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Front. Psychol., 05 February 2019 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00134
To Brake or Not to Brake? Personality Traits Predict Decision-Making in an Accident Situation
Uijong Ju1, June Kang2,3 and Christian Wallraven1*
1Department of Brain and Cognitive Engineering, Cognitive Systems Lab, Korea University, Seoul, South Korea
2Department of Biomedical Science, Interdisciplinary Affective Neuroscience Lab, Korea University, Seoul, South Korea
3Empathy Research Institute, Goyang, South Korea
Many situations require decisions to be made in very little time—in emergency or accident situations such decisions will carry potentially harmful consequences. Can we predict how people react in such situations from their personality traits alone? Since experimental tests of accident situations are not possible in the real world, existing studies usually employ text-based surveys or post-situation assessments, making predictions and generalization difficult. In the present study, we used virtual reality to create a more life-like situation in order to study decision-making under controlled circumstances. In our experiment, participants trained in an immersive car simulation to complete a race-course as fast as possible. In the testing phase, pedestrians appeared on the course without warning, forcing participants to react. The experiment used a one-shot design to avoid pre-meditation and to test naïve, rapid decision-making. Participants' reactions could be classified into two categories: people who tried to brake, and people who potentially endangered pedestrians by not braking or conducting hazardous evasion maneuvers. Importantly, this latter group of participants scored significantly higher on psychopathy-related traits among a set of personality-related factors. Additional personality factors, as well as age, gender, gaming expertise, and driving experience did not significantly influence participants' decision-making. This result was true for both a Korean sample (N = 94) and an independently-tested German sample (N = 94), indicating cross-cultural stability of the results. Overall, our results demonstrate that decision-making in an extreme, simulated accident situation is critically influenced by personality traits.
Often, one person's decision decides the fate of many people. This can both have negative outcomes as in a recent fatal plane crash in France that was initiated by a pilot, as well as positive outcomes as in a continued broadcasting of warnings during the 2011 tsunami in Japan that cost two government workers their lives but saved many other peoples' lives. Even though some of these decisions are clearly pre-meditated, many difficult decisions have to be made in very little time and can happen anytime even in every-day life: for example, a person driving fast with their car, as they are late for an important interview when, suddenly, a pedestrian appears on the road. In such a situation, several driving actions (from risky maneuvering around the pedestrian to full emergency braking) are possible, which are potentially triggered by trying to avoid hurting the pedestrian. What aspects affect decision-making in such situations? Is it possible to predict from a personality profile how a person would react in an extreme, dangerous situation like this?
According to the 2-systems model of social behavior, behaviors and actions are the consequences of reflective and impulsive processes (Strack and Deutsch, 2004). For the former, people perceive situational cues and deliberately decide their behavior based on their knowledge or experiential values. In contrast, for the latter, it is posited that people perceive situational cues and then an automatic association network activates a behavior with the strongest links. Importantly, this associative network can be learned and can also be formed by reflective processes (Johnson and Hirst, 1993). Personality is intertwined with these two processes as the explicit and implicit self-concepts that arise from a life-time of experiences (Strack and Deutsch, 2004; Back et al., 2009; Mcadams and Olson, 2010). This means that in an extreme situation, some people may take a risk based on explicit or implicit self-concepts derived from life-time experiences related to general situations. Since both experiences and acquired concepts are different across individuals, it follows that personality affects reflective and impulsive processing and consequently influences decision-making. Although much research has shown connections between explicit, self-reported concepts and life outcomes in general (i.e., Vazire and Gosling, 2004), comparatively less is known about the connection of explicit personality traits and observable behavior with several previous studies finding clear discrepancies between self-reported traits and observed actions (West and Jan Brown, 1975; Todd et al., 2007; Tassy et al., 2013b).
If one wants to study decision-making in extreme situations, it is clearly not possible to submit participants to accident situations in real-life. Computer-based experiments and in particular virtual reality (VR) represent a solution to this problem, as they provide a realistic and immersive, yet "safe" testing bed. As one example, in the context of research on fire evacuation, VR has been shown to provide a safe and controllable environment for investigating behaviors in critical situations compared to other research methods (Kinateder et al., 2014). A few studies have started to investigate decision-making in driving situations using VR: two car driving simulation studies, for example, found that people with more traffic violations in the real world drove their virtual car faster (Schwebel et al., 2006) and braked less heavily (Stephens and Groeger, 2009). Except for some anxiety traits, however, no other personality traits were significantly correlated with virtual driving behavior (Stephens and Groeger, 2009) nor were these able to predict risky driving in VR (Schwebel et al., 2006). In the present study, we seek to further investigate the connection between personality traits and decision-making in an accident situation using VR.
Importantly, none of the VR studies on simulated driving have so far clearly linked personality traits with decision-making of the participants, leaving the question open of how decisions in a realistic, potentially dangerous situation may be influenced by personality traits. One of the limitations of the mentioned VR studies was that participants were usually able to predict that something would happen next: for example, in the car driving study, similar traffic situations were replicated many times (Schwebel et al., 2006; Stephens and Groeger, 2009), leading participants to pay particular attention to these situations therefore potentially biasing or changing their decision-making criteria. In the present study, we avoided making participants aware of the upcoming decision-event, thereby trying to determine how much their impulsive decision-making (that is, decisions without explicit instructions) would be predictable based on their personality traits.
In particular, we designed a car simulation in which participants first had to train to finish a course under difficult driving conditions. After the training, participants then were told that their next lap would be the final testing lap in which we recorded their driving skills. During this lap and after a sharp curve, pedestrians suddenly appeared on a bridge, frantically waving and shouting "Stop." Since the pedestrians blocked the full extent of the road, participants had no choice but to steer the car off the bridge, to brake, or to try and steer the car past the pedestrians, thereby potentially endangering them. In this situation, we were looking for potential influences of personality traits on that final decision.
Our selection of potential personality traits to is motivated from a research context in which associations between decision-making and personality were investigated in "extreme" situations. For example, in the well-known "trolley dilemma" or in the "footbridge dilemma," participants are asked to decide whether to sacrifice one person in order to save five people from an incoming train (Foot, 1967; Thomson, 1985). If participants agree to sacrifice one person to save the other five, this decision is often called a utilitarian judgment (Mill, 1863; Mill and Crisp, 1998), whereas if they do not agree to sacrifice the one person, the decision is called a deontological judgment (Greene et al., 2001, 2004; Cushman et al., 2006; Valdesolo and Desteno, 2006; Hauser et al., 2007; Mikhail, 2007). When investigating what kinds of people make which type of decision, interestingly, in this type of dilemma the utilitarian trait is positively related to psychopathy in many cases (Glenn et al., 2010; Bartels and Pizarro, 2011; Koenigs et al., 2012; Wiech et al., 2013; Kahane et al., 2015) and negatively correlated with empathic concern (Crockett et al., 2010; Choe and Min, 2011; Kahane et al., 2015), which also highlights a link between decision and certain personality traits. Based on these studies, we therefore chose psychopathy as well as empathy-related traits as potential personality factors.
It has been shown that psychopathy is not only related to moral dilemma decision-making, but also associated with risky decision-making in different situations. For example, in the balloon analog risk task, a high level of psychopathy predicts risky behavior and secondary psychopathy showed correlation with risky decision-making in young adults (Hunt et al., 2005). Additionally, psychopathy showed correlations with self-reported irresponsible and criminal risk-taking compared to other external disorders for jailed inmates (Swogger et al., 2010). Such correlations may be explained by associations of high psychopathy with low moral identity (Glenn et al., 2010), lack of violence inhibition (Blair, 1995), or lack of ability to integrate rule and stimulus values (Baskin-Sommers et al., 2016). Hence, a high level of psychopathy may lead one to ignore basic moral codes in extreme situations.
Additionally, a lack of empathy is considered a critical component of psychopathy (Cleckley, 1964), which means that empathy itself also may influence decision-making in such situations. Several studies support a relationship between empathy and the ethical decision-making process (Mencl and May, 2009) and decision-making in medical emergencies (Loewenstein, 2005). Such correlations can be derived from empathy's two main components: the cognitive understanding of another person's state and the experiencing of the other's affective state (Hoffman, 1984). Hence, in the context of our present study, empathy may impact whether or not one is willing to risk potential harm to others in extreme circumstances, such as accident situations.
Although the goal of our study was to determine the influence of personality on decision-making, it may be possible that other factors would determine the decision of the participants. For example, a previous, inter-cultural driving behavior study found that drivers in the U.S, Spain, Germany, and Brazil seem to have differences in risk perception (Sivak et al., 1989). To investigate whether such differences also extend to intuitive decision-making in our task, we included both a Korean sample and a German sample in our study, testing how well the results of one sample would generalize to the other. Additional factors that may play a role in the decision-making were also tested for their influence in our study, including gender (Fumagalli et al., 2010), the amount of driving experience (Lajunen and Summala, 1995), computer gaming experience (Anderson et al., 2010), as well as general subjective experience during the simulation (Chou and Ting, 2003).
In short, in the present study we investigated decision-making in an emergency situation. Based on our experimental paradigm and the present state of research as outline above, we hypothesize that in (1) this condition, participants' responses can be divided into several categories based on their control input to the car and that (2) these different decision categories can in part be predicted based on particular personality traits.
We used Unity3D 4.6.1f1 (Unity Technologies, San Francisco, USA; a game engine tool also used for virtual reality development) together with open source assets to design our car-driving simulation (the assets we used were based on sources found at https://www.assetstore.unity3d.com/en/#!/content/10). Figure 1 shows more details of the setup and the visuals. In order to implement realistic car controls, we added a wheel-pedal interface (Joystick, Power Racer 270 DX; Seoul, KR), which allowed two degrees of freedom and used pedals for acceleration and braking. In order to make controls easy to learn, only forward/backward accelerator and left-right steering were used in the experiment. Visualization was done using a state-of-the-art commercial head mounted display (HMD, Oculus Rift DK2; Irvine, USA; resolution = 800 × 600 px at 60 frames per second) which afforded stereoscopic depth and also allowed us to precisely track and represent yaw, pitch, and roll movements from a gyroscope, accelerometer and magnetometer inside the headset. Participants were able to move their head and look around in the car and the virtual environment if they wished. Engine and environmental sounds were provided through ear-phones to further increase immersion in the virtual reality environment.
Figure 1. Screenshots of the accident situation. (A) Right before the event. (B) Three pedestrians suddenly appeared on the road. (C) The middle person shouting "stop!". Note that the pedestrians block the whole width of the road with rocks to the right side preventing a potential evasive maneuver.
We used a two-group, quasi-experimental design for the experiment. Participants had to complete three training sessions and one test session. During the training session, they learned how to control the car as well as the layout of the race course in virtual reality. The aim of the training was to finish the course in <5 min. In order to provide further motivation and enhance concentration on the task, the current speed of the car, as well as the best and worst lap times for the course were presented on screen. The training was automatically finished if participants reached the finish line or if 5 min had passed. If a participant did not reach the goal of 5 min within three training sessions, they were excluded from the experiment—in our case, none of the participants failed to reach this goal.
Before entering the test session, participants were told that the lap time in the following run was going to be their final time and that they should concentrate to make a fast lap. During the test lap, as soon as the car turned a specific corner of the course, an accident situation occurred: three people appeared on a bridge and started walking toward the car. Since the brake was set to low sensitivity during the whole game, it was not possible to easily stop the car. In addition, the gaps between people were too small for the car to pass through. As soon as the car was close to the first person, the person in the middle shouted "stop" and raised their hands to indicate stopping. The rightmost person froze as if in fear, whereas the left character also moved their hands to indicate stopping. The experiment was automatically finished when participants either collided with a virtual character or tried to steer the car off the cliff followed by a crash on the ground (see Figure 1 and Video S1). During this whole event, participants' control inputs to the accelerator (hit or not), brake (hit or not), and steering wheel (left/right) were record in each frame, starting at the time when participants turned a corner until the experiment terminated with the collision or the drop.
Since VR setups can sometimes result in uncomfortable experiences, if a participant felt dizzy or had any other symptoms of virtual-reality sickness, they were told to immediately take off the HMD and to notify the experimenter.
Sample Size and Participants
The required sample size was calculated through an a priori power analysis (G* power, Faul et al., 2007) based on a two-tailed t-test with non-equal allocation ratio. In independent pilot experiments, we found that participants' decisions in the event could be group into two categories: those people who tried to avoid hitting the pedestrians by hitting the brake, and those people who endangered participants by trying to squeeze past them or by even not braking at all (see Supplementary Material for a discussion and analysis of the experimental data with three instead of two groups). We termed these two groups Don't Ignore and Ignore. Additionally, the pilot showed that decision-making in our task had a group allocation ratio for the two decision categories Don't Ignore/Ignore of 2. We then determined the sample size using an effect size of d = 0.8 for the personality traits at a standard power of 1-beta = 80%. As the analysis included six different personality scales, we used a Bonferroni-corrected alpha-value of alpha = 0.05/6. The resulting sample size was 90 participants in total with 60 participants in the Don't Ignore group and 30 in the Ignore group.
We then recruited participants until that sample size was achieved in our Korean sample and tested for the consistency of the results in an independent sample in Germany. A total of 203 participants were recruited for our experiment [103 from Korea, 100 from Germany, 89 males, 114 females, between 20 and 39 years of age and with a mean age of 25.3 years (SD = 4.27)]. Korean participants were Korea University students, and German participants were recruited from the student population of Tübingen using online advertisement. Fifteen participants felt 3D-sickness symptoms such as dizziness during the training session and voluntarily ended the experiment (9 Korean, 6 German, 9 males, 6 females), leaving a total of 188 participants for analysis [94 from Korea (47 males, 47 females), 94 from Germany (33 males, 61 females)]. All participants had normal or corrected-to normal vision and did not report any neurological disease, nor were they currently under psychological treatment or medication.
Game Experience and Expertise
To assess subjective game experience, we used the Game Experience Questionnaire [GEQ, developed by K. Poels, W. A. Ijsselsteijn, and Y. A. W de Kort at the Game Experience Lab Eindhoven (NL), (http://www.gamexplab.nl) in the European project FUGA]. Additionally, we queried participants' experience with driving video games [citing examples, such as Grand Theft Auto (Rockstar North Co., Ltd., Edinburgh, Scotland)]. We also asked whether participant possessed a driving license and how they would judge their driving skills in general. Finally, we asked them to describe their action or decision in the accident situation, as well as why they chose to act as they did.
Personality Questionnaires
To measure personality traits, we used Levenson's self-report psychopathy scale (Levenson et al., 1995), the balanced emotional empathy scale (Mehrabian, 1996), and parts of the interpersonal reactivity index (Davis, 1983), including fantasy scale, empathic concern, personal distress, and perspective taking. All personality scales were normalized between 0 and 100% for comparison. We used Korean versions of the psychopathy scale (Lee and Js, 2007), balanced emotional empathy scale (Chung, 2012) and inter personal reactivity index (Kang et al., 2009) validated for Korean participants and the corresponding original English versions for the German participants. As for the latter, the experimenter offered to clarify any issues with the English terms if necessary—no participant reported any problems in understanding, however.
Before the experiment, the experimenter explained the aim of the game, how to control the car, the procedure of the study, and helped participants to fit the equipment for comfortable use. After the setup procedure, the experimenter started the training sessions three times. After each training session, the experimenter checked on participants, answered any questions and asked whether they would like to take a short break. After the training sessions, the experimenter reminded participants that the following lap would be the test session and that their lap time would be recorded. Right after the accident situation, the simulation finished and participants filled in the personality questionnaires, the Game Experience Questionnaire (GEQ), and additional experiment-related questions.
The study was approved by the local ethics committee at Korea University (1040548-KU-IRB-15-125-A-2) and carried out in accordance with the relevant guidelines and regulations. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants. Since we hid the actual goal of the experiment and presented an unexpected accident situation to the participants that they were not able to fully avert, we made sure to minimize potential emotional impact on participants: first, the game was ended before the actual collision happened and we gave neither visual nor sound effects of collision. Second, directly after the accident situation, the experimenter explained the purpose of the experiment and enquired whether participants felt any (potentially longer-lasting) negative experience from the event. Even though many participants said that they were surprised and even shocked by the event, all participants felt comfortable after hearing our explanation and talking about their reactions.
Decision-Making in the Accident Situation
All participants successfully completed three trial runs in the experimental setup before moving on to the test round, in which—supposedly—their final lap time would be measured. During this final course, after participants had exited a sharp curve, pedestrians suddenly appeared on the road, blocking the path of the car. The simulation had a rather low brake sensitivity, and the course deliberately used an easy layout, leading participants to drive their car fast, so that they would not be able to come to a complete standstill by braking after seeing the pedestrians on the road. Since it was not possible to pass the pedestrians with the car (see Figure 1C), the experiment automatically finished after people either collided with a pedestrian or steered the car off the cliff (only one person did so). On average, the time between the appearance of the virtual pedestrians in view and the end of the event was 1.81 s (SD = 0.08 s).
As a first step, we analyzed the control behavior in the accident situation, which led to the creation of two decision categories for both participant samples: the Don't ignore group [participants tried to avoid the situation by stopping to hit accelerator and hitting the brake, or by using the steering wheel more than accelerator—the Supplementary Material (see Supplementary Tables 4–7) also includes an analysis with this latter group subdivided further] and the Ignore group (participants made no use of the brake, or the amount of accelerator use was larger than the amount of steering wheel use). In addition, we checked how participants described their behavior in the situation in the debriefing questionnaire. Table 1 shows participants' self-description of their decision together with our group assignment, which is fully consistent for 95.7% of all participants. In the following analyses, inconsistent results were excluded—results for all participants differed only marginally and can be found in the Supplementary Material.
Table 1. Group-assignment (based on control behavior) and self-descriptions.
The first important result from the analysis of the decision categories (Table 1) shows that about a third of all participants fell into the Ignore group, potentially endangering the participants (62 out of 186 participants, 32 in the Korean sample, 30 in the German sample). Second, the number of people in the two decision categories in both Korean and German samples was the same: a χ2 -test showed no significant differences (χ2 = 0.096, p = 0.756, this and all following statistical tests were implemented in SPSS, IBM, New York, USA).
Control Input
Control input for both Korean and German samples was also similar as determined by a one-way MANOVA with the factor of culture (accelerator use: F(1) = 2.719, η2 = 5361.787, p = 0.101; brake use: F(1) = 1.126, η2 = 1460.511, p = 0.290; wheel use: F(1) = 0.165, η2 = 188, p = 0.685). This shows that both groups reacted similarly in the event in terms of control input amount.
To compare personality profiles between the two decision categories, first, we used two sample t-tests (corrected for differences in sample size and for multiple comparisons using Bonferroni correction with α = 0.05/6) to find potential differences across the six personality scales (see Table 3, Supplementary Table 1). For the Korean sample, the Ignore group had significantly higher psychopathy [t(88) = 3.9, p < 0.001, Hedges' g = 0.87] and lower perspective taking [t(88) = 3.41, p = 0.001, Hedges' g = 0.75]. The strongest difference for psychopathy between the groups was confirmed for the German sample, for which the Ignore group also showed higher psychopathy [t(88) = 3.68, p < 0.001, Hedges' g = 0.84], as well as lower empathic concern [t(88) = 3.04, p = 0.003, Hedges' g = 0.69] compared to the Don't ignore group (a two- and three-factor analysis of the psychopathy subscales is discussed in the Supplementary Materials).
Additionally, when analyzing both samples together in a logistic regression with factors cultural background, personality traits and other additional factors, we found significant effects of psychopathy and perspective taking on decision-making—at the same time there were no significant effects of cultural background and actual decision-making (see Supplementary Table 3), confirming that variability within a culture was larger than variability across cultures.
Influence of Other Factors
Next, we investigated potential differences between the two decision categories in terms of gender, driving license possession, amount of experience with video games, and age for both the Korean and German samples (see Table 2): χ2-tests showed no significant differences in terms of gender (Korean: χ2 = 0.2, p = 0.655, German: χ2 = 3.112, p = 0.078), driving license possession (Korean: χ2 = 2.977, p = 0.084, German: χ2 = 0.383, p = 0.536) or amount of experience with video games (Korean: χ2 = 0.358, p = 0.549, German: χ2 = 1.500, p = 0.221) between the two groups. Two sample t-tests also showed no significant differences in age between the two decision categories (Korean: t(88) = 1.72, p = 0.088, Hedges' g = 0.39, German: t(88) = 1.68, p = 0.096, Hedges' g = 0.38). A further analysis also yielded no significant differences between the two decision categories concerning participants' subjective game experience for both the Korean and the German sample (see Supplementary Table 2). Hence, these factors had little to no influence on the decision-making in the accident situation.
Table 2. Statistics for the two groups.
Table 3. Differences in personality scales between the two groups.
The present study has for the first time found reliable relationships between impulsive decision-making in a realistic, difficult situation, and personality traits. In two independently-tested samples from two different cultural backgrounds, decision-making of the participants could be divided into two categories, which confirms our first hypothesis. This division was consistent in both participants' control input (use of accelerator) and in their self-report of how they reacted in the event (giving specific reasons for their reactions). Importantly, we showed that psychopathic tendencies were significantly related to the decision outcome in this accident situation, which confirms our second hypothesis.
Influence of Personality on Decision-Making
Overall, our findings fit well into a behavior-based decision-making model suggesting personality as one of the four factors affecting impulsive decision-making processes (Sinclair and Ashkanasy, 2005). Other studies have shown, for example, that "extreme intuitive" groups needed a lower number of clues to solve puzzles and had consistently different patterns of personality (Westcott, 1968), or that performance on implicit learning tasks was affected by personality differences related to intuition or perceiving (Woolhouse and Bayne, 2000). Additionally, decision-making in high neuroticism personalities was found to be impaired during high pressure conditions but not during low pressure conditions (Byrne et al., 2015). A recent study on sports players (Otten, 2009) also found links between personality traits and performance under pressure (sport confidence and self-confidence which in turn affect perceived control and focus abilities). The present study extends these results to another realistic, high-pressure situation in which participants are expected to decide quickly and for which we found decision-making to be significantly affected by personality measures with psychopathic traits having a crucial impact.
Previous studies have found that high psychopathy is associated with low moral identity (Glenn et al., 2010): although people with higher psychopathy know which actions are morally right, they do not seem concerned about the consequences of their decisions (Cima et al., 2010) and often judge harming others acceptable in order to achieve a valuable outcome (Koenigs et al., 2012). In addition, psychopathic traits do not only change moral judgment but also moral action (Tassy et al., 2013a), which is evidenced by a high level of moral permissibility for harming other people in emergency situations (Young et al., 2012). When looking at the self-descriptions of the decision-making in the accident situation in our data, many participants in the Ignore group describe their behavior based on the original goal (i.e., trying to reach the goal fast), whereas self-descriptions in the Don't ignore group seem more based on common rules in society (i.e., trying to avoid the accident). This difference in descriptions also fits with the observed differences in personality traits. This may imply that people in the Ignore group would tend to think that it is permissible to pursue the original goal of the experiment with the (virtual) persons being obstacles in reaching this goal. In contrast, participants in the Don't ignore group may try to avoid to harm the pedestrians—even though they are in a virtual environment and their lap time will be affected by their decision.
An alternative explanation for the observed differences between groups may be attentional effects related to competition between the manifest task (that is, the explicitly informed goal—getting a fast lap time) and the latent task (that is, the hidden goal—avoiding the pedestrians). Previous studies found that high-psychopathic people have attentional deficits that lead them to ignore irrelevant or hidden information (Hiatt et al., 2004; Newman et al., 2010). Based on the description of the participants obtained in the questionnaires, however, all participants were aware of the situation and reported to have had ample time to react. Additionally, four participants in the Ignore group described that they were curious as to what "would happen after the collision."
Influence of Other Factors on Decision-Making
Importantly for the generalizability of our results, however, other factors—including cultural background, gender, driving experience, gaming expertise as well as subject gaming experience—did not differ significantly between the two decision categories. This means that the influence of these factors on the final decision—while not fully excludable—at best is low and certainly much weaker than the influence of the personality factors.
Previous research has shown differences in driving behavior between real-world roads and racing-game roads for highly-experienced drivers vs. participants without driving experience (Ciceri and Ruscio, 2014). Although overall the German participant group tended to be more experienced in terms of driver license possession, the two decision categories showed no differences in driving experience (see Supplementary Results). Future studies looking for specific differences along these lines should compare a larger breadth of drivers from novice to high experience to investigate potential differences in decision-making.
It has been shown that cultural differences for moral judgments occur as people from a Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic ("WEIRD") (Rozin, 2010) background emphasize individual rights more, whereas non-"WEIRD" cultures consider community and duty to be more important (Haidt et al., 1993; Graham et al., 2011; Buchtel et al., 2015). For example, helping other people in-group is considered as a duty by Indians whereas Americans consider it as a personal choice (Miller, 1997)—a difference that was explained by Westerners focusing more on the outcome and individual rights compared to Eastern participants, who focus more on their own social duties (Graham et al., 2016). The decision in the present experiment, however, does not directly involve a conflict between individual rights and general duty, but rather between the experimenter's requirement and general ethical values (see the discussion above on self-reports). Furthermore, the amount of time afforded for the decision was much lower than in the moral dilemma experiments, which may have further diminished any cultural differences—indeed, it would be an interesting study topic to investigate in more detail the time at which said differences may emerge in decision-making.
We also found neither differences for participant gender in terms of decision-making, nor strong personality differences per se between genders (see Supplementary Results). This is in line with previous studies that claimed gender differences in moral orientation to be relatively small and restricted to specific decision categories [female participants preferred care-based judgments, whereas male participants preferred justice-based judgment (Jaffee and Hyde, 2000)]. Importantly, the ratios of men and women in the two decision categories were also not significantly different, which indicates similar decision strategies across genders.
Previous studies have found that increased levels of exposure to violent video games may affect empathy and prosocial behavior (Anderson et al., 2010). However, in our study, more than half of the people had no experience with driving video games, which made it difficult to determine detailed correlations. We did find that people who played such games before had significantly lower personal distress (see Supplementary Results)—a result that could be related to the hypothesized desensitization effects of (violent) video games (Anderson et al., 2010), although this issue remains contentious (Ferguson, 2007).
Potential Limitations of Present Study
An important issue arising from any VR study, however, is the fact that people may still see this "as a game," knowing that colliding with the virtual people would not result in real damage. Many participants, however, did react with surprise and shouts to the sudden appearance of pedestrians, suggesting that our scenario carried some realism [see also the VR-replications of Milgram's obedience experiment and the bystander-effect that found similar behavior to the original versions (Slater et al., 2006, 2013)]. One way to test this aspect more explicitly, would be to run another set of participants with non-human obstacles on the road, in which case the differences between the groups would be predicted to be smaller.
A similar issue related to the "game aspect" is the overall quality of presence in the simulation. A lack of presence could have influenced the decision-making as well, as participants may not have felt that they were part of the simulation. Results from the post-game experience questionnaire we conducted (see Supplementary Results), however, include specific dimensions of "immersion" and "flow," two components associated with presence (Nacke and Lindley, 2008). Both of the rating values were high enough (see published results by Poels et al. on the GEQ) to imply that our experiment setup provided sufficient presence to the participants.
Further, specific technical aspects that may affect the presence and perceived realism of our simulation are discussed in the following: First, the interface did not include detailed, realistic haptic feedback for the driving wheel and pedal beyond the default resistance of the device. Although no participant complained about the lack of realism in this regard, additional results from Francis et al. (2017) may point to a limited impact: in that study, the trolley dilemma was tested with people having to push an actual mannequin of a person, instead of a joystick interface, but decision ratios were not changed between the two conditions. Second, although we did match the movements of the in-game wheel to the interface wheel, enhanced immersion, and embodiment may result from a more realistic steering wheel visualization including a virtual body. In order to fully realize this, however, it will be necessary to implement real-time hand-tracking on the steering wheel as a generic, non-customized hand visualization may also break realism if appearance or motion do not match the participant's expectations. Finally, the visual appearance of the pedestrians could also have affected the decision-making as participants may have opted to "drive over" the pedestrians when they felt that they did not like their appearance. Since the time for a close-up evaluation of the character appearance was rather limited and one of the characters also shouted "Stop!" during the event, this may have led participants to react more realistically in this situation. Future studies, however, should employ additional questionnaire items to gauge the impact of the perceived effects of the game realism on participants' decisions in more detail beyond the GEQ dimensions.
Another potential limitation of our study is that we did not gather information about other parameterizations of personality: previous research on car driving behavior, for example, has tried to find correlations between previous accident experiences on the one hand and self-reported personality traits, driving tendency, as well as driving skills on the other hand. These studies suggested that sensation seeking, risk-taking, driving anger, and anxiety are related to accident incidences (Jonah, 1997; Deffenbacher et al., 2000; Oltedal and Rundmo, 2006). The Big Five—another well-known set of personality trait measures—has also been tested in association with decision-making: for example, extraversion showed correlations with traffic violation (Renner and Anderle, 2000) and fatal car accidents (Kirkcaldy and Furnham, 2000), neuroticism showed correlation with prevalence of car accidents (Lajunen, 2001) and aggressive driving (Matthews et al., 1991), whereas conscientiousness showed negative correlation with motor vehicle crashes (Winfred and Dennis, 2001) and agreeableness had an inverse relationship with both alcohol and non–alcohol related traffic violations (Brown et al., 2016). Although some previous research has investigated the Big Five in risk-taking contexts as mentioned above, in this study we chose to focus on psychopathy and empathic traits as these allow for a more nuanced and focused analysis of decision-making in extreme situations, and as these traits are also closer to clinical applications and interventions for treatment purposes (Hare and Neumann, 2008; Skodol et al., 2011). Although this may represent a statistical issue as the number of scales increases, future studies could add additional personality factors such as sensation seeking, impulsivity, and the Big Five.
Interestingly, our overall results are also in line with a recent study on autonomic vehicle behavior, which showed that participants favor to sacrifice pedestrians to save themselves at any cost (Bonnefon et al., 2016). Indeed, although our game offered the possibility to sacrifice oneself by driving off the cliff in order to avoid hitting the pedestrians, this option was chosen by only one participant. In this context, it is also important to note that the overall task was set as "racing" and people may not have expected that pedestrians could suddenly appear on the road. The rationale behind choosing this particular setup was that we wanted to make an unavoidable situation (it was impossible to pass the pedestrians) in which participants still had enough time to react. Other types of situations (such as pedestrians suddenly crossing the street, for example) would need to be tested in future research in order to generalize across a wider range of decision-making contexts.
Overall, our study for the first time provides evidence for the importance of psychopathic personality traits in determining peoples' decision in (simulated) accident situations in which fast reactions are required.
All data for the two samples can be accessed at the following link: https://drive.google.com/open?id=1Dq_OeGea1ZRD6DmuwxqDl0tzxkq7WISZ
JK and CW suggested the initial experiment idea. UJ designed the experiments, collected, and analyzed the data. CW helped with and supervised experiment design and analysis. UJ, JK, and CW wrote the paper.
This research was supported by the Basic Science Research Program through the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF) funded by the Ministry of Science, ICT & Future planning (NRF-2013R1A1A1011, NRF-2015S1A5A8018, NRF-2017M3C7A1041824), and the Brain Korea 21plus program through the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF) funded by the Ministry of Education.
We would like to explicitly acknowledge and thank Prof. Heinrich Bülthoff, director of the department of Human Perception, Cognition, and Action at the Max Planck Institute for Biological Cybernetics, Tübingen, Germany for helping with the setup in Germany.
The Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00134/full#supplementary-material
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Keywords: virtual reality, decision-making, accident situation, personality, psychopathy, driving
Citation: Ju U, Kang J and Wallraven C (2019) To Brake or Not to Brake? Personality Traits Predict Decision-Making in an Accident Situation. Front. Psychol. 10:134. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00134
Received: 11 September 2018; Accepted: 15 January 2019;
Published: 05 February 2019.
Eva G. Krumhuber, University College London, United Kingdom
Christos Mousas, Purdue University, United States
Pierre Bourdin, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Spain
Copyright © 2019 Ju, Kang and Wallraven. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
*Correspondence: Christian Wallraven, wallraven@korea.ac.kr
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Tiwa Savage, Queen of Afrobeats, Makes a New Start in America
A Nigerian superstar is courting an audience in America and worldwide with her latest album, "Celia."
By Jon Pareles | The New York Times
For a singer and songwriter just making her American album debut, Tiwa Savage is wildly overqualified.
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"Celia," released Aug. 28, is actually her fourth full-length album in Nigeria, where she was born and has been hailed in recent years as the "Queen of Afrobeats," the West African pop finding its way to a growing worldwide audience.
Tiwa Savage's American debut album, "Celia," is her fourth in Nigeria, where she's an Afrobeats superstar.Credit…Stephen Tayo for The New York Times
It's the global leveling-up of a solo career that also includes plenty of non-album singles and collaborations with top Afrobeats performers like Wizkid, Davido and Patoranking. Savage was featured on "Keys to the Kingdom" with Mr Eazi on Beyoncé's "The Lion King: The Gift" (repurposed this year for Beyoncé's visual album "Black Is King").
Savage, 40, has also been a television host (on "Nigerian Idol"), a stage and television actress, her own video director, and an activist devoted to H.I.V./AIDS prevention and to combating rape culture in Nigeria. Her international reach, on streaming services and beyond, reflects international experience.
"I lived in Nigeria; I lived in London; I lived in America," she said via Zoom from her home in Lagos, casually dressed in a T-shirt and, she noted, not wearing makeup or eyelashes. "Those are three different, completely different cultures and different continents. So I've just grown up just being a sponge for different kinds of music."
Before she started her solo career in Nigeria a decade ago, Savage worked behind the scenes in the American and British music business. She has songwriting credits on albums by Fantasia, Kat DeLuna and Monica, and she sang backup on tour with Mary J. Blige, in the studio on Whitney Houston's final album and onstage at Wembley Stadium with George Michael.
"Celia" is an album of sleekly insinuating Afrobeats grooves that carry love songs and understated but purposeful messages of empowerment. The lyrics switch between English and Yoruba as Savage glides through her melodies, rarely raising her airy, unflappable voice. Her latest single, "Temptation," is a duet with the English pop singer Sam Smith, who was "flattered" to join her, Smith said via Zoom from London, because "I think she's sensational."
Smith added, "Tiwa has this natural tone in her voice that makes you feel like you're listening to a friend. It feels comfortable and feels wholesome and homey. And she sounds kind when she sings. My favorite singers have a softness to their voice that doesn't, you know, smash you in the face. It just sits with you and talks to you in a kind and soft way. That's how I hear her voice."
Savage is treating "Celia" as both a culmination and a new beginning. "When I first started out as an artist, I was seen a certain way, and I've grown since then," she said. "I've experienced a divorce, being a single mom and seeing backlash for being sometimes too sexy in a male-dominated industry."
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Starting over again in a new territory, "I wanted my message to be clear," she added. "I have a platform now to encourage young African girls — and just young girls in general — how important it is to be true to yourself and be unapologetically strong as a woman." Throughout the album, her subtlety is strategic. "Initially when you hear it, it's just like, 'Oh, I want to be in the club, shaking my butt.' So I'll get you that way first. And then you go back and listen to the lyrics and then you get inspired by it," Savage said.
"Celia" is named after Savage's mother, and the album ends with "Celia's Song," praising her with churchy hallelujahs. "If you tell my mom, 'Oh, this is impossible,' she'll say to you, 'OK.' And she'll walk away, and she'll just silently get it done. She's timid and reserved, but she's powerful," Savage said, noting that she's similar. "Offstage, I'm very reserved, very quiet."
Savage was born in Lagos, and she grew up listening to the Nigerian music her parents loved — the politically charged Afrobeat of Fela Kuti and the juju of Sir Shina Peters — along with imported Western pop. She was 11 when she moved with her family to London, and while she was drawn to music and sang in the school choir, she dutifully followed her father's advice and earned her first college degree in business administration, going on to work as an accountant at a bank.
But music beckoned, and Savage decided to study at the Berklee College of Music in Boston, adding jazz to her vocabulary. Her next move was to Brooklyn, where she concentrated on writing songs. One night she finished a session and left her engineer working on a track. Fantasia, who was working in a nearby studio, heard the song "Collard Greens and Cornbread" and immediately wanted to record it.
That led to a publishing contract with Sony/ATV and a move to Los Angeles, where Savage worked as a songwriter and backup singer. "I learned 70 percent of how to handle industry stress from being a backup," Savage said. On the road with Blige, she recalled, "The focus isn't on you, but you're just watching how she handles the press, how she handles fans when she's tired, how she handles the pressure. So I was mentally prepared. I knew it's a lot of work."
'This Isn't a Fad': Three of Africa's Biggest Stars on Making the Industry Come to Them
Davido | The Afrobeats Star is an Upbeat Voice in a Turbulent Time
African stars Wizkid, Tiwa Savage, Burna Boy to feature in Beyoncés 'Lion King: The Gift' Album
In 2010, Savage started her solo career, moving back to Lagos — which was already the center of Afrobeats — on the advice of Tunji Balogun, who was then an A&R representative at Interscope Records. He went on to become her manager and, in 2013, her husband; they had a child, Jamil, in 2015.
"He said, 'Look at Rihanna, look at Beyoncé, look at all of these girls — you have to be sexy,'" Savage recalled. "And I have to give it up to him, because that strategy worked in getting me into the market. Because when I showed up on the scene, there wasn't anything like it. It was just like, 'Yo, who is this? She's Nigerian? And she's wearing a multicolored cat suit in a video?' So it got their attention."
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Her first single, "Kele Kele Love," was a hit; Savage sang about expecting all of her man's love, not half. But its video — modest by American norms — drew a backlash in Nigeria, along with some awards nominations. Her next video, for "Love Me Love Me Love Me," showed her in bed with a shirtless man and was banned by the National Broadcasting Commission in Nigeria; some of her performances were canceled.
Savage said she was told, "'This is too sexy. You can't be this.' And the more they kept on saying no, the more I just kept pushing the envelope. The skirts got shorter, the lashes got longer."
At one point, Savage retreated to Los Angeles and considered going back to simply being a songwriter. "But then I would open my DMs, and I'd see all these young girls being like, 'I love your sleeve tattoo. I love your piercing,'" she said. "And it was like, I have to go back for these girls. Now I say that I want to inspire girls, but they inspired me to come back."
At times, Savage also seeks to provide consolation. "I feel like as a musician, I owe it to my listeners just to have that one song where they just want to cry or they want to just be in a room and know that everything will be all right," she said.
Her first album, "Once Upon a Time," was released in 2013, drawing nearly as much on American R&B as it did on Afrobeats. Her second, "R.E.D," in 2015, was exuberantly pan-African, taking in rhythms from all around the continent and dipping into Jamaican reggae. She performed extensively, even when she was visibly pregnant.
But as her popularity rose, her marriage deteriorated. By spring 2016, she and her husband were separated and publicly at odds; eventually, they divorced. Near the midpoint of "Celia," Savage sings "Us (Interlude)," which directly addresses the breakup: "I wasn't enough/You weren't enough/Love wasn't enough," she laments.
"It's definitely the first time I'm being vulnerable," she said, adding that it had taken years to come to terms with the breakup. "When we first started, it was just like, 'Me and you, we're going to conquer the world.' And then it got to a point where the brand was getting big, and when I had to make a decision, it wasn't just me and you," she said.
Savage wrote and recorded "Celia" the way many Western pop stars make albums: She convened a songwriting camp. She booked eight rooms for 15 days at the Oriental Hotel in Lagos, where producers and musicians could come and go, bouncing ideas off one another as Savage supervised, selected tracks and came up with top lines. "Just put your heart into it, and let's have fun," she told them.
For all the programming, planning, brand management and careful messaging that go into her music, Savage is determined to loosen up. She is trading pinpoint choreography for more spontaneous moves; she's revealing her tomboy side as well as her glamorous one; she's leaving bits of noise and imperfection in her songs. Her next album, which may arrive sometime next year, might dip into Brazilian music or other styles that have caught her ear.
"I'm never going to stop experimenting," she said. "That's just who I am. Get used to it."
Read from The New York Times
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John Kani pays tribute to Chadwick Boseman
Stonebwoy |Ghanaian star receives citation for Grammy nomination

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Samwell Tarly, left, a junior intelligence officer of sorts, helps sort through after-action reviews at The Citadel.
George R.R. Martin's maesters are close to Kent's ideal intelligence professional — with illuminating similarities and differences.
When I began writing about Game of Thrones, my colleagues' thoughts leapt to the spymaster Lord Varys, or the schemer Littlefinger, who is what we might today call an operations planner. Both are masters of intrigue. But the spy's reports and the schemer's plots are not, by themselves, intelligence.
No, the purpose of intelligence is to inform better decisions. The role of the intelligence officer is to facilitate the decision-maker's understanding, to cohere the incoherent. In Game of Thrones, this function is fulfilled by the order of maesters, those guys who wear the chains around their necks and advise the scheming lords and ladies of Westeros. Their chain symbolizes their service to the realm itself—a refreshingly modern concept—over any individual lord, literally binding them to the idea of service to country over politics.
Take Maester Luwin of Winterfell, most trusted advisor to the ruling Stark family, who watches the usurper Theon Greyjoy murder the remaining Stark children and steal their ancestral home. "I will not claim to bear you any great love," Luwin tells Greyjoy, "but I cannot hate you either. Even if I did, so long as you hold Winterfell, I am bound by oath to give you counsel." Luwin literally raised the children he witnessed Theon kill, yet hewed to his duty to provide sound counsel.
Like the U.S. intelligence community, the maesters' reputation is bound to their apolitical reputation. They revoke all ties and swear to hold no lands and father no children, removing them from the eponymous game of thrones. Another example is Maester Aemon of Castle Black, the elderly, blind advisor to the Night's Watch. Aemon—surname Targaryen—surrendered the Iron Throne to serve the realm instead at its most vulnerable northern border.
Known as the "knights of the mind," the maesters are probably the closest thing in the Seven Kingdoms to scientists. Like the best intelligence officers, they are cross-disciplinary. While many choose to specialize in certain areas of study over the course of a lifetime, in general, they retain a holistic approach to knowledge. Each subject they master becomes a new link in the chains they wear, with different metals to symbolize each specialty—gold for economics, for example, or iron for warcraft.
In this regard, the maesters are close to Sherman Kent's ideal model of an intelligence profession composed of elite scholars who police their own ranks and do not allow base political opinions to cloud their judgments.
Of course, like America's IC, the order has problems—some of which are very similar to our own. Despite the maesters' aspiration to independence, there are politics involved in their structure and appointment. The order's leaders choose to dispatch members to castles across the Seven Kingdoms to advise those holdings' rulers. If a castle doesn't have a maester dedicated to it, it's not considered significant enough to merit one. Very similar politics have surrounded distribution of the President's Daily Brief over the years.
Being a human institution, not all of the maesters are as inspiring as Aemon or Luwin. One subplot follows the sinister royal security advisor Qyburn, a former maester stripped of his title for his unethical behavior. Qyburn charms his way into the Queen's graces, attempting to supplant the maesters' authority by sycophantically supporting her aims. There's an ethical allegory there about the risks of politicizing intelligence and using one's position to seek retribution on political opponents.
The Citadel—the maesters' headquarters—is inspired by the Great Library of Alexandria, the ancient world's repository of knowledge. It contains the enormous astrolabe from the series' opening credits (which is about the most meta thing ever). It also houses a massive raven rookery from which all those birds carrying messages come and go, a sort of Westerosi parallel to the National Security Agency's massive data centers.
Anyway, the Citadel is quite literally an ivory tower; a not-so-thinly-veiled criticism of the sort of elitism the maester order represents. By the time of the events depicted in the series, their reputation was in decline. Many judged them to be detached from the troubles that plagued everyday people, their experts mired in endless debates over minutiae like so many subject-matter experts drafting a National Intelligence Estimate.
In Game of Thrones, this sort of self-referential irrelevance is incarnated in Grand Maester Pycelle. A rough parallel to our Director of National Intelligence, the Grand Maesters serve as the senior advisor to the executive on intelligence; they sit on Westeros' equivalent of the National Security Council's Principals Committee. In practice, they hold little actual authority and can be pretty easily ignored by a willful ruler. Pycelle is worse because he is not only irrelevant, but corrupt, craven, and conspiratorial, to boot. Nonetheless, he believes his counsel to be the most important in the kingdom, and himself to be the smartest person in any room.
Eventually, Samwell Tarly, putative maester of the Night's Watch (and arguably the true protagonist of the entire series), arrives at the Citadel to learn the ways of the maesters to help win the war against the White Walkers, an imminent and existential threat to the realm. Sam, the virtuous outsider, is more concerned with practicality than process, and quickly grows frustrated with the maesters'…let's call them "on-boarding techniques": learning by rote, menial labor, humiliating cleaning duties.
He is even more frustrated by their endless deliberations over the meaning of first-hand field reports. He takes it upon himself to acquire the information he needs — which, as so often happens in our own intelligence enterprise, is locked away in a literal compartment that he cannot open. Sam basically steals classified information and keeps it at home—not a method we want to encourage. But his frustration with the order's archaic knowledge-management system is perhaps understandable.
Obviously, there are many differences between the maesters and the IC. American intelligence officers don't have to be shackled or celibate. They are bound by oath to uphold the U.S. Constitution and seek to always put service to country over political preference. They must abide by applicable laws and protect the nation's secrets that they're entrusted to know. But they should also be empowered to use their judgment to share those secrets with others who need to know them to accomplish their own missions and advance the nation's goals. They shouldn't have to skirt procedures or develop workarounds to cumbersome and often outdated procedures.
IC officers should possess an insatiable intellectual curiosity and forever remain unsatisfied with narrow expertise. If the job is to make sense of an increasingly complex world, we can't do it by only knowing one issue or region. Instead, we must be comfortable with uncertainty, adroit enough to move within several domains at once, producing consilience for our clients.
Lastly, outcomes must, in the end, outweigh output. In other words, it doesn't matter how many reports we write in the ivory tower if we don't climb down once in a while to meet the users of intelligence where they are, in the trenches of competition and conflict. Intelligence is instrumental; it has no autarkic significance at all. Unlike academe, we in the IC do not pursue knowledge for its own sake, but to provide an advantage to our decision-makers.


Been there, done that, what's next?
Last Saturday, for the first time, I appeared in public as a writer. Another milestone now behind me. Some people are attracted to such events like butterflies to bright flowers. I'm more like a unicorn; I'd rather not be seen. However, remaining anonymous is a luxury no 21st century writer can afford. In the Forbes' article, Five Lessons For Authors and Self-Publishers, Neil Gaiman tells writers that you have to get out there, you have to be a part of your community, and you have to be the signal, not the noise.
I accepted the invitation to join the panel because I knew I needed to. In days before the event, I reminded myself of Eleanor Roosevelt's words: Do one thing every day that scares you. It's not like I'm naturally timid and desperately in need of that advice. I've travelled to Europe alone, I've moved across Canada by myself, I've moved across the Pacific. Twice. I've camped in the Outback and scuba dived in the icy waters of the Pacific Northwest. But none of those were as daunting as public speaking.
I prepared myself as best I could. I read aloud, into a voice recorder, and forced myself to listen to it. I asked the moderator if I needed to bring notes on any subject but she said no, it would just be informal questions and answers. I sang at the top of my lungs on my way to the library where the festival was held. This seemed to strengthen my vocal chords or at least clear the cobwebs. I couldn't be more ready, or so I thought.
Then there was a moment of horror when the moderator asked us all to speak, for three to five minutes, on our journey to publication. If you've followed this blog, you know I'm not yet published. I have a contract to publish. I do not yet have a book in my hand but the organizers considered that an important point in the road and thus I was included. As the junior panel member, it was natural that I'd be first off the mark. But I hadn't brought notes.
Being first meant I didn't have the benefit of gathering my thoughts as others spoke. So I took the microphone (another first) and winged it. I tried to speak slowly, not my usual geyser rush of words. I made eye contact with members of the audience. The session went on for an hour and a half. I seem to remember being on my feet a fair bit of it. I wonder what I said. I really can't remember.
As Robert Brockway states in the blog, Writing is the easy part, the burden of promotion and marketing now falls squarely on the writer's shoulders. The North Shore Writers' Festival was my first chance to test the waters of getting known, of a little self-promotion.
People who attend writers' festivals are incredibly supportive.
When a speaker makes eye contact with an audience member, and she nods in agreement, it's incredibly helpful. It lets the speaker know she is understood.
People who go up to a speaker after a talk and say something like, "that was really interesting" make the speaker's day.
I will be a better audience member from now on.
Have you ventured into some peripheral realm of writing that you dreaded, only to discover it wasn't nearly as bad as you expected? Or was it even worse? Where have your greatest joys and biggest disappointments been?


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UK: Close to one third of students are victims of racism – survey
It's a sad state of affairs that we still need to protest against racism in 2018. Source: Henry Be for Unsplash
By Study International Staff | April 6, 2018
More than half of UK university students have witnessed racism and close to a third have personal experiences of racism, a new survey by student forum The Student Room (TSR) has found.
These incidents commonly take the form of verbal abuse, off-hand "casual" remarks and exclusion from social events, The Independent reported.
Mhairi Underwood, community manager at The Student Room, said: "In 2018, it's sad to see the proliferation of racism young people experience on a regular basis."
"The impact these instances can have on students are serious, especially while also navigating the often stressful waters of university life."
Half of UK students have witnessed racism at university, says survey https://t.co/V84Bq6mpCF pic.twitter.com/hXjgQRiBkg
— BCABA Network (@BcabaNetwork) April 5, 2018
One student spoke about the culture at university: "Lots of people black up for fancy dress. An African student has racist jokes made about them having Aids."
Another commented that making fun of accents is "very common", adding that "One person said about my long braids, 'I wish I had hair like yours so I could sit at home and smoke weed all day'".
The findings come in the wake of a recent spate of racist incidents in universities nationwide. Earlier this week, three students at Exeter University demanded UK universities for urgent and systemic change in their handling of prejudice after a spate of racist incidents which have reportedly taken place on campus, in student societies and online.
At Nottingham Trent University, two male students were arrested after a black student captured them on video chanting "We hate the blacks" outside her bedroom door.
Sheffield Hallam University is also investigating the case of a rotten banana reportedly thrown at a black graduate student while he was watching a game between his alma mater Sheffield Hallam University and the University of Sheffield.
TSR's poll also found that one in 10 have encountered racist incidents on a daily basis and more than half of students who witnessed racism or personally experienced it did nothing about it.
Underwood suggested more empowerment for "every person to play their part by calling out instances of casual racism".
"By creating a dialogue around what is and isn't OK when it comes to those off-hand comments or 'jokes', we can tackle the prejudices which clearly still exist in our communities"
Close to three in five students believe their university could do more to tackle racism on campus, the survey found.
The poll of 1,000 students was launched on 23 March and ended this week.
Liked this? Then you'll love these…
Minority students report daily racism, but UK universities unconcerned
Would you take a 'White Racism' class?
{"total":6,"error":"","pinterest":0,"twitter":4,"google":0,"linkedin":0,"buffer":1,"vk":0,"stumbleupon":0,"facebook_total":1}
Topics covered: Current Affairs student life student support


text:
  * Minishift version:
  * OS: Linux / macOS / Windows
  * Hypervisor: KVM / xhyve / Hyper-V / VirtualBox

### Steps to reproduce

  1.
  2.
  3.
  4.

### Expected

### Actual

### Logs

You can start Minishift with `minishift start --show-libmachine-logs -v5` to collect logs.
Please consider posting this on http://gist.github.com/ and post the link in the issue.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
The 1990 Cork Senior Football Championship was the 102nd staging of the Cork Senior Football Championship since its establishment by the Cork County Board in 1887. The draw for the opening round fixtures took place on 17 December 1989. The championship began on 20 April 1990 and ended on 4 November 1990.

Castlehaven entered the championship as the defending champions, however, they were defeated by Muskerry in the second round.

On 4 November 1990, Duhallow won the championship following an 0-08 to 0-06 defeat of St. Finbarr's in the final. This was their second championship title overall and their first title since 1936.

Colm O'Neill and Dave Barry were the championship's joint top scorers with 0-21.

Team changes

To Championship

Promoted from the Cork Intermediate Football Championship
 Rockchapel

Results

First round

Second round

Quarter-finals

Semi-finals

Final

Championship statistics

Top scorers

Top scorers overall

Top scorers in a single game

Miscellaneous

 On 22 April 1990, Carrigdhoun recorded their first championship victory since 1968.
 Duhallow,then Duhallow West, win the title for the first time since 1936. The gap of 54 years was the longest gap between titles at the time.

References

Cork Senior Football Championship

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: C How to capture closing a Terminal Any idea on how to capture closing the terminal window that my program is running in?
While I'm at it, any way to capture when the computer is shutting down but the program is still running, or if the user logs off?

A: Try catching SIGTERM. Note that you can not capture SIGKILL which might be what happens during shutdown after a certain amount of time. I found this really nice post that explains some differences too.
[update] Longshot here but what about testing if std-in/out is still open and good? When the terminal dies those file descriptors should be scrapped. Disclaimer, this is a guess at best.

A: If on Unix/Linux: Did you have a look at SIGTERM? This is at least the one sent to you during shutdown.

A: You could try the atexit() function ? (see comments)
Or look at this post here: Signals received by bash when terminal is closed

A: From my tests... the signal that my program is receiving when closing terminal is 1 or SIGHUP

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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text:
Sergeant Salinger
by Jerome Charyn
Published by: Bellevue Literary Press
288 Pages, 5.50 x 8.25 in
"Charyn skillfully breathes life into historical icons." —New Yorker
J.D. Salinger, mysterious author of The Catcher in the Rye, is remembered today as a reclusive misanthrope. Jerome Charyn's Salinger is a young American WWII draftee assigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps, a band of secret soldiers who trained with the British. A rifleman and an interrogator, he witnessed all the horrors of the war—from the landing on D-Day to the relentless hand-to-hand combat in the hedgerows of Normandy, to the Battle of the Bulge, and finally to the first Allied entry into a Bavarian death camp, where corpses were piled like cordwood.
After the war, interned in a Nuremberg psychiatric clinic, Salinger became enchanted with a suspected Nazi informant. They married, but not long after he brought her home to New York, the marriage collapsed. Maladjusted to civilian life, he lived like a "spook," with invisible stripes on his shoulder, the ghosts of the murdered inside his head, and stories to tell.
Grounded in biographical fact and reimagined as only Charyn could, Sergeant Salinger is an astonishing portrait of a devastated young man on his way to becoming the mythical figure behind a novel that has marked generations.
Jerome Charyn is the author of more than fifty works of fiction and nonfiction, including Cesare: A Novel of War-Torn Berlin. He lives in New York.
Jerome Charyn is the author of more than fifty works of fiction and nonfiction, including Sergeant Salinger; Cesare: A Novel of War-Torn Berlin; The Perilous Adventures of the Cowboy King: A Novel of Teddy Roosevelt and His Times; In the Shadow of King Saul: Essays on Silence and Song; Jerzy: A Novel; and A Loaded Gun: Emily Dickinson for the 21st Century. Among other honors, his novels have been selected as finalists for the Firecracker Award and the PEN/Faulkner Award for Fiction. Charyn has also been named a Commander of Arts and Letters by the French Minister of Culture and received a Guggenheim Fellowship and the Rosenthal Family Foundation Award for Fiction from the American Academy of Arts and Letters. He lives in New York.
Praise for Sergeant Salinger
"[A] literary tour de force. . . . Charyn vividly portrays [J.D. Salinger's] journey from slick short story writer to suffering artist. The winning result humanizes a legend." —Publishers Weekly (starred review)
"This supremely engaging novel leaves us with a new, sometimes heart-rending understanding of [J.D. Salinger] and the times in which he came of age." —Kirkus Reviews (starred review)
"Charyn deftly leaves the reader wondering whether Holden Caulfield's teenage angst was really Salinger's personification of post-traumatic stress disorder. . . . Engrossing." —Library Journal
"Nuanced and acutely perceptive. . . . Charyn offers an astute psychological portrait of an elusive yet vastly compelling subject." —Booklist
Select Praise for Jerome Charyn
"Jerome Charyn, like Nabokov, is that most fiendish sort of writer—so seductive as to beg imitation, so singular as to make imitation impossible." —Tom Bissell
"Charyn is one of the most important writers in American literature." —Michael Chabon
"Charyn is a one off: no other living American writer crafts novels with his vibrancy of historical imagination." —William Giraldi
"[Charyn's] sentences are pure vernacular music, his voice unmistakable." —Jonathan Lethem
"One of our most rewarding novelists." —Larry McMurtry
"Among Charyn's writerly gifts is a dazzling energy―a highly inflected rapid-fire prose that pulls us along like a pony cart over rough terrain." —Joyce Carol Oates, New York Review of Books
"One of our most intriguing fiction writers." —O, The Oprah Magazine
"Absolutely unique among American writers." —Los Angeles Times
"A contemporary American Balzac." —Newsday
"Charyn's blunt, brilliantly crafted prose bubbles with the pleasure of nailing life to the page in just the right words." —Washington Post
"[Charyn] writes with the sort of whirlwind energy that turns the seediest story into a breakneck adventure." —Wall Street Journal
"Charyn has a gift for the unexpected, both linguistically and narratively. . . . The result is at once surprising and very entertaining." —BookPage
"For half a century, [Charyn] has been an unpredictable, unclassifiable, and above all exactingly smart author." —Open Letters Review
"Charyn makes artful use of historical fact and fiction's panache." —Kirkus Reviews
"Wherever he takes us, Charyn's mind is always agile, and his prose is stunningly electric." —Jewish Book Council