text:
The Pro-Israel & Pro-Arab Lobbies
by Mitchell Bard (2019)
Category » Congress & the Middle East
Majority of Congress Calls on Trump to Assist Israel Defend Itself
S. 1 Strengthening America's Security in the Middle East Act of 2019 Text
S. 1595 Hizballah International Financing Prevention Amendments Act of 2017
S. 447 - The Justice for Uncompensated Survivors Today (JUST) Act
Letter - Include Israel in the DHS Global Entry Program
S. 1595 - Hizballah International Financing Prevention Act of 2017
S. 722 - Countering Iran's Destabilizing Activities Act of 2017
S.R. 176 - Commemorating the 50th anniversary of the reunification of Jerusalem
Letter - Revise State Department Policy Regarding Birthplace Designation for American Citizens Born in Jerusalem
Letter - Calling to end Unfair Bias Against Israel at the UNSC
- Encouraging President Obama to Veto One-Sided UN Resolutions
- Urging President Obama to Quickly Conclude a new MOU With Israel
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016
Letter - Urging President Obama to Prioritize a new, Stronger MOU With Israel
S. 2763 - The United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act of 2014
S.R. 498
Support for Israel defending itself from Hamas rockets
- Urging Rejection of Palestinian Government
- Urging Tougher Stance on Iran
Letter - Urging Stronger Sanctions on Iran
SR.65 - Implementation of Iran Sanctions
Letter - Reaffirm Committment to Israel
Letter - Maintain Pressure on Iran
S.3264E - Iran Freedom & Non-Proliferation Act
S.599 - Israel's Right to Self-Defense
SJ.41 - Iranian Nuclear Program
S.2165 - Enhanced Security Cooperation Act
S.504 - Moment of Silence at Olympics
S.2101 - Iran Sanctions & Accountability Act
Letter - Stance Against Syria
Letter - Sanctioning Iran
S.185 - Opposing Unilateral Palestinian Statehood
S.138 - Rescind Goldstone Report
Letter - Honor Committment to Israel
Letter - Press PA on Incitement
Letter - Press Abbas on Peace
Letter - Israel's Right to Self-Defense
Letter - US-Israel Relationship
S.2799 - Iran Sanctions/Divestment Act
Letter - Arab Role in Peace Process
Letter - Arab-Israeli Conflict
S.10 - Israel's War Against Hamas
- Supporting Israel's Quest for Peace
S.522 - On Israel's 60th Birthday
SR.353 - Condemning Interference in Lebanon
SR.92 - Call to Release Captive IDF Soldiers
S.534 - Condemning Hezbollah & Hamas
- Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act
SCR.78 - Iran Nuclear Proliferation
- Opposing Hamas in PA Elections
S.27 - On Palestinian Presidential Elections
S.18 - 60th Anniversary of Auschwitz Liberation
S.2635 - Homeland Security Grants to Israel
SCR.81 - Concern over Iran's Nuclear Program
- Urging President on Peace Principles
S.247 - Affirming Israel's Right to Self-Defense
SCR.88 - Solidarity with Israel Against Terrorism
- Concern Over Russian Anti-Semitism
Letter -
Reassessing U.S.-Palestinian Relations
- Calling on President to Support Israel
S.116 - On Israel's Withdrawal from Lebanon
SCR.5 - Opposing Unilateral Palestinian State
- Asking President Not to Pressure Israel
S.735 - Antiterrorism & Death Penalty Act
S.1322 - Jerusalem Embassy Relocation Act
S.1487 - Middle East Peace Facilitiation Act
Congress Urges Reagan to Help Ethiopian Jews Immigrate to Israel
- Condemning President Remarks on Israel
- Concern over "Reassessment" of PLO
Foreign Relations & Armed Services Committee Sessions
SJR.36 - Aid for Palestinian Refugee Relief
H.J. Res 37 Legislation Expressing U.S. Interest in Combating Anti-Semitism at Home and Abroad
H.R. 3342 Sanctioning the Use of Civilians as Defenseless Shields Act
H.R. 2810 - National Defense Authorization Act 2018
H.R. 3030 - The Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act
H.R. 3542 - Hamas Human Shields Prevention Act
H.R. 1164 - The Taylor Force Act
Letter - Regarding Iranian Presence in Syria
H.R. 1698 - Iran Ballistic Missiles and International Sanctions Enforcement Act
H.R. 359 - Urging the European Union to designate Hezbollah in its entirety as a terrorist organization and increase pressure on it and its members
H.R. 3364 - Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act
H.R. 672 - Combatting European Anti-Semitism Act 2017
H.R. 244 - Consolidated Appropriations Act 2017
H.R. 11 - Objecting to United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334 as an Obstacle to Israeli-Palestinian Peace
H.R. 5877 - United States-Israel Advanced Research Partnership Act of 2016
Letter - Opposing One-Sided UNSC Resolutions to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Letter - Calling for Investigation Into Alleged Human Rights Violations by the Israeli and Egyptian militaries
Letter - Calling for Immediate Sanctions on Iran
H.R. 2297 - Hezbollah International Financing Prevention Act
- Condemning Palestinian Violence and Incitement Against Israelis
H.R. 354 - Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the safety and security of Jewish communities in Europe.
H.R. 293 - Expressing concern over anti-Israel and anti-Semitic incitement within the Palestinian Authority.
H.R. 107 - Denouncing the use of civilians as human shields by Hamas and other terrorist organizations in violation of international humanitarian law
HR.657 -Supporting Israel's Right to Self-Defense
HR.938 -US-Israel Strategic Partnership Act
Opposing Academic Boycott of Israel
HR.850 - Nuclear Iran Prevention Act
Letter - Engaging With Iran's President
Letter - Iran's Nuclear Program
Amendment - Statement of Policy and Report on Israel's Self-Defense
Letter - Iran's Evasion of Sanctions
HR.4310 - 2013 Defense Authorization Act
HR.813 - Israel's Right to Self-Defense
HR.4133 - Enhanced Security Cooperation
HR.2105 - Iran/Syria Nonproliferation
Letter - Sanctions on Syria
HR.268 - US Committment to Negotiations
r - Importance of Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty
Letter - Continued Aid to Israel
HR.1765 - Opposing Unilateral Palestinian State
- Reaffirming U.S.-Israel Bonds
HR.2194 - Iran Petroleum Sanctions Act
HR.867 - Goldstone Fact-Finding Report
HR.34 - Israel's Right to Self-Defense
HR.1127 - Condemning Arab Anti-Semitism
- Urging President to End Gaza Violence
HR.185 - Middle East Refugee Populations
HCR.322 - Recognizing Israel's 60th Birthday
HR.951 - On Palestinian Rocket Attacks
HR.6 - U.S.-Israel Energy Cooperation
HR.738 - Condemning Syria/Iran Acts in Lebanon
HR.624 - On Israel Chairing a UN Committee
HR.1400
- Iran Counter-Proliferation Act
HR.2761 - Terrorism Risk Insurance Act
HCR.152 - Anniversary Jerusalem Reunification
HR.884 - Antiterror Cooperation PACTS Act
HR.921 - Supporting Israel's Right to Self-Defense
HR.2730 - U.S.-Israel Energy Coopertion Act
HR.4939 - Prohibiting Assistance to the PA
HR.4681 - Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act
HCR.370 - Condemning Saudi Boycott of Israel
Letter - Fight U.N. Anti-Semitism
HR.282 - Solidarity with Israel at the UN
HR.56 - On Palestinian Presidential Elections
HR.39 - 60th Anniversary of Auschwitz Liberation
HR.713 - Denounces UN Misuse of Justice Court
HR.615 - Supporting Israel's WEOG Membership
HCR.460 - Backing Sharon Disengagement Plan
HR.1828 - Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act
HR.294 - Condemning Attacks on Israel
HR.61 - Commending Israel's Democracy
HR.1646 - Jerusalem as Israel's Capital
HR.392 - Solidarity with Israel
HR.1954 - ILSA Extension Act of 2001
HCR.280 - Suspension of Ties with the PA
HR.191 - Kidnapping Video of IDF Soldiers
HR.34 - Congratuling Ariel Sharon on Election
HCR.426 - Condeming Palestinian Violence
HR.5272 - Peace Through Negotiations
HR.331 - On Israel's Withdrawal from Lebanon
- Iran Nonproliferation Act
HCR.24 - Opposing Unilateral Palestinian State
HR.2709 - Iran Missile Proliferation Sanctions Act
HJR.102 - On Israel's 50th Anniversary
HR.60 - 30th Anniversary Jerusalem Reunification
HR.3107 - Iran & Libya Sanctions Act of 1996
HR.290 - Support of Unified Status of Jerusalem
HR.2268 - U.S.-Israel Free Trade Area Act
Speech: The Jewish Homeland and the Palestine Mandate
Congress & the Middle East: Table of Contents
Reference is often made to the Jewish lobby in an effort to describe Jewish political influence in the United States. This term is both vague and inadequate. While it is true that American Jews are sometimes represented by lobbyists, such direct efforts to influence policy-makers are but a small part of the lobby's ability to shape policy.
Organized groups do attempt to directly affect legislation. One of these, the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is a registered lobby. Other groups do not generally engage in direct lobbying (e.g., B'nai B'rith and Hadassah), but do disseminate information and encourage their members to become involved in the political process. They also sometimes lobby on specific issues. Though they have rarely influenced policy, Christian groups have also frequently weighed in on Israel's behalf and several pro-Israel organizations are comprised entirely of non-Jews. These organizations comprise the formal lobby.
U.S. Middle East policy is further shaped by Jewish voting behavior and American public opinion. These indirect means of influence are the informal lobby.
The formal and informal components tend to intersect at several points so the distinction is not always clear-cut. Together, however, they form the Israeli (or pro-Israel) lobby. This is a more accurate label than "Jewish lobby" because a large proportion of the lobby is made up of non-Jews. This term also reflects the lobby's objective. The Israeli lobby can then be defined as those formal and informal actors that directly and indirectly influence American policy to support Israel.
The Israeli lobby does not have the field to itself. On any given issue, it may be opposed by a variety of interest groups unrelated to the Middle East (e.g., conservative groups that have nothing against Israel, but oppose foreign aid on principle), but its main rival is the Arab lobby, which similarly consists of those formal and informal actors that attempt to influence U.S. foreign policy to support the interests of the Arab states in the Middle East.
The Informal Israeli Lobby
The Informal Arab Lobby
Candidate Case Studies
Campaign Donations
Pro-Arab/Muslim Contributions
The Formal Israeli Lobbyn>
The Arab Lobby
Measuring Influence
American Jews recognize the importance of support for Israel because of the dire consequences that could follow from the alternative. Despite the fact that Israel is often referred to now as the fourth most powerful country in the world, the perceived threat to Israel is not military defeat, it is annihilation. At the same time, American Jews are frightened of what might happen in the United States if they do not have political power.
As a result, Jews have devoted themselves to politics with almost religious fervor. This is reflected by the fact that Jews have the highest percentage voter turnout of any ethnic group. The Jewish vote also matters because the population is concentrated in key states. Though the Jewish population in the United States is only about six million (about 2.3% of the total U.S. population), the 10 states with the highest concentration of Jews are worth 244 of the 270 electoral votes needed to elect the president. If you add the non-Jews shown by opinion polls to be as pro-Israel as Jews, it is clear Israel has the support of one of the largest veto groups in the country.
Most supporters of Israel are not single issue voters. As a Jewish Federation official said of voters in Florida: "They won't vote for a candidate who is openly hostile toward Israel, but once a candidate passes the basic threshold of supporting Israel, the voters turn to other priorities – and most of them find Democrats more in line with their values."1
The political activism of Jews forces congressmen with presidential ambitions to consider what a mixed voting record on Israel-related issues may mean in the political future. There are no benefits to candidates taking an openly anti-Israel stance and considerable costs in both loss of campaign contributions and votes from Jews and non-Jews alike. Potential candidates therefore have an incentive to be pro-Israel; this reinforces support for Israel in Congress. Actual candidates must be particularly sensitive to the concerns of Jewish voters; it follows that the successful candidate's foreign policy will be influenced, although not bound, by the promises that had to be made during the campaign.
One way that lobbyists attempt to educate politicians is by taking them to Israel on study missions. Once officials have direct exposure to the country, its leaders, geography, and security dilemmas, they typically return more sympathetic to Israel. Politicians also sometimes travel to Israel specifically to demonstrate to the lobby their interest in Israel. Thus, for example, George W. Bush made his one and only trip to Israel before deciding to run for President in what was widely viewed as an effort to win pro-Israel voters' support. While there, he also was educated and was particularly influenced by a helicopter tour given to him by a man he would later work with as a fellow head of state — Ariel Sharon. In 2005 alone, more than 100 members of Congress visited Israel, some multiple times.2
Jewish congressmen are naturally expected to be supportive of Israel and, with the exception of occasional odd votes, this is true. Historically, however, few Jews have held elective office or primary positions of power, even though they have always been politically active. In the past decade, however, this has gradually begun to change. Today, Jews occupy more positions of influence than ever before. For example, in the 116th Congress, 9 Senators are Jewish (9 percent) while Jewish members comprise almost 6 percent of the House.
Bill Clinton nominated two Supreme Court Justices, both Jewish. He had several Jewish Cabinet members, including National Security Adviser Sandy Berger and Agriculture Secretary Dan Glickman, and dozens of Jews held other key Administration posts. Bastions of bureaucratic opposition, and sometimes outright anti-Semitism, such as the CIA and State Department now employ Jews at the highest levels. For almost a decade, a Jew (Dennis Ross) was America's principal Mideast negotiator and Bill Clinton appointed the first Jewish Ambassador to Israel (Martin Indyk). The George W. Bush Administration also has included many Jews in high-profile subcabinet positions. Under the Trump administration, a number of officials are Jewish, including the three principals involved in developing a peace plan – Senior Advisor Jared Kushner, Ambassador to Israel David Friedman, andSpecial Representative for International Negotiations, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Jason Greenblatt.
The disproportionate influence of the American Jewish population is in direct contrast with the electoral involvement of Arab-Americans. There are approximately 1.2 million Arabs in the United States, and roughly 38 percent of them are Lebanese, primarily Christians, who tend to be unsympathetic to the Arab lobby's goals. This reflects another major problem for the Arab lobby -- inter-Arab disunity. This disunity is reinforced by the general discord of the Arab world, which has twenty-one states with competing interests. The Arab lobby is thus precluded from representing "the Arabs."
Only about 83,000 Palestinians (5 percent of all Arab-Americans) live in the United States, but their views have received disproportionate attention because of their political activism. Similarly, a great deal of attention has focused on the allegedly growing political strength of Muslims in the United States, but fewer than one-fourth of all Arab-Americans are Muslims according to the Arab-American Institute.3
About half of the Arab population is concentrated in five states — California, Florida, Michigan, New Jersey, and New York — that are all key to the electoral college. Still, the Arab population is dwarfed by that of the Jews in every one of these states except Michigan.
Jewish and Arab Populations in Key States4
Arab Population (2016)
Percentage of Total State Population
Jewish Population (2016)
.6%
An early example of the pro-Israel lobby's clout in congressional elections occurred during the high-profile effort to unseat Congressman Paul Findley of Illinois, a frequent critic of Israel. When he was defeated, critics claimed it was because he was targeted by the pro-Israel community, but his defeat could have been attributed to the fact his district suffered from a high unemployment rate and had been gerrymandered to his disadvantage.
The Arab lobby took its first active and visible role in the 1984 election when it decided to support the opponents of seventy-six-year-old Maryland Democrat Clarence Long. As chairman of the House Appropriations subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Long was a driving force behind increasing aid to Israel, was targeted by the Arab lobby "to serve notice to members of Congress that the Arab lobby is ready and able to make life uncomfortable for Israel's friends on Capitol Hill." As was the case in Findley's defeat, however, Long's defeat was rooted in politics unrelated to the Middle East –redistricting took away a large percentage of his constituency and, after a narrow victory in 1982, he became a high priority target of the Republican National Committee.
In 1984, the Arab lobby found, for the first time, a presidential candidate receptive to their interests. Jesse Jackson had a long record of support for the Arab cause and was particularly outspoken in support of Palestinian rights, having met with Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) chairman Yasser Arafat when it was considered politically taboo. As a result of his stands, Jackson received substantial financial support from members of the Arab lobby. The divisions of the lobby were again apparent, however, when the president of the American Lebanese League said Jackson turns his constituents off: "He seems interested in the welfare of Arab countries but not Lebanon or the United States." Not surprisingly, he did not receive support from the pro-Israel community.
Pro-Israel Campaign Donations
When Congresswoman Ilhan Omar (D-MN) tweeted, "It's all about the Benjamins baby" (@IlhanMN, February 10, 2019), it reinforced an anti-Semitic trope suggesting that U.S. politicians support Israel because they are bribed to do so. In reality, American support for Israel is rooted in our shared values and interests, and the overwhelming support of the public. This does not mean, however, that money has no influence on politics; otherwise, no one would make political contributions. When it comes to campaign contributions, the pro-Israel community, which includes many non-Jews, plays by the same rules as everyone else.
It is difficult to assess the impact of campaign giving on legislative outcomes, particularly with regard to Israel-related issues, where support or opposition may be a consequence of non-monetary factors. In addition, one does not know if a candidate is pro-Israel because of receiving a contribution, or receives a donation as a result of taking a position in support of Israel. In the past, Jewish contributions were less structured and targeted than other interest groups, but this has changed dramatically as Israel-related political action committees (PACs) have proliferated.
Initially, the Jewish community feared that post-Watergate election campaign financing reforms would reduce their influence, but the evidence so far suggests the opposite. If anything, the changes stimulated greater political activism in the Jewish community.
It is not easy to identify the pro-Israel political action committees, or PACs (despite its name, AIPAC is not a PAC), since many have innocuous names such as the Maryland Association for Concerned Citizens or the Desert Caucus. The first pro-Israel PAC was formed in 1978, but there was little activity until 1982 when thirty-three pro-Israel PACs contributed $1.87 million to congressional candidates. Like other PACs, most of this money was given to incumbents and, because of the long association of Jews with the Democratic party, nearly 80 percent went to Democrats. The number of PACs more than doubled in 1984 as did their contributions. It was estimated that more than seventy pro-Israel PACs spent a little more than $4 million in 1984. By 1988, the figure was nearly $5 million
The Center for Responsive Politics tracks campaign expenditures, and categorized a total of 82 as pro-Israel PACs that have given money in at least one election cycle starting in 1990; 16 have contributed in every cycle, and 25 have done so since 2010.
In 1990, 51 pro-Israel PACs contributed a little over $4 million; in 2018, 31 pro-Israel PACs and individuals doled out nearly $8.1 million. Spending over 15 election cycles averaged nearly $4.2 million. While PACs get a lot of attention, they have contributed a declining proportion of total giving. Annual PAC contributions have averaged about $3 million, but the relative amount contributed by PACs shrank to 19% in 2018, while contributions by individuals has steadily grown.
These amounts may seem significant in the abstract; however, they are paltry compared to the biggest spenders. On a ranking of top interest groups giving to members of Congress in the 2018 cycle (including money besides PAC contributions), the pro-Israel category ranked 34th, contributing less than $11 million, compared to the top-ranked category of retired groups, which gave more than 10 times as much.
In the broader category of "Pro-Israel PACs, Individuals, & Soft Money," pro-Israel donors have given a total of $143,362,385 since 1990, an average of $9.6 million per cycle. The record high was $17 million in 2016. In 2018, the figure was $15 million.
While the total sounds impressive, the pro-Israel "industry" ranked only 54th out of 94 in the Center's compilation for 2018. Pro-Israel contributions were dwarfed by those of the securities and investment industry ($400 million) and retirees ($383 million). Environmental groups gave more than $100 million, and non-profit institutions $91 million. Even accountants outspent pro-Israel donors ($19 million).
Given the disproportionate number of Jews who are Democrats, it may be surprising to learn the distribution of funds is not more lopsided, with 60% going to Democrats and 38% to Republicans. This is partly explained by the fact that not all pro-Israel givers are Jews, and that nearly 80% of the contributions go to support incumbents regardless of party.
In the last several years, these figures have been distorted by J Street. Most of its giving is by individuals rather than through its PAC. J Street's first expenditures were in the 2008 cycle. Its contributions have increased from just under $400,000 in that election to almost $4.1 million in 2018.
What is even more striking is J Street's share of overall pro-Israel contributions, which has grown from 28% in 2008 to 51% in 2018. Even more remarkable is that J Street has contributed in only 6 out of 15 cycles dating to 1990, and still accounts for 19% (nearly $12 million) of the nearly $63 million spent by all 51 groups. By comparison, National PAC participated in every cycle and its total expenditures were $4.6 million. NorPAC giving started in the 1994 cycle and is the second largest cumulative donor at about $6.5 million.
J Street also gives all its money to Democrats (with the exception of two Republicans in 2014), which means the percentage of Republican recipients would be higher (approximately 43%) if J Street contributions were excluded.
Israel's detractors are frustrated by their lack of influence for a host of reasons. Most important is that the public and its elected officials do not agree that Israel as the root of all evil in the Middle East; they are not as sympathetic toward the Palestinians as they are to Israel; they do not support the agenda to destroy Israel associated with the BDS movement and some elements of the lobby; and they don't have a following to match the pro-Israel community's involvement in the political process.
The Arab states have almost no constituency. For example, there are probably few Americans of Saudi descent who vote based on their interest in strengthening U.S.-Saudi relations. The Saudis, Qataris, Kuwaitis, and other Arab states exert most of their influence behind the scenes. They dwarf the contributions of the pro-Israel community by paying tens of millions of dollars to lobbyists who represent the interests of their clients, not those of the United States.
Supporters of the Palestinians have multiple disadvantages. Americans of Palestinian descent make up a tiny fraction of all Arab-Americans. A much larger percentage are Lebanese Christians, whose experience with Palestinians in their homeland makes many hostile toward the Palestinian agenda. The Center has no record of any lobbyists working on the Palestinian Authority's behalf (in 2012, DLA Piper received $90,000 to lobby for the Palestine Investment Fund, which is focused on economics rather than politics). In addition, very few people will contribute money or vote based on a candidate's support for the Palestinians.
In 2018, only six political action committees identified as pro-Arab/Muslim. Altogether, they contributed $263,500 — and $203,950 of that amount was from the Free Syria PAC, which is "interested in finding a lasting end to Syria's conflict."
Since 1992, 17 pro-Arab/Muslim PACs participated in elections. The Arab American Leadership PAC is the only one to contribute in every election cycle since 1996. It is also the largest contributor over that time — $677,718. The next biggest spender is the Iranian American PAC — $335,000. The amount Free Syria gave in 2018 was the largest expenditure in any cycle. Overall, in the last 14 cycles, pro-Israel groups outspent pro-Arab/Muslim ones by 40 to 1 ($62.7 million to $1.6 million). Interestingly, the amounts given to Democrats and Republicans is nearly identical to the overall proportions contributed by the pro-Israel PACs — 64% to Democrats and 36% to Republicans.
Americans who support Israel do invest significant sums in political campaigns; however, the largest organizational contributor, J Street, has a very different agenda than the mainstream pro-Israel community. It is probably the closest thing to a pro-Palestinian PAC. If you count J Street as part of the pro-Arab/Muslim lobby, the pro-Israel side was outspent in 2018 and its overall advantage in the last six cycles drops to 2 to 1. Those figures would narrow further if they included contributions by individuals through the S Daniel Abraham Center for Middle East Peace, which is not listed by the Center as either pro-Israel or pro-Arab but, like J Street, leans more toward the latter with regard to the Palestinian issue. It contributed more than $4 million to candidates since 1996 (nearly half in 2012 alone but nothing in 2018).
Overall, the comparative impact of the two lobbies on elections was probably best summed up by Harry Truman in his frequently repeated statement to Paul Porter, a Washington attorney appointed as the ambassador to the Arab-Israeli peace talks in Geneva in 1948: "I won't tell you what to do or how to vote, but I will only say this. In all of my political experience I don't ever recall the Arab vote swinging a close election."
The absence of a large voting bloc requires the Arab lobby to develop sympathies among the general public if it is to use public opinion or the electoral process as a means of influencing U.S. policy. The lobby has tried to support sympathetic American groups, such as Third World organizations, and cultivate friendships in the academic and business realms, but, as opinion polls have consistently shown, there is relatively little popular support for the Arab cause.
Since 1967, polls have found that sympathy for Israel varied between 32 and 69 percent, averaging 50 percent, while sympathy for the Arabs has oscillated between 1 and 30 percent and averaged only 13 percent. In the last several years, support for the Arabs has increased slightly, but this has not affected sympathies toward Israel.
Not only has the Arab lobby been unable to increase its standing significantly with the public, it has also failed to convince the American people that the Israeli lobby controls U.S. Middle East policy. In fact, polls indicate the public sees the Arab lobby as more of a threat than the Israeli lobby. For example, in a poll conducted several weeks after the Senate vote on the sale of AWACS to Saudi Arabia, 53 percent of the public agreed Israel has "too much influence" on American foreign policy, but only 11 percent felt the same way about American Jews. By contrast, 64 percent said Saudi Arabia had too much influence, and 70 percent believed oil companies were too influential. A March 1983 poll asking which groups have "too much" political influence found that only 10 percent of those asked said "Jews." Business corporations and unions were considered too powerful by more than 40 percent of the respondents, with Arab interests next at 24 percent.
Thus, the Arab lobby's problem is twofold; it suffers from a very negative image and Israel enjoys a very positive image. This has gradually begun to change. To combat negative Arab stereotypes, former Senator James Abourezk founded the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) in 1980. The ADC is modeled after the Anti-Defamation League, but is considerably smaller and weaker.
The Formal Israeli Lobby
The organization that directly lobbies the U.S. government on behalf of the Israeli lobby is AIPAC. The lobby, originally called the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs, was founded in 1951 by I.L. (Sy) Kenen to appeal directly to Congress for legislation to provide aid to Israel to circumvent State Department opposition. As recently as the late 1960s, the organization now considered the most powerful foreign policy lobby in Washington was essentially a one-man operation run by Kenen. In the late 1970s, AIPAC still had only a handful of staff based in Washington. Today, it has more than 100 employees with 17 offices in 10 regions and a budget of more than $100 million and lobbies the Executive Branch as well as the Legislative. Because of its name, AIPAC is sometimes mistakenly thought to be a political action committee (PAC), but the organization does not rate, endorse or finance candidates.
AIPAC was not the first domestic lobby to concern itself with foreign affairs, but it is regarded as the most powerful. In 1998 and 1999, for example, Fortune Magazine named AIPAC the second most powerful lobby in Washington after the American Association for Retired Persons (AARP). The lobby strives to remain nonpartisan and thereby keeps friends in both parties. By framing the issues in terms of the national interest, AIPAC can attract broader support than would ever be possible if it was perceived to represent only the interests of Israel. This does not mean AIPAC does not have a close relationship with Israeli officials, it does, albeit unofficially. Even so, the lobby some times comes into conflict with the Israeli government. One of the most blatant examples occurred when AIPAC's Executive Director Thomas Dine was quoted on the front page of the New York Times as saying the 1982 Reagan peace plan had some good points (and many bad ones) after the Israeli government had rejected the plan in toto. Despite such disagreements, the Israeli lobby tends to reflect Israeli government policy fairly closely. Though its influence is limited primarily to issues where Congress has a say, in particular, economic matters, the organization also serves as a watchdog to deter anti-Israel policies from being adopted.
Lobbyists usually roam the halls of Congress trying to get the attention of legislators so they can explain their positions. AIPAC has the luxury of being able to call its allies in Congress to pass along information, and then leaves much of the work of writing bills and gathering cosponsors to the legislative staffs. The lobbyists themselves are mostly Capitol Hill veterans who know how to operate the levers of power.
Since it does not use stereotypical lobbying tactics, the Israeli lobby depends on the network it has developed to galvanize the Jewish community to take some form of political action. The network consists of at least seventy-five different organizations, which in one way or another support Israel. Most cannot legally engage in lobbing, but are represented on the Board of Directors of AIPAC, so they are able to provide input into the lobby's decision-making process. Equally important is the bureaucratic machinery of these organizations, which enables them to disseminate information to their members and facilitate a rapid response to legislative activity.
A second coordinating body is the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations. It is composed of leaders of 55 different organizations and is responsible for formulating and articulating the "Jewish position" on most foreign policy matters. The conference allows the lobby to speak with one voice in a way its opponents cannot. The conference is the main contact between the Jewish community and the executive branch, while AIPAC tends to be the conduit with the legislative branch.
Even with the Jewish population concentrated in key states, there is still only a total of about six million Jews; therefore, the Israeli lobby is dependent on the support of non-Jewish groups and actively works to form coalitions with broad segments of American society. The lobby has successfully built coalitions consisting of unions, entertainers, clergymen, scholars, and black leaders. The coalitions allow the lobby to demonstrate a broad public consensus for a pro-Israel policy.
The Arab lobby in the United States is at least as old, perhaps older than the Israeli lobby. It is composed of what I.L. Kenen called the petro-diplomatic complex consisting of the oil industry, missionaries, and diplomats (often referred to as Arabists ). According to Kenen, there was no need for a formal Arab lobby because the petro-diplomatic complex did the Arabs' work for them.
One of the earliest activities of the petro-diplomatic complex began in 1951 when King Saud of Saudi Arabia asked U.S. diplomats to finance a pro-Arab lobby to counter the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs (later the American Israel Public Affairs Committee -AIPAC). The Arab lobby became an official, active, and visible spokesman for the Arab cause in the wake of the oil embargo. "The day of the Arab-American is here," boasted National Association of Arab-Americans (NAAA) founder Richard Shadyac, "the reason is oil."
From the beginning, the Arab lobby has faced not only a disadvantage in electoral politics but also in organization. There are several politically oriented groups, but many of these are one man operations with little financial or popular support. Americans for Justice in the Middle East was formed by a group of Americans at the American University in Beirut after the 1967 war to combat "Zionism's virulent thirty-year campaign of hate and vindictiveness." Two anti-Zionist Jews were also active supporters of the Arab lobby. Elmer Berger runs American Jewish Alternatives to Zionism and Alfred Lilienthal publishes his own newsletter Middle East Perspectives.
There are a number of larger and more representative groups, including the aforementioned NAAA and ADC, the Middle East Research and Information Project; the Middle East Affairs Council, Americans for Near East Refugee Aid, the Arab American Institute and the American Palestine Committee. Typically, these organizations have boards of directors composed of prominent retired government officials. Board members have included former Ambassador to Jordan, L. Dean Brown, Herman Eilts, former Ambassador to Syria and Egypt; Parker T. Hart, former Ambassador to Saudi Arabia and several others.
The formal Arab lobby is the National Association of Arab-Americans (NAAA), a registered domestic lobby founded in 1972 by Richard Shadyac. The NAAA was consciously patterned after its counterpart, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Shadyac believed the power and wealth of the Arab countries stemming from their oil reserves, would allow the Arab lobby to take advantage of the political process in the same way the Jews have been thought to. Like AIPAC, the NAAA makes its case on the basis of U.S. national interests, arguing a pro-Israel policy harms those interests. Aid to Israel is criticized as a waste of taxpayers' money, and the potential benefits of a closer relationship with the Arab states is emphasized.
The highlight of the NAAA's early efforts was a meeting between President Ford and twelve NAAA officials in 1975. Since then, the NAAA has participated in meetings with each president and obtained access to top government officials. In 1977, for example, after Sadat's historic visit to Jerusalem, the Arab lobby made its displeasure over United States support for the initiative known to President Carter, who wrote in his diary: They [Arab-Americans] have given all the staff, Brzezinski, Warren Christopher, and others, a hard time. Although the lobby's concerns began to reach the highest levels of government, there were no perceptible changes in United States policy.
It is not only Arab-Americans who have made the lobby's case; the Arab lobby, like the Israeli lobby, has successfully built coalitions with other interest groups. As noted earlier, the pedro-diplomatic complex was the lobby until 1972, when the NAAA was formed. Even today, arguably, it is the most influential component of the lobby. Nevertheless, most of the nation's major corporations have not supported the Arab lobby. In fact, prior to the AWACS sale, oil companies were about the only corporations willing to openly identify with Arab interests. The reason is that most corporations prefer to stay out of foreign policy debates; moreover, corporations may feel constrained by the implicit threat of some form of retaliation by the Israeli lobby.
The major oil companies feel no such constraints. Exxon, Standard Oil of California (SoCal), Mobil, and Texaco have long sought to manipulate public opinion and foreign policy on the Middle East. These companies as a group comprise the Arabian American Oil Company (ARAMCO). Participation in the public relations campaign amounted to the price of doing business in the oil-producing nations.
The campaign began after the 1967 War when ARAMCO established a fund to help present the Arab side of the conflict. In May 1970, ARAMCO representatives met with Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Sisco and warned him American military sales to Israel would hurt U.S.-Arab relations and jeopardize U.S. oil supplies. The former chairman of ARAMCO testified before Congress that the United States' pro-Israel policies were harming U.S. business interests. In 1972, at Kuwait's urging, Gulf Oil joined the campaign, providing $50,000 to create a public relations firm to promote the Arab side.
The campaign took on greater urgency in 1973 after Frank Jungers, then Chairman of the Board of ARAMCO, met with Saudi King Faisal, and was pressured to take a more active role in creating a sympathetic attitude toward the Arab nations. In June, a month after the Jungers meeting, Mobil published its first advertisement/editorial in the New York Times. In July, SoCal's chairman sent out a letter to the company's 40,000 employees and 262,000 stockholders asking them to pressure Washington to support "the aspirations of the Arab people." The chairman of Texaco called for a reassessment of U.S. Middle East policy. When the October 1973 War broke out, the chairmen of the ARAMCO partners sent a memorandum to the White House warning against increasing military aid to Israel. Since 1973, ARAMCO has maintained its public relations campaign and become involved in occasional legislative fights, such as the AWACS sale, but, on the whole, the campaign has had no observable impact on U.S. policy.
Other companies outside the oil industry are involved in the Arab lobby, the most well-known being the international engineering firm Bechtel, but the Arab and Israeli lobbies have had virtually no confrontations since the AWACS fight in 1981, in part because the Israeli lobby hasn't opposed any major arms sales or other economic investments in the region that threatened U.S. corporate interests.
A relatively ignored component of the Arab lobby is found among the Christian community, most notably, the National Council of Churches (NCC). The NCC is composed of thirty-two Protestant denominations, including virtually all major church bodies. The Council has taken consistently anti-Israel stands, and its 1980 policy statement on the Middle East called for the creation of a PLO state. Besides passing anti-Israel resolutions, the NCC puts on seminars, radio shows, and conferences. From 1972 to 1977, it published the ARAMCO financed SWASIA (Southwest Asia) newsletter. When SWASIA ceased publication, the NCC established an Islamic desk to "enable American Christians to understand Arab Christian and Muslim attitudes." The relationship between the NCC and other Arab lobby organizations is primarily informal, with NCC leaders serving on many of their boards.
At least two major differences distinguish the Arab and Israeli lobbies. First, the Arab lobby almost always lobbies negatively; i.e., against pro-Israel legislation rather than for pro-Arab legislation. In 2004, for example, members of Congress were graded on a number of issues, including: opposition to the war with Iraq; opposition to resolutions that condemned terrorism inflicted on Israel, that supported President Bush's letter supporting Israel, that called for a halt to Saudi support for terrorism and Syrian accountability, and that supported Israel's construction of a security fence; opposition to a letter calling for the Palestinians to meet certain obligations; and a resolution expressing sympathy for an American woman who was accidentally killed protesting Israeli house demolitions.5
The other major difference between the two lobbies is the use of paid foreign agents by the Arab lobby. Pro-Arab U.S. government officials can look forward to lucrative positions as lobbyists, spokesmen, and consultants for the Arab cause. For example, the outspoken critic of the Israeli lobby, former Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman J. William Fulbright, was hired by the Saudis and the United Arab Emirates. It was the Saudis' agent, Fred Dutton, a former Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs and special assistant to President Kennedy, who spearheaded the AWACS campaign and reputedly conceived the "Reagan vs. Begin" angle. Other top officials who have provided their services to the Arab lobby include: Clark Clifford, President Johnson's Defense Secretary; Richard Kleindienst, President Nixon's Attorney General; and William Rogers, Nixon's Secretary of State.
Overall, the Israeli lobby is effective because it enjoys advantages in every area considered relevant to interest group influence. It has (a) a large and vocal membership; (b) members who enjoy high status and legitimacy; (c) a high degree of electoral participation (voting and financing); (d) effective leadership; (e) a high degree of access to decision-makers; and (f) public support. Moreover, for reasons at least partly attributable to the lobby's efforts, the lobby's primary objective — a U.S. commitment to Israel — has been accepted as a national interest.
Most articles and research on the Middle East interest groups are based on anecdotes, case studies or casual observation. They either vaguely conclude the Israeli lobby has some influence some of the time or (usually in the case of works by authors hostile to Israel) assert the Israeli lobby is a powerful and dangerous influence that controls U.S. policy.
In a more rigorous study of 782 policy decisions made from 1945 to 1984, I found the Israeli lobby won; that is, achieved its policy objective, 60 percent of the time. The most important variable was the president's position. When the president supported the lobby, it won 95 percent of the time. At first glance it appears the lobby was only successful because its objectives coincided with those of the president, but the lobby's influence was demonstrated by the fact that it still won 27 percent of the cases when the president opposed its position.
One of the most surprising results, particularly in light of conventional wisdom and evidence presented in case studies, was that the president's position was not significantly affected by the electoral cycle. Although candidates may appear to pander to Jewish voters, the data indicate the electoral cycle does not affect influence success.
Lobby success also varied depending on the policy at issue. The lobby was very successful in overcoming presidential opposition on economic issues, but rarely able to defeat the president on security and political issues. The lobby was more successful on economic issues because most of those were decided in Congress where pro-Israel congressman frequently fought for increased aid levels for Israel, earmarked funds for Israel and adopted amendments to aid bills that were endorsed by the Israeli lobby.
The lobby's lack of success on political issues was most likely a result of the fact that most of these cases were decided in the executive branch where lobby influence is relatively weak. The outcome might also be explained by the tradition of congressional deference to the president on matters of security and diplomacy.
Sources: 1 Amir Tibon, "This Jewish Community in the 'Ultimate Swing State' Will Play a Crucial Role in Deciding Who Controls the Senate, Haaretz, (August 8, 2018).
2JTA, (January 13, 2006).
3Alex Ionides, Getting Their House Together, Egypt Today, (November 2003).
4U.S. Census Bureau (2000); Jewish Demography Project.
5Shirl McArthur, "Five Senators, 29 Representatives Included in 108th Congress' 'Hall of Shame,'" Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, (November 2004), pp. 36-37.
Mitchell G. Bard, The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict, 4th Edition, (NY: Alpha Books, 2008);
Mitchell G. Bard, The Water's Edge And Beyond. (NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1991;
Mitchell G. Bard, The Arab Lobby: The Invisible Alliance That Undermines America's Interests in the Middle East, (HarperCollins: 2010).
Center for Responsive Politics


text:
By Spout
Anthony Ramos has catapulted himself into the spotlight as one of the main stars of "Hamilton," the most successful musical of all time. The versatile actor is also the lead in the much-anticipated film version of "In the Heights."
Taking over the stage and screen aren't the only talents this New York native possesses; he's also a prolific singer and songwriter who has released two studio albums including his newest release "Love and Lies." He is also featured on the Space Jam soundtrack.
In this episode of the Spout Podcast, we have a thoughtful conversation with Anthony, who joins us from the set of the upcoming "Transformers." Anthony spouts off on his creative process, what he's learned through years of therapy and how he has struggled with doubt even after an Emmy nomination and landing the cover of Time Magazine.
Episode 27 · 4 months ago
Episode 8 · 8 months ago
By most accounts, Tiësto has received the highest possible recognition a DJ can receive. Mix Magazine named him the 'Greatest DJ of All-Time' and DJ Mag readers crowned him 'The best DJ of the Last 20 Years', but we learn there is so much more to him in the latest episode of the Spout Podcast.
In episode eight, Tiësto shares with DJ Automatic how blessed he feels to have grown up in the Netherlands, what lessons about celebrity he observed from Jay-Z, his secret to happiness, the funny story about how Drew Barrymore and Cameron Diaz asked him to play a song they could dance to, and more.
Mike Posner
Mike Posner has been in the public spotlight for over a decade. He's gained fame from not only his hits but the hits he has penned for others. In this episode, Mike Posner spouts off about how he went from radio station intern to touring with Justin Bieber. Mike also takes you along his walk across America, shares a beautiful perspective on his father's passing, lets you in on his creative process, and tells you about the worst career advice he's ever received working in the music business.
Country artist Mickey Guyton has had a pioneering year. Mickey became the first Black female solo artist to be nominated for a Grammy; and she's made history once again as the first Black female co-host of the Academy of Country Music Awards.
During this episode she shares, "I have imposter syndrome and there are many nights where I don't feel like I'm worthy. I've been working behind the scenes trying to open up opportunities for black people in the Country genre."
The conversation with Mickey Guyton is led by Keiana Martin who herself is a woman of color working in a field dominated by white men.
Jason Derulo has reinvented himself thanks to his masterful use of TikTok. Here's how Jason grew his TikTok following to become one of the biggest on the platform and how his social media approach can help anyone looking to grow their brand.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
BLACK & COLOURED SHEEP BREEDERS
ASSN. OF AUSTRALIA (VIC.) INC.
Aims & Activities
Members & Membership
Pakenham Pics
Sheep Breeds
Aims & Activities | Members & Membership | Events | Breeds | Genetics | Links | Contact
The Association was formed in 1975 by two breeders of coloured sheep, Bill Ronald and Diana Arnold. They believed there was considerable interest in naturally coloured sheep and their wool, but were astounded when 120 people turned up at an inaugural meeting in Melbourne. In the beginning, the Association covered the whole of Australia,but as time went on the various States formed their own groups with reciprocal agreements. Today the Victorian Association has a members interested in showing and value adding their much loved sheep. Other groups in the industry in Australia are:
South Australian Coloured Sheep Owners Society
Melanian Sheep Breeders Society of Australia
The Green Triangle Coloured Sheep Owners Association
Black & Coloured Sheep Breeders Association of New South Wales
These Associations are all independent bodies but work together in an informal affiliation on a number of matters affecting the industry. Close contact is also maintained with Coloured Sheep Breeders Societies overseas, particularly New Zealand, USA, and the United Kingdom.
Being a breeders society, most members have breeding flocks of coloured sheep, but membership is open to any person with an interest in coloured sheep and wool.
The Association publishes a quarterly Newsletter which provides members with current news and views of the Association, including Competition and Show notices and results, reports, advertisements, Sales, and articles on a range of subjects involving sheep, wool and crafts.
A Flock Register is published and is available to non-members at a small charge. This is a listing of flocks in Victoria and is open to flocks from other States. It contains a full Membership list, the Aims and Regulations of the Flock Register, a listing of State and Regional office bearers, and those of other Coloured Breed Societies in Australia.
Members are entitled to free entry to events run by the Association, and to Members Rates for advertising in the Newsletter. They can reap the benefits of contact with other like-minded people for formal and informal discussion of views, problem solving, advice and physical assistance in a variety of fields. There are also opportunities for social gatherings.
Site Updated: March 2015
© Site Designed by Ballarat Web


Aww, I wish there was a translation so I can read your comment. I'd like to reply properly.
Anyway, enough of my rambling XD This is so beautiful!
I hate or dislike it, no, no, I just got no desire in me to ship it.
if they meet up in the next game.
on Fidget and everyone knows when a man picks on a girl that much he's giving out hints he likes her.
Dust told Fidget he couldn't do it without her, I'm wondering with he's hinting he can't go on without her.
Lol, so sorry for the long reply, anyway I love Dust x Fidget a lot, I'm happy to see some art of them from other people.
Me personally, I tried to get into Dust X Haley myself, but I came across the exact same thing you did, I've got no desire.
I had never thought about shipping Haley and Reed before though...it's an interesting (In the good way. Creative, intriguing, and most likely something never done before) ship.
You know, I had never really thought much about all of those things that occurred with the staring, the doll ("See how well I managed to draw ever nuanced curve?" XD), Dust telling Fidget he can't do this without her...you may be onto something. Me personally I hope there's some form of Dust X Fidget in the next game. I swear to god they are meant for each other!
You're creating a comic series? Cool! Do you have an idea when the first bits of it will be out? Or not yet?
time and focused on them and it hit me, I'm like "Heeey, they would be a great pairing.
^.^ Yes, it a Dust sequel comic series.
Hey! X3 it's fine as long as it's rated E+10 give it shot my friend!
Well, about the fanfic...it really isn't an E+10 kind of fanfic I had in mind. That's why I was asking myself if I should post it or not...if you want to have more of an idea on my kind of fanfic, I can tell you what it would be about.
I just can't believe it! IT IS US!!!
I've played this game! I never even thought of Dust X Fidget. O.O Great art!
My sister's really into it too.
Yea... But doesn't he turn into a spirit and fly away or something?
Probably. They're gonna make a sequel, I think.
if what you drew were a cartoon it would be a great song on the soundtrack.
Astonishing! I'm so amazed as always sis! You did excellent on your first try on Dust and Fidget drawing and came out great.is it me or did you just used a new coloring style? I mean it looks the same as your other arts but this one has something different...well maybe I'm crazy.
Awwww its okay,just keep going what your drawing xD i love it a lot!


text:
Q: expanding math expression ast I parsed a expression like a*(b+c) to an AST and it finally becomes: enter image description here
I'm trying to expand the expression it finally becomes ab + ac, but I have no idea.
I would like to found an algorithm to expand the expression, or maybe a library to do it, preferably for Java.

A: Try this.
interface AST { AST expand(); }

public class Var implements AST {
    public final String name;
    public Var(String name) { this.name = name; }
    @Override public AST expand() { return this; }
    @Override public String toString() { return name; }
}

public abstract class Binary implements AST {
    public final AST left, right;
    Binary(AST left, AST right) { this.left = left; this.right = right; }
}

public class Plus extends Binary {
    public Plus(AST left, AST right) { super(left, right); }
    @Override public AST expand() { return this; }
    @Override public String toString() { return "(%s + %s)".formatted(left, right); }
}

public class Mult extends Binary {
    public Mult(AST left, AST right) { super(left, right); }
    @Override
    public AST expand() {
        AST l = left.expand(), r = right.expand();
        if (l instanceof Plus lp && r instanceof Plus rp)
            return new Plus(
                new Plus(new Mult(lp.left, rp.left), new Mult(lp.left, rp.right)),
                new Plus(new Mult(lp.right, rp.left), new Mult(lp.right, rp.right)));
        else if (l instanceof Plus lp)
            return new Plus(new Mult(lp.left, r), new Mult(lp.right, r));
        else if (r instanceof Plus rp)
            return new Plus(new Mult(l, rp.left), new Mult(l, rp.right));
        else
            return new Mult(l, r);
    }
    @Override public String toString() { return "(%s * %s)".formatted(left, right); }
}

And
    AST e = new Mult(new Var("a"), new Plus(new Var("b"), new Var("c")));
    System.out.println(e + " -> " + e.expand());
    AST f = new Mult(new Plus(new Var("a"), new Var("b")), new Plus(new Var("c"), new Var("d")));
    System.out.println(f + " -> " + f.expand());

output:
(a * (b + c)) -> ((a * b) + (a * c))
((a + b) * (c + d)) -> (((a * c) + (a * d)) + ((b * c) + (b * d)))

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Description: The kinetics of collective rearrangements in solution, such as protein folding and nanocrystal phase transitions, often involve free energy barriers that are both long and rough. Applying methods of transition path sampling to harvest simulated trajectories that exemplify such processes is typically made difficult by a very low acceptance rate for newly generated trajectories. We address this problem by introducing a new generation algorithm based on the linear short time behavior of small disturbances in phase space. Using this "precision shooting" technique, arbitrarily small disturbances can be propagated in time, and any desired acceptance ratio of shooting moves can be obtained. We demonstrate the method for a simple but computationally problematic isomerization process in a dense liquid of soft spheres. We also discuss its applicability to barrier-crossing events involving metastable intermediate states.


text:
World's Largest Nipper Statue
Menands, New York
This giant monument of the RCA mascot is a beloved fixture in Albany, New York.
Nipper looks out over the Warehouse District on a clear February day. ianrbenjamin (Atlas Obscura User)
"His Master's Voice." Francis Barraud/Public Domain
Eagle eyes can spot the name written on the collar. ianrbenjamin (Atlas Obscura User)
Nipper atop his perch. Geotek/CC BY-SA 3.0
Nipper perched on roof parapet over RCA building entrance in 1969. Taken by Jack Boucher in 1969 for the Historic American Buildings Survey. Jack Boucher (Public Domain)
Detail of Nipper. Phot taken by Jack Boucher in 1969 for the Historic American Buildings Survey. Jack Boucher (Public Domain)
Top Places in New York
Commercial Street Cat Village
Cherry Street Gang Warfare
Baby Grand
Sitting atop a storage building in the North End neighborhood of Albany, New York, is a four-ton, 28-foot tall steel and fiberglass statue of Nipper, the canine mascot of the Radio Corporation of America (RCA), the now-defunct consumer electronics behemoth.
According to the Albany Institute of History and Art, Nipper came to be perched atop the crenellated parapet in 1958 following renovation of the dilapidated concrete warehouse for use by RTA Corporation, an appliance distributor specializing in products by RCA. The statue was made in Chicago, shipped in five sections by rail, and attached to a metal frame on the roof with the aid of a 10-story crane.
Nipper is the largest of the four monumental terriers that once sat atop RTA's distribution centers, and he's the last dog to still exist on the building upon which he was originally installed. There were once enormous Nippers peering over the skylines of Chicago and Los Angeles, but those have since been demolished or removed.
The colossal canine is based on a real 19th-century terrier owned by Francis Barraud, a painter residing in Liverpool, England. The dog was named for his tendency to nip at visitors' heels. One day Barraud saw the terrier listening intently to a windup cylinder phonograph and captured the moment in a painting. He then attempted to sell the rights to a number of companies, though none took any initial interest.
However, Barraud finally found an interested buyer. He was intending to borrow a brass horn from The Gramophone Company upon which to model a new version of the painting when the store's manager mentioned that if he replaced the machine with a Berliner disc gramophone the company would purchase the rights. The image went on to become one of the most successful trademarks in merchandise history, known under the title, "His Master's Voice." It has since been used by a long succession of companies, including RCA.
Unlike his Baltimore lookalike, the Albany Nipper never had his head cocked to the bell of a gramophone. He has always been listening to the wind. Since the RTA facility closed its doors in the 1980s, affection for the oversized terrier has grown among local residents, who have adopted him as the city's de facto mascot.
Take I-90 to I-787 South, get off at Exit 4B and take a right on Broadway. The Arnoff Moving and Storage building will be on the right in about 10 blocks. The building as at the corner of Broadway and Loudonville Road.
Afloat the Erie Canal: A Self-Led Houseboat Adventure
Be the captain of your own ship as you steer along this historic waterway, experiencing its hidden wonders and two centuries of history.
giant animals dogs world's largest statues
ianrbenjamin
trees09
http://www.rcaaudiovideo.com/history/
https://web.archive.org/web/20150924073551/http://www.designboom.com/history/nipper.html
Vaclav Smil, Creating the Twentieth Century: Technical Innovations of 1867–1914 and Their Lasting Impact (Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 240
http://americacomesalive.com/2013/07/14/the-rca-dog-an-american-icon/
http://www.albanyinstitute.org/nipper.html
http://www.timesunion.com/tuplus-business/article/Albany-s-Nipper-building-redo-part-of-70-million-7251937.php
The Mummy Ankhefenmut
Troy Gasholder Building
A CT scan revealed the identity of this 3,000-year-old mummy that everyone erroneously thought was female.
A man used his Civil War-era fortune to build this sanctuary in memory of his wife.
This relic of 19th-century infrastructure is one of the few remaining coal gas storage tanks in the U.S.
First Baptist Church of Troy
This historic church with a connection to "Uncle Sam" is now a fraternity house.
Rothsay, Minnesota
World's Largest Prairie Chicken
The statue honors the booming birds Rothsay, Minnesota, is famous for.
West Ballina, Australia
The Big Prawn
There's nothing shrimpy about the world's largest artificial prawn.
Patsy Ann Statue
Known as the "Official Greeter of Juneau," this dog still welcomes ships and their passengers to Alaska.
Statue of Sallie Ann Jarrett
The beloved, war-tested mascot of a Union regiment graces their battlefield monument.


text:
Q: create a drop down list of xml attribute value this is my xml file:-
<child_2 entity_id="2" value="Root" parent_id="1">
    <child_4 entity_id="4" value="Activities" parent_id="2">
        <child_10066 entity_id="10066" value="Physical1" parent_id="4">
            <child_10067 entity_id="10067" value="Cricket" parent_id="10066">
                <child_10068 entity_id="10068" value="One Day" parent_id="10067"/>
            </child_10067>
        </child_10066>
        <child_10069 entity_id="10069" value="Test2" parent_id="4"/>
        <child_10070 entity_id="10070" value="Test3" parent_id="4"/>
        <child_10071 entity_id="10071" value="Test4" parent_id="4"/>
        <child_10072 entity_id="10072" value="Test5" parent_id="4"/>
        <child_5 entity_id="5" value="Physical" parent_id="4"/>
    </child_4>
</child_2>

i want to drop-down list start with child_4 and there all child something like this type:-
<select>
    <option>Activities</option>
    <option>Physical1</option>
    <option>Cricket</option>
    <option>One DAy</option>
    <option>Test2</option>
    <option>Test3</option>
    <option>Test4</option>
    <option>Test5</option>
    <option>Physical</option>
</select><br>

this is my xslt:-
<xsl:stylesheet version="1.0" xmlns:xsl="http://www.w3.org/1999/XSL/Transform">
  <xsl:output method="html" omit-xml-declaration="yes"/>
  <xsl:key name="kType" match="child_2" use="value"/>
  <xsl:template match="/">
  <select name="productGroup" id="productGroup">
      <xsl:apply-templates
        select="child_2/child_4[generate-id() =
                                 generate-id(key('kGroup', group)[1])]" />
    </select>
 </xsl:template>
 <xsl:template match="child_2">
 <option value="[@value]">
    <xsl:value-of select="@value"/>
</option>
</xsl:template>
</xsl:stylesheet>

A: Here's one option:
Stylesheet
<xsl:stylesheet version="1.0" xmlns:xsl="http://www.w3.org/1999/XSL/Transform">
  <xsl:output method="html" omit-xml-declaration="yes"/>

  <xsl:template match="/">
    <xsl:apply-templates/>
  </xsl:template>

  <xsl:template match="child_4">
    <!--
    Retained @name and @id attributes because they were in your original XSLT code
    -->
    <select name="productGroup" id="productGroup">
      <!-- Apply the @value attribute on this element and all its descendants -->
      <xsl:apply-templates select="descendant-or-self::*/@value"/>
    </select>
  </xsl:template>

  <xsl:template match="@value">
    <option>
      <xsl:value-of select="."/>
    </option>
  </xsl:template>
</xsl:stylesheet>

Input
<child_2 entity_id="2" value="Root" parent_id="1">
  <child_4 entity_id="4" value="Activities" parent_id="2">
    <child_10066 entity_id="10066" value="Physical1" parent_id="4">
      <child_10067 entity_id="10067" value="Cricket" parent_id="10066">
        <child_10068 entity_id="10068" value="One Day" parent_id="10067"/>
      </child_10067>
    </child_10066>
    <child_10069 entity_id="10069" value="Test2" parent_id="4"/>
    <child_10070 entity_id="10070" value="Test3" parent_id="4"/>
    <child_10071 entity_id="10071" value="Test4" parent_id="4"/>
    <child_10072 entity_id="10072" value="Test5" parent_id="4"/>
    <child_5 entity_id="5" value="Physical" parent_id="4"/>
  </child_4>
</child_2>

Output
<select name="productGroup" id="productGroup">
  <option>Activities</option>
  <option>Physical1</option>
  <option>Cricket</option>
  <option>One Day</option>
  <option>Test2</option>
  <option>Test3</option>
  <option>Test4</option>
  <option>Test5</option>
  <option>Physical</option>
</select>


text:
Two Top Stocks to Discuss: ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC), Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB)
ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC)
ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) closed at $4.06 on the last trading session with an decrease of -10.57%, whereas, it previously closed at $4.54. The company has a market capitalization of $347.13 Million. The company traded shares of 226671 on the trading day while its three month average volume stands at 808.02 Million.
Now to discuss some of the Earning per Share estimates and growth estimates, shares of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) produced diluted EPS of -0.25. The EPS estimate for next year as estimated by analysts is at -0.24 while EPS for next quarter is estimated at -0.14. Earnings per Share growth for this year is reported at 31.3, while the analysts estimated the EPS growth for next year at -0.24% and Earnings growth for next 5 years stands at 20% as estimated by the analysts. While Annual EPS Growth rate for past five years as reported by the company is at -22.8%.
Some important ratios are also vital to discuss the performance of the company and its shares. The P/E or Price to Earnings ratio of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) is at 0 while the forward p/e is at 0. The P/S or Price to Sales ratio of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) stands at 1.28 and Price to Book or P/B for the most recent quarter stands at 1.56. The Price to Free Cash Flow ratio or P/FCF is reported at 43.94. The quick ratio and the current ratio of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) are reported at 2.5 and 3.2 respectively. The Return on Assets ROA, Return On Earnings ROE and ROI Return On Investment for ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) stands at -3.4, -8.4 and 0.2 respectively
The trailing twelve month Revenue of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) is reported at 272.2 Million with income of -19900000. The outstanding shares of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) are 78.31 Million. The institutional Ownership of the shares of 75.3 stands at 0.80%, this figure is increased 3.24 in the last six months. The insider ownership for the shares of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) is ticked at 2.5%, the figure is rose 6.25% in the last six months.
Some other important financial aspects to be discussed here for ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) is the Mean Target Price estimated by the analysts which stands at 6.5. The 52 week high of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) is placed at 7.60 and 52 week low is standing at 1.24.
Performance wise the shares of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) rose up 22.54% for the week, it also rise 17.92% for the monthly performance, while for the quarter it went down 71.97%. The shares increase 17.31% for the half year and flew up for the Year-To-Date performance. The shares of ORBCOMM Inc. (NASDAQ:ORBC) shrinked -22.53% for the yearly performance.
Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB)
Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) closed at $44.67 on the last trading session with an decrease of -1.92%, whereas, it previously closed at $45.54. The company has a market capitalization of $11.7 Billion. The company traded shares of 110896 on the trading day while its three month average volume stands at 1.15 Million.
Now to discuss some of the Earning per Share estimates and growth estimates, shares of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) produced diluted EPS of 2.04. The EPS estimate for next year as estimated by analysts is at 2.03 while EPS for next quarter is estimated at 0.38. Earnings per Share growth for this year is reported at 69.5, while the analysts estimated the EPS growth for next year at 2.03% and Earnings growth for next 5 years stands at 7% as estimated by the analysts. While Annual EPS Growth rate for past five years as reported by the company is at 20.2%.
Some important ratios are also vital to discuss the performance of the company and its shares. The P/E or Price to Earnings ratio of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) is at 22.33 while the forward p/e is at 22.42. The P/S or Price to Sales ratio of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) stands at 3.6 and Price to Book or P/B for the most recent quarter stands at 3.67. The Price to Free Cash Flow ratio or P/FCF is reported at 22.43. The quick ratio and the current ratio of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) are reported at 0.7 and 1 respectively. The Return on Assets ROA, Return On Earnings ROE and ROI Return On Investment for Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) stands at 8.2, 17.4 and 11 respectively
The trailing twelve month Revenue of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) is reported at 3.26 Billion with income of 513.9 Million. The outstanding shares of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) are 249.9 Million. The institutional Ownership of the shares of 99.6 stands at 0.80%, this figure is increased 2.3 in the last six months. The insider ownership for the shares of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) is ticked at 0.5%, the figure is plummeted -9.89% in the last six months.
Some other important financial aspects to be discussed here for Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) is the Mean Target Price estimated by the analysts which stands at 43. The 52 week high of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) is placed at 46.67 and 52 week low is standing at 20.01.
Performance wise the shares of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) rose up 0.51% for the week, it also rise 5.44% for the monthly performance, while for the quarter it went down 31.5%. The shares increase 4.86% for the half year and flew up for the Year-To-Date performance. The shares of Trimble Inc. (NASDAQ:TRMB) grew 7.76% for the yearly performance.
Previous Two Top Stocks to Discuss: Michael Kors Holdings Limited (NYSE:KORS), Southwest Airlines Company (NYSE:LUV)
Next Two Shares Face To Face: MGM Resorts International (NYSE:MGM), Xcel Energy Inc. (NASDAQ:XEL)
Head to Head Stocks: Blue Apron Holdings, Inc. (NYSE:APRN), Jacobs Engineering Group Inc. (NYSE:JEC)
Face to Face Hot Stocks: NovoCure Limited (NASDAQ:NVCR), Canopy Growth Corporation (NYSE:CGC)
Comparing the Top Two: 58.com Inc. (NYSE:WUBA), Intercontinental Exchange Inc. (NYSE:ICE)
Hot Versus Hot: Coty Inc. (NYSE:COTY), DocuSign, Inc. (NASDAQ:DOCU)
Top Versus Top: Magna International, Inc. (NYSE:MGA), Healthcare Realty Trust Incorporated (NYSE:HR)


Hello, and a very Happy New Year from all of us at Hubble & Hattie! 2015 is already shaping up to be an exciting year for us at H&H HQ. We've got some fantastic new books for you to look forward to, plus some old favourites making their way into the digital world as eBooks. Not to mention lots of great offers, news, competitions, reviews and features lined up for you wonderful Animal Magic readers ... so watch this space!
December saw the launch of our brand new website, and we are thrilled with it. Have you checked it out yet?
Our new online home is packed full with information on our books, our authors, and all-things animal – and we've improved our shop to make finding and ordering a book easier, whether you're shopping from your desktop, your mobile, or your tablet.
Exciting new books for the year ahead!
The H&H 2015 catalogue is here!
Learn more about our new and existing titles in our brand new catalogue, available now! To get your copy, just drop us a line at info@hubbleandhattie.com or by phone on +(0)1305 260068 with your name and address and we'll get a copy in the post to you.
Can't wait? View the new catalogue online or download it from our website.
Each month in 2014 we compiled an album of your beloved animals over at the H&H Facebook page. The picture with the most likes at the end of the month won a fantastic Hubble & Hattie book and feature here in Animal Magic!
Congratulations! We'll be in touch in the next few days to find out which book you'd like!
We had tons of gorgeous entries over the year, thank you so much for taking part!
For more competitions, news and, of course, gorgeous animals, head on over to the Hubble & Hattie Facebook page. You can also follow us on Twitter @HubbleandHattie.
This quote has been getting a lot of love over at the Facebook page, and we can see why!


Winter Blues – arts, ink.
As the snow and cold descend upon Ann Arbor, it's easy to be affected by the weather. At least for me, I know that the earlier darkness and bitter cold make it harder to get outside and leave my warm bed. It can be difficult to both literally and figuratively see the sunshine.
It seems as if the first autumn leaves had just dropped, and winter is still more than a month away. Yet, you can't escape the ice when walking to class. I am a fan of snow, at first–the beautiful flakes falling from the sky, the jubilance upon seeing the first blanket of white. After a few days, it becomes a nuisance to clean and avoid the dirty slush piled up on the sidewalks.
Of course, there are good things about winter, like any other season. There's the holiday season, cheesy movies, and the coziness of cuddling up in a big blanket with loved ones. Every season is distinct, yet provides a different perspective on life. Even though winter may be dark and cold, it's important to remember the positives: it harbors a period of change. Spring will bloom after the storm.
Some reminders to carry you through the winter: bundle up, listen to your favorite music, cozy up with a hot beverage, spend time with friends and family, and remember to get some exercise and eat well. Although the seasons change every few months, be sure to enjoy them while they last!


A buzzy destination in the uncharted territory of the Hudson Yards offers a vaguely Italian primer on current trends.
The whole dry-aged duck, honey-lacquered and coated in fennel seeds and chili flakes, is presented tableside, then whisked away to be carved and plated.
The other day, while walking to the far west side of midtown Manhattan, I found myself humming Bruce Springsteen's "Tenth Avenue Freeze-Out." No one, not even Springsteen himself, has ever been able to say what a "Tenth Avenue freeze-out" is, exactly, but it felt like a fitting anthem for venturing past Ninth, where the bars and bodegas have long seemed like the last signs of civilization before uncharted tumbleweed territory. Great change is afoot, however, as the Hudson Yards redevelopment project forges ahead. Ambitious skyscrapers have been built, if not yet filled, and more are under construction. Banks and management-consulting firms are moving in.
The restaurant has two bars: one at the entrance to the dining room, and another (pictured) up a flight of stairs on the mezzanine.
On the ground floor and mezzanine of Henry Hall, an upmarket apartment building between Tenth and Eleventh where a recording studio once stood, there's even a restaurant: Legacy Records, the latest from the hospitality group behind the hot spots Charlie Bird and Pasquale Jones, in SoHo and Nolita, respectively. Though its affiliations have made it a genuinely buzzy destination, anyone expecting the same cool factor may be disappointed: both the building and the dining room have the sprawling, swanky, but slightly sterile vibe of a luxury hotel in a blander city.
Craft cocktails, like the whiskey-and-Madeira-based Hard Rain, are listed on a card tucked into a pocket inside the menu, as though it's a library book.
The food, which is vaguely Italian, reads like a careful primer on current trends, well executed if obligatory. There are craft cocktails, listed on a card tucked tweely into a pocket inside the menu, as though it's a library book; tiny portions of crudo; and a seven-dollar bread plate with rosemary lardo. I hoped the San Daniele prosciutto topped with fresh shaved horseradish would taste like being let in on a secret ("Bet you'd never guess these two things go so well together!"), but it was more akin to a game of Telephone. An appealingly enormous, rectangular raviolo, with a line of meaty morels, peas, and chervil down its middle, brought to mind a high-rise, as on theme as a Mickey Mouse pancake at Disneyland.
A seven-dollar bread plate comes with rosemary lardo and cultured butter.
The menu feels like a careful primer on current trends, including tiny portions of crudo.
Rotating flavors of gelato—chocolate, strawberry, salted caramel—are served with thin, crisp house-made ice-cream cones.


Unveiled earlier this week Slurpees Snot Suckers from Bandai have been billed by some as the most disgusting pocket money plaything kids will want for Xmas. Once you've had your first go at sucking up the slime and then "snotting" it back out you'll find the entire experience deeply satisfying, even as an adult. Available in four guises these slime sucking creatures will retail at £4.99 and we'll update you as to where they'll be on sale the minute we know.
Previous Watch Your wallets! Nifflers set loose in London.


We sat down with Online's CTO Tim Siemens and asked him to share his insights on the second of the three technology trends he highlighted in his March blog on 2018 Technology Trends, the Internet of Things (IoT). In this Q&A session Tim answers 5 critical questions about IoT.
Cloud Foundry is an open Platform as a Service (PaaS), which is developed and operated by VMware. (VMware is also the company that operates the Spring Framework.) Cloud Foundry is an Open Source project available through a variety of private and public Cloud distributions. It's written in Ruby, but intended to host any language or any other component.
The samples and walkthroughs of the Web API in the ASP.NET MVC 4 beta have been proliferating ever since it was released a few weeks back. Rather than rehash them here, I'd like to point you in their direction and then spend some of this space to talk about the implications of this latest development in Microsoft's web stack.


text:
'No Place Special' a welcome home
By Cynthia McCormick Cape Cod Times
Susan and Richard �Ricci� Furlani�s Seconsett Island home was built of music and laughter.
Now the Mashpee couple, mourning the loss of two daughters to a rare genetic syndrome, want to create a foundation so their house can be used as respite for other caregivers of terminally ill loved ones.
�We want to make it when people come, they don�t have to pay anything,� Susan said.
The house, which they call �No Place Special,� has always has been a labor of love.
Ricci, a master carpenter, took what was a tiny cottage and created a turreted, two-story house large enough to host concerts.
And it was musician friends such as Jen Murdza, Larry Zarella and Tom Bianchi and his wife, Danielle Maraglia, who hosted benefit concerts that allowed the Furlanis to complete renovations that made the house handicapped accessible for daughters Elizabeth and Emily.
Both were diagnosed as children with a rare genetic disorder known as Sanfilippo syndrome.
Elizabeth died June 16, 2010, at 24, and Emily followed Sept. 22 of the same year at 22.
The Furlanis marked the girls� passing with a Mardi Gras-style parade, boat trip and tea party, according to each young woman�s personality.
�We didn�t do anything conventional,� Ricci said.
Elizabeth, with huge green eyes and a powerful, mellifluous voice, shined among groups of people.
�We handed everybody an instrument. Everybody had to play something. Nobody loved music more than Elizabeth,� Ricci said.
Emily, who showed evidence of disabilities at a younger age, was quieter and loved American Girl dolls and drinking tea.
The Furlanis ordered pastry from Europe and borrowed silver tea sets for her memorial.
Designed in part along the curving lines of a ship, �No Place Special� features a great room centered around a wood stove.
With five bedrooms and four-and-a-half bathrooms, the Furlanis envision hosting up to two or three caregiving couples at a time.
�We want them to be able to rest and have someone take care of them,� Susan Furlani said. People can choose what to do, whether it�s playing or listening to music, going out on the Furlanis� boat or spending quiet time reading a book in the house�s wooden tower.
After Elizabeth and Emily died, the Furlanis took about five of their caretakers on a vacation to Negril Beach.
�There is nothing for caregivers,� Susan said. �There�s no free respite care for people who are doing this 24-7.�
Getting a breather is very important for people caring for the terminally ill, Ellen McCabe, director of professional education at Hospice and Palliative Care of Cape Cod, said.
�If the caregiving situation breaks down, everybody loses,� she said.
Hospice, which cared for Elizabeth and Emily, does not offer places for caregivers to vacation.
However, it has respite programs that allow family members to place loved ones in a contracted nursing home for five days at a time so that the caregivers can attend weddings, reunions or just stay home and catch up on sleep.
As one man on hospice care whose daughter cared for him said, �We all need a break. It gets intense,� McCabe said.


text:
<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Retrieves the localized string data based on the machine's culture.
        Falls back to en-US strings if the machine's culture is not supported.

    .PARAMETER ResourceName
        The name of the resource as it appears before '.strings.psd1' of the localized string file.
        For example:
            AuditPolicySubcategory: MSFT_AuditPolicySubcategory
            AuditPolicyOption: MSFT_AuditPolicyOption
#>
function Get-LocalizedData
{
    [OutputType([String])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true, ParameterSetName = 'resource')]
        [ValidateNotNullOrEmpty()]
        [String]
        $ResourceName,

        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true, ParameterSetName = 'helper')]
        [ValidateNotNullOrEmpty()]
        [String]
        $HelperName
    )

    # With the helper module just update the name and path variables as if it were a resource.
    if ($PSCmdlet.ParameterSetName -eq 'helper')
    {
        $resourceDirectory = $PSScriptRoot
        $ResourceName = $HelperName
    }
    else
    {
        # Step up one additional level to build the correct path to the resource culture.
        $resourceDirectory = Join-Path -Path (Split-Path -Path (Split-Path -Path $PSScriptRoot -Parent) -Parent) `
                                       -ChildPath "DSCResources\$ResourceName"
    }

    $localizedStringFileLocation = Join-Path -Path $resourceDirectory -ChildPath $PSUICulture

    if (-not (Test-Path -Path $localizedStringFileLocation))
    {
        # Fallback to en-US
        $localizedStringFileLocation = Join-Path -Path $resourceDirectory -ChildPath 'en-US'
    }

    Import-LocalizedData `
        -BindingVariable 'localizedData' `
        -FileName "$ResourceName.strings.psd1" `
        -BaseDirectory $localizedStringFileLocation

    return $localizedData
}

# This must be loaded after the Get-LocalizedData function is created.
$script:localizedData = Get-LocalizedData -HelperName 'SecurityPolicyResourceHelper'

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Wrapper around secedit.exe used to make changes
    .PARAMETER InfPath
        Path to an INF file with desired user rights assignment policy configuration
    .PARAMETER SeceditOutput
        Path to secedit log file output
    .EXAMPLE
        Invoke-Secedit -InfPath C:\secedit.inf -SeceditOutput C:\seceditLog.txt
#>
function Invoke-Secedit
{
    [OutputType([void])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [System.String]
        $InfPath,

        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [System.String]
        $SeceditOutput,

        [Parameter()]
        [System.Management.Automation.SwitchParameter]
        $OverWrite
    )

    $script:localizedData = Get-LocalizedData -HelperName 'SecurityPolicyResourceHelper'

    $tempDB = "$env:TEMP\DscSecedit.sdb"
    $arguments = "/configure /db $tempDB /cfg $InfPath"

    if ($OverWrite)
    {
        $arguments = $arguments + " /overwrite /quiet"
    }

    Write-Verbose "secedit arguments: $arguments"
    Start-Process -FilePath secedit.exe -ArgumentList $arguments -RedirectStandardOutput $seceditOutput -NoNewWindow -Wait
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Returns security policies configuration settings

    .PARAMETER Area
        Specifies the security areas to be returned

    .NOTES
    General notes
#>
function Get-SecurityPolicy
{
    [OutputType([Hashtable])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [ValidateSet("SECURITYPOLICY","GROUP_MGMT","USER_RIGHTS","REGKEYS","FILESTORE","SERVICES")]
        [System.String]
        $Area,

        [Parameter()]
        [System.String]
        $FilePath
    )

    if ($FilePath)
    {
        $currentSecurityPolicyFilePath = $FilePath
    }
    else
    {
        $currentSecurityPolicyFilePath = Join-Path -Path $env:temp -ChildPath 'SecurityPolicy.inf'

        Write-Debug -Message ($localizedData.EchoDebugInf -f $currentSecurityPolicyFilePath)

        secedit.exe /export /cfg $currentSecurityPolicyFilePath /areas $Area | Out-Null
    }

    $policyConfiguration = @{}
    switch -regex -file $currentSecurityPolicyFilePath
    {
        "^\[(.+)\]" # Section
        {
            $section = $matches[1]
            $policyConfiguration[$section] = @{}
            $CommentCount = 0
        }
        "^(;.*)$" # Comment
        {
            $value = $matches[1]
            $commentCount = $commentCount + 1
            $name = "Comment" + $commentCount
            $policyConfiguration[$section][$name] = $value
        }
        "(.+?)\s*=(.*)" # Key
        {
            $name,$value =  $matches[1..2] -replace "\*"
            $policyConfiguration[$section][$name] = $value
        }
    }

    Switch($Area)
    {
        "USER_RIGHTS"
        {
            $returnValue = @{}
            $privilegeRights = $policyConfiguration.'Privilege Rights'
            foreach ($key in $privilegeRights.keys )
            {
                $policyName = Get-UserRightConstant -Policy $key -Inverse
                $identity = ConvertTo-LocalFriendlyName -Identity $($privilegeRights[$key] -split ",").Trim() -Policy $policyName -Verbose:$VerbosePreference
                $returnValue.Add( $key,$identity )
            }

            continue
        }
        Default
        {
            $returnValue = $policyConfiguration
        }
    }

    return $returnValue
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Parses an INF file produced by 'secedit.exe /export' and returns an object of identites assigned to a user rights assignment policy
    .PARAMETER FilePath
        Path to an INF file
    .EXAMPLE
        Get-UserRightsAssignment -FilePath C:\seceditOutput.inf
#>
function Get-UserRightsAssignment
{
    [OutputType([Hashtable])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [System.String]
        $FilePath
    )

    $policyConfiguration = @{}
    switch -regex -file $FilePath
    {
        "^\[(.+)\]" # Section
        {
            $section = $matches[1]
            $policyConfiguration[$section] = @{}
            $CommentCount = 0
        }
        "^(;.*)$" # Comment
        {
            $value = $matches[1]
            $commentCount = $commentCount + 1
            $name = "Comment" + $commentCount
            $policyConfiguration[$section][$name] = $value
        }
        "(.+?)\s*=(.*)" # Key
        {
            $name,$value =  $matches[1..2] -replace "\*"
            $policyConfiguration[$section][$name] = @(ConvertTo-LocalFriendlyName -Identity $($value -split ','))
        }
    }

    return $policyConfiguration
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Resolves username or SID to a NTAccount friendly name so desired and actual idnetities can be compared

    .PARAMETER Identity
        An Identity in the form of a friendly name (testUser1,contoso\testUser1) or SID

    .EXAMPLE
        PS C:\> ConvertTo-LocalFriendlyName testuser1
        Server1\TestUser1

        This example demonstrats converting a username without a domain name specified

    .EXAMPLE
        PS C:\> ConvertTo-LocalFriendlyName -Identity S-1-5-21-3084257389-385233670-139165443-1001
        Server1\TestUser1

        This example demonstrats converting a SID to a frendlyname
#>
function ConvertTo-LocalFriendlyName
{
    [OutPutType([string])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory=$true,ValueFromPipeline=$true)]
        [System.String[]]
        $Identity,

        [Parameter()]
        [System.String]
        $Policy,

        [Parameter()]
        [System.String]
        $Scope = 'Get'
    )

    $friendlyNames = @()
    foreach ($id in $Identity)
    {
        $id = ( $id -replace "\*" ).Trim()
        if ($null -ne $id -and $id -match '^(S-[0-9-]{3,})')
        {
            # if id is a SID convert to a NTAccount
            $friendlyNames += ConvertTo-NTAccount -SID $id -Policy $Policy -Scope $Scope -Verbose:$VerbosePreference
        }
        else
        {
            # if id is an friendly name convert it to a sid and then to an NTAccount
            $sidResult = ConvertTo-Sid -Identity $id -Scope $Scope -Verbose:$VerbosePreference

            if ($sidResult -isnot [System.Security.Principal.SecurityIdentifier])
            {
                continue
            }

            $friendlyNames += ConvertTo-NTAccount -SID $sidResult.Value -Policy $Policy -Scope $Scope
        }
    }

    return $friendlyNames
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Tests if the provided Identity is null
    .PARAMETER Identity
        The identity string to test
#>
function Test-IdentityIsNull
{
    [OutputType([bool])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [AllowEmptyCollection()]
        [AllowEmptyString()]
        [AllowNull()]
        [System.String[]]
        $Identity
    )

    if ( $null -eq $Identity -or [System.String]::IsNullOrWhiteSpace($Identity) )
    {
        return $true
    }
    else
    {
        return $false
    }
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Convert a SID to a common friendly name
    .PARAMETER SID
        SID of an identity being converted
#>
function ConvertTo-NTAccount
{
    [OutPutType([string])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory=$true,ValueFromPipeline=$true)]
        [System.Security.Principal.SecurityIdentifier[]]
        $SID,

        [Parameter()]
        [System.String]
        $Scope = 'Get',

        [Parameter()]
        [System.String]
        $Policy
    )

    $result = @()
    foreach ($id in $SID)
    {
        $id = ( $id -replace "\*" ).Trim()

        $sidId = [System.Security.Principal.SecurityIdentifier]$id
        try
        {
            $result += $sidId.Translate([System.Security.Principal.NTAccount]).value
        }
        catch
        {
            if ($Scope -eq 'Get')
            {
                Write-Verbose -Message ($script:localizedData.ErrorSidTranslation -f $sidId, $Policy)
                $result += $sidId.Value
            }
            else
            {
                throw "$($script:localizedData.ErrorSidTranslation -f $sidId, $Policy)"
            }
        }
    }

    return $result
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Converts an identity to a SID to verify it's a valid account

    .PARAMETER Identity
        Specifies the identity to convert

    .NOTES
        General notes
#>
function ConvertTo-Sid
{
    [OutputType([System.Security.Principal.SecurityIdentifier])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter()]
        [System.String]
        $Identity,

        [Parameter()]
        [System.String]
        $Scope = 'Get'
    )

    $id = [System.Security.Principal.NTAccount]$Identity
    try
    {
        $result = $id.Translate([System.Security.Principal.SecurityIdentifier])
    }
    catch
    {
        if ($Scope -eq 'Get')
        {
            Write-Verbose -Message ($script:localizedData.ErrorIdToSid -f $Identity)
            $result = $id
        }
        else
        {
            throw "$($script:localizedData.ErrorIdToSid -f $Identity)"
        }
    }

    return $result
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Retrieves the Security Option Data to map the policy name and values as they appear in the Security Template Snap-in

    .PARAMETER FilePath
        Path to the file containing the Security Option Data
#>
function Get-PolicyOptionData
{
    [OutputType([hashtable])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    Param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [Microsoft.PowerShell.DesiredStateConfiguration.ArgumentToConfigurationDataTransformation()]
        [hashtable]
        $FilePath
    )
    return $FilePath
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Returns all the set-able parameters in the SecurityOption resource
#>
function Get-PolicyOptionList
{
    [OutputType([array])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    Param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [string]
        $ModuleName
    )

    $commonParameters = @( 'Name' )
    $commonParameters += [System.Management.Automation.PSCmdlet]::CommonParameters
    $commonParameters += [System.Management.Automation.PSCmdlet]::OptionalCommonParameters
    $moduleParameters = ( Get-Command -Name "Set-TargetResource" -Module $ModuleName ).Parameters.Keys |
        Where-Object -FilterScript { $PSItem -notin $commonParameters }

    return $moduleParameters
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Creates the INF file content that contains the security option configurations

    .PARAMETER SystemAccessPolicies
        Specifies the security options that pertain to [System Access] policies

    .PARAMETER RegistryPolicies
        Specifies the security opions that are managed via [Registry Values]
#>
function Add-PolicyOption
{
    [OutputType([System.Object[]])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    param
    (
        [Parameter()]
        [Collections.ArrayList]
        $SystemAccessPolicies,

        [Parameter()]
        [Collections.ArrayList]
        $RegistryPolicies,

        [Parameter()]
        [Collections.ArrayList]
        $KerberosPolicies
    )

    # insert the appropriate INI section
    if ( [string]::IsNullOrWhiteSpace( $RegistryPolicies ) -eq $false )
    {
        $RegistryPolicies.Insert(0,'[Registry Values]')
    }

    if ( [string]::IsNullOrWhiteSpace( $SystemAccessPolicies ) -eq $false )
    {
        $SystemAccessPolicies.Insert(0,'[System Access]')
    }

    if ( [string]::IsNullOrWhiteSpace( $KerberosPolicies ) -eq $false )
    {
        $KerberosPolicies.Insert(0,'[Kerberos Policy]')
    }

    $iniTemplate = @(
        "[Unicode]"
        "Unicode=yes"
        $systemAccessPolicies
        "[Version]"
        'signature="$CHICAGO$"'
        "Revision=1"
        $KerberosPolicies
        $registryPolicies
    )

    return $iniTemplate
}

<#
    .SYNOPSIS
        Converts policy names that match the GUI to the abbreviated names used by secedit.exe
    .PARAMETER Policy
        Name of the policy to get friendly name for.
#>
function Get-UserRightConstant
{
    [OutputType([string])]
    [CmdletBinding()]
    Param
    (
        [Parameter(Mandatory = $true)]
        [System.String]
        $Policy,

        [Parameter()]
        [Switch]
        $Inverse
    )

    $friendlyNames = Get-Content -Path $PSScriptRoot\UserRightsFriendlyNameConversions.psd1 -Raw |
    ConvertFrom-StringData

    if ($Inverse)
    {
        $result = $friendlyNames.GetEnumerator() | Where-Object -FilterScript { $_.Value -eq $Policy }
        return $result.Key
    }

    return $friendlyNames[$Policy]
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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