text:
Sehr blaue Augen ist der Titel des 1970 publizierten ersten Romans der amerikanischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Toni Morrison. Die Originalausgabe The Bluest Eye erschien 1970 in New York, die deutsche Übersetzung von Susanna Rademacher 1979. Die Autorin thematisiert am Beispiel der elfjährigen Pecola Breedloves und ihrer schwarzen Familie die Orientierung am Wertesystem der Weißen bis zur Verinnerlichung und die daraus entstehenden Folgen für das Lebensgefühl der Zweitklassigkeit.

Überblick
Die Geschichte Pecolas und ihrer Eltern wird aus verschiedenen Perspektiven erzählt, so dass im Laufe des Romans ein Mosaikbild ihres tragischen Schicksals und ihrer Umwelt entsteht. Die meisten Personen gehören zum schwarzen Milieu. Weiße treten nur am Rand auf, v. a. als Arbeitgeber, und greifen nicht direkt in die Handlung ein, doch bestimmen ihre gesellschaftlichen Positionen und Maßstäbe die Sozialisation und das Selbstwertgefühl der Menschen. Die einjährige Rahmenhandlung spielt 1940/41 in der Stadt Lorain im Bundesstaat Ohio und wird in den Etappen der vier Jahreszeiten aus der kindlichen Sicht der neunjährigen Claudia Mac Teer vorgetragen. Im Wechsel dazu eingeblendet sind Kapitel mit Überschriften der Leselern-Fibel "Dick und Jane", die im ironischen Kontrast zum folgenden Inhalt das jeweilige Thema (Haus, Familie Freundin usw.) angeben. Darin trägt ein auktorialer Erzähler die Vorgeschichten der Familie Breedlove, anderer schwarzer Personen (Geraldine) und eines multiethnischen Einwanderers aus der Karibik (Micah Elihue Whitcomb) vor, alles Personen mit Entwicklungsstörungen, die zu Pecolas Katastrophe beitragen.

Inhalt
Der Handlung vorangestellt sind zwei kurze Texte, auf die im Verlauf des Romans immer wieder zurückgegriffen wird:

1. Eine "Dick und Jane"-Geschichte (Das ist das Haus…) nach dem Vorbild einer US-Lesefibel-Reihe. Einzelne Sätze des Textes kehren als Kapitel-Überschriften wieder.

2. Claudia, die Erzählerin der Rahmenhandlung, gibt einen Ausblick auf das Ende der Handlung im Herbst 1941: Die zwölfjährige Pecola war von ihrem Vater schwanger. Das Kind starb und auch der Vater ist tot. Claudia und ihre Schwester, die zehnjährige Frieda, haben Schuldgefühle, weil ihre Hoffnung, mit dem Säen von Ringelblumen die glückliche Geburt des Kindes herbeizaubern zu können, sich nicht erfüllt hat, denn die Samen gingen nicht auf.

Herbst

Im Herbst 1940 wird die elfjährige Pecola für einige Tage von Claudia Mac Teers Eltern in ihr Haus aufgenommen, weil die Familie obdachlos geworden ist, nachdem Mr. Breedlove das Haus in Brand zu setzen versuchte und kurze Zeit im Gefängnis sitzt. Mrs. Breedlove ist bei ihren Arbeitgebern und der vierzehnjährige Sammy bei einer anderen Familie untergekommen. Bei den Mac Teers bekommt Pecola ihre erste "Ministration" und fragt entsetzt die Schwestern, ob sie jetzt sterben müsse. Sie ist in Sexual- und Frauenfragen uninformiert. Frieda erklärt ihr, dass sie jetzt ein Baby bekommen kann, wenn sie jemand liebe. Sie fragt darauf: "[W]ie bringt man jemand dazu, einen zu lieben?" Die Mädchen unterhalten sich auch über ihren Alltag, die Eltern und Nachbarn, die Spiele, über den blonden Kinderstar Shirley Temple und gewähren dadurch einen Einblick in ihre Lebensvorstellungen und ihre Beurteilung der Umwelt.

Claudia reflektiert, ihre Erinnerungen kommentierend, über ihre damalige Situation als Kind und erzählt von ihrer blauäugigen Babypuppe, die sie als Weihnachtsgeschenk erhielt, und mit der sie nichts anfangen konnte. Sie wünschte sich vielmehr Geborgenheit und Wärme von "Big Mama". Sie zerlegte die weiße Puppe und übertrug diesen Impuls auf kleine weiße Mädchen: "Herauszufinden, was mir entging: das Geheimnis des Zaubers, den sie auf andere ausübten. Was bewog die Leute, sie anzusehen und 'Ahhh!' zu sagen, aber nicht zu mir." Später wandelte sich der "echte  Sadismus zu künstlichem Hass, zu betrügerischer Liebe" und sie lernte, Shirley Temple anzubeten wie damals Pecola und Frieda.

Dies ist das Haus. Es ist grün und weiß. Es hat eine rote Tür. Es ist sehr hübsch. Hübsch hübsch hü
Die frühere Nutzung der Breedlove-Wohnung in einem Eckhaus am Broadway und der Thirty-fifthStreet spiegelt die Veränderung des Viertels und den schnellen Wechsel seiner Bewohner: Operationsbasis einer Zigeunergruppe, die in dem großen Fenster ihre geschmückten Frauen zeigte, Immobilienbüro, Bäckerei, Pizzastube und Treffpunkt junger Burschen. Jetzt wohnt in dem mit Hartfaserplatten notdürftig in zwei Zimmer unterteilten ehemaligen Laden die arme schwarze Familie, und darüber logieren drei schwarze Prostituierte.

Dies ist die Familie. Mutter, Vater, Dick und Jane wohnen in dem grünweißen Haus. Sie sind glück
Die Breedloves "wohnten dort, weil sie arm und schwarz waren, und sie blieben dort, weil sie sich für hässlich hielten. […] Niemand hätte sie davon überzeugen können, dass sie nicht unrettbar und abstoßend hässlich seien. […] Sie fanden es sogar an jeder Plakatwand, in jedem Film bestätigt. […] Mrs. Breedlove benutzte ihre Hässlichkeit wie ein Schauspieler ein Requisit: als Ausdruck ihres Wesens, als Stütze für eine Rolle, die sie häufig für die ihre hielt – Martyrium. [Der vierzehnjährige] Sammy gebrauchte sie als Waffe, um anderen Schmerz zuzufügen. […] Und Pecola. Sie versteckte sich dahinter."  Mr. Breedlove reagiert mit Trunksucht und Dickköpfigkeit. Und dies ist eine ständige Quelle des Streites und der Schlägereien zwischen den Eltern. Sammy riss mehrmals von zu Hause aus. Pecola leidet an Brechreiz und Magenkrämpfen und wünscht sich abwechselnd den Tod der Eltern oder ihren eigenen. Sie würde sich am liebsten verschwinden lassen, Stück für Stück, bis auf die Augen, von denen sie sich wünscht, dass sie anders wären, blau wie die von Alice und Jerry.

Zwei typische Situationen zeigen Pecolas Situation: Sie will billiges Zuckerzeug in Mr. Yacobowskis Gemüse-, Fleisch,- und Gemischtwarenladenhandlung kaufen und freut sich auf die Leckereien. Der fünfzigjährige weiße Emigrant reagiert ungeduldig auf ihre schüchternen Versuche, ihm die gewünschten "Mary Janes" in der Vitrine zu zeigen. Er schaut sie kaum an und zögert, ihre Hand zu berühren, die ihm die Pennys hinhält. "Draußen fühlt Pecola eine unerklärliche Scham verebben." Ihre mangelnde Information über sexuelle Vorgänge zeigt sie beim Besuch in der Wohnung der "[d]rei Huren über der Ladenwohnung der Breedloves. China, Poland und Miss Marie. Pecola liebte sie, besuchte sie und machte Botengänge für sie. Sie wiederum verachteten sie nicht." In ihrer kindlichen Naivität versteht sie die ironisch-spaßigen Antworten auf ihre offenherzigen Fragen nach den vielen Freunden der Frauen und die schlüpfrigen Anspielungen nicht. Die Prostituierten verschleiern zwar dem Mädchen gegenüber ihren Beruf, doch "der Schutz jugendlicher Unschuld lag ihnen nicht am Herzen. Ihre eigene Jugend erschien ihnen rückblickend als eine Zeit der Unwissenheit, aus der sie bedauerlicherweise nicht mehr gemacht hatten. […] Wenn Pecola die Absicht geäußert hätte, ebenso zu leben wie sie, so hätten sie nicht versucht, sie davon abzubringen oder zu warnen."

Winter
In diesem Kapitel erzählt Claudia von der Schule und der Rangordnung der Schülerinnen und Schüler. Als die dunkelhäutige, modisch gekleidete Maureen Peal neu in die Klasse kommt, wird sie zugleich zum Mittelpunkt der Mädchen, sogar die weißen Kinder akzeptieren sie bei der Gruppenarbeit und haben Respekt vor ihr, zumal sie als gut informiert in Frauenfragen auftritt. Sie hält sich zuerst zurück, als Pecola auf dem gemeinsamen Nachhauseweg von einer schwarzen Jungenbande als "Schwarze Maa" verspottet wird. Nachdem Frieda und Claudia eingreifen und die Jungs zum Rückzug zwingen, kümmert sich Maureen freundlich um Pecola und lädt sie zum Eis ein. Die sich zurückgesetzt fühlenden Schwestern, denen die Rechthaberei und Dominanz Maureens schon vorher missfallen hat, geraten bald darauf in einen Streit mit ihr, sie flieht auf die andere Straßenseite und ruft: "Ich bin niedlich! Und ihr seid hässlich! Schwarze und hässliche schwarze Maa. Ich bin niedlich." Zuhause angekommen, schenkt ihnen ihr Mieter Mr. Henry Geld für Eis, um sich vor ihren Beobachtungen zu beschützen. Doch bei der schnellen Rückkehr vom Süßwarenladen entdecken sie, dass er zwei Prostituierte, China und Maginotlinie, auf seinem Zimmer hatte.

Da ist die Katze. Sie macht miau-miau. Komm und spiel. Komm und spiel mit Jane. Das Kätzchen will nicht spielen spielen spie
Dieses Kapitel handelt von der an die Normen der weißen Gesellschaft perfekt angepassten, mit dem reichen Louis verheirateten, hübschen milchbraunen Geraldine. Während sie ihren Sohn Louis Junior emotional vernachlässigt und auf weiße Verhaltensweisen diszipliniert, gilt ihre Liebe der Katze. Junior reagiert darauf aggressiv und ärgert v. a. Mädchen. Eines Tages lockt er die zufällig vorbei gehende Pecola zum Spielen ins schöne Haus, wirft dann mit der Katze nach ihr, die ihr das Gesicht verkratzt, das Kleid zerreißt und sich beim Fall verletzt. Als seine Mutter dazu kommt, schiebt er die Schuld auf das Mädchen. Geraldine ist über das schmutzige Kleid und die verfilzten Haare Pecolas entsetzt und weist sie aus dem Haus: "«Du scheußliches, kleines schwarzes Dreckstück» […] Draußen blies der Märzwind durch den Riss in ihrem Kleid. Mit gesenktem Kopf ging sie gegen die Kälte an."

Frühling
Claudia erzählt von ihrem Besuch bei Pecola. Ursache ist Friedas Belästigung durch den Mieter Mr. Henry, der ihre Brüste angefasst und dafür von Mr. Mac Teer verprügelt wurde. Nun fürchtet Frieda, dass sie wie die Prostituierten "ruiniert" sei und dick werde. Dagegen könnte Whisky helfen, den sie in Pecolas Haushalt vermuten, weil der Vater Alkoholiker ist. Deshalb machen sie sich auf den Weg, zuerst zum grauen Gebäude am Broadway, dann, weil die Freundin nicht zu Hause ist, zum weißen, am See gelegenen Haus der Fishers, bei denen Pecolas Mutter arbeitet. Beide Orte sind typisch für den Kontrast zwischen dem Leben der Weißen und der Schwarzen. Während Pecola in einem ehemaligen Laden und unter der Wohnung von drei Prostituierten haust und die schmutzige Wäsche der Fishers mit dem Handwagen zum Waschen transportiert, wird das kleine weiße Mädchen von Pecolas Mutter im schönen Ambiente versorgt und verwöhnt.

Da ist Mutter. Mutter ist sehr nett. Mutter, willst du mit Jane spielen? Mutter lacht. Lach, Mutter lach
Die Familiengeschichte Pauline Williams, Pecolas Mutter, mit eingeblendeten Erinnerungen in Ich-Form, beginnt in Alabama, wo sie sich als Zweijährige durch eine Fußverletzung eine leichte Gehbehinderung zuzog und dadurch von den Eltern Ada und Fowler schonend behandelt wurde. Nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg zog die Familie wegen besserer Arbeitsmöglichkeiten nach Kentucky. Da die Mutter eine Anstellung als Köchin annahm, führte Pauline den kinderreichen Haushalt und träumte bei den Kirchengesängen von der Liebe zu einem Mann, die sie meinte mit dem aus der Fremde aufgetauchten Cholly Breedlove gefunden zu haben. Die beiden zogen nach Lorain, wo Cholly in einer Stahlfabrik arbeitete. Sie verstanden sich anfangs gut und Pauline war glücklich, doch in der weniger homogenen Gesellschaft und der täglichen Konfrontation mit den Maßstäben der Weißen und angepassten Schwarzen fühlte sie sich zunehmend einsam, und ihr Mann konnte oder wollte dieses Defizit nicht ausgleichen. Sie wurde unzufrieden und nahm eine Stelle als Hausmädchen bei den hellen, feinen und warmherzigen Fishers mit ihrem kleinen gelbhaarigen Mädchen an. "Hier fand sie Schönheit, Ordnung und Sauberkeit und Lob." Sie suchte ihre Traumbilder von absoluter Schönheit im Kino und kehrte in die Kirche zurück. Täglich erlebte sie die unterschiedliche Behandlung weißer und schwarzer Frauen, auch im Kreißsaal bei der Geburt, wo die Ärzte bei einer schwarzen Frau eine leichtere Geburt mit weniger Schmerzen erwarteten und ihr deshalb weniger zusprachen und halfen. Gleichzeitig steigerten sich die Spannungen mit ihrem Mann und führten immer häufiger zu verbalen und tätlichen Auseinandersetzungen. Manchmal denkt sie zurück an die glückliche Zeit und an einen sie erfüllenden sexuellen Akt, von dem sie ausführlich erzählt.

Da ist Vater. Er ist groß und stark. Vater, willst du mit Jane spielen? Vater lächelt. Lächle, Vater lächle
Pecolas Vater, Charles (Cholly) Breedlove, wiederholt bei seinen Kindern die eigene traumatisierte Kindheit. Er wuchs ohne Eltern in Georgia bei seiner Großtante Jimmy auf. Sein Vater Samson Fuller verschwand vor seiner Geburt. Die Mutter setzte das Baby aus und tauchte anschließend unter. Nach der Schulzeit wurde er Gehilfe in einer Futter- und Getreidehandlung. Am Tag der Beerdigung Jimmis hatte der Vierzehnjährige einen demütigenden Sexualakt mit Darlene, einem Mädchen aus der Trauergesellschaft. Er fürchtete, sie könnte schwanger sein, riss aus und, schlug sich als Wanderarbeiter durch auf der Suche nach seinem Vater in Macon. Dieser ließ ihn bei seinem Annäherungsversuch gar nicht zu Wort kommen und wandte sich von ihm ab. So zog Cholly weiter und lernte in Kentucky Pauline Williams kennen. Sie heirateten und zogen nach Lorain. Zunehmend ließ die Zuneigung der beiden nach, sie schlugen sich und er wurde Alkoholiker. Pauline musste als Hausmädchen die Familie unterhalten. Chollys Desinteresse an seiner Frau übertrug sich auch auf die beiden Kinder Sammy und Pecola. Wie er selbst in seiner Jugend erfahren hatte, konnte er keine väterliche Beziehung zu Kindern entwickeln. Nachdem er betrunken das Haus anstecken wollte, wurde er verhaftet. Nach seiner Rückkehr zur Familie verschlimmert sich die Situation noch mehr. Eines Tages kommt er betrunken in die Küche und missbraucht die elfjährige Tochter. Pauline glaubt nicht der Aussage Pecolas und bald darauf wiederholt sich der sexuelle Übergriff.

Da ist der Hund. Wauwau macht der Hund. Willst du mit Jane spielen? Sieh wie der Hund läuft
Um blaue Augen zu bekommen, besucht Pecola den Gesundbeter Micah Elihue Whitcomb. Er wird als ein Misanthrop beschrieben, der alle fleischlichen Berührungen hasst, abgesehen von den Brustwarzen junger Mädchen. Er ist von einer Insel der Großen Antillen eingewandert und hat multiethnische Wurzeln. Nach mehreren Ausbildungsversuchen in Psychiatrie, Soziologie, Physiotherapie wurde er Gastprediger, Empfangschef in einem Hotel und Vertreter. Wegen seiner mit Seifenschaum behandelten lockigen Haare und weil er sich als Priester ausgibt, nennt man ihn in Lorain "Seifkopfpastor". Sein Geld verdient er als betrügerischer Ratgeber in alle Problemen, Traumdeuter und Gesundbeter. In der Hoffnung auf ein Wunder kommt die inzwischen zwölfjährige und schwangere Pecola in seine Praxis und bittet um blaue Augen. Er verspricht ihr, dass der Wunsch in Erfüllung geht, wenn ein Opfer gebracht wird, d. h. wenn sie den ihm verhassten Hund seiner Hauswirtin füttere und sich das Tier danach merkwürdig verhalte. Dies geschieht, weil er das Fleischstück vergiftet hat und das Tier Zuckungen bekommt und umfällt. Pecola glaubt an ein Zeichen und geht voller Hoffnung nach Hause. Micah schreibt nach der Tat in einem Brief an Gott, er habe an seiner Stelle ein Wunder vollbracht und Augen verwandelt: "Ich habe getan, was Du nicht getan hast, nicht tun konntest, nicht tun wolltest: Ich habe dieses hässliche schwarze Mädchen angesehen, und ich habe sie geliebt. Ich habe Dich gespielt. Und ich habe es sehr gut gemacht!"

Sommer
Claudia und Frieda verkaufen in der Stadt Samenpäckchen, um für ein neues Fahrrad zu sparen. Dabei hören sie, wie sich die Leute über Pecolas Schwangerschaft und die Tat ihres "gemeinen" Vaters, dieses "dreckigen Nigger[s]", unterhalten, der aus der Stadt verschwunden ist. Das Mädchen, meinen viele, müsste aus der Schule genommen werden, und das Beste wäre, wenn das Kind nicht überlebe. Die Schwestern dagegen hoffen, dass es am Leben bleibt und sie wollen Pecola und ihr Baby mit ihren Ersparnissen, der Aussaat von Blumensamen und Zaubersprüchen unterstützen.

Sieh nur, sieh. Da kommt eine Freundin. Die Freundin wird mit Jane spielen. Sie werden ein schönes Spiel spielen. Spiel, Jane, sp
Pecola führt in einer Art Persönlichkeitsspaltung ein Selbstgespräch mit ihrem blauäugigen Spiegelbild. Sie hat sich in ihre Traumwelt zurückgezogen, erinnert sich aber an Ereignisse der Vergangenheit: Sammy und Cholly sind nicht mehr da. Sie weiß von den sexuellen Übergriffen ihres Vaters, weicht aber den gezielten Fragen ihres Alter Ego aus und gibt nur zögernd ihre ambivalenten Gefühle beim zweiten Missbrauch des Vaters zu. Sie hat ihrer Mutter den ersten Vorfall erzählt, diese hat ihr aber nicht geglaubt. Mit "Mr. Seifkopfs" Zauberei ist sie nicht ganz zufrieden, ihre Augen seien nicht blau genug, sie möchte die blauesten Augen auf der ganzen Welt haben.

So war das
Claudia fasst die Situation der nächsten Jahre zusammen: Cholly ist im Arbeitshaus gestorben. Pecola wohnt mit ihrer Mutter, die immer noch als Hausmädchen arbeitet, in einem kleinen Haus am Stadtrand. Sie ist total geschädigt und läuft mit Zuckungen und wilden, vogelähnlichen Armbewegungen, verkrümmt ziellos auf und ab. Die Erzählerin kommentiert diese tragische Entwicklung: "Sie jedoch trat hinüber in den Wahnsinn […] der sie vor uns schützte, einfach weil er uns letzten Endes langweilte. Oh, manche von uns ‹‹liebten›› sie. [… ] Und Cholly liebte sie. […] Jedenfalls war er derjenige, der sie genug liebte, um sie zu berühren, zu umarmen, ihr etwas von sich zu geben. Aber seine Berührung war verhängnisvoll, und was er ihr gab, füllte den Mutterboden ihrer Qual mit Tod. […] Allein der Liebende besitzt sein Liebesgeschenk. Der Geliebte ist geschoren, neutralisiert, erfroren im grellen Licht des inneren Auges des Liebenden.". Claudia schließt, an den Vortext anknüpfend, ihre Betrachtung mit einer Gesellschaftskritik: "Dieser Boden ist schlecht für gewisse Blumensorten. Gewisse Samen ernährt er nicht, gewisse Frucht will er nicht tragen, und wenn der Boden aus eigenem Willen tötet, nehmen wir es hin und sagen, das Opfer habe kein Recht auf Leben gehabt. Wir haben natürlich unrecht, aber das macht nichts. Es ist zu spät."

Rezeption
Morrisons Erstling wurde nach seiner Publikation in den Medien wenig beachtet. Das änderte sich, als der Roman auf die Universitätsleselisten einiger black-studies-Abteilungen gesetzt wurde. In der Folge setzten sich das Feuilleton und die Öffentlichkeit stärker mit Morrison auseinander, v. a. ihr Zugriff auf eine für die amerikanische Gesellschaft schwierige Thematik. So lobt der Kritiker Haskel Frankel die Autorin für ihr Talent, Szenen zu gestalten, die das Beste eines Schriftstellers verlangen. Entscheidend für die folgende Rezeption war auch die äußerst positive Rezension in der New York Times im November 1970.

Neben dem brisanten Inhalt wurde auch die Sprache der Figuren fokussiert, die mit der üblicher Romane aus dieser Zeit brach. Einerseits wurde positiv bewertet, dass dieser neue Stil die Sprache der schwarzen Subkultur in den 1940er aufgreift und ein breiteres Publikum anspricht. In diesem Sinn schrieb die afro-amerikanische Kritikerin, Bürgerrechtlerin und Schauspielerin Ruby Dee: "Toni Morrison hat nicht wirklich eine Geschichte geschrieben, sondern eine Reihe schmerzlich genauer Eindrücke." Besonders hervorgehoben werden die Darstellung von Pecolas Weg in den Wahnsinn und die verzerrte Wahrnehmung ihres Vaters. Andere Kritiker sahen die Sprache als zu einfach für den Leser an oder äußerten sich negativ über Darstellung der schwarzen Frau als Objekt in der Gesellschaft mit wenig individuellen Zügen.

Kontrovers verlief die Diskussion über die Frage, ob die Lektüre für Kinder und Jugendliche geeignet ist. Es gab viele Beschwerden von Eltern und Forderungen, den Roman von den Leselisten zu streichen und aus den Bibliotheken zu entfernen. Beispielsweise wurde im März 1999 "The Bluest Eye" nach mehreren Beschwerden von Eltern über den Inhalt des Buches aus dem Sprachkunstprogramm der "Baker High School" in Baker City, Oregon, herausgenommen. 1999 lehnten Eltern von Schülern der "Stevens High School" in Claremont, New Hampshire, die Lektüre des Buches in unteren Klassenstufen ab. Umstritten waren vor allem die Darstellung der Sexualszenen zwischen Cholly Breedlove und seiner Frau bzw. seiner Tochter, die pädophilen Handlungen Whitcombs an jungen Mädchen sowie die Gespräche der Prostituierten über ihr Geschäft. Als Folge dieser öffentlichen Auseinandersetzungen steht "The Bluest Eye" auf Platz 15 der America Library Association-Liste, welche die 100 am meisten umstrittenen Romane des letzten Jahrzehnts aufführt. 2006 landete der Roman auf dem fünften Platz der Liste, 2013 auf dem zweiten, 2014 auf dem vierten. Als Gründe nennt die ALA "beleidigende Sprache, detaillierte Sex- und Gewaltdarstellungen, ungeeignet für Schülergruppen".

An vielen Schulen wurden die Klagen einzelner Eltern abgelehnt oder abgemildert, indem man sich auf eine höhere Altersstufe und auf die Mitwirkung der Eltern bei der Klassenlektüreauswahl einigte. In der Regel durfte der Roman in den Büchereien bleiben und ausgeliehen werden. Trotz anfänglicher Kontroversen wurde "The Bluest Eye" als Teil von Morrisons Gesamtwerk anerkannt, als sie 1993, mehr als 20 Jahren nach der Veröffentlichung des ersten Romans, den Nobelpreis erhielt.

In der deutschen Literaturkritik der letzten Jahre wird "Sehr blaue Augen" als Einstieg der Autorin in ihre Rassen-Thematik, für die sie den Literaturnobelpreis erhielt, gewürdigt. Die Darstellung sexueller Handlungen in Romanen und die Einbeziehung schichtenspezifischer Sprachmuster gelten inzwischen nicht mehr als Tabubrüche, zumal die Grenzen zwischen Trivial- und Hochliteratur durchlässig geworden sind. Vielmehr lobt man jetzt die hoch verdichtete und komplexe Erzählstruktur, die besondere Ansprüche an die Aufmerksamkeit des Lesers stelle, und die Thematik des Rassenhasses, der in Selbsthass umschlägt. Der Aspekt des verinnerlichten Rassismus steht bei den meisten Rezensionen im Zentrum: Toni Morrison behandele die Rassenbeziehungen auf allen Ebenen, und sie beginne beim verinnerlichten Trauma, dem Wunsch nach blauen Augen, um dem von Weißen vorgegebenen Schönheitsideal zu entsprechen. Damit halte die Autorin Amerika den schwarzen Spiegel vor. Mit ihrem Erstling habe sie Türen aufgestoßen und neue Dimensionen erschlossen. Hervorgehoben wird auch die Zurückhaltung der Autorin, wie sie es selbst in einem Interview 1998 betont: "Das Eigenartige, das Rätselhafte ist, dass ich eigentlich nicht spreche in meinen Büchern. Ich will niemanden belehren, niemandem predigen, weder Hass noch Liebe. Ich will erzählen." Dies sei ihr in "Sehr blaue Augen" so gut gelungen, dass es den Leser nachhaltig irritiert. Pecolas Vater sei auf den ersten Blick einfach nur ein Monster, der seine kleine Tochter missbraucht. Dann aber wechsele Morrison die Perspektive und erzähle aus seiner Sicht. Und plötzlich werde dieses Monster für den Leser zum Menschen.

Ausgaben
The Bluest Eye. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York 1970, ISBN 978-0-375-41155-7
 Sehr blaue Augen. Deutsch von  Susanna Rademacher. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1979, ISBN 3-499-22854-8

Adaptionen
In den USA wurde der Roman für die Bühne umgearbeitet und von verschiedenen Theatern aufgeführt. Lydia R. Diamond verfasste 2005 für die Steppenwolf Theatre Company in Chicago, Illinois, eine Bühnenproduktion. Im Februar 2005 feierte das Stück in Chicago seine Weltpremiere und im November 2006 im New Victory Theatre die Off-Broadway-Premiere. Weitere Aufführungen folgten 2010 durch die "Phantom Projects Educational Theatre Group" im "La Mirada Theater für darstellende Künste" in La Mirada, Kalifornien, 2017 durch das "Guthrie Theatre" unter der Regie von Lileana Blain-Cruz.

Morrisons Roman diente dem Rapper Talib Kweli als Inspiration für sein Lied "Thieves in the Night" mit Mos Def auf dem gemeinsamen "Black Star"-Album von 1998.

Einzelnachweise

Literarisches Werk
Roman, Epik
Literatur (20. Jahrhundert)
Literatur (Englisch)
Afroamerikanische Literatur
Toni Morrison


This is a wooden plaque made with a stand on the back for a choice of placement. This plaque is to celebrate the life of a pet that has crossed the Rainbow Bridge.
Can be used with the stand on back.
Size is 9 inches by 7 inches.
There is a place for a 4 inch by 6 inch picture of your dog.
A beautiful accent for any home. Makes a unique gift for for a special family.


text:
IRLI In The News
Views From The Bench
Scholarly Articles and Books
Media Inquires
IRLI Files Supplemental Brief in the Ninth Circuit in Support of Arizona's Right to Refuse Benefits
Returning the Rule of Law to the People of Arizona
(Washington, D.C.) – On Friday evening, the Immigration Reform Law Institute (IRLI) filed a friend-of-the-court brief in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in support of the state of Arizona who was sued by an illegal alien pressure group to force the state into granting eligibility for driver's licenses to millions of illegal aliens falling under the Obama Administration's lawless Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. In the case of Arizona Dream Act Coalition v. Brewer (Civil Action No. 15-15307), the State Defendants are asking the Ninth Circuit to reverse the lower court's decision to mandate that they issue the licenses. Although briefs on the merits were submitted in June, the Ninth Circuit requested supplemental briefing addressing preemption, the Take Care Clause, and Separation of Powers issues.
IRLI filed a brief (attached here) to ensure the court was presented with an accurate history of executive discretion and the limited remedies available in this case. Specifically, IRLI argued that DACA is an unconstitutional ultra vires agency action. IRLI also argued that even if the plaintiffs are successful, they are not permitted to obtain an Arizona driver's license because federal law prohibits granting state benefits to illegal aliens absent a state law passed after 1996 opting out of the federal prohibition. Arizona has not opted out of the federal law.
Dale L. Wilcox, IRLI's Executive Director, commented, "By claiming DACA-recipients must be given driver's licenses by the state of Arizona, Plaintiffs and the Obama Administration are claiming that the Executive has unlimited discretion in deciding who is and who is not allowed formal immigration status in this country. But as we detail in our brief, court precedent and the Constitution makes it clear that this decision has always been one for the American citizens through their representatives." Wilcox further commented, "We will continue the fight for federalism and states' rights and hold this administration accountable to the rule of law."
Sign up for our email newsletter to stay up to date with immigration reform in the United States.
Attorneys United for a Secure America (AUSA) is a non-partisan affiliation of talented attorneys dedicated to pursuing cases that serve the national interest when it comes to immigration law.
If you are interested in joining the network, visit the AUSA website.
Attorneys United for a Secure America
Immigration Reform Law Institute
25 Massachusetts Ave, NW, Ste 335
IRLI is a supporting organization of the Federation for American Immigration Reform.
© 2023 Immigration Reform Law Institute

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Adrián Ignacio Cuadra Cabrera (born 23 October 1997) is a professional Chilean football midfielder currently playing for C.D. Antofagasta in the Primera División of Chile.

International career
He was called up for the senior national team to face Mexico in June 2016, but failed to make an appearance.

References

 Adrián Cuadra profile on the official Santiago Wanderers website

Chilean footballers
Santiago Wanderers footballers
Association football midfielders
Sportspeople from Valparaíso
1997 births
Living people

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
<title>
Pulled over for driving while Black
</title>

<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1">
<?php include "../../legacy-includes/Script.htmlf" ?>

<?php include "../../legacy-includes/TopLogo.htmlf" ?>

<?php include "../../legacy-includes/TopAd.htmlf" ?>

<?php include "../../legacy-includes/LeftButtons.htmlf" ?>

<?php include "../../legacy-includes/BodyInsert.htmlf" ?>

VIEWS AND VOICES

An all-too-familiar story of police racism in Toledo

Pulled over for driving while Black

July 28, 2006 | Page 12

LANCE SELF, age 19, and Julian Mack, age 21, both African American men from Toledo, Ohio, are all-too-familiar with police racism.

Julian has been pulled over for dubious reasons twice in recent weeks, while Lance has been pulled over three times in the past year for such "crimes" as "swerving" (for which he wasn't ticketed), a "registration check" (for which he wasn't ticketed) and "speeding" (going 35 in a 25 mile-an-hour zone).

In their latest brush with the Toledo Police Department (TPD) on June 28, Lance and Julian were driving home after an evening of skating, wearing their seatbelts and driving under the speed limit. They were pulled over by a TPD cop (badge number 2376) under the guise of another "registration check."

Julian wisely decided to videotape the episode on his camera phone, "so just in case he tries something, we can get it on camera." When the cop returned from "checking" their registration and IDs--20 minutes later--he demanded, with his hand on his gun, that Julian hand over his camera.

When Julian stated that he wasn't doing anything illegal and commented that the police camera was taping them, this cop had the audacity to say that Julian's camera was "invading his privacy!" The cop detained them for another 30 minutes while he struggled to find the "erase" mechanism on the camera.

Eventually, the exasperated cop figured out how to erase the camera, and, upset that he was unable to pin anything on them, slapped Lance with a $112 ticket for not wearing a seatbelt--even though he only unbuckled his seatbelt in order to access his registration papers.

Julian and Lance have since filed a complaint with TPD. "We want to establish a paper trail because we know there are many others out there like us," said Julian.

Yet the recent record--Jeffrey Turner tazed to death by the TPD for loitering, TPD and city officials providing protection for two Nazi rallies, and Mayor Carty Finkbeiner publicly referring to Black fire chief Mike Bell as "King Kong"--indicates that a grassroots antiracist campaign, outside the confines of "official" grievance channels, will be necessary to counter our enemies in blue.

And those not in blue as well. A local radio station, Tower 98.3 FM, a Cumulus station, has been allowing a racist DJ to call and harass Asian restaurants live on air. The DJ, "Lucas," calls and harasses workers over their use of English.

On a recent call to a Japanese restaurant, the DJ said such things as, "Me love you long time," "Ching Chong Chung" and "Me speakee no English." During a call on May 22, when the worker spoke perfect English, the DJ yelled, "Who are you? What are you doing there? What's with these white people working at Chinese restaurants? We're not calling Bob Evans!"

Fortunately, Asian Communities United (ACU) at Bowling Green State University has taken the lead in organizing a fightback. ACU launched a petition drive demanding that the DJ be fired, thus far collecting over 1,300 signatures, and organized a publicity campaign to expose the station's racism.

Yet Tower 98.3 has been unapologetic, and the offending DJ has allegedly started his own petition drive, presumably to defend his right to be a racist. The regional manager of Cumulus, Larry Blum, couldn't find anything offensive with the prank, telling one activist that he was "tired of having to walk on eggshells about stuff like this."

But the growing campaign against the station's racism has forced Cumulus into offering some concessions, including a suspension of the DJ. In trying to defend the station's racism, John Dickey, executive vice president of Cumulus, produced tapes documenting similar racist stunts by rival station Kiss FM.

However, organizers have been emboldened by the momentum of their campaign, and have so far not been willing to trade half-measure concessions for their silence. A demonstration in front of the radio station was called for July 10, taking the campaign into the streets.

Racist DJs contribute to the climate of racism, increasing the likelihood of right-wing violence. Adding "street heat" to the fight against radio racism is a necessary component for pushing back the right wing.

Patrick Dyer, Toledo, Ohio

Antiracists can sign an online petition at: www.petitiononline.com/ACU123/petition.html. Send complaints to: Chris Taylor, General Manager, Cumulus Toledo, 14930 LaPlaisance Rd. Suite 113, Monroe, MI 48161 or call 419-725-5700.

<?php include "../../legacy-includes/BottomNavLinks.htmlf" ?>

<?php include "../../legacy-includes/RightAdFolder.htmlf" ?>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
New Year's Day and Stuff (Longer Again; Oops)
Jake: What's that big round thing?
Josie: Boulder.
Jake: Okay. Tell me what that big round thing is, right now!
I used a flash drive to download a super old (1997) game called "Callahan's Crosstime Saloon" (based on the short story series, of course) to the ancient computer in my house, and I recommend it to everybody (you can download it for free because it's abandonware) because it's hands down one of the most hilarious things I've ever played, seen, or otherwise experienced. If you don't find me funny then you probably don't think much of my sense of humor and that endorsement probably means little to you, but if so, you're wrong. In any case my hope is that you will play the game and then subconsciously associate it with me and think I'm awesome even though I had nothing to do with it. Some of the jokes are brilliant in their own right and others are so stupid they're brilliant. There are a lot of choan (chuckle + groan) inducing puns, witty cultural references, and just random stuff. This part falls into the latter category, yet it resonates with me for some reason.
A couple minutes later I ran into this, which in hindsight has become just a little awkward.
I totally forgot to share the story of how, at the end of the semester, I accidentally went on a date with my ex-crush – and she was the one who made it happen, no less. We had studied together before every test in our class, which of course did not constitute dates. My self-appointed guru said, "Study dates aren't really dates." And I thought, I know that. I'm autistic, not stupid. I never used the term 'study date'. That was all you. Anyway, we had met in the library to study before the final as well. She thought we should just go over the practice exam, so I printed it out, and she tried to print it out, but she had forgotten her card. She messed around trying to print it without a card, but to no avail. I thought, I should offer to let her print it on my card. But before I could say anything, she said, "Can I just print it on your card?" I thought, Wow, you have a lot of nerve.
That cost me fifty-seven cents. Ergo, I spent money on her. Ergo, it then became a date according to any reasonable person's criteria.
My boss asked me, "Are you doing anything for New Year's?" And I said, "I'm going to the YSA dance." And he said, "Maybe you'll meet a chiquita." And I said, "Yeah, maybe." What I was actually thinking was that yes, I probably would meet a chiquita and it wouldn't even be difficult because in all likelihood, approximately half of the people there would be chiquitas. This assumption proved correct, and I met a few of them, though I was actually more interested in meeting a guy from Vietnam named Lenny who looks eighteen but is a PhD student. Foreigners usually rank above women in my hierarchy of people that I want to meet (though obviously there is overlap between those categories).
I have already outlined my thoughts on church dances at some length. I think I mentioned at the time that I prefer dancing with girls I already know because with strangers, three minutes is just enough time to make introductions and a little pointless small talk and then never see them again. I danced with strangers this time around, though. At one point I asked a girl who had been standing against the wall for at least half an hour. She just stared at me. I thought, Wow, that is so rude. You could at least laugh at me or something. Then she finally said, "What?" I thought, Maybe examine the context here and make an educated guess.
I never expected to hear a song at a church dance about "smokin' funny things" and "drinkin' whiskey out of the bottle", but then, I never expected to hear "Angel is the Centerfold" at a home evening activity either and that happened too. Side note: would it be sacrilegious to do a parody of that called "Angel's Got Those Plates of Gold"? Because I really want to do that. I also have a love-hate relationship with "Shut Up and Dance". Can't help loving the melody, but hate hate hate the lyrics and the blatant double standard they exemplify. If the man was the one saying "Shut up and dance with me" etc., unless his name was Harrison Ford, it would be harassment.
One of my happy memories of 2014 [sic].
I would have loved to continue roleplaying this character, but not much later she divulged that she and her mother were both being verbally and physically abused by her father on at least a weekly basis. After that I couldn't portray this character with any sort of integrity, because if I was really a government agent privy to that information, I would have had him assassinated. Instead I had to just contact an abuse hotline that couldn't do anything about it.
While watching six episodes of "Hogan's Heroes" with my grandfather, a thought kept nagging at me through each and every one. That thought was me wondering whether Colonel Klink is aware of the Holocaust going on. If so, he is not just a lovable dolt who happens to be on the wrong side, but an utter monster who is all the more disturbing for also being a lovable dolt. I couldn't shake that thought. As much as I love Nazi officers being played for laughs*, I can never forget the fact that in real life many or most of them were really, really, really bad people, as opposed to most of the run-of-the-mill soldiers whom I suspect were just regular guys doing their patriotic duty. (Expecting good Germans of that era not to fight for their country because of the way it treated Jews would be like expecting good Americans of that era not to fight for their country because of the way it treated black people.) I wonder where the various commanding officers of POW camps fit into that spectrum.
*Someday my critics will use this statement as fodder against me. They will quote-mine it as "I love Nazi officers."
I've only seen a few episodes, so maybe this got addressed at some point. If not, it should have been. The series finale should have shown Klink being shocked and devastated as he learns what the Nazis have been up to, and then cheering up as he realizes he's probably the reason they lost the war.
Long ago, probably in 2001, I was visiting my grandparents when I found a little book called "How to Draw Cartoons". I didn't realize it was probably referring to cartoons as in comics, not as in animation (though granted, the principles of the actual drawing part are largely the same), and ambitions of making an animated cartoon formed in my mind. I recruited everyone – grandparents, aunts, uncles, parents, sister – to help me draw pictures for it, which in hindsight was probably kind of annoying. I started working out the plot as we were going along and I figured we'd get around to the hard part of drawing all the in-between pictures to animate it later. The main characters were a guy named Chris with pink hair and his baby camel, Baby Camel. There was also a human baby named Rumpelstiltskin, a tentacled alien named Bob, and the Triangle Man, who was a man made out of triangles. The antagonists were a guy named Pershon with a goatee and his army of aliens called Megaducks.
When the time came for me to go home, I had the option of either taking all the pictures or leaving them there. Of course I wanted to take the pictures, but in an admirable moment of empathy, I realized that if I were them* I would want to keep the pictures too, so I let them. And then the next time I came back no one knew where they were, and that remains the case to this day.
*This is known as the subjunctive tense. For more information, visit Irregular Webcomic!
I reason that they're still just lost in the house somewhere, because no one would throw away something so precious, right? During this last visit for Christmas, I conducted my most thorough search yet, opening every box in the basement that I could get my hands on (but of course being a good boy and putting everything back where I found it). I knew that all of my loyal fans would love to see these pictures if I scanned them and put them on my website. Needless to say, I didn't find them. Instead I found this dubious but intriguing urban legend, and transcribed it and uploaded it to my website and shared it in a couple of Facebook groups asking (quote) "Does anyone know anything about this story?" (close quote). See if you can guess what day that was.
And oh, my little map at the bottom of the screen looks so much more beautiful now. Go ahead and look at it. I'll wait.
I mean, wow. I couldn't have anticipated that in a million years. I've posted and shared plenty of other stuff that should be of interest to an LDS audience, and gotten decent responses, but nothing like this. That's even considering the Mormons who refused to read it because they were put off by its title, "Is the Book of Mormon a Fraud" (the title that came with it when I found it; if I had chosen that title, there would be a grammatically necessary question mark at the end of it), though that didn't always stop them from telling me to doubt my doubts and stop posting "anti crap". Now, I stated from the very beginning that I couldn't vouch for its veracity and that I was looking for information about it. I thought it seemed too good to be true, but true or false, I was surprised that I had never heard of it before, and it had to come from somewhere, so I was investigating. And I did hope that there would turn out to be at least some truth in it.
This is the healthy skepticism I try to have. I treat things like this with suspicion, but don't dismiss them altogether until I've looked into them. I was validated even though the story turned out to be false, because although one of my initial misgivings was that Google turned up no record of the protagonist's existence, it turns out that he did in fact exist. It's just that he seems to have been a liar or a really bad exaggerator. Oh well. My grandparents' basement also had a box of books they were getting rid of, and they asked me if I wanted to take any. I looked through them and realized that any one of them could potentially change my life forever, but I simply don't have time to read them all and find out. What a shame. They did give me "Accomplishing the Impossible" by Russell M. Nelson, and that looks to be an interesting read.
"And because those daft and dewy-eyed dopes
Keep building up impossible hopes
Things are happening every day!"
I wrote Bracelets a poem for Christmas. She said it got her choked up. I was happy to hear that. I love making women cry.* I really wish now that I had chosen a better nickname for her than "Bracelets" because I'm tired of it. I probably could have just used her real name and no one would have known who she was, and if they did it wouldn't have mattered because I've never said anything embarrassing about her, but it's a bit late for that now.
*Someday my critics will quote-mine this statement as "I love making women cry."
Speaking of women, if you remember a couple weeks ago when I said in a very tongue-in-cheek manner "Sometimes I wink at married women online, too" and then showed a screencap of a conversation in which a married woman was discussing something she would have done for me between Christmas and New Year's, then you've probably spent more than a few sleepless nights since then wondering what that thing was. Well, she finished it as promised, so here it is, though it will be meaningless to most of you. She remains uncredited because she doesn't want her name showing up on the internet.
I was very glad to unexpectedly receive this message. Statistics tell me very little about what impact my site is actually having on anyone, so it was good to hear this, as opposed to something like "My entire family has left the Church because of you."
George Harrison - Ding Dong
I had been planning to showcase "Only Time Will Tell" by Mike Oldfield, but then yesterday I heard this on the Daily Beatle Break and it got stuck in my head for quite some time, so Mike will just have to wait. I guess only time will tell if he does get featured, nyuk nyuk.
To whom it may concern (aka probably nobody): my current highest Pinball score, as of yesterday, is 6,253,750.


text:
Q: When deleting a record that is referenced in another table, how do I know when to stop? I have the following table structure in my database:
create table Encargado(
ID int primary key,
Nombre varchar(300),
)

create table Area(
ID int primary key,
Nombre varchar(300),
Jefe int foreign key references Encargado(ID)
)

create table Carrera(
ID int primary key,
Nombre varchar(300),
Area int foreign key references Area(ID)
)

create table Formacion(
ID int primary key,
Grado varchar(300),
Lugar varchar(300)
)

create table Docente(
ID int primary key,
Nombre varchar(300),
Carrera int foreign key references Carrera(ID),
Formacion int foreign key references Formacion(ID),
Horario varchar(300)
)

create table Evaluacion(
ID int primary key,
Docente int foreign key references Docente(ID),
Evaluador varchar(300),
Secuencia int,
Pizarra int,
Audiovisual int,
Letra int,
Voz int,
GestosVocabulario int,
Ejemplificacion int,
Respuestas int,
DominioEscenico int,
Participacion int,
Observacion varchar(4000),
Materias varchar(3000),
Valido bit
)

create table Seguimiento(
ID int primary key,
Docente int foreign key references Docente(ID),
Modulo int,
Semestre int,
Ano int,
Fecha datetime,
Hora datetime,
OrdenSecuencia bit,
OrdenSecuenciaObservacion varchar(200),
PortafolioAlumno bit,
PortalofioAlumnoObservacion varchar(200),
AspectosParaEntrevista varchar(3000),
Conclusiones varchar(3000),
Evaluador varchar(300),
DirectorDeArea int foreign key references Encargado(ID),
EncargadoControl int foreign key references Encargado(ID),
)

Say I want to delete an Area, how would I do this? I would need to also delete all Carreras and also all the Docentes.
public void Delete(Area area)
        {
            db.Carreras.DeleteAllOnSubmit(area.Carreras);
            //I'm stuck here. Is this what I should be doing?
        }

Can someone suggest how to handle this?
I'm using C# and Linq-to-SQL. I feel I may have dug myself into a hole by using this table structure or perhaps that's one of the downfalls of a relational database? :\

A: I wouldn't handle this on the Linq-to-SQL side, I'd use cascading deletes on the database side if you truly want to delete all the child records.
For example, with Oracle you can add a "ON DELETE CASCADE" clause to your create table statements, refer to this link.
The cascading delete will handle deleting all the records from the child tables, all with a single delete operation. The beauty of this approach is that no matter where you perform the operation, albeit via Linq-To-SQL, JAVA, ROR, PHP, etc, the logic is centralized in the DB so it works the same way no matter who does the delete.

A: It should depend on how you want to handle your foreign key relationship. i.e. deleting foreign references or leaving them in case they have other entries dependent on them, etc.

See referential integrity http://msdn.microsoft.com/en-us/library/ms186973.aspx

So, in the end you should probably let the DB handle it.

A:
Say I want to delete an Area, how
  would I do this? I would need to also
  delete all Carreras and also all the
  Docentes.

On the face of it, it seems you want to change the declarative referential integrity (DRI) action for ON DELETE from the default NO ACTION (i.e. prevent the referenced row from being deleted) to CASCADE (i.e. also delete the rows in the referening table).
Note that such logic usually suggests that the referening column (e.g. Carrera.Area) should be defined as NOT NULL.
For example:
CREATE TABLE Carrera
(
...
Area INTEGER NOT NULL
   REFERENCES Area (ID)
   ON DELETE CASCADE
);

CREATE TABLE Docente
(
...
Carrera INTEGER NOT NULL
   REFERENCES Carrera (ID)
   ON DELETE CASCADE,
...
);

However, looking deeper we see that
Evaluacion REFERENCES Docente
Seguimiento REFERENCES Docente

You need to consider whether these too require the ON DELETE CASCADE DRI action.
Furthermore:
Seguimiento REFERENCES Encargado -- twice
Area REFERENCES Encargado

In other words, you have a potential cycle here. Even if your DBMS would allow ON DELETE CASCADE DRI actions on all these (SQL Server, for example, would not) you should consider managing the logic by 'manually' removing rows.
Something else to consider, seeing all those seemingly NULLable columns (but how can you primary key columns be nullable...?) you could consider the ON DELETE SET NULL DRI action. Personally, I would clarify the design by removing the NULLable columns are creating new relationship tables but that could involve a lot of work :)

A: Have you considered a "logical delete" instead of a physical delete?
Logical deletes make sense when you want to keep historical access to data (for reports or queries) even after they have become obsolete.
Example: your school used to teach Latin, and have a number of professors teaching it, and a number of students enrolled.
Next year, Latin gets removed from the available courses. One of the professors retires, the others go on with other courses. Students still need to prove they got a vote in Latin, even if this will not be part of future offerings.
Solution: add a boolean flag to the Course table (Active=Y/N) and adapt your program so that it excludes Courses (or professors, or anything else) having "Active=N" from queries that must return what is "live", and keep them in for historical reports.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies
Oxford Research Encyclopedias International Studies
Political Sociology
Politics and Sexuality and Gender
Qualitative Political Methodology
Quantitative Political Methodology
Perform this search in
AllFull TextHeadingsBibliographyCaptionArticle TitleAuthorsDOI/ISBNKeywordsSummary
International Relations Theory (1)
Political Communication (1)
Political Sociology (1)
Keywords: global development x
Sort by RelevanceTitle - A to ZTitle - Z to AAuthor - A to ZAuthor - Z to APublished In Print Date - Oldest FirstPublished In Print Date - Newest FirstPublished Online Date - Oldest FirstPublished Online Date - Newest First
Global Commodity Chains and Global Value Chains
Joonkoo Lee
A commodity chain refers to "a network of labor and production processes whose end result is a finished commodity." The attention given to this concept has quickly translated into an expanding body of global chains literature. Research into global commodity chains (GCC), and later global value chains (GVC), is an endeavor to explain the social and organizational structure of the global economy and its dynamics by examining the commodity chains of a specific product of service. The GCC approach first emerged in the mid-1980s from world-system research and was reformulated in the early 1990s by development scholars. The development-oriented GCC approach turned the focus of GCC analysis to actor-centered processes in the global economy. One of the initial criticisms facing the GCC approach was its exclusive focus on internal conditions and organizational linkages, lacking systemic attention to the effect of domestic institutions and internal capacity on economic development. Other critics pointed to the narrow scope of GCC research. With the huge expansion in global chains literature in the past decade—not only in volume but also in depth and scope—efforts have been made to elaborate the global chains framework and to render it industry neutral, as partly reflected in the adoption of the term "global value chains." Three key research themes surround these recent evolutions of global chains literature: GVC governance, "upgrading," and the social construction of global value chains. Existing literature, however, still has theoretical and methodological gaps to redress.
Development/Poverty Issues and Foreign Policy Analysis
Steven W. Hook and Franklin Barr Lebo
International development has remained a key part of global economic relations since the field emerged more than half a century ago. From its initial focus on colonization and state building, the field has evolved to encompass a wide range of issues, theoretical problems, and disciplinary traditions. The year 1945 is widely considered as a turning point in the study of international development. Three factors account for this: the end of World War II that left the US an economic hegemon, the ideological rivalry that defined the Cold War, and the period of decolonization that peaked around 1960 that forced development issues, including foreign aid, state building, and multilateral engagement, onto the global agenda. Since then, development paradigms have continuously evolved, adapted, and been reinvented to address the persistent and arguably widening gap between the prosperous economies of the "developed North" and the developing and frequently troubled economies of the "global South." Today, a loosely knit holistic paradigm has emerged that recognizes the deficiencies of its predecessors, yet builds on their strengths. A holistic conception of international development embraces methodological pluralism in the scholarly study of development, while recognizing the multiple ways policy practitioners may productively apply academic theories and research findings in unique settings.
Teaching Global Development Studies
Michael Kuchinsky
Several resources are available for teaching global development. Textbooks, for instance, often follow models reminiscent of comparative politics textbooks. In them, space is accorded to the general history of development and the self-determination movements following World War II, a discussion of different theoretical perspectives on development, followed by country case studies or sectoral issues. Other textbooks may choose more regional approaches to analyze development, critical of state-based development theory and practices and who see regional development models as correctives of bilateral and multilateral initiatives. Still others use cross-cutting themes of global development and political economy as their intellectual "infrastructure", augmented by historical and cultural research across global regions, with concerns about gender, household level development, and non-state actors as stakeholders. Other resources include resources include numerous professional and academic journals devoted to development and development studies, including the Journal of International Development, the Third World Quarterly, and Development and Change. Among nonacademic resources are nongovernmental organizations, international and multilateral organizations, and policy "think tanks" that produce development programming, data, and analysis. Interactive methods, media, and educational resources are also recommended for teaching of global development. Teaching with interactive methods promotes more student directed learning, assists in developing critical thinking, encourages communication and analysis skills, helps to personalize abstract material, and bridges gaps between theoretical material and real circumstances.
David Arase
As a policy tool, aid has not been confined to the roles that foreign and economic policy theorists have prescribed for it. Foreign aid attracts controversy because it structures how global poverty will be addressed. Aid's proponents believe that it can eradicate absolute poverty and close the income gap between rich and poor countries, but its critics believe it holds out only false hope and obscures the real nature of the problem. The unrequited transfer of wealth from a weak nation to a stronger one is an ancient tradition, but the notion that it would be powerful nations transferring wealth to advance the economic development of weaker ones was virtually unheard of until the post-World War II era, particularly during the highly polarized Cold War climate. During this time, aid was used as a means of competition between the United States and the Soviet Union for influence over Third World countries. Aid also became a tool for opening up the markets of the developing world and integrating them into the global economy. The fact that foreign aid has come to mean development assistance since has raised a series of questions debated in the scholarly literature. Moreover, it is universally acknowledged that donors use aid to achieve objectives other than development and poverty reduction.
The Development Paradigm and Its Critics
James H. Mittelman
Development cannot be separated from global political economy, but it is an inherent component of the latter. The concept of development was popularized through expansion of colonization, and underwent various transformations as the socio-political structure of the world changed over time. Thus, the central task of development theory is to determine and explain why some countries are underdeveloped and how these countries can develop. Such theories draw on a variety of social science disciplines and approaches. Accordingly, different development paradigms have emerged upon which different scholars have shown profound interests and to which they gave extensive criticisms—modernization, dependency, Marxism, postcolonialism, and globalization. With the recent emergence of the post-modern critique of development, power has become an important subject in the discourse of development. Nevertheless, a full theoretical understanding of the relations between power and development is still in its fledgling stage. Though highly apparent in human societies, social power per se is a polylithic discourse with no unified definition and implication, which has led different proponents of development paradigms to understand power differently. Although there is a dialectic contradiction between the different dialogic paradigms, the reality of development theory is that there is a large choice of theories and models from which field practicioners will draw pragmatically the most appropriate elements, or they will create their own model adapted to the situation.
Diasporas and Development
Rebecca Davies
Global restructuring across the developing world can have profound, if uneven, political, economic, and social consequences. As such, the relationship between diasporas and development is necessarily complex. The diaspora spans all of the local, national, regional, and global levels, its networks and communities set apart from other migration flows in terms both of geography and time. It is contended that these groupings are constituted by three main elements: dispersion across or within state borders; orientation to a "homeland" as a source of value, identity and loyalty; and boundary maintenance, involving the preservation of a distinctive identity vis-à-vis a host society over an extended time period. Yet each of these core elements has been contested, most especially that of continued loyalty to a homeland and an enduring transnationalism that evokes a regularized range of interactions between the host country and homeland. Moreover, there is no one paradigmatic concept of diaspora. While none of the interpretations in the mainstream scholarship is necessarily wrong, they tend to be grounded in a very basic categorization of diasporic identifications and groupings, thus leading to new questions about how to tackle the issue of diaspora in the development process. And although many of the central traits of diasporas are apparently well understood, new interpretations of the shifting politics of the diaspora in the context of broader liberal processes of globalization are needed.
The Development of "Lands of Recent Settlement"
Cristian A. Harris
Lands of recent settlement refers to countries settled predominantly by European migration during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as the United States, Canada, Argentina, Uruguay, Australia, and New Zealand. Current scholarship on the lands of recent settlement reveals a very active agenda of comparative studies covering a broad range of areas and issues: culture, institutions, gender, ethnicity, labor, national identity, geography, ecology, environment, noneconomic factors of growth, and transnationalization and globalization. In explaining the different levels of development between lands of recent settlement and the rest of the world, traditional explanations pointed to propitious external factors and factor endowments. These explanations include the analysis of the history of the United States based on the notion of "frontier development" and the staple theory of growth. Meanwhile, recent works debate whether institutions, culture, or geography plays a crucial role. These works focus on the social, domestic, geographic, and biological elements of development, the cultural and institutional legacy of colonialism, as well as questions on gender, ethnic, and national identity. Although they do not reject the importance of foreign demand, capital, and labor in explaining the development of the lands of recent settlement, they question the adequacy of interpretations based solely on economic factors. Ultimately, the most important contribution of the study of development of lands of recent settlement is in the area of an analysis of transnational networks and globalization.
Cultural Political Economy
William Biebuyck and Judith Meltzer
Cultural political economy (CPE) is an approach to political economy that focuses on how economic systems, and their component parts, are products of specific human, technical, and natural relations. Notwithstanding longer historical roots, CPE emerged as part of the "cultural turn" within the social sciences. Although it is often seen as countering material determinism and the neglect of culture in conventional approaches in political economy, the cultural turn was less about "adding culture" than about challenging positivist epistemologies in social research. For some, cultural political economy continues to be defined by an orientation toward cultural or "lifeworld" variables such as identity, gender, discourse, and so on, in contrast to conventional political economy's focus on the material or "systems" dimensions. However, this revalorization of the nonmaterial dimensions of political economic life reinforces a sharp distinction between the cultural and the material, an issue which can be traced to the concept of "(dis)embedding" the economy and subordinating society. A more noticeable development, however, is the increasing orientation of critical (CPE) analyses of global development toward the "economization" of the cultural in the context of mutating forms of neoliberalism. Concomitant to the economization of the cultural in narratives of global development is the "culturalization" of the economic. Here attention is paid not just to the growth of cultural industries but to the multiple ways in which culture has been normalized in discourses of global and corporate development.
Income Inequality and Economic Development
Matthew McKeever
The nature of the relationship between economic development and income inequality has long been the subject of considerable debate. Economic growth has very different effects on poverty, depending on a country's level of income inequality. In high inequality countries, economic growth that raises the overall level of income disproportionately tends to benefit the rich, whereas policies that encourage economic growth while reducing income inequality will greatly accelerate the achievement of poverty reduction goals. Thus, understanding how income inequality and economic development are linked is important for establishing economic growth policies that reduce poverty. The literature on the economic development–income inequality nexus in industrial society places emphasis on the causes of current social inequality. The central and most cited paper in the literature is S. Kuznets's "Economic Growth and Income Inequality" (1955), which proposed an inverted U-shaped relationship between development and inequality over the course of industrialization. Some scholars have tried to build upon Kuznets's theory by focusing on his claim that income inequality is a function of the nature of regulations put on the market. Other studies deal with the importance of studying the relationship between democracy and inequality, the effect of the nature of the government on shaping inequality compared to industrialization, and the implications of globalization for income inequality. This overview of the literature shows that there is little true consensus on the relationship between inequality and development and highlights two major areas for improvement: measurement and data quality.
Terrorism and Foreign Policy
Amanda Skuldt
Before the late 1960s, terrorism was commonly viewed as an internal problem that belonged to the realm of policing rather than foreign policy. The Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine's airplane hijackings in Europe, combined with the 1972 Munich Olympics wherein eleven Israeli athletes were captured and held hostage by Black September, gave rise to some foundational counterterrorism policy features; for example, no negotiations with terrorists. But it was not until the 1983–1984 attacks on its embassy and the Marine barracks in Beirut that the United States began to see terrorism as a policy concern. The terrorist attacks of September 11 also led scholars to become increasingly interested in integrating work on international terrorism into international relations (IR) and foreign policy theories. The theories of IR, foreign policy concerns of policy makers, and terrorism studies intersect in areas such as the development of international law governing terrorism, poverty, economic development, globalization, military actions, and questions of whether deterrence is still possible in the age of decentralized terrorist groups and suicidal terrorism. Despite decades of research on terrorism and counterterrorism, some very basic and important gaps remain. Issues that the academic literature on foreign policy or terrorism must address include the effects of the evolving organizational structure of terrorist groups, illegal immigration, the radicalization of European Muslims, and the phenomenon recently identified as "swarming."
Environment in the Global Political Economy
Peter M. Haas
The literature on the political economy of the global environment is a hybrid of political economy, international relations (IR), and international environmental politics, looking at the formal and informal institutional factors which give rise to unsustainable habits. The physical environment has long been the subject of social scientists, who recognized that patterns of social activity might contribute to environmental degradation. One of the most common formulations of environmental issues as a collective action is through the metaphor of the Tragedy of Commons, which argues that overpopulation worldwide would undoubtedly contribute to extensive resource depletion. Following the formulation of the core properties of environmental issues as lying at the interstices of a variety of human activities, implications followed for how to conduct research on international environmental politics and policy. Realist and neorealist traditions in international relations stress the seminal role of power and national leadership in addressing environmental problems. Neoliberal institutionalists look at the role of formal institutional properties in influencing states' willingness to address transboundary and global environmental threats. On the other hand, the constructivist movement in international relations focuses on the role of new ecological doctrines in how states choose to address their environmental problems, and to act collectively. Ultimately, the major policy debates over the years have addressed the political economy of private investment in environmentally oriented activities, sustainable development doctrines, free trade and the environment, environmental security, and studies of compliance, implementation, and effectiveness.
International Economic Institutions and Global Justice
Pamela Blackmon
The international financial institutions (IFIs) have adapted and changed their policies over time to focus on global justice and poverty alleviation. This evolution is explored, with close attention to the role of political economy scholars and international events that increased the pressure on the IFIs to change their policies. Events such as the failure of structural adjustment policies, and the increasing role of nongovernmental organizations after the end of the Cold War were strong forces advocating for both debt relief policies and efforts designed to alleviate poverty. Problems surrounding the deadline for the Millennium Development Goals in 2015 and the increased role of the IFIs during the 2008 global financial crisis are also discussed.
Development, Welfare Policy, and the Welfare State
Gyu-Jin Hwang
One of the most significant structural transformations in postwar capitalist democracies has been the rise of the welfare state. The theoretical intent of the traditional sociological and economic inquiry into the welfare state has focused less on trying to understand the welfare state itself and more on to what extent and under what conditions welfare provisions influence social and economic outcomes such as equality, employment, and labor market behavior. Over time, however, scholars have turned toward historical and political factors. G. Esping-Andersen identified three types of welfare state that seem incongruent with the real worlds of welfare capitalism: the "liberal," "conservative/corporatist," and "social democratic." In contrast to the period until the mid-1980s that focused on welfare state expansion, the late 1980s saw the emergence of new streams of literature whose emphasis was on welfare state retrenchment. More recently, scholars have advanced the argument that the globalization of capital markets has effectively increased the power of capital over governments that seek to expand or maintain relatively high levels of social protection and taxation. Another notable trend is the increased intellectual interest in the relation between development and social policy and the growing interface between social policy and economic policy. A question that arises is whether distinctive welfare regimes have the ability to survive, particularly if their norms clash with those of the competition, or Schumpeterian workfare state.
A History of International Communication Studies
Elizabeth C. Hanson
The intellectual impetus for international communication research has come from a variety of disciplines, notably political science, sociology, psychology, social psychology, linguistics, anthropology, and, of course, communication science and international relations. Although highly diverse in content, international communication scholarship, past and current, falls into distinct research traditions or areas of inquiry. The content and focus of these have changed over time in response to innovations in communication technologies and to the political environment. The development and spread of radio and film in the 1920s and 1930s increased public awareness and scholarly interest in the phenomenon of the mass media and in issues regarding the impact on public opinion. The extensive use of propaganda as an instrument of policy by all sides in World War I, and the participation of social scientists in the development of this instrument, provided an impetus for the development of both mass communication and international communication studies. There was a heavy emphasis on the micro level effects, the process of persuasion. Strategic considerations prior to and during World War II reinforced this emphasis. World War II became an important catalyst for research in mass communication. Analytical tools of communication research were applied to the tasks of mobilizing domestic public support for the war, understanding enemy propaganda, and developing psychological warfare techniques to influence the morale and opinion of allied and enemy populations. During the Cold War, U.S foreign policy goals continued to shape the direction of much research in international communication, notably "winning hearts and minds" of strategically important populations in the context of the East-West conflict. As new states began to emerge from colonial empires, communication became an important component of research on development. "Development research" emphasized the role of the mass media in guiding and accelerating development. This paradigm shaped both national and international development programs throughout the 1960's. It resurfaced in the 1980s with a focus on telecommunication, and again in the 1990s, in modified form under the comprehensive label "information and communication technologies for development." Development communication met serious criticism in the 1970s as the more general modernization paradigm was challenged. The emergence of new information and communication technologies in the 1990s inspired a vast literature on their impact on the global economy, foreign policy, the nation state and, more broadly, on their impact on power structures and social change. The beginning of the 21st century marks a transition point as the scholarship begins to respond to multiple new forms of communication and to new directions taken by the technologies that developed and spread in the latter part of the previous century
Global Knowledge Society and Information Technology
Shalini Venturelli
The Global Knowledge Society is a broad interdisciplinary effort that emerged in the last decade of the twentieth century to probe the socioeconomic, technological, and geopolitical dimensions of knowledge production, growth, diffusion, and exploitation, in terms of impact on the development of societies worldwide. As a field of inquiry, the Global Knowledge Society encompasses all areas of social science including international relations, international communication, information technology, international development, and economics, as well as across the physical sciences and humanities. It also aims to fill a historical void in traditional social science—from economics and political science to international affairs and development studies—for explaining structural and environmental differences in societal rates of knowledge generation, application and adoption. A number of models on knowledge development have been explored in the literature, including the "Distributed Information Networks" approach, the "Technological Diffusion" approach, the "Genius Theory of Invention" approach, the "Creative and Proprietary Incentives" approach, and the "Cultural Legacy" approach. Models outside the social sciences and humanities also offer some rich possibilities, such as those under the label of "Idea Evolution." Several of the models suggest the need for rethinking the mystery of persistent societal differences in knowledge growth within and between countries. Future research on knowledge society should consider bringing together researchers and policymakers from many disciplines across the natural and social sciences to review the substance of the field's comparative methods and findings using interdisciplinary frameworks and complex factors.
Measuring Global Poverty
Shatakshee Dhongde
Economists have long been preoccupied with trying to understand the nature and causes of poverty. From Adam Smith to David Ricardo, Thomas Malthus, Karl Marx, and John Stuart Mill, a common belief among economists is that the benefits of economic growth are rarely experienced by the poorer sections of society. An important issue is how to measure global poverty accurately. International organizations such as the United Nations and the World Bank have endeavored to measure global poverty since the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), stated in the UN's Millennium Declaration which was adopted in 2000 by 189 nations. However, measuring global poverty is far from simple. Estimates of poverty and particularly of global poverty are very sensitive to the underlying assumptions, such as the notion of poverty itself, the choice of welfare indicator, the unit of measurement used, and purchasing power parity rates. One of the significant advances in global poverty studies was the World Bank's introduction of a poverty line in the 1990 World Development Report (WDR). Despite these efforts, the precise number of poor in the world remains ambiguous. Nevertheless, emerging frontiers in poverty analysis indicate new interest in measuring poverty more broadly. Some ideas that may dominate the future of poverty research include multidimensional poverty, vulnerability to poverty, and chronic poverty.
Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, International Studies. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).


We assume you are already in the process of ordering with us.
Browse now to www.btcx.se Enter your details and purchase your Bitcoins via Swish.
There you specify your Bitcoin address that you will find in your wallet.
Important is that you choose high priority otherwise it may take several hours before you seeBbitcoinen.
Pick up your phone and scan the QR code as you see at the checkout.
Once scanned, it may take up to 60 minutes before we accept your Bitcoins, so the order is completed.
or start your wallet from your PC and copy the address and send the sum.


Each month, St Vincent de Paul assists, on average, 43 families and individuals in the Frisco area. We are a 100% volunteer organization and 100% of our funding comes from donors just like you. Our ability to continue our work is entirely dependent on the generosity of you. Won't you help us today?


Offer of the week clipped, unclip, share, share with your friends. Print these coupons now and clip additional coupons after you print. 284.35 available Savings 0 167 grocery coupons are available for you. Clipped, unclip, share, share with your friends. More, see more offers in Foods. 1000s of free samples and coupons. Click, Print and, save.
SmartSource coupons makes saving on groceries simple!
Every day, we add new grocery coupons for the brands you love.
More See more offers in Foods. Featured, aug 6, 2018, trending, aug 6, 2018, trending, aug 3, 2018, yesterday, yesterday, yesterday, yesterday, yesterday, yesterday, yesterday, you may also like: Yes, I agree to sign up for the MySavings email newsletter. Offer of the week clipped Unclip Share Share with your friends. Terms, privacy, contact Us, our Team. More See more offers in Personal Care. Offer of the week Loading Page 2 You can print a maximum of 150 coupons at a time.
More, see more offers in Personal Care. Advertise, publishers, terms Privacy, while m makes every effort to post correct information, offers are subject to change without notice. Target, cartwheel, a whole new spin on coupons. Find share the best deals in all your favorite categories: grocery, baby, apparel, health beauty more. Get inspired with ideas for fitness, healthy food and new year's resolutions. MySavings offers the largest directory of free samples, product samples, free stuff, freebies, printable coupons, grocery coupons, deals and sweepstakes. Hi, these coupons are printable.
Once selected, add to cart for the domain you have chosen from different variation such.com,.Net, etc., while for hosting you have to select the plan. More writer-friendly than Word or other word processing software. Experience Domain Registrar: Namecheap..


text:
Apps, Mobile & SMS
Mainstream Fanatic: Songza Takes Music Playlists To The Masses
Post by Kyle Bylin (@kbylin) of Live Nation Labs and Ultimate Chart.
Every year, dozens of startups attempt the impossible: to make their product mainstream. In the music sector, this proves to be a particularly challenging task, because startups are often founded by fanatics who are unlike the casual listeners they're targeting with their product.
The team at Songza, a music streaming service, faces this hurdle.
The company presents itself as a destination for hand-crafted playlists and effortless music discovery, but the roll-out of its latest platform signals that its ambitions are much larger. Many companies have tried to create a mainstream playlist service before, but none have attempted this feat in the way that Songza has.
When a user visits Songza, they're now encouraged to use a feature that helps them select the perfect playlist for that time period. For example, if you open Songza on a Tuesday afternoon, it suggests you may be seeking music for "Working or Studying". If selected, it displays a list of genres, and if you pick "Pop", the playlists "The World of Adele" or "Soft Pop" are recommended.
This feature, branded as Music Concierge, is innovative and intuitive; it narrows the pool of playlists and eases the burden of picking one. By suggesting the right music for their day, it has the potential to increase the amount of enjoyment users derive from it, thereby enhancing their mood.
But what's striking about the feature isn't what it does. The remarkable thing about Music Concierge lies in the fanatic activity that drives it and the effect it may have on those who use it.
II. Maximizing Music
Behind Songza, there's a hoard of music experts and dedicated users. These are the fanatics who swap songs in and out of the playlists for "Working or Studying," or "Getting Lucky," or "Unwinding After A Busy Weekend" until they achieve perfection.
They imagine themselves working or studying in the future and attempt to align music with that experience in hopes that they can increase their focus and deepen their enjoyment of the task.
After several hours and possibly debates with friends, these fanatics arrive at a list of songs that suffice and now must determine how they fare in the real world. The next time they're working or studying, they'll cue up the playlist, make a few adjustments, and press play. Depending on how well the songs carry them through the designated activity, they'll either redo or finalize the playlist.
This process takes time and effort, more than a casual listener will devote. Songza removes this burden for casual users entirely and makes it easy to harvest the fruits of fanatic labor. It might just popularize the notion that different times of day call for different kinds of music if the service goes mainstream.
For decades, fanatics have had a romanticized idea about having a soundtrack to their lives. When they wake up in the morning, they dream of a playlist beginning—just like in the movies—that syncs up the perfect songs to their day and only pauses for dramatic moments between star-crossed lovers.
The introduction of the cassette opened the door to this music utopia, making it possible for fanatics everywhere to capture their favorite songs and blend them together in a thematic fashion.
But this form of playlist curation goes beyond that. Playing the right music at the right time is only one part of the equation. That's what a DJ does. When fanatics create playlists, they attempt to imagine future experiences and orchestrate music that maximizes the level of enjoyment they expect to derive from the activity alone. Their goal is to make the activity itself better through music.
Rather than settle for a playlist that's good enough, a fanatic explores all possible songs and chooses the best ones. This is a daunting task, but their playlists speak for themselves.
Songza has now packaged these playlists and made them accessible to casual listeners. The question is: Could a feature like Music Concierge produce negative effects? If so, what might they be?
III. Conveyer Belt
Products are conversations—and Songza mirrors what users tell it. We may not recognize the person staring back at us, but that reflection is us, and it speaks volumes about music fans today.
We're overloaded with choice, often opting to listen to the same old songs as a way to avoid facing unlimited options. Moreover, we outsource choice—using filters like iTunes and Pandora rather than "doing the work" ourselves. We stand alongside the conveyer belt that the web provides us, assigning thumbs up or down to songs as they pass us by. If unsure, we skip the song entirely, because determining if we like it proves just as—if not more—paralyzing.
Music in the digital age isn't always the paradise of choice we sought. As often, it's the paradox of choice. Recognizing this, Songza set out to develop a better product, one that helps users find great playlists and requires zero effort.
According to user feedback, even the act of typing in an artist name to create a playlist—the way a user creates a station on Pandora—demanded too much thought and energy. It also revealed that the best music service—to them—is free to use with no strings attached or annoying audio ads.
Added to this, Songza had to make it extremely clear to users how its product differed from web darlings like Pandora and Spotify, who are often wrongly compared to each other.
First the company released a new platform and a mobile app with an increased focus on its curated library of playlists—and it has now placed Music Concierge at the forefront of that offering. This is significant, because it encourages users to rely on a filter rather than on themselves and to pick a playlist over choosing one.
Perhaps more troubling than this result is the possibility that this passivity will carry over into the way users interact with the playlists they've chosen. Songza already assumes that a user is doing something else and listening to music, which diverts their attention from the response songs stir individually to the experience a playlist creates collectively. Rather than actively engaging with the music and the artists who create it, users begin an activity and use Songza to entertain them.
Now we shouldn't pretend—even for a moment—that this scenario somehow differs from the way that most people listen to music. The distinction to make is that most musical experiences contain songs that have the potential to shake us from the motions of everyday life and captivate us to engage with them. When we listen to the perfect playlist for an activity, in contrast, it never interrupts our workflow or demands attention.
IV. Mainstream Fanatic
Generally, the first people a new music service attracts are fanatics. They instantly saw the value in joining Turntable.fm, the group listening service, and likely went on to become DJs. So too, they're the people who discover Songza and feel compelled to submit playlists for consideration.
The web platform and mobile app that Songza developed, though, required too much investment to cross the chasm and captivate a casual listener. To streamline the product and broaden its appeal, Songza introduced Music Concierge.
Turntable eluded the mainstream market and declined in use because it failed to translate the fanatic activities that drove its product into one that solved a problem that casual listeners have.
The wider narrative of Songza, however, goes much deeper. As the service gains traction, it will likely further the transition of music to merely the audio backdrop to our daily activities. It won't be assumed that we do something else and listen to music, it'll be accepted that we're always doing something else.
Synchblog on 03/30/2012 in Apps, Mobile & SMS | Permalink | Comments (12)
Refe says:
Great write up, Kyle. Your distinction between the needs of 'fanatics' vs. casual listeners is basic, but foundational to the challenge of successfully marketing a music app. These companies need the casual listeners because without their numbers they have no hope of building a successful, profitable service.
I would add that targeting the casual listener is more difficult than simply offering an incremental solution to a problem they aren't aware they have – you also have to somehow make them aware of the problem, and convince them to care enough to adopt your solution.
Despite my love of the music industry I am planted firmly in the casual listener camp. With that said, Pandora and Spotify work just fine for me. Why should I switch? That's the question they need to answer, and they'll likely need to throw some real money and effort behind that answer to make it stick. Pandora and Spotify have enough market share now that incremental solutions like this one may not be enough to really compete.
That's also the double-edged sword of making a service more passive and touting that as a selling point. Yes, that might be what the casual listener wants, but it also creates an inherent barrier to excitement and wide adoption.
Playlist Pros says:
I am intrigued by this music concierge feature. I will be putting it into practice all weekend and will have a review Monday on my site PlaylistProfessional.com. I am a music fanatic/DJ/music director of 20 years with a boatload of experience in entertaining casual listeners through music. Thank you for your description of what Music Concierge sets out to do. I look forward to presenting the execution of it.
Laturb says:
Perhaps my tastes are too eclectic, but on the odd occasion that I've used this type of innovation the results have been way, way off.
Then again, if you're into AI and reality covers for the most part, then you probably do need some help.
Greg Golebiewski says:
If you like to "play WITH music," create playlist and share them with your friends, check out BuyMyPlaylist.com
http://www.buymyplaylist.com.
This service is licensed and available in the US, UK, Germany Italy and Portugal; it has more than 16 Million songs to play with — just try it!
Brian Hazard says:
Great read Kyle! I'm always interested to hear how others are listening to music, since I'm about the only one I know who can't multitask (other than driving) while listening. There's no way I could study or even write emails with music in the "background."
Kyle Bylin says:
Refe: Thank you for your comment. You make a great point about app adoption and it's one I've thought about in the past.
In order for a user to see the value in Shazam, they must first feel the pain of wanting to know what song is playing on the radio. Then they must be educated that a solution to identify that song exists and see the value in installing the app.
Next, they must encounter the problem again, recall that a solution exists, and execute against it. Only after many uses does a user form a habit, connecting the problem with the solution and shifting their view from passivity to activity.
The fanatic fallacy causes startup founders to perceive their problems as being more universal than it actually are. They use their own experience as evidence that a solution should exist. When, in reality, most users can't relate to the products they create.
Brian: You're an interesting study when it comes to a musician and a listener.
One thing I've wondered about is if the availability of music everywhere has made people uncomfortable with silence and it has become a tool to socially isolate and dampen the sound of their own thoughts.
It's just a theory, one I've mused about for awhile now.
I think it's safe to say that you're not Songza's target user. =) Then again, maybe you should program some playlists.
Yannick, the GeneralEclectic says:
Nice to read from you again on here, Kyle. Nevertheless, I prefer creating my own playlists because I enjoy it.
And when once, music used to be almost always around me, in a way like other people would use a fragrance, having gotten busier and busier, I currently find myself creating time windows in my schedule especially for listening purposes and for live playlisting (which is not far from DJing actually).
Again, another guy not in the core audience for Songza, I guess.
I wonder what these new streaming companies are seeing in the market that causes more and more of them to spring up every year? Pandora is the biggest player in the space and their revenue numbers are awful. They just told Wall Street that they don't expect to make a profit until 2013 at the earliest.
I'd love to sit down with the founder of Songza, or Rdio, or any of the others and hear what it is they have up their sleeve (or don't?) to rise above debilitating royalty rates. Charging artists for airtime or promotion? Additional premium options to encourage higher adoption rates? I believe that someone can come up with a solution for profitability in online radio – listeners certainly love the services they use – but I wonder if it will come from any of the current players.
Eric Davich says:
Hi Refe,
Would be happy to chat. Drop me a line at eric@songza.com and we'll arrange something.
Thanks Eric, I'll take you up on that.


text:
Salome Joseph Mbatia was a Member of Parliament holding a special seat in the Tanzanian National Assembly. She was a member of the Chama Cha Mapinduzi revolutionary party. She had four children and was married to Dr. Joseph Mbatia.

Biography
In August 2001, while a Member of Parliament, Mbatia spoke out to news outlets about the ongoing practice of female genital mutilation in Tanzania. According to her, while most traditional practices were no longer in operation, female genital mutilation was still occurring in hospitals, and efforts by the government should be directed to end it.

Later that year, in September, Mbatia took part in the 2001 Global Summit of Women in Hong Kong, China. She was one of thirty participants in a parade of female leaders from around the world which displayed the range of female leadership.

In 2005, Jakaya Kikwete won the general election and became president of Tanzania. In his administration, Mbatia was appointed Deputy Minister of Planning, Economy, and Empowerment alongside Minister Juma Ngasongwa. She later became Deputy Minister of Community Development, Gender, and Children.

Death
Mbatia was killed on 24 October 2007 in a car accident while in Iringa, Njombe District, when a Fuso truck hit the car she was riding in head-on. The incident was the third car accident which involved lawmakers or ministers in the last two months. Her body was flown to the Julius Nyerere International Airport the day after for a reception from other ministers and government officials, including Vice President Ali Shein, Prime Minister Edward Lowassa, and Speaker of Parliament Samuel Sitta. From there, it was taken to Kirua near Kilimanjaro for the funeral and burial.

References

Tanzanian politicians
Chama Cha Mapinduzi MPs
1952 births
2007 deaths
Tanzanian Roman Catholics
21st-century Tanzanian politicians
21st-century Tanzanian women politicians
Road incident deaths in Tanzania


The Walter Anderson Museum of Art (WAMA) in Ocean Springs houses the works of this city's favorite son. In his lifetime, however, he was not so appreciated. He agreed, for example, to paint murals on the walls of the community center for payment of $1.00. When finished the murals in 1951 there were those in town who wanted to whitewash over his work. Thankfully that did not happen and today the murals are worth in excess of $23M. When we first saw prints of Andersons work we were not entirely convinced of his genius. Once we viewed the original work we were instantaneous fans. The fact that Walter was not entirely sane adds just the right touch of quirkiness to his work.
Harry took a coffee and sketching break and Marsha walked through town and did a bit of shopping. Then we were drove over the bridge to Biloxi and the Ohr-O'Keefe Museum of Art (OOMA). So named for George Edgar Ohr the Mad Potter of Biloxi (1857-1918) and former Biloxi mayor Jeremiah O'Keefe who along with his late wife provided the seed money for the project. The museum set in a 4 acre grove of live oak across the street from the gulf was half completed when Katrina struck and there was extensive damage, i.e. a floating casino washed ashore onto the property. Architect Frank Gehry designed the entire campus of buildings. Ohr cultivated an outlandish persona and would have definitely appreciated Gehry's design. He did not achieve recognition in his lifetime but now his work is in the Metropolitan Museum in New York, and in the Smithsonian and there is this museum in his hometown.
When Harry had experienced quite enough for one day I dropped him at the Hotel and proceeded on to the local headquarters of the Gulf Coast National Seashore for a walk along one of their trails as the sun began to set.
Observation: There is indeed a beautiful beach along Beach Blvd. in Biloxi. Across the boulevard from the street there are empty lots with For Sale signs on them. Eight years later there are still undeniable signs of how Katrina ravaged these communities.