nommé Ajmal Khan,  (Notez-le ! Je suis indien / Ceci est ma terre, si je suis né ici, je mourrai ici / Là, écrivez-le ! Clairement en gras et majuscules, au sommet de votre NRC, que je suis indien ! »), improvisé à partir de la chanson  de Mahmoud Darwich, interroge la laïcité de la loi et le gouvernement. Le poème a fortement exhorté à ne pas remettre en question l'identité et le patriotisme des musulmans indiens, des tribus, des pauvres, des paysans sans terre, des Dalits et remet en question les actions du BJP dans le pays. Des pancartes en anglais comme  (« Modi-Shah, tu m'as donné la dépression »),  (« Soulevez-vous contre le fascisme »),  (« Ne soyez pas mort à l'intérieur pour la démocratie »),  (« À bas le fascisme »),  (« Je vous montrerai mes documents, si vous montrez votre diplôme ») ont été utilisés contre le CAA-NRC et le gouvernement.

Art
Divers artistes ont créé des bandes dessinées, des illustrations et des affiches contre la CAA et le NRC Plusieurs caricaturistes politiques ont créé des pièces couvrant les manifestations.

Un groupe de militants de Chennai a dessiné des kolams – motifs géométriques dessinés au sol avec de la farine de riz ou de la craie – critiquant la CAA et le NRC.
Cette nouvelle protestation a ensuite été officiellement soutenue par le parti d'opposition DMK À la suite des manifestations de kolam au Tamil Nadu, des manifestants anti-CAA du Bengale occidental ont également commencé à dessiner des kolams, appelés alpana ou rangoli au Bengale.

Répression
Selon Le Monde, « Tout au long des manifestations, le gouvernement n'avait jamais cherché à calmer le jeu, attisant au contraire les tensions en jouant une stratégie du pourrissement et de la provocation permanente. »

Affrontements à Delhi en février
A partir du 23 février, des militants du parti d'extrême droite Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ont mené de violentes actions de représailles contre des manifestants et des musulmans. Sur les réseaux sociaux, des actes de torture, des incendies, et divers agressions ont été filmés. Certaines vidéos témoignent d'une complicité de la police. Sur l'une d'elles, postée le 25 février, dans laquelle des musulmans blessés sont allongés au sol, des policiers les moquent et rient, leur donnant des coups de bâtons et leur demandant de chanter l'hymne national. Dans une autre vidéo, montrant des membres du RSS incendier le soir du 25 février un marché, au nord de la ville, les agents de police présents sur les lieux restent impassibles. Sur d'autres images, des policiers détruisent eux-mêmes des caméras de surveillance. Ces affrontements ont fait, entre le 23 et le 28 février, 42 morts et plus de 200 blessés.

Répression des universités

Université Jamia Millia Islamia
Le , les étudiants de l'Université Jamia Millia Islamia ont entamé une marche vers le Parlement pour protester contre la CAA. Ils ont été empêchés d'aller de l'avant par la police qui a utilisé des matraques et des gaz lacrymogènes pour disperser les manifestants, ce qui a provoqué des affrontements avec eux. Cinquante étudiants ont été arrêtés par la police après les affrontements. Selon les étudiants, la police a attaqué les manifestants pacifiques avec des pierres et des bâtons, au cours desquels plusieurs étudiants ont été blessés. Les étudiants ont ensuite riposté avec les pierres et des affrontements ont suivi. La police a nié les allégations affirmant qu'après que les manifestants eurent été empêchés de poursuivre leur marche, ils avaient d'abord attaqué les policiers avec des pierres. La police a ensuite utilisé du gaz lacrymogène pour les disperser.

Le matin du , plus de deux mille étudiants de Jamia se sont joints aux manifestations contre la CAA à Delhi. Jamia Millia Student Body et Jamia Millia Islamia Teacher's Association (JTA) ont condamné la violence qui s'est produite le même jour à Delhi et a déclaré qu'aucun élève ou enseignant n'était impliqué dans la violence.

À 18h46 heure locale (14h16 HNEC) le , des centaines de policiers sont entrés de force dans le campus de Jamia, sans l'autorisation des autorités du collège. La police a utilisé des matraques et des gaz lacrymogènes sur les étudiants. Près d'une centaine d'étudiants ont été arrêtés par la police de Delhi et libérés à 3h30 heure locale le  (23h00 HNEC le ). Les images des étudiants traînés et agressés par la police ont été diffusées par les chaînes d'information. Des étudiants de tout Delhi se sont joints à l'agitation. Deux cents personnes ont été blessées et ont été admis à l'AIIMS (All India Institute of Medical Sciences) et au Holy Family Hospital (Hôpital de la Sainte Famille).

L'université a été fermée jusqu'au  et les résidents ont été invités à quitter le campus.

Réponse
La violence policière a été fortement critiquée par le cinéaste Anurag Kashyap, l'acteur John Cusack et Rajkummar Rao ont condamné la violence policière, Cusack la référant au fascisme et Kashyap appelant le gouvernement à être "clairement fasciste". L'actrice Swara Bhaskar a salué les manifestants des étudiants pour avoir élevé leur voix contre le communalisme et a qualifié l'action policière de dictatoriale, brutale, choquante et honteuse. Elle a également demandé si ce sont les policiers et non les manifestants qui ont saccagé les biens à Delhi et à Aligarh.

Amnesty International India a critiqué la police pour la violence contre les étudiants de Jamia et de l'Université d'Aligarh et a déclaré que les allégations de violences policières et de harcèlement sexuel contre les étudiants devraient faire l'objet d'une enquête et que les coupables devraient être punis. Défendant le droit des étudiants de manifester, son directeur a déclaré que l'arrestation des manifestants violait les obligations de l'Inde en vertu des articles 19 et 21 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), de respecter et de protéger le droit à la liberté d'expression et de réunion pacifique.

Université Jawaharlal Nehru

Le , à  heure locale, une foule masquée composée de plus de cinquante personnes armés de tiges et de bâtons ont attaqué le campus de l'université Jawaharlal Nehru, New Delhi et a blessé plus de quarante-deux étudiants et enseignants. Une trentaine d'élèves membres des groupes de gauche ont été blessés ainsi que 12 enseignants. Les élèves ont quitté accusé les membres de la branche étudiante du BJP, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad d'orchestrer les attaques, alors que ABVP a accusé la « gauche ». Des professeurs qui ont tenté d'intervenir et de sauver les étudiants ont également été attaqués. Les policiers à l'intérieur du campus n'auraient rien fait pour arrêter la foule.

Des étudiants de Mumbai ont lancé tard dans la nuit une manifestation appelée  pour protester contre l'agression. En réaction à l'agression, des manifestations ont eu lieu dans tout le pays et dans plusieurs villes.

Université Nadwa
Le , environ  de  (université Nadwa) de Lucknow avaient prévu une marche pacifique de manifestation contre la CAA et en solidarité avec les étudiants de l'AMU. La police a empêché les étudiants de tenir la marche et les a forcés à retourner dans les locaux du campus. La police a verrouillé les portes du campus de l'extérieur et l'a gardé avec un déploiement intensif de policiers pour empêcher les étudiants de sortir du campus et d'entreprendre la marche prévue. Un affrontement entre la police et les étudiants enfermés à l'intérieur du campus s'est ensuivi et a impliqué écorchage de pierre des deux côtés. Les policiers ont été vus frapper les étudiants avec des bâtons, comme dans la séquence vidéo de l'incident diffusée sur les chaînes d'information.

Environ 15 à 20 étudiants ont été blessés. 30 étudiants ont été inculpés par la police pour tentative de meurtre, d'émeute, etc. La police a accusé les étudiants de bloquer la route et de se livrer à des violences en lançant des pierres. Alors que les étudiants ont affirmé que la police avait attaqué les étudiants non armés qui organisaient une manifestation pacifique. L'élève a déclaré qu'il n'avait été impliqué dans aucune violence et qu'il n'avait bloqué aucune route et pourtant, il avait été inculpé de matraques. Après l'incident, le collège a été fermé jusqu'au  et les étudiants ont été invités à quitter le campus.

Université musulmane d'Aligarh
Le , des manifestations contre la CAA ont eu lieu à l'extérieur du campus de l'Université musulmane d'Aligarh. Le soir du , des policiers sont entrés de force dans le campus de l'Université et ont agressé les étudiants. Au moins 60 étudiants ont été blessés, dont le président de l'Union des étudiants. L'accès à Internet était restreint dans la région par l'administration du district. L'université a été fermée du  au . Un rapport de trois militants-avocats a allégué que la police avait eu recours à des «obus de déception», tirant des explosifs camouflés en obus lacrymogènes lors de la répression. Dans la soirée du , la police a libéré 26 personnes (dont 8 étudiants) sous caution personnelle. Ils avaient été arrêtés pour violence.

Le , l'équipe d'enquête de Union populaire pour les droits démocratiques (People's Union for Democratic Rights) composée d'activistes Yogendra Yadav, Harsh Mander et Kavita Krishnan a publié un rapport sur la répression policière à Aligarh Université musulmane. Le rapport alléguait que la police avait qualifié les étudiants de terroristes et avait utilisé des slogans religieux tels que Jai Shri Ram (Victoire à Lord Rama). Le rapport a également accusé la police d'avoir violé les protocoles du campus. Il a ajouté qu'aucune blessure par balle n'a été signalée. Le rapport a été préparé après avoir visité le campus, sur la base des clips vidéo et audio de l'incident, des déclarations des étudiants blessés et des témoins.

Conséquences
Alors que la manifestation est devenue violente, les autorités de l'Université de Gauhati, de l'Université de Dibrugarh et de l'Université de Coton ont reporté tous les examens semestriels prévus jusqu'au . Le sommet Inde-Japon à Guwahati, auquel devait participer le Premier ministre japonais Shinzō Abe, a été annulé. Le Canada, la France, Israël, les États-Unis et le Royaume-Uni ont émis des avis de voyage pour les ressortissants se rendant dans le nord-est de l'Inde.

Transport
Plusieurs trains et au moins 700 vols ont été retardés et plus de 20 annulés à la suite de la manifestation. Il a été signalé que les Indian Railways ont subi des dommages matériels d'une valeur de 85 crore en raison des manifestations.

Le , la Kerala State Road Transport Corporation a suspendu tous les services de bus vers Mangalore, tandis que de nombreux bus de la Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation ont été bloqués au Kerala.

Communication
Le gouvernement a imposé coupures Internet dans les États de Assam et Tripura, cinq districts du Bengale occidental, Bhopal, Dakshina Kannada et des parties de Delhi.
L'internet mobile et les services SMS ont été suspendus à plusieurs endroits dans Uttar Pradesh tels que Lucknow, Ghaziabad, Bareli, Meerut et Prayagraj.

Réactions

Retour des prix et distinctions
 Mujtaba Hussain a décidé de rendre son Padma Shri et a affirmé que la démocratie indienne était devenue « une plaisanterie ».
 Film malayalam intitulé Sudani du Nigeria, les équipes ont décidé de boycotter la fonction de remise des prix nationaux contre NRC, manifestation de la CAA qui a remporté le prix national du meilleur film malayalam au  National Film Awards.
 Shirin Dalvi a décidé de retourner Maharashtra Rajya Sahitya Akademi Award.
 Yaqoob Yawar a annoncé qu'il rendrait le Uttar Pradesh State Urdu Academy Award pour la traduction.
 Supriyo Sen a décidé de ne pas assister à la cérémonie de remise du National Film Awards.
 Vasanth Bannadi a décidé de retourner Nataka Academy Award qu'il a reçu de Karnataka Nataka Academy.

Autres pays et organisations

Pays individuels
 : Le ministre des Affaires étrangères du Bangladesh AK Abdul Momen a déclaré que le projet de loi sur la citoyenneté (amendement) pourrait affaiblir le caractère historique de l'Inde en tant que nation laïque et a rejeté les allégations selon lesquelles les minorités sont confrontées à des persécutions religieuses en son pays.

 : Le Quotidien du Peuple, un journal officiel du Comité central du Parti communiste chinois, a justifié les restrictions d'Internet en citant les fermetures d'Internet en Inde. Le journal a déclaré que l'Inde n'avait pas hésité à fermer Internet dans ses deux États lorsqu'il y avait une menace importante pour sa sécurité nationale ; selon un article dans The Times of India, les militants ont décrit la justification comme créant un dangereux précédent pour la liberté d'Internet.

 : La Commission des États-Unis sur la liberté religieuse internationale (USCIRF) a exprimé sa préoccupation concernant la loi et envisagé de recommander des sanctions contre le ministre de l'Intérieur Amit Shah et d'autres hauts dirigeants.

 : Dans une déclaration lors de la session de Assemblée nationale au Koweït, un groupe de législateurs a exprimé sa préoccupation concernant la situation actuelle en Inde.

 : Le Premier ministre malaisien Mahathir Mohamad a déclaré :

 : Le Premier ministre du Pakistan Imran Khan a déclaré que .

Organisations internationales
 : Michelle Bachelet, chef du Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l'homme, a déclaré :  et sape l'engagement de l'Inde envers le droit international et la Constitution de l'Inde

Organisation de la coopération islamique: L'OCI a déclaré dimanche qu'elle suivait « de près » les récents évènements « affectant » les musulmans en Inde, alors qu'elle exprimait ses préoccupations au sujet de la loi d'amendement sur la citoyenneté et du verdict dans l'affaire Ayodhya.

 : Le nouvel ambassadeur de l'Union européenne en Inde Ugo Astuto a déclaré :

Manifestations pro-CAA

Des rassemblements et des manifestations en faveur du projet de loi d'amendement sur la citoyenneté ont eu lieu à New Delhi, Bombay, Nagpur, Bangalore, Dehradun, etc. Des manifestations contre la CAA ont été condamnées lors de ces rassemblements.

Inde

Assam
Un rassemblement massif a été organisé par le BJP pour soutenir le Citizenship Amendment Act à Morigaon. le , auquel ont participé plus de , y compris des travailleurs du BJP. De nombreux législateurs de l'État ont également participé au rassemblement. Il était dirigé par le ministre en chef de l'Assam Sarbananda Sonowal et le ministre des Finances de l'État Himanta Biswa Sarma. Le rallye de  qui a commencé à partir de la cour de récréation du collège Jagiroad s'est terminé au terrain de jeu de l'école primaire de Kahikuchi. Asom Gana Parishad et les leaders du Front populaire du Bodoland ont également pris part au rassemblement.

Bangalore
Un rassemblement s'est tenu à Bangalore intitulé «L'Inde soutient la CAA» (India Supports CAA) le .

Pune
La chaîne humaine pour soutenir la CAA a été formée en Pune. Des étudiants de Fergusson College, Université Savitribai Phule de Pune et d'autres instituts ont pris part aux manifestations.

Delhi
Dans la capitale indienne, plus de  ont publié une déclaration à l'appui de la CAA. Les signataires comprenaient Swapan Dasgupta, Shishir Bajoria, journaliste Kanchan Gupta et JNU faculté et administration, y compris le professeur Amin ul-Hasanat, Le doyen des étudiants JNU Umesh Ashok Kadam et le registraire JNU Pramod Kumar. Le syndicat des étudiants de l'université de Delhi a également soutenu la CAA qui a été condamnée par d'autres syndicats étudiants.

Gujarat
Au Gujarat, des étudiants de l'université Maharaja Sayajirao de Baroda et  ont organisé un rassemblement pour soutenir la CAA les 18 et . Le , une grande réunion a été organisée à Ashram de Sabarmati, Ahmedabad, à laquelle ont assisté des milliers de personnes. Le ministre en chef du Gujarat, Vijay Rupani, était présent lors de l'événement et a déclaré que le Gujarat mettra définitivement en œuvre le CAA. Il a également dit que les musulmans ont  à parcourir alors que les hindous n'en ont qu'un.

Nitinbhai Patel, vice-ministre en chef du Gujarat, a dirigé le rassemblement à Mehsana. Jitu Vaghani, président de l'État du BJP, a participé au rassemblement organisé à Vadodara. Un rassemblement similaire a été organisé à Godhra. Les dirigeants et ministres du BJP ont pris part aux différents rassemblements organisés dans les  du Gujarat.

Calcutta
Le , les médecins de Calcutta ont organisé un rassemblement en soutien à la CAA. Un rassemblement à Calcutta a été dirigé par le président national du BJP, Jagat Prakash Nadda, auquel ont participé des réfugiés indiens du Pakistan et du Bangladesh.

Autres pays

États-Unis
Les Indo-Américains ont organisé un rassemblement pro-CAA devant le consulat indien de Houston le . Ils ont également organisé un autre rassemblement à Parc Victor Steinbrueck, Seattle et Capitole de l'État du Texas, Austin le .

Le , les rassemblements ont également eu lieu à Parc Ted Kaltenbach, Dublin, Ohio et à Parc Nash Square, Raleigh. Dans cette manifestation, les habitants portaient des pancartes sur lesquelles « les NRI soutiennent la CAA » et « Arrêtez la violence, arrêtez la haine et l'Inde est un État laïque ».

Sondage d'opinion
À la mi-décembre, une enquête ABP-CVoter Survey On Citizenship Act, menée auprès de plus de  du 17 au  auprès d'un échantillon de plus de cinq cents personnes chacune en Assam, dans le nord-est et dans la communauté musulmane de l'Inde, a révélé que 62 % des Indiens soutiennent CAA, avec 65 % des répondants souhaitent que le CNRC soit mis en œuvre à travers le pays. Parmi les musulmans interrogés, 63 % étaient contre la loi, 35 % l'ont appuyée et 1 % ont déclaré qu'ils ne savaient pas ou ne pouvaient pas commenter. Alors que parmi les hindous, 67 % soutenaient la loi et 32 % s'y opposaient.

L'angoisse économique est citée comme l'une des raisons expliquant le soutien d'une majorité Assamais au NRC : « nous avons deux millions de paysans sans terre et un taux de chômage de 15 %. Les gens sont pris dans une lutte pour survivre ».

Attitude des médias
D'après la journaliste Teesta Setalvad, du mouvement Citizen for Justice and Peace, « une grande partie de la télévision indienne est entrée dans une surenchère islamophobe avec l'arrivée de Narendra Modi au pouvoir ». Certaines grandes chaines de télévision, comme Republic TV et ZeeNews, appartiennent à des proches du Premier ministre, et d'autres diffusent des contenus islamophobes et sensationnalistes afin d'augmenter leurs audiences.

Le rapport The Wages of Hate, paru en septembre 2020, montre comment une partie des médias indiens ont relayé la propagande gouvernemental et nationaliste hindoue décrivant les manifestations comme séditieuses. « Le désir de caractériser les manifestants comme des dissidents dans le cadre d'une "conspiration" visant à « diffamer la nation » est évident dans plusieurs reportages […] Ainsi en est-il du cas d'Ardra Narayan, arrêtée devant la mairie de Bangalore pour avoir prétendument crié « Vive le Pakistan ». L'accusation venait de membres de groupes d'extrême droite et ne s'appuyait sur aucune preuve. Pourtant, les journalistes et les présentateurs ont choisi d'en parler comme un fait incontestable. »

Analyses
Selon Yashwant Sinha, ancien administrateur, Ministre des finances et Ministre des affaires extérieures sous les Premiers ministres Chandra Shekhar et Atal Bihari Vajpayee respectivement, les troubles observés sont également dus à la crise économique que traverse le pays où la question du CAA-NRC a déclenché cette crise. L'économie indienne a connu une baisse du taux de croissance, une augmentation de l'endettement des ménages, de l'inflation et des inégalités économiques. Raghuram Rajan, économiste indien et  de la Banque de réserve de l'Inde, l'attribue à une « centralisation extrême du pouvoir » sous le Premier ministre Narendra Modi.

Les données Oxfam Inde indiquent que le 1 % le plus riche de la population sur la richesse du pays est passé de 58% à 73 % entre 2018-2019, tandis que la richesse des 50 % les plus pauvres a augmenté de 1 %. Selon Nisha Agarwal, PDG d'Oxfam Inde, « le boom du milliardaire n'est pas le signe d'une économie florissante mais le symptôme d'un système économique défaillant ».

Les manifestants ont protesté contre la détresse économique et exprimé leur soutien aux syndicats s'opposant aux « politiques anti-travail » du gouvernement. Les agriculteurs et les syndicats ont manifesté contre les politiques économiques du gouvernement et ont également demandé le retrait de la CAA et du processus NRC-NPR associé. Divers partis d'opposition soutenant les manifestations ont annoncé qu'ils évoqueraient la crise économique comme un problème de protestation aux côtés de la CAA et du NRC. Plusieurs dirigeants de l'opposition et des manifestants ont déclaré que la question de la CAA et du NRC avait été amenée à détourner le discours politique de la situation économique du pays.

Controverses

Expulsion d'étudiants allemands
Le lundi , Jakob Lindenthal, un étudiant allemand de Université technique de Dresde dans le cadre d'un programme d'échange à l'IIT-Madras, a été invité par le Bureau de l'immigration à Chennai à quitter le pays en raison d'une violation de la réglementation sur les visas. En réponse à son expulsion, ChintaBAR, un groupe étudiant de gauche à l'institut, a exprimé sa solidarité avec Lindenthal.

Expulsion d'une touriste norvégienne
Le , Janne-Mette Johansson, une touriste norvégienne, s'est vu ordonner de quitter l'Inde alors même que, quelques jours plus tôt, la police indienne lui avait donné « l'assurance orale » qu'elle pouvait se joindre aux manifestations pacifiques contre cette législation controversée à Cochin. Selon un responsable de l'immigration indienne interrogé par l'agence Press Trust of India, Janne-Mette Johansson « a enfreint les règles des visas ».

Manifestations illégales à Singapour
La police de Singapour le  enquête sur un ressortissant indien de  pour avoir participé à « une assemblée publique sans permis de police » dans le quartier financier et touristique du bord de mer de Marina Bay pour protester contre la loi sur la citoyenneté.

Campagne d'appels téléphoniques par les dirigeants du BJP
Plusieurs dirigeants du BJP, dont le ministre de l'Intérieur Amit Shah, avaient rendu public un numéro de téléphone, demandant aux gens d'appeler le numéro pour exprimer leur soutien à la CAA. De nombreux témoignages sur les réseaux sociaux, faisant semblant d'être des femmes seules et ennuyées, ont été vus partageant le même numéro et demandant aux gens d'appeler, avec l'intention d'augmenter le nombre de partisans de la CAA. Le numéro a également été partagé, offrant un abonnement de six mois au site de streaming Netflix gratuitement. Netflix a qualifié l'offre de fausse.

Vidéo fallacieuse
Des vidéos de «Naga Sadhu» célébrant à Kumbh Mela à Prayagraj en  ont été partagées et devenues virales sur les réseaux sociaux, affirmant à tort qu'il s'agissait d'une vidéo d'hindous participant au rassemblement soutenant la CAA.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Violence contre les musulmans indiens
 Conflits intercommunautaires en Inde
 Religion en Inde
 Grève générale indienne de 2020
 Manifestations des agriculteurs indiens de 2020-2021

Liens externes
 The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019.. Amendement de la loi sur la citoyenneté en Inde 2019, sur Parlement de l'Inde avec La Gazette de l'Inde. (2019) (en anglais)

Manifestation en 2019
Manifestation en Inde
2019 en Inde
Islam en Inde
Nationalité
Manifestation en 2020
2020 en Inde
2019 en politique
2020 en politique

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text:
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"Iron sharpens iron, and one man sharpens another." Most of us who have spent time in church have heard this verse from Proverbs 27:17, but there is certainly a point to be made here. Men, we were never meant to go through life alone. God has designed both the home and his church to be led by men; men who serve their families and the church. Men who lead not by domineering, but by nurturing and serving. Athena Baptist Church has two different types of ministries for men, connecting and teaching ministries.
We have two groups that focus on building relationships. There is no agenda in these meetings, it is a time for the guys to get together and enjoy some time with one another. There is a Coffee group that meets at 6:00am on Wednesday mornings. Men of all ages come to this group. Come have a cup of coffee and see where the conversation goes. There is a breakfast group that meets at the Long Branch in Weston on Friday mornings, also at 6:00am. The men's breakfast is attended primarily by older men. Anyone is welcome at either group; try them out and feel free to pick the group that suits you the best.
Scripture is clear that those who would lead the church are to be well taught regarding the Word of God. To this end we have our Sunday morning men's study. We read an agreed upon section of a systematic theology and then come ready to discuss. This group meets on Sunday mornings from 6:30am until 8, and of course, we will have coffee ready for you. If you aspire to be in leadership at Athena Baptist Church someday, this group is one you should attend.


There's no longer a waiting list or a backlog for Tesla's Model S CHAdeMO adapter.
If you click this link, you can order the adapter right now.
It's only $450, unless your Model S requires what Tesla refers to as "Fast Charging Onboard Hardware Activation" (Supercharger enabled, we think) If that's required, then the price jumps to $1,900.
The $450 entry fee provides you access to nearly 1,000 CHAdeMO stations in the U.S.


Germany guide: all the essential info, travel planner, maps and more!
Discover the Big Apple: essential info, travel planner, maps and more!
Explore the beauty of Taiwan: Taipei, National Parks, Kaohsiung and more!
Explore Poland: Kraków, Warsaw and more!
Plan a perfect trip to Zürich or Geneva!
Florida Guide: maps, info, what to see / eat and do!
What to See, Do and Eat! Explore Sydney, Melbourne, Perth, Brisbane and more!
Travel companion for London: info, tips, maps and more!
Discover Croatia: all the essential info, travel planner, maps and more!
Discover China: all the essential info, travel planner, suggestions and more!
Discover Vietnam: all the essential info, travel planner, suggestions and more!
Discover Portugal: all the essential info, travel planner, suggestions and more!
Discover Mexico: all the essential info, travel planner, suggestions and more!
Discover India: all the essential info, travel planner, maps and more!
Russia Tourist Guide 2018. Explore Moscow, St. Petersburg and more!
Plan a perfect trip to beautiful Montenegro! Essential travel info offline.
Explore Tallinn, Lahemaa National Park, Tartu, Pärnu and more!
Plan a perfect trip to Prague or Karlovy Vary!


text:
What It Takes To Build An Enduring Brand: Insights from Casper, Allbirds and Red Antler
Katie Belding
Many founders struggle with prioritizing building their brand with dozens of other concerns on their plate. You've built a strong product — but that will only get you so far. What keeps customers coming back is a strong consumer brand. It's hard to build that in the early days because it's tough to tell what will resonate with consumers. And it's tough to define and consistently present your brand with a strong, authentic voice.
That's why we recently hosted a branding fireside chat moderated by Emily Heyward, co-founder of startup branding agency Red Antler in conversation with Philip Krim, the co-founder and CEO of Casper and Tim Brown, the co-founder and CEO of Allbirds.
Over the course of the conversation, the three shared insights they've learned over the course of building these brands. Here are the highlights.
Your Brand is More Than Just a Logo
When many entrepreneurs initially think about their brand, it's in the context of needing a name and a logo to market their product. But as our panelists noted, your brand goes a lot farther than that.
"The brand is not always just a physical output. It's not just a poster or a piece of packaging," said Brown. "It can be the way that someone greets you in a store or it could be just the tone of something as well which has to touch every part of the organization. It can't just be three guys behind Apple Mac laptops designing pretty pictures. It has to run much, much deeper than that, and that thing therefore has to touch every part of the organization so it's a complex piece to manage."
"You've got so many competing priorities and you think that you sort of checked the box on brand and you can go about your business," said Heyward. "'Great, we've got our logo now let's get back to the real stuff.' I think when you look at these companies that have really transformed the categories that they're in, and the companies that everybody aspires to be like, the common denominator is executing flawlessly and not having those missteps, and that's really hard to do. There needs to be a commitment to investing in that not just from a monetary perspective but from a team perspective, from a time perspective and from prioritizing that at a leadership level. You know I think people want the magic without putting in the work."
What's in a Compelling Brand Name? Risk
Your brand name becomes your brand's calling card. Seeing your brand name and logo is often the first experience a customer has with you. This makes finding the right name critical. So how do you start the naming process? Our panelists shared their experiences.
"We had a short list of names, it was the first thing we had to define," said Brown. "We had a product that we loved. We had a strategy for entering a market that we loved. We didn't have a name. So we got down to a shortlist of four and one that we were gravitating around — and we ended up choosing — was Allbirds, and not everyone liked it. My wife hated it. But we chose this name.'"
For Brown, the somewhat edgy, unusual name has become core to the Allbirds vision. "The Allbirds name provoked different reactions in different people, but it provoked reaction, and I'm so glad that we went with something that was a little kind of weird," he said. Because I think that laid the foundation for our larger vision."
Krim also found that taking a calculated risk with the naming process paid off.
"It was great that we worked with Red Antler and had a process," he said. "Because it is something that we had never been through before and as emotional as it is you just have to kind of commit to the process. I think a lot of the same things. We took a risk. Everyone was like Casper the ghost — what does that mean? Aren't you worried that? And it was similar like it always provoked reaction and that was something that we liked.
Brand definition is one of the biggest initial challenges faced by entrepreneurs. Heyward noted that it takes a willingness to be OK with not everyone getting or liking the name.
"I think naming is one of the things that founders struggle with the most," said Heyward. "I know I get tons of questions from people needing advice around naming. The one thing I always say is don't shop it around. It's like if you're naming a kid everyone's got an opinion, everyone has an association. You just have to move forward."
Build the Brand From Day One
When many young companies are starting out, there's a significant focus on the product. And while that focus is important, without a strong brand behind it, it's difficult for the brand to really take off. Often, the brand becomes an afterthought, something the company feels they can't afford to do early on. But our panelists concur that it's one of the most valuable investments to initially make.
"You have to do it from the beginning," said Brown. The thing is you can't afford not to. We certainly couldn't. But, you get what you pay for. It's like anything else. This is something you can't take shortcuts on. You've got to go find the best — and I would put Red Antler out there as the best. You have to do that from the beginning and lean into it with everything that you have knowing that it's pretty important."
For Casper, branding was one of their first significant investments, even before their funding. Why? Because Krim was disrupting the $16 billion mattress industry and understood the importance of building a new, modern brand that consumers would love and not just focusing on creating a better product.
"The brand has to be one of the first things you think about — and one of the things you always think about — because don't get a second chance to have that customer love you, and have the brand love, and tell her friends and family about it," said Krim. "You really have to commit early to making sure you're going to deliver a perfect experience, an incredible product, and then from there you can build on that."
Your Brand is Never Finished
Let's say your logo and brand identity is finished. Your messaging is defined. So now all your branding activities are done and you can move on to other things, right? Not so, according to our panelists. A vibrant brand is something you work on every day, with every customer interaction.
"On the one hand I think you need to deeply understand the DNA of what you're about," said Brown. "When you think about Casper, you think about sleep. I think there's something really powerful about that idea and the consistency of that idea. Then on the other hand, I think it's constantly changing, and the great brands need to continually reinvent themselves. Nike stands for the athlete and then the storytelling and the product and everything is moving so fast, if you look away for a second it's gone. I think that tension between those two competing ideas is really what you have to nail. I think you need to sign up for the fact that this thing is never finished."
Krim agreed and went on to share how brand becomes a touchstone for every aspect of the organization's activities.
"Brand can't be siloed," said Krim. "You can't say 'oh that's the brand department, they're going to think about it.' For us, everyone thinks about brand. And everyone thinks about 'What are the impacts to the brand based on what we're doing?' Even when it comes to customer service and supply chain. Lack of consistency on delivery impacts your experience, impacts your brand. So, for us, we're always talking about how everyone needs to think about the brand.
This article was originally published on Thrive Global's Medium page.


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Isaac Bruce, Torry Holt among 25 semi-finalists for 2019 NFL Hall of Fame class
The two wideouts from the GSOT are among the semifinalists for the Hall yet again.
By 3k@3k_ Nov 21, 2018, 4:07pm CST
Share All sharing options for: Isaac Bruce, Torry Holt among 25 semi-finalists for 2019 NFL Hall of Fame class
Thanksgiving. Flag Day. Isaac Bruce and Torry Holt being named semifinalists for the NFL Hall of Fame. There are certain parts of the year you just always look forward to.
Yes again for the sixth year in a row, the two former Rams greats have been named as semifinalists for the Hall.
Back in September, the two were among nine former Rams in the original 102 nominees for the 2019 class. The other seven didn't make the 25-man semifinalist list leaving just Bruce and Holt as the only former Rams unlike last year when Bruce, Holt and DE Leslie O'Neal formed a trio of former Rams among the semifinalists.
Of the 25 semifinalists, 20 are repeaters. The other five include three players who are eligible for the first time (CB Champ Bailey, TE Tony Gonzalez and S Ed Reed) and two who were nominated before but not as semifinalists (LB Zach Thomas and coach Tom Flores). I mention those only to note there are no new wide receivers to add to the backlog that would stand in Bruce's or Holt's way. The only other wide receiver in the semifinalist list along with the two Rams is former Pittsburgh Steelers great WR Hines Ward.
On January 3 ahead of the playoffs, the committee will whittle the 25-man semifinalist list down to 15 finalists plus the three special nominees. The final vote will come February 2 on the eve of Super Bowl LIII.
Here's hoping the committee does the right thing and puts the final members of the Greatest Show on Turf in the hall to join QB Kurt Warner, RB Marshall Faulk, LT Orlando Pace and S Aeneas Williams.


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Yikes! Mom-in-law tries to poison bride at her own wedding
A young bride nearly had her special day ruined by her mother-in-law aka 'monster-in-law' who allegedly tried to poison the bride at her wedding!
by Marilynn Manuel
Thousands of internet users have been left absolutely shocked after hearing how an evil mother-in-law attempted to sabotage a bride on her special day. In a shocking TikTok post, a young wedding coordinator reveals how the woman planned on poisoning the bride but was luckily stopped in her tracks.
The lucky bride and the mother-in-law from hell
Mother-in-law's with ill intentions have been around for ages. Many women have been subjected to the worst treatment from their partner's mother who more often than not, has an unhealthy attachment to her son that he nurtured for a little too long.
In fact, according to Psychology Today, one in four daughters-in-law (DIL) despise their mother-in-law (MIL), finding her "controlling."
A young bride nearly had her wedding day ruined by her mother-in-law who tried to intentionally feed the bride something that she knew the young woman was allergic to.
Taking to TikTok, a wedding planner named Callie (@_cal_cifer), shared how she became suspicious after the MIL in question went out of her way to have a special batch of cupcakes made for the wedding.
Her suspicions were proven valid when the groom had to quickly stopped his new bride who is allergic to coconut from munching down on a cupcake sprinkled with coconut that was handed to her by her mother-in-law who insisted she eats it.
ALSO READ: Yikes! Bridesmaid sues bride R10 300 after getting kicked out of wedding
"So at a wedding I worked, the future mother-in-law tried to give a cupcake covered in coconut to the bride who was severely, deathly allergic to coconut."
According to Callie, the groom was not at all happy with his mother and wasted no time telling his mom where to get off. He allegedly started yelling about how terrible and unsupportive she has been throughout their relationship.
"You are a terrible person, you have never been supportive of this relationship, this is a new low even for you, you could have sent her to the hospital, she literally could have gone into anaphylactic shock, he literally just keeps going until the mother interrupts him to say that 'accidents happen every year'."
The groom obviously had no words left for his mother and asked her to leave, which she did…but not after lingering a bit.
Callie's clip has since gone viral reaching nearly 1 million views and hundreds of thousands of comments from people who shared how shocked they were at this mother-in-law from hell.
ALSO READ: Didn't RSVP? This bride may put you at the 'shame table'…
'Less modelling, more catching crooks': SA reacts to cop in 'hotpants'


A Deadly Game is the second Chapter Pack in the Wardens cycle for A Game of Thrones: The Card Game. A Deadly Game continues the main themes of the Wardens cycle, adding new support to trait-based decks and increasing the power of abilities such as the "limited response." In this Chapter Pack, you will find powerful Castle plots that trigger their effects upon moving to your used pile, even as Clansman, Dothraki, and Sand Snake decks grow in strength. From the sands of Dorne to the lofty heights of the Eyrie, every House gains new cards to strengthen their claim to the Iron Throne in this Chapter Pack. Meanwhile, at the fortress of Riverrun, House Stark and its allies in House Tully strengthen their defenses and forge their plans to claim power and victory by winning A Deadly Game. Each pack contains 60 cards (3 each of 20 different cards).


Topic: How to replace hardrive?
Topic: New AD adapter for B3?
Re: New AD adapter for B3?
OK, thanks! I have sent you an email.
New AD adapter for B3?
I sent a mail to the support over two weeks ago regarding how to get a new power adapter for my B3.
Anyone know if there is a third party adapter that works with B3?
Topic: Bubba server a dead project?
Bubba server a dead project?
Topic: Static IP for computer X with DHCP?
Re: Static IP for computer X with DHCP?
I solved the second problem by changing the profile for the network to "Automatic network settings" and then back to "Router + Firewall + Server". Then everything started to work again.
Now Ill give it another try with those static IPs.
I could use static IP, but that is not the solution I want. There are many computers/network adapters that I want to manage this way. Manual config is not the right way to go.
Working as sysadm has made me want to automate in every possible way, from network settings to software installation.
Static IP for computer X with DHCP?
Is there a way to configure my B3 to give computer X the same IP number every time?
This could be done with my router, just by clicking on the computer/MAC address and then set what IP it should get.
If not, can you add this to the wish list?
Are you preparing an update for Samba?


text:
Comprehensive online tool launched to help companies tackle bribery and corruption
Transparency International UK (TI) is today launching a new online tool, providing up-to-date and in-depth guidance for businesses in understanding and tackling bribery.
Drawing on expertise from over 120 leading compliance and legal practitioners, the guidance presents international good practice informed by the UK Bribery Act, US Foreign and Corrupt Practices Act, other national legislation, as well as the ISO37001 standard. It recognises both the global nature of modern business, and an emerging standard of anti-bribery procedures that extends beyond any single national requirement.
This free-to-use, 18 module guidance is the culmination of eight years of work by TI's in-house experts working with businesses, government, investigators and regulators, reflecting the daily reality of corruption risk for businesses and the expectations of legislation and enforcement regimes. The new online portal updates TI's guidance published after the 2010 UK Bribery Act, which is already a standard reference point for legal and compliance specialists across the world, having been downloaded over 100,000 times.
The 18 modules include risk assessment, due diligence, managing third parties, aligning incentives to behaviour, and a free e-learning course. In addition to straightforward bribery, the guidance covers other areas of corruption risk that companies increasingly need to be aware of, such as political engagement, as well as transparency in corporate reporting.
Robert Barrington, Executive Director Transparency International UK, said:
"This new TI guidance will serve as an important tool for businesses looking to navigate the complex field of anti-bribery compliance in the modern world. It should be saved in the bookmarks of every single compliance officer or in-house lawyer who is serious about the reputation of their organisation."
The IMF estimates the cost of bribery around the world to be around $1.5 trillion per year, with the poorest being hit the hardest.
Rolls Royce was this year forced to pay £671million in fines to regulators in the US, Brazil and UK, after admitting to paying bribes in multiple jurisdictions. This guidance will help companies avoid both the financial and reputational cost that follows from bribery.
Robert Barrington said:
"Bribery scandals have often led to significant financial impacts for companies as well as extensive damage to the corporate reputation. There has never been an excuse for engaging in corrupt activities, but with the release of this guidance, there can be no reason for a company to avoid having in place adequate procedures to prevent bribery."
"Bribery can have a devastating impact on ordinary people both at home and abroad; and the impact of bribery is felt most strongly by the poorest in society. A world without bribery creates a level playing field for business and enables free markets to operate effectively; but most importantly, a society without bribery is a fairer and more prosperous place, and we aim for this guidance to contribute towards that goal."
This guidance is published by Transparency International UK, the UK chapter of the global Transparency International movement, with the support of FTI Consulting and DLA Piper. The guidance was authored by Peter Wilkinson.
Visit www.antibriberyguidance.org to view or download the guidance in full.
Dominic Kavakeb


As I walked into work, the Bears and Giants game was playing on the big screen so I knew it was going to be busy.
The purple fluorescent light that hung along the wall gleamed off the piles of emptied beer glasses and mugs. The bar was starting to fill up with people eager to catch the game.
As football season gears up, more people stroll into the sports bar wearing jersey and t-shirts in a dizzying array of colors and mascots. The chatter turns to debates about quarterbacks, defense, and wagers on which teams are going to win their divisions.
You can support pretty much any NFL team you want.
Sure, you are going to get grief if your team isn't doing well, but you're not going to get beat up in a parking lot for wearing your team's jersey either.
There are several unique aspects about living in the Last Frontier. The landscape, the weather, the fact that we're bigger than any other state (especially Texas) and the lack of a football team sets us apart from any other state.
This gives residents the freedom to cheer for any other team with very little criticism.
Alaska has the most diverse population of NFL fans I've ever seen in one place. You'd be hard-pressed to find a fan that doesn't have a story of how they came to support their team.
Maybe they used to live in that team's state or they grew up cheering for that team. Maybe they know one of the athletes.
Some residents have lived here their whole lives and jump on a bandwagon for a new team each season.
My short curly blond-haired government teacher in high school was a dedicated Eagles fan, and proud of it. She plastered her classroom with almost as many Eagle's headlines and posters as there were presidents of the U.S. She would frequently offer extra credit if you could admit they were the "best team" or could give positive stats from that weeks game.
Giants fan were idiots and guaranteed to flunk.
Alaskans can freely fly their own team's colors without any concern for their safety, a freedom that is a rarity in the Lower 48.
You wouldn't walk around in Minnesota wearing a Green Bay hat. You wouldn't fly a Broncos flag in front of your house if you lived in Oakland or you life might actually be in danger. You don't wear Redskin maroon and gold through the streets of Dallas.
This is common sense and an unspoken rule that applies no matter what region you're from.
In one 2011 preseason game between the 49ers and Raiders, a brawl broke out between fans in the stadium. A man was beaten unconscious in a bathroom, and a post-game shooting in the parking lot left two injured.
So all you Alaskan football fans out there, embrace your unique freedom and cheer loud for your respective teams.
However, anyone who knows anything knows that the Denver Broncos are where it's at. Orange crush!


But they wouldn't be selling Y externally. If they were not selling to the other division they would make X and sell that externally because it would give a higher contribution.
Minimum transfer price that should be charged should be 140 ?
70 the marginal cost + 30 lost contribution by selling externally + (10*4=40) contribution lost by not selling X … so the total should have been 70+30+40 = 140 isn't it?


We are excited to announce the six companies joining Techstars for our Cedars-Sinai Accelerator program in Los Angeles. We kicked off last week on January 17th and are excited to help accelerate another generation of transformative healthcare technology companies. Our Demo Day is on April 19.
This is the second program of the Cedars-Sinai Accelerator, and we're excited to continue the momentum built by last class's extraordinary companies and founders. We're thankful to have their support as well as the dedication and expertise of our mentors, whose #GiveFirst attitude and commitment to supporting our healthcare tech entrepreneurs not only drives the success of this program but the future of patient care.
We are proud of the innovation here in Los Angeles (#LongLA!) and are excited to be contributing to the tech ecosystem alongside our two new programs, Techstars Music and Techstars LA. 2017 is going to be an amazing year.
Cerebro: Cerebro's SaaS platform helps healthcare organizations more efficiently manage their labor spend by providing tools to manage internal and contingent clinicians, while also providing insight and forecasts into labor demands.
Noteworth: Noteworth bridges the data gap in healthcare by seamlessly uniting smart medical devices, data and support together into a single, interoperable platform that positions physicians to deliver more informed, efficient and proactive care.
HealthcareTTU: HealthcareTTU provides predictive analytics around cashflows and AR valuation for hospital health systems, increasing financing efficiencies between hospitals and their banking partners.
ReferralMD: ReferralMD is a cloud-based patient access, referral management and collaboration platform that helps health systems reduce patient leakage, increase revenue and drive operational efficiency.
FrameHealth: Frame Health, through advanced personality analysis, identifies high cost, non-adherent patients and creates tailored treatment plans that improve adherence and outcome.
HealthTensor: HealthTensor uses machine learning and predictive analytics to build artificially intelligent systems that reduce hospital costs and improve patient outcomes.


Commodore International Ltd., the home computer maker that has been recovering after several quarters of heavy losses, said yesterday that its chairman, Irving Gould, would replace Thomas A. Rattigan as chief executive.
Mr. Rattigan, 49 years old, resigned as president and chief executive on Wednesday and filed a $9 million lawsuit against Commodore, charging breach of contract.
In the suit, Mr. Rattigan said that the company had suspended him last week without reason and that on Monday guards had ordered him to leave the company's headquarters in West Chester, Pa. Mr. Rattigan, who said he had a five-year contract that was to run until July 1991, said in the suit that his resignation had not been voluntary.
George Bresler, the lawyer who is representing Mr. Rattigan in the suit, said that neither he nor his client could comment on the case because of the litigation.
Mr. Rattigan's departure came as a surprise to analysts on Wall Street Some suggested that Mr. Gould, the chairman, who controls 19.5 percent of the stock, might be looking to sell Commodore, or at least his stake, now that the company is on better footing.
Mr. Rattigan is credited with returning the computer manufacturer to modest profitability through his strict cost-saving programs and the introduction of new products, particularly the Amiga personal computer.
Commodore, which suffered five consecutive quarterly losses that pushed it to the brink of bankruptcy, has posted a modest profit during each of the last three quarters. The company has also reduced its bank debt and its creditors have agreed to ease the terms of repayment.
Nevertheless, the company still has a way to go before its rebound is complete, analysts said. The company has serious problems with both its marketing and distribution systems, they said.
Commodore's stock dropped $1.375, to $10.50 a share yesterday, on the New York Stock Exchange.
Mr. Rattigan moved to Commodore from Pepsico Inc. in 1985, succeeding Marshall F. Smith as president and chief executive. Mr. Smith had joined Commodore in 1984, replacing Jack Tramiel, the company's founder, who was forced out in a dispute with Mr. Gould, a Canadian investor.
Commodore also announced yesterday that it had restructured the management of its domestic operations. The company appointed Alfred Duncan as general manager of its American operations and Richard McIntyre as general sales manager. Mr. Duncan, who had been a manager of Commodore's Canadian and Italian subsidiaries, replaces Nigel Shepherd, who said he had been dismissed. Mr. McIntyre, who had been manager of the Canadian subsidiary, enters a new position.


The Night Before Christmas [Charles Santore] on Amazon. com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Wonderful new version of the classic poem every family should own. 'Twas the Night before Christmas' is a beautiful holiday poem that was written by Dr.
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- Let you to hear music from external audio device.
- Supply car cigar socket 12V/24 DC power.
- Plays MP3 songs from USB Disk or SD card directly through the FM tuner.
- Remote control that let you choice your songs.


text:
package com.neovisionaries.ws.client;

/**
 * Huffman coding for DEFLATE format (RFC 1951).
 */
class Huffman
{
    private final int mMinCodeLen;
    private final int mMaxCodeLen;
    private final int[] mMaxCodeValsFromCodeLen;
    private final int[] mSymsFromCodeVal;

    public Huffman(int[] codeLensFromSym)
    {
        // Remember the minimum and maximum code lengths.
        mMinCodeLen = Math.max(Misc.min(codeLensFromSym), 1);
        mMaxCodeLen = Misc.max(codeLensFromSym);

        // Count the number of entries for each code length.
        int[] countsFromCodeLen = createCountsFromCodeLen(codeLensFromSym, mMaxCodeLen);

        // Create an array holding the maximum code values for each code length.
        Object[] out = new Object[2];
        mMaxCodeValsFromCodeLen = createMaxCodeValsFromCodeLen(countsFromCodeLen, mMaxCodeLen, out);

        // Create a table to convert code values int symbols.
        int[] codeValsFromCodeLen = (int[])out[0];
        int maxCodeVal = ((Integer)out[1]).intValue();
        mSymsFromCodeVal = createSymsFromCodeVal(codeLensFromSym, codeValsFromCodeLen, maxCodeVal);
    }

    /**
     * Create an array whose elements have the given initial value.
     */
    private static int[] createIntArray(int size, int initialValue)
    {
        int[] array = new int[size];

        for (int i = 0; i < size; ++i)
        {
            array[i] = initialValue;
        }

        return array;
    }

    private static int[] createCountsFromCodeLen(int[] codeLensFromSym, int maxCodeLen)
    {
        int[] countsFromCodeLen = new int[maxCodeLen + 1];

        // Count the number of entries for each code length.
        // This corresponds to the step 1 in 3.2.2. of RFC 1951.
        for (int symbol = 0; symbol < codeLensFromSym.length; ++symbol)
        {
            int codeLength = codeLensFromSym[symbol];
            ++countsFromCodeLen[codeLength];
        }

        return countsFromCodeLen;
    }

    private static int[] createMaxCodeValsFromCodeLen(int[] countsFromCodeLen, int maxCodeLen, Object[] out)
    {
        // Initialize an array that holds the maximum code values
        // for each code length. '-1' indicates that there is no
        // code value for the code length.
        int[] maxCodeValsFromCodeLen = createIntArray(maxCodeLen + 1, -1);

        // Compute the smallest code value for each code length.
        // This corresponds to the step 2 in 3.2.2. of RFC 1951.
        int minCodeVal = 0;
        int maxCodeVal = 0;
        countsFromCodeLen[0] = 0;
        int[] codeValsFromCodeLen = new int[maxCodeLen + 1];
        for (int codeLen = 1; codeLen < countsFromCodeLen.length; ++codeLen)
        {
            // Compute the minimum code value for each code length.
            int prevCount = countsFromCodeLen[codeLen - 1];
            minCodeVal = (minCodeVal + prevCount) << 1;
            codeValsFromCodeLen[codeLen] = minCodeVal;

            // Compute the maximum code value for each code length.
            maxCodeVal = minCodeVal + countsFromCodeLen[codeLen] - 1;
            maxCodeValsFromCodeLen[codeLen] = maxCodeVal;
        }

        out[0] = codeValsFromCodeLen;
        out[1] = Integer.valueOf(maxCodeVal);

        return maxCodeValsFromCodeLen;
    }

    private static int[] createSymsFromCodeVal(int[] codeLensFromSym, int[] codeValsFromCodeLen, int maxCodeVal)
    {
        int[] symsFromCodeVal = new int[maxCodeVal + 1];

        // Set up a table to convert code values into symbols.
        // This corresponds to the step 3 in 3.2.2. of RFC 1951.

        for (int sym = 0; sym < codeLensFromSym.length; ++sym)
        {
            int codeLen = codeLensFromSym[sym];

            if (codeLen == 0)
            {
                continue;
            }

            int codeVal = codeValsFromCodeLen[codeLen]++;
            symsFromCodeVal[codeVal] = sym;
        }

        return symsFromCodeVal;
    }

    public int readSym(ByteArray data, int[] bitIndex) throws FormatException
    {
        for (int codeLen = mMinCodeLen; codeLen <= mMaxCodeLen; ++codeLen)
        {
            // Get the maximum one from among the code values
            // whose code length is 'codeLen'.
            int maxCodeVal = mMaxCodeValsFromCodeLen[codeLen];

            if (maxCodeVal < 0)
            {
                // There is no code value whose code length is 'codeLen'.
                continue;
            }

            // Read a code value from the input assuming its code length is 'codeLen'.
            int codeVal = data.getHuffmanBits(bitIndex[0], codeLen);

            if (maxCodeVal < codeVal)
            {
                // The read code value is bigger than the maximum code value
                // among the code values whose code length is 'codeLen'.
                //
                // Considering the latter rule of the two added for DEFLATE format
                // (3.2.2. Use of Huffman coding in the "deflate" format),
                //
                //     * All codes of a given bit length have lexicographically
                //       consecutive values, in the same order as the symbols
                //       they represent;
                //
                //     * Shorter codes lexicographically precede longer codes.
                //
                // We can expect that the code length of the code value we are
                // parsing is longer than the current 'codeLen'.
                continue;
            }

            // Convert the code value into a symbol value.
            int sym = mSymsFromCodeVal[codeVal];

            // Consume the bits of the code value.
            bitIndex[0] += codeLen;

            return sym;
        }

        // Bad code at the bit index.
        String message = String.format(
                "[%s] Bad code at the bit index '%d'.",
                getClass().getSimpleName(), bitIndex[0]);

        throw new FormatException(message);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub