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PROFITS! Why Ref Rodriguez and his CCSA covet the LAUSD Board Seat
"The education industry represents, in our opinion, the final frontier of a number of sectors once under public control... represents the largest market opportunity... the K-12 market is the Big Enchilada." — Montgomery Securities prospectus quoted in Jonathan Kozol's The Big Enchilada
Most of the time the charter school industry's corporate leadership is able to craft their messaging so as to distract the populace from the real purposes undergirding their project. Occasionally, someone in their sector goes off script and tells the truth about what chartering is all about. Usually it's those in the sphere of finance capital—gleefully celebrating how lucrative the charter school industry has been for them. The Forbes piece, Charter School Gravy Train Runs Express To Fat City , is an excellent example of this. Sometimes individuals in the neoliberal corporate education reform camp spill the proverbial beans. Industry proselytizers like Andy Smarick and Paul Vallas have been candidly honest about charters discriminating against Students with Disabilities (SWD), and charters eschewing veteran teachers, respectively. Revelations of the dark secrets behind the charter industry's insatiable drive for profits also shine cleansing light on a current local issue—namely the attempts of charter industry profiteer Refugio "Ref" Rodriguez, and his California Charter Schools Association's (CCSA) campaign to capture the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) Board of Education seat for District 5. One of Rodriguez's fellow CCSA profiteers inadvertently provided incontrovertible evidence of why the school privatization camp spent over three quarters of a million dollars in the primary election alone.
A Twitter follow from a name I recognized as a marginal player in the corporate education reform camp sparked curiosity. A moment spent checking their LinkedIn profile yielded a veritable gold mine of information unequivocally proving the charter industry's, and particularly CCSA's, drive for profits comes at the expense of children and community. The prose from their profile says it all:
Co-Founder/VP - School Services & Products
California Charter Schools Association
July 2003 – July 2007 (4 years 1 month)
Launched and operated association services and products division providing financial, insurance, special education, and other member services that broke-even the first year and generated 30% profit margins in subsequent years--with 20-30% lead generation and 20-50% close ratios.
Profit margins, lead generation, and close ratios… refreshing honesty from an industry that claims it "puts kids first."
Like the hedge fund managers discussed in the Forbes piece above, platitudes about helping kids are quickly subsumed by talk of plentiful profits, revenues, and business opportunities when charter school executives talk among themselves. This focus on profits drives Ref Rodriguez's CCSA charter school industry trade association to eliminate any political opposition, and also explains their unhinged viciousness and ruthlessness towards the Honorable Bennett Kayser, our sitting LAUSD Board member, who has had the temerity to oppose charter schools placing greed over student need. Let's look more closely at CCSA's business dealings, how they harm students enrolled in charters, how they harm students enrolled in public schools, and then return to the implications of the May 19, 2015 General Municipal Election in Los Angeles.
Charters convert public funds into private profits
California Charter Schools Association's (CCSA) business ventures were so outrageously profitable, they drew in an array of corporations, privately held companies, and large foundations wanting a share. Firms like EdTec, Arthur J. Gallagher & Co., Charter Impact, Inc., and Discover Re (The Travelers Indemnity Company) jumped in CCSA's profits pool. Longtime school privatization advocates The Walton Family Foundation and Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation loomed large. Seeing an opportunity to exploit public education dollars nationally, the CCSA, Walton Family Foundation, Travelers, and Gallagher & Co. launched School Risk Management, LLC, which later became known as CharterSafe/PrivateSafe. Here is an excerpt of a 2007 press release from one of the corporate entities involved in this deal.
"In 2007 as a response to the growing need for appropriate insurance for charter schools nationally, Gallagher partnered with the California Charter School Association JPA and the Walton Family Foundation to form a risk management and insurance program for charter schools. This program has been known as the CharterSafe program. Recently the California Charter School Association JPA began promoting their self insured pool program as CharterSafe. In an effort it differentiate the national program from the California based JPA program, we have decided to change our program name. Going forward, we will be known as the Charter First Insurance Program."
Note the prominence of the right-wing-reactionary Walton Family Foundation in the press release. Walmart fortune heiress, Carrie Walton Penner, is currently the CCSA Board Vice-Chair (term ending 6/30/2017). By most accounts Walton Penner is close to both profiteer "Ref" Rodriguez of the PUC Charter School Corporation, and the well-heeled Ana Ponce of the Camino Nuevo Charter School Corporation. Rodriguez was a CCSA Board member from 2005 to 2009, while Ponce currently serves as the CCSA Board secretary. Like all 501c3 "non-profits", the CCSA Board is unelected, and, to all intents and purposes, is unaccountable to anyone other than its charter executive membership and private funders. CCSA's public funders (the taxpayers) have no voice in the 501c3 corporation's affairs. Its private investors get seats on the board. Known for their aversion to public education, and their exploitation of working class families, the Walton Family Foundation is CCSA's biggest funder. In 2010 they showered the CCSA charter school industry association with a staggering $3,940,652.00. Annual investments like that are nothing when one considers the return of investment in the forms of profitable finance capital spinoffs like CharterSafe, LLC.
The avaricious insurance executive… ahem, "education entrepreneur" who oversaw growth of the hugely profitable CCSA CharterSafe enterprise, then launched his own consulting firm to skim more money from the trough of public funds. Funds which became entirely unregulated when the charter school industry was created by corporate interests in the nineteen-nineties. Refugio "Ref" Rodriguez's revenue hungry PUC charter school chain is a client of that selfsame consulting firm.
The money making aspect of chartering is so predominant, that peripheral concerns like pupils, pedagogy, or populace are not part of the discussion. Here is a LinkedIn endorsement for our CharterSafe protagonist by the Senior Vice President for Strategic Initiatives at the National Alliance for Public [sic] Charter Schools:
"Ted is one of the most creative people I know. He is an excellent partner because he always makes sure the business relationship benefits both parties. I have introduced him to our customers, and they always come away impressed."
I doubt many think of children, schoolteachers, or education when they see phrases like "business relationship", or "introduced him to our customers", but that's what the charter school project is all about—business. Big business at that.
The charter industry's profits-first agenda hurts it's own students
The CCSA counts 14 of the schools comprising Refugio "Ref" Rodriguez's charter empire among its membership. As mentioned above, CCSA and its business partners profit from selling financial products and services to its corporate charter members. Additionally, just like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, CCSA charges dues. Their formula is based on enrollment. Of issue is whether these corporate charters can demonstrate that the dues they pay to their trade association come from somewhere other than taxpayer funds intended for students. Rodriguez's PUC has paid well over a hundred thousand dollars into the CCSA slush fund, which in turn is used for political lobbying to increase charter industry profits. Those funds, regardless if they came straight out of taxpayer pockets, or are front end investments from billionaire ideologues like Walton Penner, would be better spent on students. Yet as we saw above, when it comes between profits and pupils, the charter industry always prioritizes the former. The "non-profit" designation of the charter industry is simply a tax status, indicating they don't have shareholders. The 501c3 "non-profit shells" of these organization merely serve as a fronts to the myriad businesses they feed education funds to. Real estate, leasing, insurance, administration, and many more lucrative industries benefit from this arrangement.
Charter executives make sure they partake of the profits too. I remember interviewing a young person who had worked for a wholly owned subsidiary of the Green Dot Charter Corporation. They told me they had lost any illusions that they were a "non-profit" when they saw Green Dot's Alma Vivian Marquez roll up in a brand new Porsche Cayenne. A sampling of Los Angeles corporate charter school CEO salaries is eye opening, especially when one realizes that they all work for schools with a tiny fraction of the student population that the public school district serves:
Charter Chain
Form 990, Part VII§A
Celerity Vielka McFarlane $438,730.00 2012
Alliance Judy Burton $330,400.00 2012
Aspire James R. Willcox $293,687.00 2012
Green Dot Marco Petruzzi $279,478.00 2013
Camino Nuevo Ana Ponce $230,811.00 2012
While representatives of the lucrative charter industry claim they run public schools, entities tasked with using precise legal definitions all say otherwise. This includes the 9th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals, the California Court of Appeals, and the National Labor Relations Board, all of which are on record stating that charter schools are not public entities. The most authoritative framing of this issue comes from the U.S. Census Department:
"A few "public charter schools" are run by public universities and municipalities. However, most charter schools are run by private nonprofit organizations and are therefore classified as private."
Like the rest of the private sector, the charter industry must continually increase market share in order to maintain profitability. One of the ways they do this is through advertising. Rodriguez's corporate charter schools squander untold amounts of taxpayer funds on advertising in pursuit of growing market share, and hence increased profits for the business interests associated with his schools and his CCSA trade association. The photo of a ubiquitous PUC advertisement below was taken by the author. Our tax dollars are being leveraged in order to secure more of our tax dollars to fuel the revenue hungry machine that is the charter school industry. Obviously this is of no concern to profit minded charter executives like Rodriguez, but those funds could, and should, be spent in the classroom for student learning, instead of growing market share for the burgeoning charter school sector. Ironically these corporate charter school chains frequently claim they have long "waiting lists," so why the need to advertise? In a word the whole waiting list myth is another part of their marketing scheme.
Despite having additional resources invested in them by billionaire foundations, not to mention their being able to control their student populations through selective enrollment, attrition, and outright discrimination against Students with Disabilities (SWD), PUC charter schools, while profitable, haven't done much for students. For example, in 2013 students from Rodriguez's Early College Academy for Leaders and Scholars (ECALS) took the California State University (CSU) entrance exams. Half of those taking the test failed to test proficient in either mathematics or English. The fifty percent of Rodriguez's students that failed had to take remedial high school classes.
Other corporate charter school chains, like Alliance, Camino Nuevo, and Green Dot, have had years where up to ninety-eight percent of their "graduates" failed to test proficient in either mathematics or English. If the tradeoff for public control and oversight of our education dollars was supposedly to accommodate these so-called "high performing," privately managed entities, then we have been duped. The only area where charter schools have performed well is that of funneling precious education funding into the coffers of the corporate interests they serve.
The charter industry's profits-first agenda hurts public school students
I recently wrote in response to a charter chain getting away with defrauding the public for millions of dollars.
"One cringes thinking of all the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) public school libraries that could have been reopened with those millions "missing" from the privately managed Magnolia Gülen Charters."
This sentiment holds true across the board. For every education dollar that winds up in the hands of hedge fund managers, business bankers, and corporate executives, there is a public school child suffering from the inequity of a system being systematically starved of resources. In March of 2015 The Center for Popular Democracy released a groundbreaking report entitled Risking Public Money: California Charter School Fraud. The report meticulously details tens of millions of dollars in fraud stemming from this essentially unregulated industry, and suggests that "[b]ased on conservative estimates, California stands to lose more than $100 million to charter school fraud in 2015." As a community organizer I constantly hear parents talk about overcrowded classrooms and lack of resources. It is incomprehensible that at the same time our neighborhood public schools are in desperate need, our community's funds are wantonly, recklessly, and even fraudulently squandered by the opaque structures of the privately managed charter school industry.
In response to our public schools being short changed because of the myriad shortcomings of the lucrative charter school industry, the Honorable Jackie Goldberg founded the Transparency, Equity, and Accountability in Charter Schools (TEAch) organization a few years ago. Everyone should support TEACh, even families with children enrolled in privately managed charter schools. Their mission statement: "An organization working to ensure that charter schools are Transparent, Equitable, and held Accountable for their practices."
Aside from budget woes created by the charter sector syphoning our education dollars off into corporate coffers, another area where public school students are most hurt by charter industry's profits-first agenda is that of special education. The 2008 Andy Smarick piece alluded to earlier outlines how the charter industry deliberately avoids enrolling Students with Disabilities (SWD) to save money and uses that additional financial burden to bankrupt the public school district. His words echo the neoliberal ideology of eliminating the public commons in favor of a profitable, private sector:
"As chartering increases its market share in a city, the district will come under growing financial pressure. The district, despite educating fewer and fewer students, will still require a large administrative staff to process payroll and benefits, administer federal programs, and oversee special education. With a lopsided adult-to-student ratio, the district's per-pupil costs will skyrocket." [emphasis mine]
As a society we must stand against the exploitation of our most vulnerable. Frankly, any school getting public funding should be obligated legally, ethically, and morally to educate every child. If it is too difficult for the charter school industry to stop prioritizing corporate greed over special education need, then there needs to be discussions of shutting down their industry. Los Angeles School Board members who have attempted to enforce these obligations on charters have been savaged by the CCSA. Bennett Kayser's principled stand against the lucrative Aspire Charter Corporation is notable. Depending on which source one cites, Aspire either served a negligible number of SWD, or none at all at the time of Kayser's opposition to their charter renewal:
"But a look at area special education programs provides insight into the types of students served by Aspire. ¶ El Dorado's special ed program does not serve a single visual or hearing impaired student nor students with multiple disabilities, orthopedic or brain injuries, according to state reports. L.A. Unified's program serves many of these disabilities, requiring highly-specialized, costly care." (KPCC, April 16, 2014)
This is unacceptable. We already saw James R. Willcox's compensation package above. Children in both the public school system, and the privately managed charter school sector, deserve better than to have the funds we alloted them diverted into private hands.
The billionaire backed CCSA campaign for the May 19, 2015 School Board election
With prodigious profits for themselves and their investors at stake, the California Charter Schools Association (CCSA) launched a scorched earth campaign to get one of their longtime industry operatives, Refugio "Ref" Rodriguez, elected. Dr. Andrew Thomas, the third place finisher in the primary election for the LAUSD District 5 seat, wrote the following commentary regarding the ideologically charged billionaires supporting CCSA's SuperPAC for Rodriguez:
Why are out-of-district billionaires such as Netflix Chief Executive Reed Hastings, former New York Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, Jim Walton of the Wal-Mart founding family, and local philanthropist [sic] Eli Broad spending over a $1 million in this school board race?
In defense of their profits, Rodriguez and his CCSA trade group launched the most deplorable and dishonest political campaign in recent memory. One lie and innuendo packed CCSA mailer attacking the Honorable Bennett Kayser was so repugnant that it saw Kayser's fellow board member, the Honorable Dr. George McKenna, calling the CCSA out for being "racially inflammatory". Rodriguez's CCSA trying to paint their opposition as racist is no small irony, given that the CCSA was founded by bigoted nativist Steve Poizner. Another series of Rodriguez's CCSA attacks mocked Kayser's disability. Kayser, who suffers from Parkinson's Disease, has been one of the strongest advocates for Student with Disabilities (SWD) the district has had in years. As discussed above, the charter school industry sees SWD as an impediment to their profits, so Kayser's standing up for those students has made him CCSA's biggest target.
With almost unlimited funding at their disposal, Rodriguez and his fellow CCSA profiteers look to seize the LAUSD District 5 Board of Education seat and use it as a means to increase charter market share, proliferate profits, and eliminate any oversight interfering with those first two goals. An important question we should be asking ourselves is why can charter industry executives run for our public school board, but no member of the public can ever run for the boards of their charter school empires?
If you live in LAUSD District 5, I implore you to demonstrate to profiteer Rodriguez and his CCSA trade association that our community values pupils over profits by voting for Bennett Kayser in the May 19, 2015 General Municipal Election.
Labels: ableism, Bennett Kayser, Board of Education, California Charter Schools Association, CCSA, discrimination, LAUSD, neoliberalism, privatization, rdsathene, Ref Rodriguez, School Board, Students with Disabilities
Robert D. Skeels is a social liberation writer, attorney, public education advocate, immigrant rights activist, and law professor. He lives, works, writes, and organizes in Los Angeles with his wife and cats. Robert holds a BA in Classical Civilization from the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA), a JD from Peoples College of Law (PCL), and passed the California Bar Exam on his first attempt. A US Navy Veteran, he is a proud member of Veterans for Peace. A student of Liberation Theology and Paulo Freire's work, Robert volunteers for community and 12 step groups. Robert's articles and essays appear in publications including Jacobin, Truthout, CounterPunch, Dissident Voice, Schools Matter, Daily Censored, Regeneración, K12NN, LA Progressive, and The Los Angeles Daily News. In 2013 Robert ran for the LAUSD School Board against a billionaire funded corporate reform candidate, finishing second in a field of five, with over 5,200 votes.
Elizabeth Isralowitz, BCBA 2:00 AM
Charter schools are cheating by not putting their effort into each and every student. They are cheating communities and quite literally cheating with numbers when they quote comparative data that excludes the majority of students with special needs, students whose parents don't have the education or time to put their kids on waiting lists and apply for vouchers, and students who are lower performers. Do you really want your child in a school that tosses out tough cases like garbage and only thinks neurotypical students are worth innovation and billionaires funds? Do you want your kids going to a school where teachers are paid less than your average trader joes worker and where federal labor laws are ignored? I was in graduate school studying to be a teacher when the charter school movement began and it was about parents coming together to sign a charter and create a school based on a specific need and set of values. LAUSD has now allowed charter schools to serve as "home schools" thwarting special education students chances of being educated in their own community and completely destroying the entire point of a charter school. Charter schools are also contributing to a new form of segregation. Look at areas like Atwater village and mid city, affluent areas with s large percentage of Caucasian and upper middle class home owners and schools with 98% low income Latino students. Shendoah elementary is a perfect example, rich area title 1 school. No charter, no parent volunteering or bartering services, ignoring labor laws, uncredentialed teachers, corporate agendas - this is not the charter school movement I looked to for innovation and community engagement, this is the destruction of public education as we know it.
Jason Richards 5:30 AM
Hens don't lay eggs because you're ambitious about selling eggs, they lay eggs because they have been created to lay eggs if they are properly fed. guarantor loans
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MY COOPERATING TEACHER SPEAKS OUT
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the daily howler: Supplemental: Nicholas Kristof, ...
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No need to test every student
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Great Letters on Testing and Opt Out from NY Times...
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REFUSE!
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Opt out - NOT anti-testing
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Game theory studies mathematical models of competitive situations, with the aim of predicting the outcome of interactions amongst multiple agents who do not necessarily cooperate with each other. This gives rise to computational problems of finding the outcome algorithmically. In cases where the problem is apparently computationally hard, this requires different notions of "computational hardness" from NP-hardness. In particular, the complexity class PPAD captures the difficulty of computing a classical Nash equilibrium, and PLS captures the difficulty of solving various kinds of potential games. The course will contain an introduction to these complexity classes, and how they relate to corresponding game theory problems. I will then go over some recent results that obtain weaker solutions in polynomial time. These include, for example, approximate Nash equilibrium, and correlated equilibrium.
V. Conitzer, T. Sandholm. New complexity results about Nash equilibria. Games and Economic Behavior, v. 63, n. 2, pp. 621-641, 2008.
Y. Shoham. Computer science and game theory. Commun. of ACM, v. 51, n. 8, pp. 74-79, 2008.
C. Daskalakis, P. W. Goldberg, C. H. Papadimitriou. The complexity of computing a Nash equilibrium. Commun. of ACM, v. 52, n. 2, pp. 89-97, 2009.


It is with deep sadness that the club has learned of the passing of our former club secretary and dear friend Ann Smith.
Ann worked tirelessly for the club in various roles for many years, arranging fundraising events, bingo nights and club lotteries, whilst also looking after our match day guests in the hospitality room.
We send our love and deepest condolences to Robin and all the family at this difficult time.
A minutes silence in memory of Ann, will be held prior to kick off, at our next home match on Saturday 20th April against Staveley Miners Welfare.
 EGM - Thursday 4th April An extraordinary general meeting has been arranged for Thursday 4th April, starting at 7.30pm.
Arne Donne  We are pleased to announce a new addition to the club for the 2019/20 season, with 19 year old Belgian national Arne Donne joining the club.


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Top Social Work Universities in UK
Tn AryalSun Dec 19 2021
A social work degree is tailored to produce professionals who can work in the areas of social policy and practice in a wide range of settings, including government, voluntary organisations, community-based projects, management, education, social care, health care, probation and user groups, as paid workers or volunteers.
Whether you want to pursue a Bachelor degree in Social Work, Masters in Social Work or PhD in Social Work overseas, perhaps you should give articles a try!
Due to a number of reasons such as affordable tuition fees, accreditations, global recognition, up to date courses, countless majors and specialisations, the s one of the favourite destinations of international students when it comes to a social science degree.
Many Top Social Work Universities offer placements in field, residential, daycare, hospital, prison and service user run settings.
Top Universities for Social Science in UK
The UK is home to the best universities for social sciences some of which includes the University of Oxford, and the University of Cambridge.
Ranking of Social Science Rank in 2021
WUR Social Science Rank 2021
University in UK
Top Social Work Universities in UK: Bachelor of Social Work (BSW)
BSW in most UK universities is accredited by Social Work England (SWE). This course is tailored to offer both theoretical and practical skills that one will need to succeed in the fields of Social Work.
Bachelor of Social Work Courses in UK
BSW Programs
Social Work- BSc (Hons)
Social Work BA (Hons)- 3 years full time
BA Hons Social Work
Social Work BA (Hons)
Social Work, BA Hons
University of Social Work (Hons)
Social Work BA- 3 years time
Bachelor of Social Work (BSW)- 3 years
Document Checklist for applying to BSW Program in UK Universities
Academic documents (character certificate, provisional certificate, and transcripts of 10th and 12th)
Application fees unless application fees are waived
International Students need to successfully complete secondary education with a minimum grade of B/C or its international equivalent. The top social universities like Oxford University and Cambridge University have tough entry requirements.
The cut-off IELTS Score (or other international test scores) is comparatively higher for social work programs in the UK.
IELTS: 7.0-7.5, with a minimum of 6.5-7.0 in each band
TOEFL: 92-110, with a minimum subscore of 23
Top Social Work Universities in UK: Bachelor of Social Work Tuition fees
For domestic students, the cost of the BSW Degree is an average of GBP 9,250 in almost every UK university.
BSW University in UK
Academic tuition fees per year (GBP)
University of North Hampton
Top Social Work Universities in UK: Master of Social Work (MSW)
The length of a Master of Social Work in the UK is 1 to 2 years. After completing an MSW degree from the UK, you will be eligible to register as a social worker with Social Work England.
Masters in Social Work Courses in UK
MSW Course
MA Social Work
London School of Business and Research
MSc in Health and Social Care Management
MSc Social Work
MSc in Advanced Social Studies
Social Work MA
Academic documents of all of the schools and colleges attended before (Bachelor, High school and class 10). The academic document includes transcripts, character certificates and provisional certificates. The scorecards in the bachelor degree must meet the specific requirement set by universities.
To study MSW in UK, Students need to hold a Bachelor degree in social science with a major in human services, community services, social science, psychology, community health etc. from an accredited institution with a minimum of upper second class grades.
Some universities also accept applicants with bachelor degrees in an irrelevant field as long as the student's application is competent and buttressed by a minimum of 2 years of experience in the social work field.
The minimum cut-off scores for Top social work universities in the UK for master of social work program are:
IELTS: 6.5- 7.0, with a minimum of 6.0-7.0 in each band
TOEFL: 85- 100, with a minimum subscore of 23
PTE: 58-68, with a minimum subscore of 58- 65
Top Social Work Universities in UK: Masters in Social Work Tuition fees
Average Annual tuition fees in GBP
Top Social Work Universities in UK: PhD in Social Work
Doctor of Social work or PhD in Social Work is from 3 to 5 years long in UK.
PhD in Social Work Courses in UK
Social Work degrees
Doctor of Social Work
PhD in Social Work
PhD Social Work
Social Work PhD
Social Work (PhD)
Applicants need to hold a bachelor degree in social work with a research component.
Applicants need to complete a thesis-based master degree or a course-based master degree with a research component or equivalent and also complete a thesis.
For almost every PhD program in Social work, candidates need to find and finalize the supervisor.
The international students from English, not speaking countries need to take the English proficiency test and bring minimum scores of:
IELTS: IELTS Academic of 6.5, with a minimum of 6.0 in each band
TOEFL: 79, with a minimum subscore of 19 in each band
Top Social Work Universities in UK: PhD in Social Work Tuition fees
The fees for a doctorate degree in social science can cost from GBP 12,000 to 40,000 per year for international students in UK. Nevertheless, via financial aids like scholarships and assistantships, international students can study PhD in Social Work for free in the UK
Annual tuition fees in GBP
Brunel London University
Top Social Work Universities in UK: Scholarships
Developing Solutions Masters Scholarship
50 to 100% waiver on tuition fees
South Asia Postgraduate Excellence Award
Up to GBP 4.000
Achievement Scholarship
Excellence Scholarship
Undergraduate Global Excellence Scholarships
starting from £5,000, payable as a reduction of the international tuition fee for the first year of study.
President's Undergraduate Scholarship
£1,000 for each undergraduate year of study (for a maximum of four years).
Imperial Bursary
Up to £5,000/year,
Vice-Chancellor's International Attainment Scholarship 2021
2500 reduction of tuition fee
International Postgraduate Taught Scholarship
Brunel Graduate Discount
15% of tuition fee
Manchester Alumni Scholarship
GBP 3,000
GREAT Scholarship 2020
Top Social Work Universities in UK: Career Opportunities
According to Payscale, The top highest paying cities in the UK for Social work positions are London (£31 per hour), Taunton (£30.7 per hour), Bradford (£29.41 per hour), Gloucester (£26.97 per hour), and Worcester (£26.49 per hour).
After graduating from popular social work Universities in UK, you can find jobs in leading UK companies hiring social workers such as Maxxima, Tower Hamlets and East London NHS Foundation Trust.
This is what the average salary looks like for social work professionals in UK. Keep in mind that the salary varies with experience, skills, companies, and degrees.
Social Work jobs in UK
Social Work graduates average salary per year in Euro
Mental Health Consultant
Child Care Service Manager
Child, Family or School Social Worker
Homeless Shelter Worker
Top ranking UK universities in 2021 [Top 10]
Higher education in the UK is a goal for countless international students. The excellent education system, most revered universities, global outreach, diverse fields, and job opportunities allure stud
Karuna KarkiSat Apr 10 2021
Best and affordable universities in UK for international students
Best and affordable universities in UK for international students. Universities with lower tuition fees in the UK. Cheap Universities in UK.
Shanti RanaWed May 12 2021

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Home Breaking News The first since Khashoggi's murder… Will Macron's visit break bin Salman's international...
The first since Khashoggi's murder… Will Macron's visit break bin Salman's international isolation?
French President Emmanuel Macron has been criticized in Europe for his visit to Saudi Arabia, accused of seeking to break the international isolation imposed on Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, since the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
During the past hours, Macron arrived in Saudi Arabia as part of a Gulf tour that included Qatar and the UAE. Macron met the crown prince in the city of Jeddah on the Red Sea, on the last leg of his two-day Gulf tour.
Thus, Macron is one of the first Western leaders to meet Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia since the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 in his country's consulate in Istanbul.
For three years, the leaders of Western countries, according to the British Guardian newspaper, avoided direct meeting with the Saudi crown prince, including US President Joe Biden, whose administration had announced that it would limit its communication with Riyadh through King Salman bin Abdulaziz.
'internationally rehabilitated'
Observers consider that Macron's visit is a milestone for the crown prince, and that it will contribute to attempts to help him repair the damage caused to his international standing since he was accused of killing Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, according to the Wall Street Journal.
Ayham Kamel, director of the Middle East and North Africa department at Eurasia Group, believes that part of Macron's visit to Jeddah is to help rehabilitate the crown prince internationally.
The researcher at the Geneva Center for International Studies, Nasser Zuhair, confirmed that Macron's visit will encourage many European leaders and leaders to hold direct meetings with the Saudi Crown Prince during the coming period.
In an interview with Al-Hurra website, Zuhair added that international relations and interests do not stop at such issues.
Khashoggi, 59, was killed inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in early October 2018, in a crime that shook world public opinion, while Riyadh denied any involvement of the crown prince in the case.
And last February, US intelligence agencies published a report that said they believed Prince Mohammed bin Salman had approved the killing of Khashoggi.
On Friday, Macron said that it was necessary to dialogue with Saudi Arabia, "the first Gulf country in terms of size", to be able to "work on the stability of the region."
But he added, "This does not mean that we are satisfied," referring to the Khashoggi murder case. "I note that Saudi Arabia organized the G20 summit the year after (Khashoggi's murder) and I did not notice that many powers boycotted the G20," Macron added.
"We have always been clear on the issue of human rights or this issue," the French president emphasized.
"French consent"
And Bruce Riedel, a researcher in the Brookings Intelligence Project, said during an interview with the Guardian that the meeting between the two men would give French approval to Mohammed bin Salman towards his policy "and his war in Yemen." Riedel stressed that this visit removes the last manifestation of Western rejection of Saudi behavior in Yemen, as he put it.
A political analyst specializing in European affairs, Muhammad Kalshi, believes that the world has bypassed the Khashoggi case in its relations with the Kingdom, noting that the issue, despite its importance, has become the second most important issue compared to other international issues that have presented themselves on the international scene.
In his interview with Al-Hurra, Kalashi stated that this visit has nothing to do with the Khashoggi case, but rather deals with regional and international issues, stressing that Saudi Arabia has bypassed this issue.
And the former advisor to the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Salem Al-Yami, confirmed that the Crown Prince during the past months had made many contacts with a number of world leaders, stressing that what was preventing his travel was the outbreak of the Corona epidemic.
In his interview with Al-Hurra, Al-Yami added that the Kingdom has hosted during the past months many international conferences and summits attended by world leaders, stressing that with every European visit to the Kingdom, human rights issues are raised in an attempt to thwart the visit.
human rights criticism
Rights groups have criticized Macron's visit. "Whatever the strategic interest of France in Saudi Arabia, nothing can justify giving legitimacy to a ruler who kills journalists, threatens activists and imprisons women human rights defenders," said Agnes Callamard, a French national who serves as Amnesty International's Secretary General, objecting to the meeting between the two leaders. ".
Human Rights Watch criticized French arms sales to the region, and said Macron should speak out about human rights violations during his visit to some Gulf Arab countries.
The researcher at the Geneva Center stressed that the main purpose of this visit is for France to present itself as a reliable player in the Middle East through economic and defense relations, and the conclusion of arms deals, especially with the "US trend to reduce its presence in the Middle East."
He pointed out that Macron is seeking to strengthen French-Saudi relations and try to solve the Gulf-Lebanese crisis.
The researcher expected that other European leaders would follow Macron's example, in visiting the Kingdom during the coming period, and meeting the Saudi Crown Prince.
Khashoggis
Salmans
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Opternative, Inc., has introduced what it calls the first web-based, voice-activated vision test. Users can now renew their prescription online using only a mobile device, even if their prescription has changed.
The technology uses voice recognition software from Google, IBM Watson and Microsoft to enable a voice-guided vision test. It is designed to understand a patient's voice commands, and to efficiently move them through the less than 15-minute online vision test, allowing a seamless conversation to occur.
The mobile-only device test is a complement to Opternative's existing dual device solution using a computer and a smartphone.


text:
Q: powershell cmdlet in visual studio 2017, deserialization method I have got a problem with undestanding powershell cmdlet.
Task is, to deserialize a xml file. I have got a folder with a lot of xml files, I would like to read in an filter certain information using the deserializiation method. My supervisor mentioned that I should use powershell cmdlet... but I haven't heard anything of it before. So what is the benefit? And how do I create such a cmdlet.
That is my code so far:
using System;
using System.IO;
using System.Xml;
using System.Xml.Serialization;
using System.Collections.Generic;
using System.Text;
using System.Management.Automation;

namespace EdocX
{
    [Cmdlet(VerbsCommon.Get, "test", SupportsShouldProcess = true)]
    public class program : Cmdlet
    {
        public static string dirPath = @"N:\EGS_SDRE\OB\19_Schnittstellen_eDocX_ITAS\06_Matching EdocX-Objektbrief\01_exemplarische_XMLs_fuer_den_Import\RWA-Anlage"
        public static List<string> dirs = new List<string>(Directory.GetFiles(dirPath, "*.xml"));
        public static (string[], string[], string[,], string[,], string[,]) deserializeobject(string filename)
        {
            // Liste Prüfgrundlagen
            List<string> pg = new List<string>();
            pg.Add("GaVO");
            pg.Add("VkVO");
            pg.Add("VStättVO");
            pg.Add("SPrüfV");
            pg.Add("BetrVO");
            pg.Add("BbgSGPrüfV");
            pg.Add("BremAnlPrüfV");
            pg.Add("PVO");
            pg.Add("TPrüfVO");
            pg.Add("BauPrüfVO M-V");
            pg.Add("DVO-NBauO");
            pg.Add("PrüfVO NRW");
            pg.Add("HTechAnlV RP");
            pg.Add("TPrüfVO");
            pg.Add("SächsTechPrüfVO");
            pg.Add("TAnlVO");
            pg.Add("PrüfVO");
            pg.Add("ThürTechPrüfVO");

            // Auftraggeber - Var
            string[] Auftraggeber;
            string Name_AG = "";
            string Stadt_AG = "";
            string PLZ_AG = "";
            string Straße_AG = "";
            string Hausnummer_AG = "";
            string Region_AG = "";
            string PARNR_AG = "";

            // Aufstellungsort - Var
            string[] Aufstellungsort;
            string Name_AO = "";
            string Stadt_AO = "";
            string PLZ_AO = "";
            string Straße_AO = "";
            string Hausnummer_AO = "";
            string Region_AO = "";
            string Land_AO = "";

            // Anlage - Var
            string[,] Anlagen;
            string Materialnummer = "";
            string EQnummer = "";
            string Anlagentyp = "RWA-Anlage";
            string[] InterneBezeichnung;
            string[] Hersteller;

            // Vorgang rückgemeldet - Var
            string[,] Vorgang_rückgemeldet;
            string Typ_VR = "Prüfung";
            string Dienstleister = "TÜV SÜD Industrie Service GmbH";
            string Durchführungsdatum = "";
            string Maengel = "";
            string Bemerkungstexte = "";
            string Pruefgrundlage_VR = "";

            // Vorgang zukünftig - Var
            string[,] Vorgang_zukünftig;
            string Typ_VZ = "Prüfung";
            string Fälligkeit = "";
            string Pruefgrundlage_VZ = "";

            //****************************************************************************************************
            //********************************************SERIALIZATION*******************************************

            // new instance of XMLSerializer --> specifiying type
            var serializer = new XmlSerializer(typeof(Document));

            // read the XML document
            Encoding.RegisterProvider(CodePagesEncodingProvider.Instance);
            var encoding = Encoding.GetEncoding("Windows-1252");
            using (var sr = new StreamReader(filename, encoding, true))
            using (var reader = XmlReader.Create(sr))
            {
                // restore the object's state using the deserialize method
                var i = (Document)serializer.Deserialize(reader);

                //---------------------------------------Auftraggeber-----------------------------------------------
                int count_Z1ZRMPA = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA.Count;
                for (int c = 0; c < count_Z1ZRMPA; c++)
                {
                    if (i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].TITLE == "Auftraggeber")
                    {
                        Name_AG = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].NAME1 + i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].NAME2;
                        Stadt_AG = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].CITY1;
                        PLZ_AG = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].POST_CODE1;
                        Straße_AG = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].STREET;
                        Hausnummer_AG = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].HOUSE_NUM1;
                        Region_AG = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].REGION;
                        PARNR_AG = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].PARNR;
                    }

                    //---------------------------------------Aufstellungsort----------------------------------------
                    if (i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].TITLE == "Aufstellungsort")
                    {
                        Name_AO = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].NAME1 + i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].NAME2;
                        Stadt_AO = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].CITY1;
                        PLZ_AO = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].POST_CODE1;
                        Straße_AO = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].STREET;
                        Hausnummer_AO = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].HOUSE_NUM1;
                        Region_AO = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].REGION;
                        Land_AO = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMPA[c].COUNTRY;
                    }
                }

                //---------------------------------------Anlage----------------------------------------------------
                Materialnummer = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.MABEZ;
                EQnummer = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.OBJNR;
                int count_ANLAGEPRFTXT = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.ANLAGE.PRFTXT.Count;
                int AnzahlAnlagen = count_ANLAGEPRFTXT - 1;
                InterneBezeichnung = new string[AnzahlAnlagen];
                Hersteller = new string[AnzahlAnlagen];

                for (int c = 1; c < count_ANLAGEPRFTXT; c++)
                {
                    InterneBezeichnung[c - 1] = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.ANLAGE.PRFTXT[c].ENTRBEREICH;
                    Hersteller[c - 1] = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.ANLAGE.PRFTXT[c].HERSTELLER;
                }
                //---------------------------------------Vorgang rückgemeldet-------------------------------------
                Durchführungsdatum = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.DATEN.Pruefungszeitraum;
                int count_PRFTXT = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT.Count;
                for (int c = 0; c < count_PRFTXT; c++)
                {
                    if (i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].KATEGORIE == "Grundlage")
                    {
                        string Pruefgrundlage = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].Value;
                        int count_pg = pg.Count;
                        for (int cc = 0; cc < count_pg; cc++)
                        {
                            if (Pruefgrundlage.Contains(pg[cc]) == true)
                            {
                                Pruefgrundlage_VR = pg[cc];
                            }
                        }
                    }

                    if (i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].ROWTYPE == "Zwischenüberschrift" && i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].PATTERN == "@KATEGORIE[../@KATEGORIE='Mangel' and ../@GEWICHT[not(contains(.,'Beseitigt'))]]")
                    {
                        string Maengelabruf = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].Value;
                        if (Maengelabruf == "Mängel")
                        {
                            Maengel = "Mängel_ja";
                        }
                        else
                        {
                            Maengel = "Mängel_nein";
                        }
                    }

                    if (i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].ROWTYPE == "Mangel" && i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].PATTERN == "@KATEGORIE[../@KATEGORIE='Mangel' and ../@GEWICHT[not(contains(.,'Beseitigt'))]]")
                    {
                        string Bemerkungstext = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].Value;
                        Bemerkungstexte += " " + Bemerkungstext;
                    }
                }

                //---------------------------------------Vorgang zukünftig--------------------------------------

                int count_Z1ZRMAU = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMAU.Count;
                for (int c = 0; c < count_Z1ZRMAU; c++)
                {
                    if (i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMAU[c].MNAME == "Nächste Wiederkehrende Prüfung")
                    {
                        Fälligkeit = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.Z1ZRMAU[c].MWERT;
                    }
                }
                for (int c = 0; c < count_PRFTXT; c++)
                {
                    if (i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].KATEGORIE == "Grundlage")
                    {
                        string Pruefgrundlage = i.IDOC.Z1ZRMDB.PRFBER.PRFERG.PRFTXT[c].Value;
                        int count_pg = pg.Count;
                        for (int cc = 0; cc < count_pg; cc++)
                        {
                            if (Pruefgrundlage.Contains(pg[cc]) == true)
                            {
                                Pruefgrundlage_VZ = pg[cc];
                            }
                        }
                    }
                }

                Auftraggeber = new string[7];
                Aufstellungsort = new string[7];
                Anlagen = new string[AnzahlAnlagen, 5];
                Vorgang_rückgemeldet = new string[AnzahlAnlagen, 6];
                Vorgang_zukünftig = new string[AnzahlAnlagen, 3];
            }

            Auftraggeber[0] = Name_AG;
            Auftraggeber[1] = Stadt_AG;
            Auftraggeber[2] = PLZ_AG;
            Auftraggeber[3] = Straße_AG;
            Auftraggeber[4] = Hausnummer_AG;
            Auftraggeber[5] = Region_AG;
            Auftraggeber[6] = PARNR_AG;

            Aufstellungsort[0] = Name_AO;
            Aufstellungsort[1] = Stadt_AO;
            Aufstellungsort[2] = PLZ_AO;
            Aufstellungsort[3] = Straße_AO;
            Aufstellungsort[4] = Hausnummer_AO;
            Aufstellungsort[5] = Region_AO;
            Aufstellungsort[6] = Land_AO;

            for (int j = 0; j < Anlagen.GetLength(0); j++)
            {
                Anlagen[j, 0] = Materialnummer;
                Anlagen[j, 1] = EQnummer;
                Anlagen[j, 2] = Anlagentyp;
                Anlagen[j, 3] = InterneBezeichnung[j];
                Anlagen[j, 4] = Hersteller[j];

                Vorgang_rückgemeldet[j, 0] = Typ_VR;
                Vorgang_rückgemeldet[j, 1] = Dienstleister;
                Vorgang_rückgemeldet[j, 2] = Durchführungsdatum;
                Vorgang_rückgemeldet[j, 3] = Maengel;
                Vorgang_rückgemeldet[j, 4] = Bemerkungstexte;
                Vorgang_rückgemeldet[j, 5] = Pruefgrundlage_VR;

                Vorgang_zukünftig[j, 0] = Typ_VZ;
                Vorgang_zukünftig[j, 1] = Fälligkeit;
                Vorgang_zukünftig[j, 2] = Pruefgrundlage_VZ;
            }

            return (Auftraggeber, Aufstellungsort, Anlagen, Vorgang_rückgemeldet, Vorgang_zukünftig);
        }
    }
}

And here the class to simulate the xml structure:
using System;
using System.Xml;
using System.Xml.Serialization;
using System.Collections.Generic;

namespace EdocX
{//ZRM01 Root Environment
    [Serializable()]
    [XmlRoot(ElementName = "ZRM01")]
    public partial class Document
    {
        [XmlElement()]
        public ZRM01IDOC IDOC { get; set; }
    }

    //IDOC
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOC
    {
        [XmlElement()]
        public ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDB Z1ZRMDB { get; set; }
    }

    //IDOC Elements
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDB
    {
        public string MABEZ { get; set; } // Materialnummer
        public string OBJNR { get; set; } // Equipmentnummer

        [XmlElement("Z1ZRMPA")]
        public List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBZ1ZRMPA> Z1ZRMPA = new List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBZ1ZRMPA>(); //{ get; set; }

        [XmlElement("Z1ZRMAU")]
        public List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBZ1ZRMAU> Z1ZRMAU = new List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBZ1ZRMAU>();

        [XmlElement()]
        public ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBER PRFBER { get; set; }
    }

    //Z1ZRMPA --> Mandant / Gebäude
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBZ1ZRMPA
    {
        [XmlAttribute()]
        public string TITLE { get; set; } // "Auftraggeber" "Aufstellungsort"

        [XmlElement()]
        public string PARNR { get; set; } // Parnr. (Mandant)

        [XmlElement()]
        public string NAME1 { get; set; } // Name

        [XmlElement()]
        public string NAME2 { get; set; } // Name

        [XmlElement()]
        public string CITY1 { get; set; } // Stadt

        [XmlElement()]
        public string POST_CODE1 { get; set; } // PLZ

        [XmlElement()]
        public string STREET { get; set; } // Straße

        [XmlElement()]
        public string HOUSE_NUM1 { get; set; } // Hausnummer

        [XmlElement()]
        public string REGION { get; set; } // Region

        [XmlElement()]
        public string COUNTRY { get; set; } // Land

    }

    //Z1ZRMAU
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBZ1ZRMAU
    {
        [XmlElement()]
        public string MNAME { get; set; } // "Nächste Wiederkehrende Prüfung"

        [XmlElement()]
        public string MWERT { get; set; } // Fälligkeit
    }

    //PRFBER Elemts
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBER
    {
        [XmlElement()]
        public ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERG PRFERG { get; set; }

        [XmlElement()]
        public ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERDATEN DATEN { get; set; }
    }

    //DATEN
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERDATEN
    {
        [XmlElement()]
        public string Pruefungszeitraum { get; set; } //Durchführungsdatum
    }

    //PRFERG Elements
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERG
    {
        [XmlElement()]
        public ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGANLAGE ANLAGE { get; set; }

        [XmlElement("PRFTXT")]
        public List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGPRFTXT> PRFTXT = new List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGPRFTXT>();
    }

    //ANLAGE
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGANLAGE
    {
        [XmlElement("PRFTXT")]
        public List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGANLAGEPRFTXT> PRFTXT = new List<ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGANLAGEPRFTXT>();
    }

    //PRFTXT
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGANLAGEPRFTXT
    {
        [XmlAttribute()]
        public string REF { get; set; } // Anzahl Anlagen

        [XmlAttribute()]
        public string HERSTELLER { get; set; } // Hersteller Anlage

        [XmlAttribute()]
        public string ENTRBEREICH { get; set; } // Interne Bezeichnung Anlage
    }

    //PRFTXT
    [Serializable()]
    public partial class ZRM01IDOCZ1ZRMDBPRFBERPRFERGPRFTXT
    {
        [XmlAttribute()]
        public string KATEGORIE { get; set; } // A"Grundlage" < ... >

        [XmlText()]
        public string Value { get; set; }

        [XmlAttribute()]
        public string ROWTYPE { get; set; } // "Zwischenüberschrift" (für Mangel ja/nein) "Mangel" (für Bemerkungstext)

        [XmlAttribute()]
        public string PATTERN { get; set; } // "@KATEGORIE[../@KATEGORIE='Mangel' and ../@GEWICHT[not(contains(.,'Beseitigt'))]]" < Mängel > bzw < ... >

    }
}

I'm very thankful for help!

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Stripsipher morulus är en skalbaggsart som beskrevs av Oliver Erichson Janson 1885. Stripsipher morulus ingår i släktet Stripsipher och familjen Cetoniidae. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Skalbaggar
morulus

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Hubspot's a great company. The marketing platform, service, support, training – are all world class. So why did I just downgrade our subscription?
Looking back, it basically came down to the fact that Hubspot didn't offer a CRM. We just weren't scaled to take on a monster CRM like SalesForce, which left us with no really great option to have a decent simple CRM connected to our marketing automation platform.
A few months back, I was introduced to one of Hubspot's competitors. They had a solid platform, were constantly innovating and launching new features, and came with a built in CRM. In addition, their pricing structure had some distinct advantages over Hubspot, including a lower full-featured entry point and pricing that caps off regardless of database size, which makes them a great fit for many of our clients.
When I put in my downgrade request, I was told to keep an eye out for a couple of upcoming changes that might affect my decision. At the time, it was unlikely that much of anything could sway me. I suspected that Hubspot would eventually launch a CRM as an upgrade to the contact manager within the marketing platform, which would have been interesting, but perhaps not quite enticing enough to reconsider. I couldn't have been more pleasantly surprised.
The CRM and Sidekick announcements were unexpected, extremely powerful, and very impressive. The CRM is simple and clean and, in combination with Sidekick, integrates perfectly with Hubspot's Inbound Marketing Platform, Google Apps Gmail, and Chrome to provide a truly seamless experience.
As a Hubspot Partner, I have early access to check out the platform while it's still in beta. I'm in early phases of digging in, but can already see how much of an impact it's going to make for our team in terms of streamlining workflow, creating major efficiencies for our database management efforts, and improving the overall consistency of our recordkeeping and communications.
Simplicity: The CRM is ready to go out of the box. All you have to do is sign up for the CRM, download the Sidekick extension, log in, and go. It does everything you need it to do, no additional configuration, setup, APIs, or otherwise.
Google Apps Integration: Emails sent from our Google Apps emails get mapped right into the contact record in the CRM by simply checking a box.
Communicate Directly from Hubspot's CRM: Not only are your external emails mapped to Hubspot, but you can also send and receive messages from your email account directly from the CRM. Hubspot also offers an outbound calling feature that allows you to place calls directly from the CRM with call recording attached directly to the contact record.
Google Apps Heads Up Display: Sidekick delivers a powerful heads up display in Google Apps email that provides great information and near seamless integration between Gmail and the CRM. Upon addressing or opening an email, the Sidekick sidebar pops up on the right hand side of the page, providing important company, contact, and social information on the contact, as well as the ability to add or view the contact in the CRM in a single click.
Chrome Heads Up Display: Sidekick also produces a prospecting sidebar that appears in Chrome web pages as the user browses through company websites. The sidebar provides a brief description of the company, information on revenue, a list of executives that you can email or add to CRM in a click, and a list of known competitors that you can click to.
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Experts analyse and debate recent developments across UK government, politics and policy
Economy & Society
Fairness and Equality
Electoral and Constitutional Reform
Party politics and elections
The EU referendum and some paradoxes of democratic legitimacy
Referendums are potentially destabilising in parliamentary democracies because they generate alternative, competing sources of legitimacy, writes Nat le Roux. A majority of elected representatives may hold one view on a matter of national importance, and if a referendum demonstrates that a majority of the public hold the opposite view, which manifestation of democratic legitimacy should trump the other?
In Britain, Parliamentary Sovereignty is the governing norm of the constitution: it would seem to follow that a Parliamentary majority can always overturn a referendum result. The reality, at least in the particular circumstances of the EU referendum, is less clear-cut:
The referendum result will be implemented, effectively irrevocably, if Britain invokes Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union. It may be that the Prime Minister can do this without consulting Parliament. If that is so, it can be argued that we now have a new constitutional principle under which, at least in particular cases, popular sovereignty as expressed in a referendum trumps Parliamentary Sovereignty.
On the other hand, if the invocation of Article 50 does require legislation, we should ask under what circumstances, and by what arguments, MPs can overturn the directly expressed views of the electorate without severely damaging the democratic legitimacy of Parliament itself.
The problem of competing legitimacies does not apply equally to all types of referendum. It is sometimes asserted that, because of the principle of Parliamentary Sovereignty, all referendums in the UK are advisory only. That is misleading. The AV referendum of 2011 sought popular endorsement for an AV voting system for which Parliament had already legislated in the Parliamentary Voting and Constituencies Act 2011. If the referendum result had been in favour of AV, the new voting system would have been introduced without further recourse to Parliament. Parliament could of course have legislated subsequently to repeal or amend the Act, but a post-legislative referendum of this type cannot properly be described as advisory. Such a referendum may be held to lack legitimacy because turnout is very low, or the margin of victory very narrow, but there is no conflict of democratic legitimacies because MPs have determined in advance the exact legal consequences of both possible referendum results.
By contrast, advisory referendums such as last month's EU referendum and the 2014 referendum on Scottish independence are by their nature capable of generating irresolvable paradoxes of legitimacy in the event of a vote against the status quo.
In these circumstances, those who voted with the majority will understandably assume that, while the referendum may have been merely advisory in law, Government or Parliament will nonetheless act to implement the 'will of the people'.
Despite this, politicians may legitimately take the view that a referendum won by a very narrow margin is an insufficient mandate to change the status quo on an issue of major constitutional importance. In the aftermath of the EU referendum, the great majority of politicians have expressed the view that a 51.9 per cent vote for Brexit should be accepted as decisive. That is understandable: a significant part of the Leave vote represented a generalised protest against the political elite, and it would be unwise for that elite to reject the outcome too readily. However nor would it be surprising if this consensus begins to erode over the coming months. (It is also interesting to speculate whether the same consensus would exist today if Leave had won with – say – 50.5 per cent of the vote.)
The problem of legitimacy is compounded in referendums about sovereignty because the consequences of the two possible outcomes are not symmetrical. A 'Leave' vote, if implemented, is effectively irreversible: a 'Remain' vote leaves open the possibility of future referendums on the same issue. For this reason, many constitutional commentators believe that sovereignty referendums should require some form of super-majority – 60 per cent of votes cast is the threshold most commonly suggested – to overturn the status quo. The legislation which provided for the 1979 referendum on Scottish devolution set a threshold for implementation of 40 per cent of the registered electorate, a deliberately high hurdle which was not achieved. To date, all advisory referendums in the UK have been winnable by simple majority.
In retrospect, it might seem sensible from a constitutional perspective to have applied threshold provisions in both the Scottish independence and EU referendums. However from David Cameron's point of view that would have jeopardised their political purpose, which was to neuter demands for independence and Brexit respectively.
There is then the topical question of whom the electorate was 'advising' in the referendum: the Prime Minister and his Government, or Parliament? Before polling day, in so far as the matter was considered at all, it was generally assumed that in the event of a Leave vote the Prime Minister would in due course use his prerogative power to invoke Article 50 without consulting Parliament. That view was challenged last week by three academic lawyers in an influential post on the UK Constitutional Law Association website, arguing that the decision properly belongs with Parliament and requires legislation. Leading constitutional experts including Lord Pannick and Sir Malcolm Jack, former Clerk of the Commons, take the same view.
At the time of writing, three separate groups of litigants have announced their intention to initiate judicial review proceedings to compel the Government to place the matter before Parliament. The legal arguments around this issue are not considered here, but will be the subject of a forthcoming Constitution Society paper by Dr Andrew Blick and Richard Gordon QC.
Let us assume for the present that the Supreme Court holds that invocation of Article 50 requires legislation, or alternatively that the new Prime Minister decides that it is right to refer the matter to Parliament in any event. How should a principled MP decide which way to vote, assuming a free vote is permitted, as it was on the first two occasions that Parliament voted on the principle of joining the European Economic Community (on the third occasion in 1971 Labour whipped against)?
Liam Fox recently expressed the view that any MP who tries to block Brexit 'I don't think deserves to have a place in the House of Commons. Their voters should want to ask whether they have a right to represent them if that's the opinion they take.' A more balanced assessment would suggest that an MP who felt it right to vote against the invocation of Article 50 could justify his position on at least three types of ground. None of these arguments is decisive, but nor are they evidently unreasonable:
The referendum result is an insufficient mandate to implement a major, irreversible constitutional change: the result was very close and showed the country effectively split down the middle; the Leave campaign told significantly bigger lies than Remain; many voters did not properly understand the consequences of Brexit.
The situation has changed fundamentally since 23rd June: we are in the midst of a balance of payments crisis and the economy is heading into recession; the international security situation has deteriorated over the summer; the polls suggest that Remain would secure a decisive majority in a second referendum (assuming any of this so transpires)
An MP's duty is to his or her constituents. Burkean purists will take the view that an MP should vote according to her conscience in what she believes to be the interests of her constituents. An alternative argument is that an MP should vote to reflect the views of a majority of his constituents ('their voters', pace De Fox). Certainly it would seem odd if a London MP felt obliged to vote for Article 50 because of the national referendum result when a significant majority of her own constituents voted Remain. The case of Scotland seems especially clear: all SNP MPs would vote against Article 50, and it is difficult to argue that they would be wrong to do so.
What if Parliament declines to invoke Article 50, a not unlikely outcome given that a substantial majority of sitting MPs are Remainers by personal conviction? The constitutional position would be that Parliament had sought the advice of the electorate in a referendum and decided, on reflection, to reject that advice. Politically, the matter would clearly not end there. A general election or – horrific to contemplate – a second referendum would seem unavoidable.
Please note this article first appeared at the Constitution Society blog.
Nat le Roux is Strategy Director of The Constitution Society. He writes here in a personal capacity.
Featured imaged: UK Parliament (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
July 14th, 2016|Brexit, BrexitVote, Featured|8 Comments
Tom Austin January 7, 2017 at 7:51 am - Reply
"However from David Cameron's point of view that would have jeopardised their political purpose, which was to neuter demands for independence and Brexit respectively."
-This is perhaps too generous, or too broad – the real problem may simply have been trouble within the Conservative Party:As they fronted both campaigns. A win-win was on the cards.
-Its hardly a matter of being a "Burkean purist" to expect 'common sense', or the common weal, to feature in the thinking and decisions of Parliament.
Why have a Parliament at all if lies without consequences – made on the hoof, would suffice?
Parliament – the HoCs in particular, seems to have dropped the ball early on:Had they thought to exercise their constitutional (sovereign) position and and set down for the advisory referendum's response to come before the House;to be poured over – along with the context under which the referendum had been run, and then made the final decision:All would be well.
Finally: As Democracy should trump Party Politics, the only way forward now is to have a general election. Parliament's 'dereliction of duty' broke it, they seem unwilling (perhaps 'frit) to fix it, so the matter must return to the electorate – in such a way as to require that MPs/Partys have some skin in the game;at long last.
Alan Burnside August 19, 2016 at 10:50 am - Reply
The only legitimate way to stop Brexit is for a general election in which one or more parties campaign to stay in the EU. Should such a party or parties obtain a majority then their Government will have a democratic mandate to overturn the referendum result.
Without the endorsement of a general election result based on Remain vs Brexit MPs who claim a higher obligation than the referendum risk either deselection of rejection at the polls. The Remain voters fail to understand the depth of feeling among Brexit supporters and should stop this patronising nonsense that they didn't understand the debate. The problem was that the current political parties didn't understand their own voters.
oatc July 24, 2016 at 6:00 pm - Reply
What seems overlooked is that when a "referendum" such as this is accepted as of overriding legitimacy then there is totalitarian rule by the majority of those voting, and that, in such circumstances of majority dictatorship minorities have no rights.
The UK has no constitution. The only protections of minorities are the laws produced by parliament. Parliament, over the centuries, has enacted laws, and enabled courts to build case law, that have constructed what is usually seen as a world leading set of protections for most minorities, as long as parliament remains supreme, and of the same mind. Those protections in turn are seen as the bedrock of a stability, a safety. Based on those many people, and corporations, have come to, or grown in, or invested in the UK, leading to great prosperity at times.
After WWII most of those it had affected felt a need to do everything possible to prevent a recurrence, anywhere. Many from the UK contributed to creating treaties and structures to provide stability, protect minorities, resolve conflicts at the earliest possible stage. British legal concepts combined with traditions of written constitutions to provide tangible manifestations of protections. And Britain signed almost all of them, pressing others to do the same. However, keeping its parliamentary tradition none of those were actually accessible by British people (known as subjects rather than citizens) within Britain unless they were translated into British law by the UK parliament. Many of those rights were never so enacted, or were done so incompletely, or with distortions.
But then the UK committed itself further to the EU, as part of obtaining its own (and its prime, US ally's) foreign policy objective of hugely enlarging the EU to incorporate former eastern-block states. All British subjects because additionally EU citizens, along with the citizens of every other EU state, with rights determined and protected by the EU mechanisms as well the UK parliament. Those mechanisms include a directly elected European Parliament, and a requirement that any change to the treaty required approval by all the national parliaments. The EU at the same time made the European Convention of Human Rights part of EU law too. So the rights under that convention – which the UK had also helped write, and promote, independently of the developing EU – also had to be directly accessible by British EU citizens, rather than as as a last resort after UK law had been exhausted – hence the Human Rights Act.
Among the rights to which British minorities have gained access as a result of the ECHR and EU mechanisms – which have been legislated by UK parliaments after being required by those mechanisms – are race, religious, gender, and disability, and to a lesser degree sexual orientation equality. Rights in the workplace, of consumer and environmental protection have mostly come from single market rules, in the face of lobbying by industrial forces that can have overwhelming economic power in individual nations. Although those rights have often achieved less than hoped, as yet, many people would be sorely exposed without them.
British governments and media (which are also often an industrial force with overwhelming economic power in the UK), and often social activists, have usually downplayed the role of those "foreign" factors, for obviously self-interested reasons, but any who rely upon those rights would be ill-advised to believe that, or that a reformed or evolved goodness of the British system means they are safe.
Just occasionally UK rights have been enacted that exceed, and perhaps would have led those of the EU, although very rarely those of pathfinding EU nations. Equality protection for sexual and gender minorities in schools, age protection, and same sex marriage are examples. But those depend – until the consensus of the ECHR's court, or the totality of the EU governments and parliaments catch up – upon the mood of the UK parliament.
All this seemed an impressively solid and vital edifice until the "referendum". But suddenly, and seemingly for the almost inadmissible reason of resolving internal Conservative party conflicts, a simple majority vote of the whole population was given veto power over that entire edifice, as well as its huge economic aspects. Maybe the Conservative leader, writing his election manifesto commitment (voted for by a small minority of the population of England alone) thought it was a mere formality, but the whole thing was drafted, planned, researched, and legislated in an almost unbelievably threadbare manner. Against everything one understood were protections against failings of UK parliamentary government, it seems no research or planning on an exit vote were ever done. No civil servant played through possible eventualities, warnings placed on record, no backs (or people) protected, no plans were in store, "just in case". Thus no consideration was done of the consequences for anyone, from the richest to the smallest, most vulnerable minorities.
To be candid that was illegal – the Human Rights Act, as well as such crucial instruments as the Northern Ireland settlement, required such work, and ministerial assurance that they have seen, studied, and satisfied themselves on compliance. But ministers have always treated treated that as a mere lip-service unless challenged.
So now we have a simple majority vote, after a campaign that seemed entirely unregulated in terms of what issues could be raised, what lies told, what promises made, and by whom, or who could be vilified, hardly scrutinised at all by the fourth estate, being held to require the ending (and being seen by some as effectively instantly ending) at least some of those minority rights. And remove EU citizenship – Farage actually waved his EU Citizen passport in front of a TV audience and demanded that he be deprived of that citizenship. Many are terrified. Some – people, employers, corporations – are packing to leave, to emigrate. Investors are selling up.
The perpetrators are setting forth to attempt the same in other EU nations.
Yet academics debate how this affects the ongoing balance of power. Maybe they see themselves as safely within the majority, or they have places of safety overseas.
No. This cannot be allowed to stand. The "majority" cannot be allowed unfettered power. Essential rights, hard won, at huge cost, cannot be removed in such a way. Our heritage means absolutely nothing if that is the case.
Elwyn Jones July 16, 2016 at 5:58 pm - Reply
Another name for a Referendum is a "plebiscite". – A plebiscite leads to rule by the plebs. – We got what we asked for.
The EU referendum and some paradoxes of democratic legitimacy : Democratic Audit UK July 15, 2016 at 1:01 pm - Reply
[…] democracies because they generate alternative, competing sources of legitimacy, writes Nat le Roux. A majority of elected representatives may hold one view on a matter of national importance, and if […]
Mary (Marette) Hickford July 15, 2016 at 11:44 am - Reply
I think there should be legislation to confirm the referendum with the MPs representing the result in their constituencies – simple. However, I think there should be legislation for the negotiations and what politicians will present to the EU.
I also think UK law affected by Brexit should involve public as well. Do individuals and organisations really want to start lobbying for legislation which they had secured through the EU?
Dodgy Geezer July 14, 2016 at 8:47 pm - Reply
…if a referendum demonstrates that a majority of the public hold the opposite view, which manifestation of democratic legitimacy should trump the other? …
The EU has addressed this very question several times over the past few years. Their definitive answer is:
1) – electorates are to vote as many times as necessary until they get it right.
2) – if that's too much trouble, a referendum can be ignored anyway.
The European Parliament President Martin Schultz put it quite succinctly:
"It is not the EU philosophy that the crowd can decide its fate".
Sean Swan July 14, 2016 at 8:28 am - Reply
There is no paradox here. Parliament is NOT bound by any referendum 'binding' or not (who decides if a referendum is binding in the first place? Parliament, and what parliament has bound it can unbind). But parliament can decide to abide by the result of a referendum, as it has decided to do in this case. Deciding to abide by the result of a non-binding referendum is in fact the perfect example of parliamentary sovereignty.
It may well be the case that this decision was arrived at for reasons that are part party political, but parties are the very stuff of Parliament. As Dicey put it "party government has been for generations not the accident or the corruption but, so to speak, the very foundation of our constitutional system".. None of this impacts in any way on parliamentary sovereignty. Just because Parliament does not HAVE to do something, does not mean it surrenders sovereignty should it CHOOSE to do so anyway.
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Chipshol is a Dutch development company. The company was founded in 1986 by Jan Poot in The Hague.

Chipshol owns land around Schiphol Airport, with both residential and commercial locations. In total, Chipshol controlled 1483 acres of land. The company is headquartered in a business park near the airport.

The name Chipshol is derived from the name of the airport - Schiphol - and "Chip", from the high-tech industry which Poot planned to bring to the region in a new airport city.

Chipshol Affair
The Chipshol Affair was a legal issue over land around Schiphol. The legal issue started in 1993 and was closed in 2014. The matter revolved around the Chipshol company, the Dutch central government, the judiciary and Schiphol airport.

In the mid 1980s Jan Poot began to acquire farming land in the area of Schiphol airport. Chipshol, the company which he subsequently formed to manage the assets and which is run by his son Peter, was the largest private owner of land in the area adjacent to the airport. Imagining that cities would grow around airports, as Amsterdam itself had grown around its seaport, Poot sought to build an Airport City.

Poot presented his plans to the management of Schiphol airport, but was turned away. Chipshol then ran into development issues when the airport expressed concerns for aviation safety and other considerations that were not applied to other developers in the same vicinity. In the 1980s, the company owned over 1200 acres, and after the lawsuits and planning measures, the Poot's lost control of over 900 acres.

Since then, a sequence of events outlined in several lawsuits occurred that saw significant portions of the Poot's land confiscated with the help of the judiciary and Schiphol officials. Jan Poot and his son CEO Peter Poot started approximately one hundred lawsuits to recover the land. A Dutch clerk revealed two vice presidents of The Hague court had close ties to Chipshol's opponents. It was alleged to be the reason Chipshol lost the majority of its land. Jan Poot charged perjury in 2009, and only after public and media pressure did the Public Prosecutor decide to prosecute the judges, being the first time in Dutch legal history.

Two judges of The Hague court were accused of corruption and conspiracy to prevent Chipshol from building its airport city. Pieter Kalbfleisch, a former chairman of the Dutch Competition Authority NMA, was one of the judges named. The judges were acquitted.

References

External links
 Official website Chipshol
 The Chipshol Affair
 "Chipshol, What happened?", artikel RTV Noord-Holland, 2 November 2010
 Interview Peter Poot, TROS Nieuwsshow, 9 April 2011

Economy of the Netherlands
Haarlemmermeer


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