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The next time you bite into a chocolate bar or other chocolate confection, give a thought to the West African nation of Côte d'Ivoire, the world's leading exporter of cocoa beans, the raw agricultural product from which chocolate is made. Alhough torn apart by strife and civil war since 2002, the recent installation of a new President, who won elections deemed free and fair by neutral observers, may eventually lead to the restoration of peace. Although it is often referred to in the English-speaking world as Ivory Coast, the official name of this French-speaking country is in French, and since 1983 the Ivoirian government has emphasized the correct use of the name.
Lay of the Land: Situated on the west coast of Africa, Côte d'Ivoire is bordered by Liberia and Guinea to the west, Mali and Burkina Faso to the north, Ghana to the east, and the Gulf of Guinea on the Atlantic Ocean to the south. With an area of 124,502 square miles, Côte d'Ivoire is slightly larger than New Mexico. Côte d'Ivoire is basically a large plateau rising gradually from sea level in the south to elevations of nearly 1700 feet in the north. The southeast coast is marked by inland lagoons that start at the Ghanaian border and stretch nearly 200 miles along the coast. The southwest is covered with dense tropical moist forest, which is less thick in the southeast. The mountains of the Dix-Huit Montagnes region, in the west of the country near the border with Guinea and Liberia, is home to Mount Nimba, which at 5,748 feet is the country's highest point. A forest-savanna belt extends across the middle of the country from east to west, and is the transition zone between the coastal forests and the interior savannas. Northern Côte d'Ivoire is a subtropical grassland savanna, with sandy soils and decreasing vegetation from south to north. The largest city and former capital of Côte d'Ivoire is Abidjan; its population of 5 million makes it the third-largest French-speaking city in the world, after Paris and Kinshasa, Congo, but before Montréal, Canada. The capital, since 1983, is Yamoussoukro (population, 242,744), located 150 miles northwest of Abidjan, the hometown of long time President Félix Houphouët-Boigny, who ruled the country from 1960 to 1993. However, many, if not most, government offices remain in Abidjan.
Population: 21.5 million (2011 estimate)
Religions: Indigenous Religion 35.0%; Christian 33.0% (Catholics, Jehovah's Witnesses, Seventh-day Adventists, Methodists, Assemblies of God, Baptists, Copts, and Mormons); Muslim 31.4%. Many persons who are nominally Christian or Muslim also practice some aspects of indigenous religious beliefs, so drawing bright lines between these groups may be somewhat misleading.
Ethnic Groups: Akan 42.1%, Voltaiques or Gur 17.6%, Northern Mandes 16.5%, Krous 11%, Southern Mandes 10%, other 2.8% (includes 130,000 Lebanese and 14,000 French).
Languages: Baoulé 11.5%; Senoufo 6.7%; Anyin/Anyin Morofo 4.9%; Dan 4.3%; Wè 2.5%; Bété 2.2%. French is the official language, and is widely spoken. There are 79 living languages in Côte d'Ivoire.
The origin of human presence in Côte d'Ivoire is difficult to fix because the country's climate destroys remains quickly and completely, but ancient weapon and tool fragments have been dated to the Upper Paleolithic period (15,000 to 10,000 BC), or at least the Neolithic period (10,000 BC to 4,000 BC). Historians believe that they were displaced and/or absorbed by the ancestors of the present inhabitants. Peoples who arrived before the 16th century include the Ehotilé, Kotrowou, Zéhiri, Ega and Diès. Newcomers after that time established five important states in Côte d'Ivoire in the pre-colonial era. In the early 16th century, the Abron, an Akan group fleeing the developing Asante confederation in present-day Ghana, started the kingdom of Gyaaman, whose capital, the northeast town Bondoukou, became a major center of commerce and Islam whose Quranic scholars attracted students from all over West Africa. In the early 18th century in north-central Côte d'Ivoire, the Juula established the Muslim empire of Kong, which became a prosperous center of agriculture, trade, and crafts, though ethnic strife and religious discord gradually weakened it. In the mid-eighteenth century in east-central Côte d'Ivoire, other Akan groups fleeing the Asante established a Baoulé kingdom at Sakasso and two Agni kingdoms, Indénié and Sanwi. The Baoulé, like the Asante, created a centralized political structure under three successive rulers, but it finally split into smaller chiefdoms. Despite the breakup of their kingdom, the Baoulé strongly resisted French subjugation.
Côte d'Ivoire, like the rest of West Africa, was subject to the strong influences of the expanding European presence starting in the 15th century, but the absence of sheltered harbors along its coastline prevented Europeans from establishing permanent trading posts as they did along the coast of Ghana and other places. Thus sea-going trade was irregular and played only a small role in the European domination and eventual conquest of Côte d'Ivoire. Thus the Atlantic slave trade had little effect on the peoples of Côte d'Ivoire, though a profitable trade in ivory, which gave the area its name, was carried out during the 17th century, but caused such a decimation in the elephant population that the trade died out by the beginning of the eighteenth century.
The earliest recorded French voyage to West Africa took place in 1483, but the first European outpost in Côte d'Ivoire was not established by the French until more than 200 hundred years later, in 1687 at Assinie, near the Ghana border. Assinie survived rather precariously, however, and only in the mid-nineteenth century did the French establish themselves firmly in Côte d'Ivoire. French explorers, missionaries, trading companies, and soldiers gradually extended the area under French control inland from the southeast lagoon region, and treaties were signed with local kings and rulers placing their territories under a French protectorate and allowing the French to build fortified posts along the Gulf of Guinea to serve as permanent trading centers. The first such posts included one at Assinie and another at Grand-Bassam, which became the colony's first capital. The treaties provided for French sovereignty within the posts and for trading privileges in exchange for annual fees paid to the local rulers for use of the land. Though the arrangement was not perfect for the French, they maintained the treaties, hoping to expand trade and to blunt the increasing influence of the British along the Gulf of Guinea coast.
Although its defeat in the Franco-Prussian War in 1871 caused the French government to abandon its colonial ambitions and withdraw its military garrisons from French West Africa, in 1885 France and Germany brought all the European powers with interests in Africa together at an international conference in Berlin to rationalize the European scramble for colonies in Africa. The resulting agreement stipulated that signatories would recognize European spheres of influence on the African coast only if they involved effective occupation by Europeans. Another agreement in 1890 extended this rule to the African interior and set off a rush for territory, primarily by France, Britain, Portugal, and Belgium.
In 1886, to support its claims of effective occupation, France again assumed direct control of its West African coastal trading posts and embarked on an accelerated program of exploration in the interior. By the end of the 1880s, France had established effective control over the coastal regions of Côte d'Ivoire, and in 1889 Britain recognized French sovereignty in the area. In 1893 Côte d'Ivoire was made a French colony, a status that changed very little until 1946. During the early years of French rule, the French military established new posts in the interior, meeting strong indigenous resistance. Among these resistance fighters was Samori Ture, who in the 1880s and 1890s established an empire that extended over large parts of present-day Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Côte d'Ivoire. French military campaigns against him, which were met with fierce resistance, intensified in the mid-1890s until he was captured in 1898.
From 1904 to 1958, Côte d'Ivoire was a constituent unit of the Federation of French West Africa. It was a colony and an overseas territory under the Third Republic. Until the period following World War II, governmental affairs in French West Africa were administered from Paris. France's policy in West Africa was reflected mainly in its philosophy of "association," meaning that all Africans in Côte d'Ivoire were officially French "subjects" without rights to representation in Africa or France. During World War II, the Vichy regime remained in control until 1943, when members of Gen. Charles De Gaulle's Free French provisional government took control of French West Africa.
Political pressure from below led to far-reaching colonial reforms in 1946, including granting French citizenship to all African "subjects," recognition of the right to organize politically, and abolition of various forms of forced labor. That political pressure was largely led by Félix Houphouët-Boigny, who first came to political prominence in 1944 as founder of the Syndicat Agricole Africain (African Farmers' Union), an organization that won improved conditions for African farmers and formed a nucleus for his political party, the Parti Démocratique de la Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI). After World War II, he was elected to represent Côte d'Ivoire in the French National Assembly, which he did from 1946 to 1959, working for more reforms. Those efforts finally bore fruit in 1956, when the Overseas Reform Act transferred a number of powers from Paris to elected territorial governments in French West Africa and also abolished remaining voting inequities. In December 1958, Côte d'Ivoire became an autonomous republic within the French Community as a result of a referendum that brought Community status to all members of the old French West Africa except Guinea, which had voted against association. Côte d'Ivoire became independent on August 7, 1960, permitted its Community membership to lapse, and established the commercial city Abidjan as its capital. After thirteen years of service in the French National Assembly, including almost three as a minister in the French Government, Houphouët-Boigny was elected Côte d'Ivoire's first prime minister in April 1959, and the following year was elected its first president.
Houphouët-Boigny was considerably more conservative than most African leaders of the post-colonial period, maintaining close ties to the West and rejecting the leftist and anti-western stance of many leaders at the time. Although this may have contributed to the country's economic and political stability, it came at the price of Houphouët-Boigny's autocratic style of governance via one party rule. The 1960 Côte d'Ivoire constitution envisioned a democratic government with a presidential system based on separation of powers between the executive and legislative branches of government and an independent judiciary. In practice, however, Houphouët-Boigny equated national unity with support for his PDCI and believed that competition among political parties would waste resources and destroy unity. Therefore, Ivoirian election law made it nearly impossible for any other party to win seats in the National Assembly, and Côte d'Ivoire was a one-party state until the first multi-party elections were held in 1990. As the sole political party, the PDCI came to exercise political control over all branches of government.
By the late 1960s, Houphouët-Boigny had concentrated power in his hands. Loyal colleagues were rewarded with positions of authority throughout government and PDCI. Houphouët-Boigny further consolidated his power by limiting the prerogatives of the National Assembly. Presidential and PDCI control of Assembly membership prevented an independent or opposition role by the assembly in the decision-making process, yet the existence of an Assembly with nominal power over legislation appeared to legitimize the government's democratic pretensions and allowed the PDCI to use the Assembly as a way to co-opt potential opponents by providing Deputies with a variety of privileges and amenities.
At the same time, discontent among Ivoirians at all levels was growing. Rapid economic growth and urbanization had created increasing economic inequality, and in 1969 unemployed Ivoirians in Abidjan began to organize protest demonstrations to pressure the government to expel foreign workers so that Ivoirians could take their low-level jobs. Educated, middle class Ivoirians made similar demands that French workers who held skilled jobs in the economy and civil service be replaced with Ivoirian as well. Many university students, for their part, rejected the PDCI's ideological conservatism and the regime's neocolonial policies vis-à-vis France. Confrontations between protesters and the government were rife in 1969, and Houphouët-Boigny resorted to violent crackdowns, arrests and other heavy-handed tactics, which proved largely successful. During the 1970s, moreover, Houphouët-Boigny began to answer the student and middle class demands by replacing aging party militants with younger intellectuals and highly trained technocrats for whom he often created government jobs--and who therefore owed him loyalty.
Lured by Côte d'Ivoire's flourishing economy, between the 1960's and 1990 waves of mostly Muslim migrants from Burkina Faso and Mali moved to the country to work on cocoa plantations. At the same time, the country's economy thrived, fuelled by exports of soft commodities such as cocoa, coffee and palm oil. However, Houphouët-Boigny's government failed to address the country's economic dependence on these commodities, and when the cocoa market collapsed in the 1980s – prices fell by nearly two thirds in comparison with the late 1970s peak level - Ivoirian economic growth dropped, and many native Ivoirians blamed immigrant farmers, chiefly Muslims who settled in the north, for their troubles.
Thus the 1980s were marked by continuing and even rising protest and dissent. Houphouët-Boigny managed to quell protests by academics and students. The academic community was the most vocal protest group. In 1982, students went on strike to protest government efforts to halt political speeches on the National University of Côte d'Ivoire campus. Houphouët-Boigny chastised the students, abolished their organization, and forced them to return to their villages until they had apologized in writing to the government. Laurent Gbagbo, a young professor who during the strike advocated a multiparty system, went into voluntary exile in France and became a symbol for young Ivoirians who wanted to liberalize the system. The following year approximately 4,000 secondary-school teachers went on strike to protest the elimination of their housing allowances and to express solidarity with the students and professors who had protested over free speech the year before. Again reacting in an arbitrary manner that further alienated teachers and students alike, Houphouët-Boigny closed all the secondary schools and sent the 200,000 students home.
By 1990, however, Houphouët-Boigny acceded to demands for multi-party elections, but the election rules remained skewed in favor of the PDCI, and Houphouët-Boigny won the presidential election that year. Houphouët-Boigny died in office in 1993, and was succeeded by Henri Konan Bédié who was the President of the National Assembly. He was overthrown in 1999 by General Robert Guéï, a former army commander sacked by Bédié. This was the first coup d'état in the history of Côte d'Ivoire. In the face of an economic downturn, the junta promised to return the country to democratic rule in 2000, but when the elections were won by dissident Laurent Gbagbo, Guéï initially refused to accept defeat and street protests forced him to step down. Gbagbo became president on October 26, 2000.
Nearly two years later, on September 19, 2002, a rebellion in the North and the West arose. The rebels, called the Forces Nouvelles de Côte d'Ivoire (New Forces), represented Muslim northerners who felt they were being discriminated against by the politically dominant and mostly Christian southerners. Mass murders occurred, notably in Abidjan from March 25 to 27, when government forces killed more than 200 protesters, and on June 20 and 21 June in Bouaké and Korhogo, where purges led to the execution of more than 100 people. A reconciliation process under international auspices started in 2003. In 2002 France sent its troops to Côte d'Ivoire as peacekeepers. Tensions between Côte d'Ivoire and France increased on November 6, 2004, after Ivoirian air strikes killed 9 French peacekeepers and an aid worker. In response, French forces attacked the airport at Yamoussoukro, destroying all airplanes in the Ivoirian Air Force. Protests erupted in both Abidjan and Yamoussoukro, and were marked by violence between Ivoirians and French peacekeepers. Thousands of foreigners, especially French nationals, evacuated the two cities. Most of the fighting ended by late 2004, with the country split between a rebel-held north and a government-held south. In March 2007 the two sides signed an agreement to hold fresh elections, though they were delayed until 2010, five years after Gbagbo's term of office was supposed to have expired.
After northern candidate Alassane Ouattara was declared the victor of the 2010 Ivoirian presidential election by the country's Independent Electoral Commission (CEI), the President of the Constitutional Council – an ally of Gbagbo – declared the results invalid and Gbagbo the winner. Both Gbagbo and Ouattara claimed victory and took the presidential oath of office. The international community, including the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the European Union, the United States, and former colonial power France declared their support for Ouattara and called for Gbagbo to step down. Negotiations to resolve the dispute failed to achieve any satisfactory outcome. Hundreds of people were killed in escalating violence between pro-Gbagbo and pro-Ouattara partisans and at least a million people fled their homes, mostly from Abidjan. The rebel army, now renamed the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire (RFCI), launched a full-scale offensive across the country in late March 2011, and massive desertion from Gbagbo's army allowed the RFCI to achieve a quick victory by late April.
Cote D'Ivoire's Newspapers
Infos Côte d'Ivoire (in English and French)
History of U.S. Relations with Cote D'Ivoire
The US and Côte d'Ivoire had friendly relations during the regime of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, who supported the US in its Cold War rivalry with the former Soviet Union and welcomed American investment in his country. After the outbreak of the Ivoirian civil war in 2002, relations cooled as the US suspended non-humanitarian aid.
Current U.S. Relations with Cote D'Ivoire
Along with the rest of the international community, the US urged President Laurent Gbagbo to relinquish power after the 2010 elections were determined to have elected rival Alassane Ouattara to the Presidency. With the success of Ottara's forces in ousting Gbagbo, it is widely expected that relations will become friendly once again.
According to Census Bureau estimates, by 2000 there were 3,110 people descended of Ivoirian immigrants. The cities with the most significant population are New York City, New York; Washington, DC; Baltimore, Maryland; Worcester, Massachusetts; Bridgeport, Connecticut; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Chicago, Illinois; Atlanta, Georgia; Boston, Massachusetts; and Providence, Rhode Island. Noted Ivoirian-Americans include football player Amos Zereoué and actor Bambadjan Bamba.
Where Does the Money Flow
Côte d'Ivoire is the world's largest producer of cocoa, and US imports of cocoa are mainly responsible for the large trade deficit ($1.013 billion in 2010) between the two. US imports from Côte d'Ivoire more than tripled between 2002 and 2010, from $376.4 million in 2002 to $1.17 billion in 2010. The 2010 imports were dominated by cocoa beans ($593.9 million or 50.5%); crude oil ($230 million or 19.5%); bakery and confectionary products ($143.9 million or 12.2%); natural rubber and similar gums ($78.5 million or 6.7%); and fuel oil ($61.5 million or 5.2%). US exports to Côte d'Ivoire have grown more slowly, not quite doubling between 2002 and 2010, from $76.1 million to $162.6 million. Exports are led by plastic materials ($29.1 million or 17.9%); industrial engines ($17.6 million or 10.8%); industrial machinery ($16.2 million or 9.9%); motor vehicles, parts and accessories ($15.4 million or 9.5%); marine vessels ($10 million or 6.2%); specialized mining and excavation machinery ($8.6 million or 5.3%); drilling and oilfield equipment ($8.2 million or 5%); newsprint ($6.9 million or 4.2%); and chemicals ($6 million or 3.7%).
Of the $133.6 million in U.S. aid to Côte d'Ivoire in 2010, $133.3 million (99.7%) was dedicated to global health and child survival, leaving $300,000 (0.3%) for counter-terrorism efforts, although the administration is requesting additional funds for civil society projects in the future.
The chaos that has dominated Ivoirian life since the outbreak of civil war in 2002 has been inimical to human rights, for while the country was divided, credible allegations of human rights violations were made against both the government and the Forces Nouvelles. The 2010 elections, which many hoped would bring peace to Côte d'Ivoire, instead yielded still more violence and dislocation. On December 2, 2010, the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) declared Alassane Ouattara the winner of the runoff with 54.1 percent of the vote as compared with 45.9 percent for Laurent Gbagbo. The UN and international and domestic observer missions declared the vote fair and democratic and recognized Ouattara as the country's properly elected president. Gbagbo refused to accept the results, and on December 3, the Constitutional Council, which was made up entirely of Gbagbo appointees, overturned the CEI ruling, citing voter "irregularities." More than 500,000 votes for Ouattara were annulled, and Gbagbo was declared the winner. A four month stalemate ensued, which was broken in April 2011 by a successful military offensive by forces loyal to Ouattara, and the forcible ouster of Gbagbo from office. Forces loyal to Gbagbo were finally cleared form the field by late May, and Ouattara took office on May 21, 2011.
Hopes that Ouattara's military victory would lead to peace and respect for human rights have not yet been realized. A June 2011 report by Amnesty International concluded that both sides in the conflict had committed "human rights violations and abuses, including extrajudicial executions and other unlawful killings, rape and other sexual violence, torture, other ill-treatment and arbitrary arrest and detention; as well as the consequences of high levels of displacement, pervasive insecurity, and intentional destruction of homes and other buildings not justified by military necessity." The report further found that Gbagbo's former supporters were being subjected to harassment, unlawful or extra-judicial arrest and detention, and other forms of abuse.
Past Ambassadors
Note: Embassy Abidjan was established Aug 7, 1960, with Donald L. Norland as Chargé d'Affaires ad interim. Name changed from Ivory Coast to Côte d'Ivoire Oct 15, 1986.
R. Borden Reams
Appointment: Oct 14, 1960
Presentation of Credentials: Nov 20, 1960
Termination of Mission: Left post, May 12, 1962
James Wine
Non-career appointee
Termination of Mission: Left post, Mar 6, 1965
George A. Morgan
Appointment: May 18, 1965
Presentation of Credentials: Aug 5, 1965
Termination of Mission: Left post, Nov 16, 1969
John F. Root
Appointment: Nov 4, 1969
Presentation of Credentials: Dec 23, 1969
Robert S. Smith
Appointment: Feb 11, 1974
Presentation of Credentials: Apr 11, 1974
Termination of Mission: Left post, Aug 8, 1976
Monteagle Stearns
Appointment: Oct 5, 1976
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jul 12, 1979
Nancy V. Rawls
Appointment: Sep 28, 1979
Presentation of Credentials: Jan 16, 1980
Termination of Mission: Left post Aug 16, 1983
Robert Hopkins Miller
Dennis Kux
Presentation of Credentials: Dec 2, 1986
Termination of Mission: Left post, Oct 8, 1989
Kenneth L. Brown
Termination of Mission: Left post, Jul 3, 1992
Hume Alexander Horan
Appointment: Jun 15, 1992
Presentation of Credentials: Sep 10, 1992
Lannon Walker
Presentation of Credentials: Oct 6, 1995
Termination of Mission: Left post Sep 28, 1998
George Mu
Presentation of Credentials: Jan 6, 1999
Termination of Mission: Left post Jul 12, 2001
Arlene Render
Termination of Mission: Left Post, July 23, 2004
Aubrey Hooks
Presentation of Credentials: Aug. 20, 2004
Termination of Mission: Aug. 02, 2007
Wanda L. Nesbitt
Appointment: September 25, 2007
Presentation of Credentials: November 6, 2007
Termination of Mission: 2010
Cote D'Ivoire's Ambassador to the U.S.
Diabate, Daouda
Daouda Diabaté returned to the United States for a second tour as ambassador from Côte d'Ivoire in February 2011, part of a diplomatic offensive by the internationally-recognized President-elect Alassane Ouattara against incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo, who refused to leave power.
A career diplomat, Daouda Diabaté was born January 1, 1948, in Saoundi, which was in the colony of Côte d'Ivoire, which at the time was part of French West Africa, along with Mauritania, Senegal, French Sudan (now Mali), French Guinea (now Guinea), Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), Dahomey (now Benin) and Niger. He earned a B.A. in English at the National University of Abidjan in 1974, a graduate degree in diplomatic administration at the same university in 1975, and a graduate degree in advanced diplomatic studies from the International Institute for Public Administration and International Relations in Paris, France, in 1976.
Diabaté joined the Côte d'Ivoire Foreign Ministry in 1977, serving as Head of the Press & Information Service until 1978. From 1979 to 1981, he was First Counselor at the Ivoirian Embassy to Liberia and Sierra Leone, followed by a lengthy stint in Europe from 1981 to 1986 as Counselor at the Embassy to Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg. From 1986 to 1994 he served in Côte d'Ivoire, first as Deputy Director of Bilateral Cooperation (1986-1987); as Secretary General for Administrative Reform, Ministry of Civil Service (1987-1990); and as Chief of Staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1991-1994).
From 1994 to 1996, Diabaté was Ambassador of Côte d'Ivoire to Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda and Permanent Representative to the OAU (now the African Union) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in Nairobi, Kenya. On behalf of the OAU, in 1995 and 1996 he served as an Observer of the presidential elections in Algeria and Uganda.
From 1997 to 2001 Diabaté was Ambassador to Morocco. During the 2002 Ivoirian political crisis, Diabaté was serving as Secretary General of the Department of State, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a position he held from 2001 to 2004, and as such he served as spokesman of the Foreign Minister after the outbreak of the crisis. In April 2004, however, Diabaté was named ambassador to the US and the Bahamas, a job he kept until November 2007, when he was named ambassador to Brazil. Diabaté was ambassador to Brazil when he was reassigned, again, to the US.
Diabaté and his wife, Cecile, have five children. In addition to his native French, Diabaté speaks fluent English and intermediate Spanish.
Video of Ambassador Diabaté answering questions from an audience
Cote D'Ivoire's Embassy Web Site in the U.S.
Côte d'Ivoire embassy in the United States
2424 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Washington DC 20008
Ambassador to the U.S.
Embassy Web Site in the U.S.
U.S. Embassy web site
U.S. Ambassador to Cote D'Ivoire
McCulley, Terence
The next ambassador to the West African nation of Côte d'Ivoire will be Terence P. McCulley, a member of the Senior Foreign Service whose diplomatic career has been spent mostly in Africa or working on African issues. If confirmed by the Senate he would succeed Philipp Carter III, who served in Abidjan starting in August 2010.
A native of Medford, Oregon, McCulley grew up in Eugene, where he earned a B.A. in European history and French language and literature at the University of Oregon in 1979. He attended the Université de Haute Bretagne in Rennes, France, from 1979-1980 as a Rotary Foundation Graduate Fellow, and also attended the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.
Joining the Foreign Service in 1985, McCulley's first three tours were in Niger, South Africa and Chad, working in management, consular and political reporting positions. Following his posting to Chad, he served as consul at the U.S. Consulate General in Mumbai, India.
From 1993 to 1995, McCulley was at the State Department in Washington, DC, serving as the desk officer for Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) during the Rwanda genocide, the massive influx of refugees into eastern Zaire and the beginnings of the conflict in Africa's Great Lakes region.
Back in Africa from 1995 to 2004, McCulley served three consecutive stints as deputy chief of mission at the U.S. embassies in Lomé, Togo, from 1995 to 1998; Dakar, Senegal, from 1998 to 2001; and Tunis, Tunisia, from 2001 to 2004.
In June 2004, he became the deputy coordinator for Iraq assistance in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs.
McCulley received his first ambassadorship when President George W. Bush nominated him to be ambassador to Mali in May 2005; confirmed by the Senate in June, McCulley served three years in Bamako.
After serving as deputy chief of mission at the embassy in Copenhagen, Denmark, from 2008 to 2010, McCulley served as ambassador to Nigeria starting in August 2010.
McCulley is fluent in French, and speaks some Zulu and Wolof. He and his wife, Renée, have two sons.
-Matt Bewig
États-Unis: Terence McCulley, nouvel ambassadeur en Côte d'Ivoire (by Diomandé Mémoué, Fratmat)
From D.C. With Love: The American Mission in Abuja (by Gunner Hamlyn, Chicago Policy Review)


If you are confused about the different loan term lengths, then you're in the right place.
Trying to navigate through the different types of loans and the terms of each one and what that means can be very confusing.
In this guide, you'll find out everything you need to know about the different loan terms and what they mean for you, plus which one might be best for your business.
A business loan term refers to the length of time that you will be borrowing your loan for.
Not only does this stipulate how many months or years you will have to pay back your loan, but it will also affect how much your repayments will be on a monthly basis.
A short-term loan means you are only borrowing for a short amount of time, which means your repayments will be high.
On the other hand, a long-term loan will mean that you could borrow the money for years, so your repayments will likely be very low.
You could use this for anything from equipment to new workers.
A short-term loan allows you to pay back this money quicker instead of having to pay back the money over a long series of months or years.
Sometimes, a short-term loan could be as little as three months in length.
Your repayment amounts might be high, but you might be able to pay it off in a few months which will let your budget more manageable.
Which term loan would be best for me?
Many different factors might go into deciding which length of loan might be best for you and your company.
For instance, if you want to borrow a considerable amount of money could mean that it would make more sense to acquire it for a long time, as you won't have to pay out large sums of money in a short period.
Or, you could only require a small loan that could be for £1,000 for instance, which you could pay back in a couple of months without needing more time.
A secured loan is when you take out a business loan, and you utilise your business assets to put up in the case of non-payment so the bank, for example, can take your property if you don't make your repayments.
You can often borrow a much higher amount than unsecured loans, plus your repayments might be lower, and it's better for those with a poor credit history.
Take a look at your options here.
Let's start with a fixed rate loan.
A fixed rate loan means that your monthly repayments will be set for a specific term, usually for the length of the contract whether that is for five years or twenty.
A variable rate loan means that your repayments would fluctuate, often depending on the market rate.
This can mean saving on your repayments.
Though it might be hard to budget when you're unsure what your costs will be, as they are unpredictable.
For instance, although you may only be making repayments for a short amount of time like a year or six months, your repayment amounts will be a lot higher than with standard lengthy loans.
Or, you could opt for a large loan with a long-term, which could see your repayments remaining low as you could borrow the funds for up to ten years for instance.
Luckily, since the financial crisis, there are far more lenders out there than ever before, primarily since there was a gap in the market when banks stopped lending to businesses as freely.
In conclusion, deciding which length of term loan might be best for you hinges on a few different things such as how much you can pay back over what amount of time, and the other general factors that go into a loan.
If you have any more questions, check out the ExpertSure guides to find out more about your finances and options as a business, or you could fill out the form at the top of the page to see what's on offer.


The new Fassi calendar bears the signature of one of the world's most famous surrealist photographers. Directly from Brooklyn, we go behind the scenes with Arthur Tress to explore 12 months of images.
CEO Giovanni Fassi takes stock and describes the spirit that underpins the landmark celebrations for the company's 50th anniversary.
Fassi's technological evolution: from electronic systems to crane control instruments, Techno Chips and the innovative training platform.
The new F1550RA, F990RA and M40A models – Fassi's latest additions to the xhe-dynamic and micro lines. Three new cranes with increasingly high performance solutions.
Marrel starts off 2015 with new products and new dealers, both in France and internationally. Interview with CEO Jerome Semay.
Fassi and Cranab open offices in Brazil and South Africa – strategically important new enterprises for both companies.
From the skies of Sweden to the squares of Bologna, two case studies that showcase Fassi excellence in action.


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Comparing Toronto and Hamilton: High Park or Gage Park?
Loyalty to a neighbourhood can run deep. Everyone believes that the other guys live on the 'wrong side of the tracks,' and that their own 'hood' is the place to be.
But what makes the perfect neighbourhood? Is it schools? Conveniences? People? It depends who you ask!
For home buyers who are looking to relocate to Hamilton from an ideal Toronto neighbourhood, the standards are high. Toronto is a vibrant, world-class city that has something for everyone.
We have strong confidence that, although you will make time to visit after you move, you will feel at home here in 'The Hammer' much more quickly than you expect!
Today, we will focus on a much-loved neighbourhood in Toronto: High Park. If High Park is your favourite area of Ontario's capital city, where might you hang your hat in Hamilton?
Much to Love About High Park
To state the obvious, High Park – the actual park – is the jewel of the area. Dog walkers, solo walkers, joggers, bikers, anyone else on wheels, and nature lovers of all kinds spend time taking in the tranquility of High Park. This is Toronto's answer to NYC's Central Park. Sprawling over 400 acres of purely preserved nature right in the middle of the city's concrete-themed urban living, High Park offers hiking trails, water features, a playground, towering trees, even tennis courts and a museum.
Famously every spring, in late April or early May, the Sakura trees put on a show as the cherry blossoms bloom.
Besides the park itself, though, the sense of community in High Park is important to residents. Residents include young families, well-heeled professionals, and renters who pay a premium for small suites in the densely populated neighbourhood.
Streets are lined with character homes, many of them beautifully updated, some subdivided into apartments. Mature trees enhance the area.
This is urban living outside the downtown core, with easy access to transportation, amenities, and conveniences. A one-bedroom apartment in Toronto in 2019 rented for around $2250. (A major shift in the economy has shown a 20% drop- the average rental costs $1800 as of November 2020.)
To own real estate, though, is different. The median price in High Park North for October, 2020, you would have needed a budget of $1,266,000!
What Hamilton Offers: Gage Park
We believe that, if you are at home in High Park, you will fall in love with Hamilton's Gage Park.
Though much smaller than High Park at 71 acres, Gage Park encompasses many similar natural features: tranquil walking trails, massive trees and sprawling green spaces, two playgrounds, a splashpad, and a museum (on the site of the original homestead – just like High Park's Colborne Lodge).
The focal point of the park is its water feature: the 300-foot long watercourse and fountain that provides a place for quiet relaxation as well as a backdrop for stunning photos.
The Rosedale Tennis Club at the park offers multiple playing surfaces and year round indoor courts.
Gage Park is also home to a perfectly manicured rose garden that blooms at summer's peak, and a 14,000 square-foot (1,300 square metre) tropical greenhouse. Admission is free, and a walk through the greenhouse is almost as good as a vacation!
The George R. Robinson Bandshell is the location for open air concerts, most notably the annual Festival of Friends.
The newest installation in the Park is the Pump Track, a BMX-style track where kids, young and old, can work on their skills! Initiated by local Crown Point Youth Council, the track is popular with riders of all skill levels.
On a daily basis, area residents walk, jog, and bike the trails – with or without dogs – enjoying the breath of fresh air provided by the green space nestled in the city.
Gage Park Area Neighbourhoods
The houses east and west of the park are predominantly character and century homes. There is variety among them in size and style, including legal, non-conforming duplexes with second-storey auxiliary units. Most of the buildings display the timeless beauty of the red brick that was once baked locally at Hamilton's Century Brick on Lawrence Road.
Transit is easily accessible along the main arteries around the park. Though not heavily commercial, there are convenience and grocery stores scattered throughout the area. Ottawa St. N., with its shopping district and abundant dining options is just a stone's throw away.
The area's demographic mirrors High Park also in that it includes a mix of higher-earning professionals and low-rise renters who may be just starting out. Families with young children have flocked to the area in recent years, many of these choosing to restore and renovate beautiful old homes.
These neighbourhoods, together, have created a sort of urban living with a suburban feel in Hamilton's east-central district. And although property values have risen quickly over the last few years, you will be pleasantly surprised to learn that it takes much less that $1,266,000 to own a fully renovated character home here!
Check out some recent sales below. When you're ready to find your dream home at a fraction of what you would pay in Toronto, we'll be here to help 🙂
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When aggregated, manual training compliance paperwork costs can quickly reach millions of dollars a year. For example, a State with 35,000 public safety professionals (10,000 police officers and 25,000 firefighters) and emergency medical personnel generates approximately 7.168 million sheets of paperwork every year. To put this in context, if those sheets were stacked up, they would reach a height of 3,584 feet – more than twice the height of the Empire State Building.
It's unlikely that a department's paperwork is being stacked in a corner, those 7 million sheets of paperwork require 716 filing cabinets. Just enough filing cabinets to span 2,148 feet or twice the length of the Nimitz aircraft carrier.
But the real problem with all this manual training paperwork isn't just that it is taking up considerable time and space – it is also costing states millions of dollars each year. If we factor in all the supplies, labor and storage, a state's public safety and law enforcement departments spend about $3,258,432 a year. Those funds could pay for the salaries of 72 firefighters, 59 police officers or 104 EMTs.
States seeking to streamline and increase the efficiency of training compliance should consider investing in the right cloud-accessible compliance software and eliminate paper records altogether.
Here is a link to the full-size infographic.


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London Green Party
Knife crime in London
Posted on 29th October 2021 (29th October 2021) by London Green Party
Green Party Assembly member Caroline Russell has demanded that more is done to tackle the epidemic of violence in London.
Caroline has compiled a report, looking at homicide figures in the capital between 2005 and 2020.
In that time 2,000 Londoners were murdered, with the rate barely going down.
"That means more than 2,000 families living without a loved one, and more than 2,000 homicides that should have been prevented," said Russell.
"To make matters worse, the disproportionality between different groups is staggering. Black communities are suffering the loss of too many young black lives. These are not just deaths, but whole families and communities throughout London, traumatised by violence."
Violence in London has been a long-standing concern for the Greens. As part of her Mayoral campaign, Green candidate Sean Berry set a target of zero murders in London in ten years. In the run up to the election she said: "Don't let anyone tell you it can't be done.'
The London Mayor Sadiq Khan has set up a Violence Reduction Unit which aims to deal with the causes of violent crime such with social alienation and lack of opportunity.
The Green Party would like to see more investment in the unit as well as more funding for youth services and early intervention programs.
Greens urge Mayor to act on London traffic levelsAnother Green Councillor
Published and promoted by Chris Rose on behalf of the Green Party, both at The Green Party, PO Box 78066, London, SE16 9GQ.
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Home > Topics > Child and Youth Affairs > Children's protection and welfare > Sexual abuse of children
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Sexual abuse of children
III. Sexual abuse of children
The Crimes Ordinance , Cap. 200 , and the Prevention of Child Pornography Ordinance ("PCPO"), Cap. 579 , contain a number of offences designed to protect children against sexual abuse. These offences are apposite to Convention Articles 34, 35 and 36 relate to protecting children against sexual exploitation and abuse, involvement in unlawful sexual activity, prostitution, exploitation in pornographic performances and materials and abduction and trafficking.
A. Unlawful sexual activities performed on children
Relevant offences in the Crimes Ordinance can be found in Appendix II .
The Crimes Ordinance (CO) contains offences designed to protect persons under 16 years of age from themselves. Under section 122 (indecent assault) for example, a person under 16 years of age cannot consent to an act that would otherwise be unlawful under the section. Indecent assault is the application of force in circumstances of indecency. Sexual activity, short of intercourse with a person under 16 years of age is an offence even if the person under 16 consented to such activity. Ignorance of the age of the person indecently assaulted is no defence.
Under section 123 of the CO , in the case of sexual intercourse with a girl under 13 years of age, and under section 124 of the CO , sexual intercourse with a girl under 16 years of age, consent is similarly no defence. Both sections are intended to protect girls under 16 years of age from themselves and avoid pregnancy at too young an age. A person's lack of knowledge of the age of the girl concerned is similarly no defence. Section 123 offences are punishable with imprisonment for life. Section 124 offences are punishable with imprisonment for five years. Particularly with section 123 and 124 offences defendants' rights must be balanced against the interests of protecting the child and the interests of society. Suggestions that somehow the child encouraged or instigated the sexual activity should have no weight either as a defence or in mitigation, particularly where the defendant was aware of the age of the girl, had groomed the girl for sexual activity, was in a position of responsibility or the circumstances were such that the defendant should have enquired about the age of the girl concerned.
B. Abduction of an unmarried girl
Under section 126 of the CO it is an offence to take an unmarried girl under the age of 16 out of the possession of her parent or guardian without lawful authority or excuse. This offence is punishable by imprisonment for 10 years. This offence recognises the importance of persons, particularly females under the age of 16, being with their parent or guardian. Section 126 of the CO is directed towards preserving the family unit. It also recognises and projects parental rights and the importance of the family as the basic unit of society upon which so much emphasis is placed by the Convention.
Section 127 of the CO makes it an offence to take an unmarried girl under the age of 18 out of the possession of her parent or guardian against the will of the parent or guardian with the intention that she shall have unlawful sexual intercourse with men or a particular man. Unlawful sexual intercourse in this context means sexual intercourse outside of marriage. Again this section is designed both to protect the girl and preserve the family unit. The section covers the situation where the girl is a willing participant in the proposed sexual intercourse. There is no need that sexual intercourse should actually occur: it is the intention with which the girl is taken out of the possession of her parent or guardian that matters. The offence is punishable by imprisonment for seven years.
C. Sex tourism and extra-territorial sexual crimes related to children
In accordance with objectives of the Convention, Hong Kong has amended the Crimes Ordinance , Cap.200 , to add an extra-territorial reach in relation to sexual tourism by adding a new section to the Ordinance, section 153P . Under section 153P , a person who commits any act outside of Hong Kong against a child that would have amounted to an offence specified in Schedule 2 of the Crimes Ordinance had it been committed in Hong Kong, commits an offence if he/she is either: (a) a permanent resident of the HKSAR or ordinarily resides in the HKSAR; or (b) the victim is a permanent resident or ordinarily resides in Hong Kong. Schedule 2 offences range from sexual intercourse with girls under 13 and under 16, causing or encouraging prostitution of, intercourse with, or indecent assault on a girl or boy under the age of 16, to administering drugs to obtain or facilitate an unlawful sexual act.
The purpose, extent and reach of the section, and its compatibility with the Basic Law of the HKSAR and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights, is demonstrated by a decision of the Court of Appeal in HKSAR v Lee Kwok Wah Francis . The defendant was convicted of three offences of sexual intercourse with a girl under 16 years of age contrary to sections 124(1) and 153P(1) of the Crimes Ordinance , Cap. 200 . He was also convicted of indecent conduct towards a child under the age of 16 years, contrary to sections 146(1) and 153P(1) of the Ordinance and of indecent assault upon another girl contrary to sections 122(1) and 153P(1) of the Crimes Ordinance . The offences occurred at a children's home in Mainland China where the two victims resided.
On appeal he argued that the extra-territorial effect of section 153P discriminated against him as a Hong Kong permanent resident by violating the principle of equality before the law under Article 25 of the Hong Kong Basic Law and his entitlement to rights without distinction and protection against discrimination under Articles 1(1) and 22 of the Hong Kong Bill Of Rights .
In dismissing the appeals the Court of Appeal ruled that the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child was intended to protect children against sexual exploitation. Hong Kong was required to enact legislation to protect children against sexual exploitation. This included legislating against sexual tourism. By criminalising sexual abuse of children which occurred outside Hong Kong, section 153P was legitimately striking at paedophiles who committed such acts outside Hong Kong and then returned to the SAR. The section was legitimate and proportionate.
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March 17, 2019; Impressions from the Jordan Valley by David Shulman; Photographs: Margaret Olin.
This entry was posted on Wednesday, March 20th, 2019 at 09:43	and is filed under Activists' Blogs, Activities, Activity Spotlight, Agricultural, Agricultural Accompaniment, By Activity Type, By Place, Content, English, Issues and Facts, Jordan Valley. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. Both comments and pings are currently closed.


Adoption Profile - Hopeful adoptive parents, Fay (Through Sean's Eyes) and Sean (Through Fay's Eyes), wish to adopt a baby.
Thank you so much for taking the time to learn a little about us. We greatly admire your strength and compassion in considering adoption. In 2014, our beautiful son Benjamin came into our lives through open adoption. His birthmother is very dear to us and we stay in close contact with her. Please know we would be overjoyed to welcome you into our family as well.
Some of our favorite things are celebrating holidays with friends and family. We love to travel and plan trips each year! We also love to entertain and usually have at least two neighborhood children here to play in the backyard each day! We love to spend time outside with nature and of course all the animals at the barn!
Fun day with a pony!
Building Lightening McQueen Box Cars w/Dad!


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This salad has the perfect blend of fruit with the apples, pears, and dried cranberries. The salty cashews also balance out the sweetness. If desired, an equal amount of shredded Swiss cheese may be substituted for shaved. Top with grilled chicken and turn this salad into a main course.


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Home / News / Ontario minimum wage to increase to $11 an hour
The Ontario premier made the announcement today, following a four-year minimum wage freeze
Ontario minimum wage to increase to $11 an hour
Victoria Kuglin
Posted on January 30, 2014, 1:03 pm
Minimum wage earners will make $11 an hour starting June 1. (Courtesy Rebecca Sedore)
Ontario's minimum wage will be raised to $11.00 from $10.25, Ontario premier Kathleen Wynne announced Jan. 30.
The change will be effective June 1, 2014.
"We want to make sure that minimum wage keeps up with the standard of living," Wynne said at the Centre for Social Innovation in Toronto. The increase will come after a four-year minimum wage freeze.
After these changes in legislation, the minimum wage could go up each year according standard of living changes.
Based on a consensus report conducted by the Canadian Labour and Business Centre, the wage increase will also take inflation rates into account, which will be indexed based on the cost of living and written into the Employment Standards Act.
Businesses will receive a six-month notice about wage increases, which, according to Wynne, will give "predictability" to businesses.
"The vast majority of people in Ontario understand that it's very hard to make ends meet," she said. "This is a fair adjustment."
Enes Adose works part time at Cineplex, getting paid $10.25 an hour. The third-year civil engineering student says that the only upside to her job are the free movies she receives.
"For me (this increase) is good. It's about time, to be honest," Adose said. "You can't get through life on minimum wage. For me, it's fine because all I have to worry about is my phone bill and food, but if you're a single mom or someone depending on minimum wage, it's too hard. You can't do it."
Kathleen Wynne minimum wage money Ontario premier wage
Journalism student, penny saver, and mustache afficionado. Victoria graduated from the Ryerson School of Journalism in 2014.
What's in the RSU's elusive budget?
RyersonianTV: RSU budget leaves students speechless
Students unsympathetic after men's hockey team suspended for drinking
Staff / Nov 5
Gone in 60 seconds: DMZ hosts rapid-fire pitching competition
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Relatable Rams: Men's hockey support P.A. day camp
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One morning in Venice, unable to sleep, a friend and I ventured out of our garden onto our little street to watch the city wake up. Barefoot and still in our nightgowns, we were so entranced by the beauty of the early morning light and the silence of the place, which was completely empty of people and felt all our own, that we ventured into our square. From there we kept walking, all the way to the Basilica di Santa Maria della Salute, where we watched the sun rise over the lagoon.


In digesting what went down in Auckland over the weekend in the Trans-Tasman Trophy battle between Aotearoa and Australia, I found myself simply appreciating highly entertaining hockey battles in our backyard.
Australia were victorious overall, snapping up the Trans-Tasman Trophy thanks to a superior goal-difference with the overall results tied at 3-3 and the way both Black Sticks teams bounced back after a reasonably average first day was admirable. In that regard, we were treated to a wave of young hockey players flexin' and for two relatively young squads to grab two wins over Australia in the case of the women, or beat Australia for the first time on home soil in yonks should be celebrated. This was kiwi hockey depth on display, but I've already told y'all that kiwi hockey is in a strong position.
With fringe/new Black Sticks gaining experience, it's difficult to go too deep with the analysis of how either team is tracking. Besides saluting the kiwi hockey depth on offer, the goals, speed of play, physical nature of the contests and all round hockey funk, showcased international hockey at it's low key finest. Coming off an Olympic campaign that saw both Black Sticks teams perform strongly, having this Trans-Tasman Trophy in Aotearoa just before summer kicks off was perfect timing.
The women won their series and without key members of the squad, they did well to come back from a thumping in the first game. Coach Mark Hager was able to see different combinations in action and with spots up for grabs in a full-strength squad heading into next year, Hager will have a few interesting decisions to make.
Tomorrow night though, the lads will get their International Festival of Hockey campaign in Australia underway. With top-tier Black Sticks taking some time off after the Olympics, the Trans-Tasman Trophy was the perfect opportunity to bring few a younger wave of players through, now Colin Batch is able to call upon the services of a few more established players in what is shaping as an intriguing gauge of how this Black Sticks Men's team could shape up moving forward.
The International Festival of Hockey will see the kiwis take on Malaysia tomorrow night at 6pm NZT, before yet another game against the Aussies at 8pm NZT on Thursday night. They will then face India at 7pm on Saturday before some finals hockey on Sunday, meaning that they would have played seven games in just over a week.
Batch used a squad of 20 in the Trans-Tasman Trophy and has now named a squad of 18 for the Festival, including Rio Olympians Hugo Inglis, Arun Panchia, Kane Russell and Shea McAleese. Jared Panchia joins the squad after a stint out of the team and will be coming in hot from Belgium where he was playing with Waterloo Ducks.
What's interesting with this squad that Batch has named to head to Melbourne, is which players from the Trans-Tasman Trophy maintained their places in the squad. Not only has the squad been cut down, but there are less spots up for grabs with established players returning. Strikers Martin Atkinson and Kim Kingstone, defender Harry Miskimmin and midfielders Rob Creffier and Matt Rees-Gibbs are the notable inclusions in that regard with Atkinson, Kingstone, Miskimmin and Creffier making their debuts last Thursday night.
Given how these lads performed in a high-tempo, physical series against the Aussies, it's hard not to like how this squad is shaping up. Miskimmin will probably struggle to get minutes in a defensive group that will see McAleese, Russell, Cory Bennett and Nick Haig spend most of the time covering the three defender spots.
Arun Panchia joins a midfield that excites as they are all extremely hard-working players that fit a quick, pass-first style that is a staple of the Black Sticks. Nick Ross will again anchor the midfield with Panchia, Rees-Gibbs, Creffier and James Coughlin more likely to push forward.
Push forward to where the likes of Inglis, Stephen Jenness, Kingstone, Atkinson, Jared Panchia and Jacob Smith will be waiting. What stood out about the strikers in the Trans-Tasman Trophy was how the strikers combined to set each other up, with blokes flying in at the far-post to widen the goal while there's enough individual flair from Jenness and Inglis to break ankles if given too much space.
The first game against Malaysia will offer great insight into how this group is tracking as it's a different team to the team from last weekend. Now there's new faces mixed in with blokes who have been doing a job on the international stage for a number of years and Malaysia will offer a different challenge for those new lads.


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Our fully equipped MIDI recording studio is based around a Soundtraks Topaz 64 channel mixing desk and an Akai DR8 digital multitrack system. It is more than capable of producing everything from vocal recordings and sound effects to full musical compositions for use in video and media productions.
We have considerable experience in recording voice messages for use in automated telephone messaging systems. Using 'close mike' techniques and superior quality Sennheiser microphones, we are able to produce hiqh quality voice messages that will be clear and easily understood by the caller. The recordings can be compressed to reduce the dynamic range and finally supplied on CD-ROM for loading into your telephone system. We are happy to work with your 'vocal talent' or supply a voice for you.
We can produce contemporary music to suit your company image for use whilst your customers are on hold. We can even produce 'on-hold adverts' that can convey to your customers an overview of your services and products. We have a range of 'stock' music that is available for royalty free use.
We possess a large library of sound effects, atmospheres and music that has been created in our studio; this is available for royalty free use in your video productions, digital presentations, websites or computer games.


In the villages of Raichur, most adults work as laborers in agriculture for 5 months. The rest of the year this industry does not create any jobs; therefore, families have to emigrate or survive for months in precarious conditions.
Additional social problems within this area in India is the existence of Devadasis women (temple prostitutes), an ancient tradition that obligates girls from the lower castes to meet the village men's sexual needs. They are delivered at an early age to the temple for subsequent prostitution.
With this project, itwillbe.org offers micro-credits to women so they can buy cattle or even open small shops in the village to achieve some stable income during the months in which it is not possible to work in agriculture.


I have been a part of both the groups— the one who appreciates the oily skin for keeping the surface soft and free of environmental irritants, moisture; and the other one who curses skin for producing the reckless amount of oil.
It sometimes feels good to boast the soft skin while it's equally embarrassing to get clicked because the shiny forehead reflects the flashlight.
But over time, I have learned to balance the layer of oil on my skin because I have acknowledged that my habits were contributing to far more oil production than the surface itself.
Yes, it's our habits which make oily skin more oiler, and getting rid of them might make us less shiny.Let's check our habits which compel our skins to produce more oil.
You wash your face multiple times— stop signaling your skin.
But to your surprise, skin takes it as feedback and thinks that more oil needs to be produced against the cleansers.
Skin is a prime narcissist. It knows how to protect itself from the external variables.
So, wiping off your face in a reshuffling mode using cleansers don't threaten it.
You are unable to fool your skin— give it its own medicine.
When your skin naturally produces oil, you are in a notion that it doesn't require a moisturizer.
Yes, it doesn't but what if you apply it?That's when you fool your skin.
When you apply moisturizer, you are compelling the skin to believe that the surface has enough oil— so it should halt its process.Your role is to minimize the perception of the skin that it's dry.
As it's overly-narcissistic, you will have to beat it around the bush to make it believe that it has enough moisturizer, and it should stop pretending as a self-bodyguard.
You scrub your skin like a utensil— you can't be a black hole.
There's a concept in developing countries— scrub until the scrubber passes away, or the utensil dwindles.
The concept is well-carried to the skin where you scrub your skin as if you'll make yourself the black hole today itself (which reflects nothing— not even the light).
Remember the fact— you can't become a black hole.Again, when you are scrubbing your skin, your skin will again revert with a self-protective shield in the form of oil.
Don't go for the products which promise to make your skin gloomy.
The more you rub, the more resilient your skin becomes— the more resistive your skin to external irritants, the higher the amount of acne.
You overdo the therapies— manage a secret operation.
Salicylic acid therapy is all-in-one powerbomb which destroys acne, seborrhea, psoriasis, dandruff, corns, warts, and calluses.
But again, don't act like an obsessed person in a relationship who can't work without it.
Use it in moderation, and don't let your skin know that you are applying to make it dry.
If you use it beyond the limit, it will ring the bells of dryness in the ears of the skin, and it will, in turn, release more oil than you could imagine.
It has to be a secret operation between you and Salicylic acid.Make sure that you step every inch with care so that skin doesn't eavesdrop your strategy.
Trust me! You will have to find a middle ground between the oily skin and the dry skin because both are bad for surfaces, and unless you adopt the central theme, you will be distressed— forever.


The IOC has decided that it -- for now -- will allow athletes to post blogs during the Olympic Games. Blogs by Olympians aren't new, but the IOC's decision not to try to ban them ahead of the Beijing games is significant: It signals a recognition of the new media environment, where athletes can speak directly to fans and where young fans are looking for interactive coverage beyond TV.
There are major concerns, including that of athlete privacy in the Olympic Village,. Another, of course, involves the implications for mainstream media outlets. Missouri Associate Professor Clyde Bentley wonders if this new version of "citizen journalism" will kill the economic media model that has enriched athletes. He wonders, for instance, if cable nets such as ESPN2 will eventually die at the hands of sites such as YouTube as the need for traditional gatekeepers in sports disappears.


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Home Article The tale of the three CSRs
The tale of the three CSRs
Updated Mon December 3, 2012
I have a good idea for a study by the Office of Inspector General (OIG) or the Government Accountability Office (GAO).
How well-versed are Medicare's customer service reps (CSRs)?
I got an email from a provider last week who recounted a story about how he has been unable to pick up the wheelchair of patient that had reached 10 months on a 13-month rental, despite that patient being admitted into a skilled nursing facility (SNF) permanently.
When Kyle Hoffman at Anderson's Medical Products notified the patient's daughter that he would need to pick up the chair, she was reluctant. She said she uses the chair to take her mother to lunch on occasion.
No problem, Hoffman told the patient's daughter, if you complete the rental on the chair as a private pay, you can keep it.
She didn't want to do that and agreed to release the chair the following day.
But five minutes before Hoffman was supposed to pick up the chair, the patient's daughter called and told him that she had been on the phone with a CSR at Medicare and the CSR told her that the provider could not pick up the chair without a discharge order from a physician.
The CSR told the patient's daughter, according to Hoffman: "It's a life-sustaining piece of equipment and, regardless of the client's SNF status, (not having it) would put her at risk."
That didn't sit right with Hoffman. So he called Medicare and spoke with a CSR who told him, no, what really needs to happen is that the SNF needs to change the patient's status from SNF to a permanent resident.
This CSR said, according to Hoffman: "Once the process is complete, you will be able to obtain your last three payments."
This didn't sit right with Hoffman, either. So he called the line again and spoke with a different CSR. This CSR agreed with him.
"I then requested that someone from Medicare call this client's daughter, apologize and explain that she had been misinformed," he wrote. "Of course, I was told Medicare will not do that."
So Hoffman is currently out a wheelchair that did not meet purchase point and he has Medicare to thank. Why doesn't he call back the patient's daughter and explain what Medicare should have explained in the first place?
Would you?
"It seems as though Medicare uses the term 'fraud and abuse' quite loosely," he wrote. "However, when the shoe is on the other foot, they love to claim immunity."
Customer Service, Fraud, Home Medical Equipment, Medicare
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Income Tax Features of C Corporations
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A C corporation is a business entity that is subject to federal income tax based on its taxable income for the year. A corporation that cannot qualify as an S corporation — or that does not elect this alternative if it does qualify — is referred to as a C corporation in the tax law.
There are a host of special tax credits (offsets) that could reduce or even eliminate the amount of income tax a corporation has to pay.
Suppose a business is taxed as a C corporation. Its abbreviated income statement for the year just ended is as follows:
Abbreviated Annual Income Statement for a C Corporation
Sales revenue $26,000,000
Expenses, except income tax (23,800,000)
Earnings before income tax $2,200,000
Income tax (748,000)
Given the complexity and changing nature of the income tax law, the following discussion avoids going into details about income tax form numbers and the income tax rates used to determine the income tax amounts in each example.
Refer to the C corporation income statement example in the table above. Based on its $2.2 million taxable income for the year, the business owes $748,000 income tax — most of which should have been paid to the IRS before year-end. The income tax is a big chunk of the business's hard-earned profit before income tax. The net income figure is bottom-line profit after income tax expense.
Being a C corporation, the business pays $748,000 income tax on its profit before tax, which leaves $1,452,000 net income after income tax. Suppose the business distributes $500,000 of its after-tax profit to its stockholders as their just rewards for investing capital in the business. The stockholders include the cash dividends as income in their individual income tax returns. Assuming that all the individual stockholders have to pay income tax on this additional layer of income, as a group they would pay something in the neighborhood of $75,000 income tax to Uncle Sam.
A business corporation is not legally required to distribute cash dividends, even when it reports a profit and has good cash flow from its operating activities. But paying zero cash dividends may not go down well with all the stockholders. The average large public corporation pays out about 30 percent of its after-tax annual net income as cash dividends to its stockholders.


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Consultation offers prospect of quality installations
The latest update from the Microgeneration Certification Scheme (MCS) is a positive step towards securing a skilled workforce for environmental technologies.
That's according to SummitSkills, who is urging employers to respond to the consultation that begins next month.
On 5 April, MCS issued an update on the progress of its working group which has been reviewing the inclusion of competence criteria in its installation standards to be followed by companies working on microgeneration systems - solar photovoltaic (PV), solar thermal hot water, ground and air source heat pumps, combined heat and power (CHP), biomass boilers, wind turbines and small scale hydro.
The MCS working group has outlined recommendations that are aimed at making the requirements for MCS certification clearer. They will be published in a consultation document at the beginning of May.
SummitSkills, the sector skills council for building services engineering, has for some time been calling for a requirement on companies that are potential installers, before they can be MCS-certified, to prove that members of their workforce have the right skills. This should help to ensure that microgeneration installations are correctly designed, fitted and maintained in order for customers to secure the maximum benefits and for the UK to secure the greatest possible reduction in its carbon emissions.
Keith Marshall, Chief Executive of SummitSkills (pictured), said: "There is clearly great potential for businesses getting into the growing market for microgeneration technologies. This is why we are pleased that the May consultation reflects our concern that companies should be required to prove they have a competent workforce before they can be MCS-certified. Skilled operatives in our sector are already familiar with proving their skills and knowledge are up to scratch for their own industry-specific competent person schemes (CPS), which help to maintain the standard of work.
"SummitSkills has been working with the MCS on behalf of employers to help identify how these existing schemes' competence requirements for individual workers can be used to minimise the administrative burden on companies, without compromising the quality of workmanship.
"I urge any organisations interested in starting or further developing their services in the area of microgeneration to contribute to the MCS consultation. Together we can establish the skilled workforce that the UK will need and protect consumers from rogue traders."
The MCS will identify relevant training and assessment courses that have been mapped to National Occupational Standards (NOS) and so prove the appropriate level of competence.
There will also be a route for workers who do not necessarily have the formal qualifications required but whose specialist experience can be assessed and shown to meet the required level of skills.
It is being proposed that from August 2012 for new applications, and from August 2013 for existing MCS scheme members, only participation by members of its workforce in these identified training courses or assessments will be considered adequate proof of a company's competence.
SummitSkills provides a mapping review service which enables those offering assessment and/or training courses to ensure that these map to National Occupational Standards, and so can be ratified by the competent person schemes.
SummitSkills
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I am a very lucky pony. I have a home, food and friends. When things go wrong for me, I can rely on the fact that I am cared for and cherished. As I said, I am a very lucky pony.
I know that too many others are not so lucky as me. I met 2 young people recently who through absolutely no fault of their own found themselves on hard times, not even sure where they could safely sleep at night. These young people, however, were so happy to meet me. They showed such courage just by turning up. They hadn't had any experience of being with ponies, but came anyway, even though it was very cold and rather muddy. They seemed to really enjoy just standing by me and stroking me, once they had built up trust that I wasn't going to hurt them. Once they properly realised that I wasn't planning on anything they relaxed, and I relaxed… it was right nice! They led me round and round and even got me doing some tricks…. And I am not normally one to jump at doing tricks… (see what I did there……).
It got me thinking that if such a simple thing, leading a pony round a muddy field, could make these young people so happy what must the rest of their lives be like? And then I felt sad.
Christmas is a time when everything is hyped up. Good things seem to be better, even MacDonald's are selling carrots for reindeer this year! But it seems to me that if good things are better then bad, sad things are worse. Lonely people feel lonelier, hurt people feel more hurt, poor people feel left out of celebrations as budgets can't stretch any further.
As a pony I feel I can't help so much with these great big things, I am good at little things, but you humans need to do the big things. Some charities are really brilliant, and many are working in and around rich Winchester to try and help. Mostly though, the help comes from small acts of generosity and kindness, and actually, we can all do those.


Apakatjah (pronounced uppa–cut-ja) is a duo consisting of Dion Forrester & Jonathan Lindsay-Tjapaltjarri Hermawan who weave together a reflection of their blended cultures and wide musical influences such as Aboriginal desert reggae like Tjupi Band, old school metal like Iron Maiden and guitar master, Tommy Emmanuel.
Through its two band members Apakatjah combines the cultures of Aboriginal Australia (Pintupi-Luritja, Pitjantjatjara, Pertame Central Arrernte, Alywarre, Kaytitj and Islander), as well as heritage from European, Indonesian, Irish, Welsh and Dutch migrants. The word 'apakatjah' is a Luritja kriol word for a person of mixed race heritage, which the duo have reclaimed to demonstrate the pride they have in their identity and to draw strength from their culture.
Jonathan and Dion strive to be role models in their community - teaching music and language to kids, advocating healthy lifestyles as well as in their professional capacity as youth workers. They challenge young people to dream big and hope to empower them to achieve their goals.
Recent performances this year have included Wide Open Space Festival (Alice Springs), Tjungu Festival (Uluru), the NT Song of the Year Awards (Darwin) and the BIGSOUND music industry conference (Brisbane). Previously they have supported Neil Murray, Archie Roach and The Basics.
Their debut single 'Waru' was a finalist in the rock category of the NT Song of the Year awards 2016. Their debut album 'In Between' was recorded at the CAAMA Music studios in Alice Springs and produced by Dave Crowe. It is due for release early 2017.
Music for the warming soul.
I love the way you've used your background experience and culture in a way that shines right through your music.
I love these guys! The blend of language tradition and contemporary music styles makes this so fantastic.


Yesterday's YouTube advertising news started off for many as just another cosmetic technology upgrade announcement. But it soon became clear that the change was more important and had wide implications for the future of online video. After perusing the IBM report released yesterday, which was chock full of rich survey data, we decided to pose a few questions to IBM's Bill Battino, communications sector Managing Partner for IBM Global Business Services.
Wired News: In light of your findings regarding the changing viewing habits of consumers (from TV to Internet), what do you think the new YouTube ad model/revenue sharing with video creators means for the near future of broadcast television vs. Internet TV?
Bill Battino: Evolving business models that share ad revenues with individual video creators, as well as new technologies that enable amateurs and semi-professionals to create lower-cost advertising content, will put cost pressures on the traditional players. Although our consumer survey shows the majority of respondents who contribute to social networking and video sites tend to do so for recognition (or fame), versus fortune.
Our upcoming "End of Advertising As We Know It" paper shows advertising professionals expect a significant part of content to be user-generated in five years – from almost 15 percent of TV time to 25 percent of PC time. These new models will be a major step forward and represent the maturation of the Internet. The vast amount of testing that has been done to make the models as unobtrusive and unoffensive as possible will advance consumer acceptance. For TV, this will be a positive step as well in terms of improving relationships with companies like Google and the broadcasters because the model is confined to a specific subset of monitored content.
Battino:__ The question is when, not if. Delivering all but the most basic digital content services over networks that were originally designed for voice communications and Web browsing is challenging, and telecom, cable and satellite operators will, in all likelihood, have to upgrade their networks to compete. Even with higher compression technology like MPEG-4, delivering HDTV, multi-room TV and the like, as well as voice, gaming, Internet surfing and other communication services means that every home must have a bandwidth of 20 megabits or more.
As demand for high-definition television (HDTV), real-time video on demand (VoD) and other next-generation services increases, we are heading toward a bandwidth crunch in many countries with the possible exception of parts of south-east Asia including Singapore and Korea, where 95 -100 percent of households can obtain very high speed access.
To deliver bandwidth-intensive content services and the experience consumers demand, telcos and distributors will have to make major investments in upgrading their networks. We anticipate that the investments going into IPTV through Fiber-TV, will accelerate bandwidth dramatically, as well as VC investment in wireless technologies.
YouTube-like networks (not owned by major corps) will be able to compete with YouTube and the major studios rolling out their own mini-online networks (such as ComedyCentral's Motherload)?
and private equity community. Just as people thought MySpace had a monopoly, you saw other entrants (e.g. Facebook) generating interest levels. We may see some backlash against the big players, which will open up the window for new entrants. Also, our survey found that the majority of individuals visited sites based on recommendations from their peers; this also leaves an opening for new entrants. Finally, keep in mind that many of the sites now owned by major corporations started as independents and were then acquired.


23-year-old Renee Davis, a five-month pregnant Native American mother of three suffering from depression was shot and killed by police on the scene of a wellness check on October 21 in Washington state. Since then, the killing of Davis has sparked public outrage on social media, yet has received little to no attention by major news outlets.
In the year 2015 alone, 991 people were killed by police in the U.S. and in 2016, over 800 thus far.
The death of Renee Davis is not an isolated incident. Davis is neither the first pregnant or first Native American suffering from depression to be a victim of police brutality and to be absent from media coverage.
Within the last two years at least two other similar incidents have also occurred: On January, 2016, 32-year-old pregnant mother Jacqueline Salyers was shot and killed in a parked car by Tacoma police in Washington state. On July 8, 2014, Jeanetta Riley, 35 and mother of three was shot and killed by police outside of a hospital after being admitted for attempting to commit suicide.
The substantially high rate of police killings of indigenous people and other minorities go unreported and when they are covered, they are often misrepresented in the news.
According to an investigation by In These Times, a report showed that from May 2014 to October 2015, of 29 Native Americans killed by police, only two were given any news coverage, one of which was misidentified as Latino by the Washington Post and New York Times.
In These Times also reported, "When compared to their percentage of the U.S. population, Native Americans were more likely to be killed by police than any other group, including African Americans." The investigation also found that Native Americans are 3.1 times more likely to be killed by police than white Americans.
Creating a narrative for the anti-police brutality movement, Black Lives Matter, which formed in 2012, brought attention to the lack of media reporting on blacks killed by police officers. Following the BLM movement, "Native Lives Matter" was established in 2014 in response to the exclusion of Natives from the national discourse on police brutality.
"The absence of [Native Americans] from conversations about police brutality and social inequality exemplifies the United States' complicity to the continued marginalization and neglect of Native communities," Al Jazeera stated.
The common phenomenon of minority groups subjugated to police brutality is a struggle faced not only by indigenous people, but also those who suffer from mental illness, such as Renee Davis.
As police being first responders to situations involving mental health crises in America, police departments hold the responsibility of training officers on handling these incidents appropriately.
According to The Washington Post, a quarter of victims killed at the hands of police suffered from suicidal and mental health problems. Many of these killings occur because police lack training on how to respond to those who suffer from mental illness.


"We started off in the same dunes that we finished in yesterday - except after last night's storm they were completely different, dark grey in colour with a black line where your wheel had been.
Coma's second place on stage six saw the Spaniard extend his overall lead to 40m 29s ahead of American Jonan Street who could only manage 11th today following his stage win on day five.
Third place overall belongs to Yamaha's David Fretigne after the French Dakar veteran finished the day in fifth spot 10m 30s off the lead.
Mick Extance is clearly now up to full speed and was rewarded for his efforts with the accolade of top Brit on day six. The Honda Europe rider finished 33rd which means he has now moved up to 23rd in the overall standings.
BMW mounted Simon Pavey is another man getting stronger and stronger. The Australian finished one place behind Extance in 34th, which has moved him significantly up the standings to 42nd overall.
Stanley Watt onboard his KTM actually recorded his worst stage finish of the event ending the day in 39th, but the talented 37 year old is still top Brit overall holding an impressive 22nd spot.
Craig Bounds (KTM Desert Rose Racing) was 80th on stage six with Ewan Bucham (KTM Desert Rose Racing) 117th and Gary Ennis (KTM Team Dakar Ireland) 124th.
Day seven of the Dakar will see riders leave Mendoza in Argentina and end the day on the coast at Valparaiso in Chile.
In what will be another epic day totalling 816KM including a 419KM riders will face mountains as high as 3000 metres along with big sand dunes.