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NRA lobbyist, Kennel Club fighting Florida pet services bill
Animal services agencies across the country have been hurting since the recession, both with the explosion of pets from people who can no longer care for their pets, and funds being cut.
A Florida lawmaker wants to let voters decide if more money should go to animal service agencies.
But a powerful lobbyist, and veterinarians, are fighting the bill.
The Florida House of Representatives
Miami-Dade County lawmakers are pushing HB 1127, the Pet Trust Bill. The county's voters supported the idea last year. FL Rep. Frank Artiles, R-Miami, thinks other counties should have the right to do it.
The bill creates a special taxing district, and uses the tax money for all sorts of pet services, and specifically spaying and neutering pets. About 80 percent of the funds have to go to Spay and Neuter Programs.
Supporters say the spaying and neutering programs, in the long run, is cheaper than euthanasia, and is better at controlling the pet population.
But this bill didn't even get voted on in committee Thursday, because opposition was so strong.
Who was opposing?
Marion Hammer, president of the Unified Sportsmen of Florida, and National Rifle Association lobbyist.
According to the Miami Herald, Hammer told the committee that Florida would become a dumping ground for unwanted pets from other states.
"If this bill passes, Florida could become the pet welfare state of the nation," she said.
Veterinarians in Florida are also against this bill. The Florida Association of Kennel Clubs also opposes the bill. They don't like that property can be taxed to find these programs.
So it's not known what will happen to the bill in the Florida House. The companion bill in the Senate already passed its first committee. FL Sen. Gwen Margolis, D-Miami, is sponsoring the Senate's version.
If you want this bill passed in Florida (or you want it to fail), contact the members of the House committee on Local and Federal Affairs to try and get the bill back on the agenda for a vote. It has to pass the committees before it can get anywhere.
Here are the committee members and their contact information:
Gonzalez, Eduardo "Eddy" [R] Chair
Pilon, Ray [R] Vice Chair
Campbell, Daphne D. [D] Democratic Ranking Member
Bracy, Randolph [D]
Dudley, Dwight Richard [D]
Ingram, Clay [R]
La Rosa, Mike [R]
Magar, MaryLynn "ML" [R]
Moraitis, Jr., George R. [R]
Powell, Bobby [D]
Pritchett, Sharon [D]
Rangel, Ricardo [D]
Raschein, Holly Merrill [R]
Rodríguez, José Javier [D]
Santiago, David [R]
Smith, Jimmie T. [R]
Stone, Charlie [R]
Van Zant, Charles E. [R]
Also, if you live in Florida, you can find your state representative HERE. You can also find your state senator HERE.
Later this week we'll talk about other animal-related bills up for a vote in Florida's 60-Day Legislative Session.
GizmoGeodog April 8, 2013 at 1:14 PM
You know I really want to like this bill, but a quick reading left me cold...It's a good start, but not fully thought out and needs work...Right now if put before the voters it would probably fail
lifewithbeagle April 8, 2013 at 5:33 PM
Well I think a lot of those particulars would be left up to the individual counties who want to enact the bill. All this does is authorize the counties to create the idea and put it for a vote. Still three committees to go through, so there's still time.
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Gift Guide for teen girls – We will be showing you 100+ gift ideas for her, these are good gifts for girls or a girlfriend, sister, mom or friend. Hope these gift ideas help you with your shopping or put them on your own wish list.
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Fabric Slides over the frame, zippers on bottom.
B1 Fire Rated Printed Stretch Fabric.
Hardware, Fabric (1.68 lbs.), and shipping box - 34.5x12x7.5 15.18 lbs.
• Page Size with Bleed: 38" wide x 95.5" high.
• Actual Graphics Area of the frame size: 36" wide x 93.5" high.
• CMYK color space is best, RGB works okay.
• Large files should be uploaded after the order is placed using the "File Upload" tab at the top of the website..
3x8 Zip Stand Template - to save this file to your computer, simply right click and "save link as".


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Carnero Creek is a stream in the U.S. state of Arizona.

Carnero is a name derived from Spanish meaning "sheep".

See also
 List of rivers of Arizona

References

Rivers of Apache County, Arizona
Rivers of Arizona

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Ohio voters cast 3.149 million ballots in last fall's election, but only just over a dozen voters statewide face potential prosecution for fraud. Secretary of State Jon Husted unveiled the 14 cases of suspected illegal voting on Thursday while releasing the results of a review by his office and the 88 county boards of elections of 42 "irregularities."
Ohio voters cast 3.149 million ballots in last fall�s election, but only just over a dozen voters statewide face potential prosecution for fraud.
Two Franklin County voters were found to also have cast ballots in Kentucky and Illinois following an interstate check of votes cast involving 27 of the 50 states, Husted said.
The two cases are being referred to the office of Attorney General Mike DeWine for potential prosecution, Husted said.
Two voter fraud cases in Delaware County were referred by the board of elections to Prosecutor Carol O�Brien for potential charges. The type of suspected fraud was not detailed.
Suspected voter fraud cases also were referred for prosecution in Clermont, Hamilton, Meigs, Summit and Warren counties.
The review found no cases of voters being denied a ballot or claiming suppression of their right to vote, Husted said in a statement.
Boards of elections prevented every attempt by an individual to cast multiple ballots and no fraudulent votes played a role in deciding a local election or issue, he said.


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What's to Like about "Inglourious Basterds"?
I didn't see Inglourious Basterds in the theater. It sat in my Amazon Video on Demand queue until last night.
I know it was a popular nominee for various Academy Awards recently. But I haven't read any reviews and I'm not sure I ever saw a trailer. That's all for the good. I didn't know what to expect, and that surely made seeing the movie a better experience. Read more of this post
Filed under Alternate Possibilities, Counterfactuals, Deception, Film Reviews, Leadership, Luck, Mystery/Suspense, Native American Wisdom, Tom Tykwer, Tragedy, War, War Scenes, World War 2 Tagged with Film Reviews, French Resistance, German Occupation of France, Nazi Germany, Quentin Tarantino
Adam Sandler Rides Again
He rides a red horse, a motorcycle, a chariot, and (almost) drives a red Ferrari. Adam Sandler is in fine form with his usual lack of finesse as comic hero Skeeter Bronson in Bedtime Stories (distributed by Walt Disney Pictures). Sandler's basic costume is a handyman uniform. But the actor is kept busy changing in and out of cowboy chaps and gladiator garb for period performances of his imagination.
As children, Skeeter and his sister, Wendy, had helped their father run a splendidly modest motel. Marty Bronson had been a wonderful father, indicated especially by his storytelling powers. But, as fate would have it, he was a lousy businessman. Of economic necessity, Marty signed his cherished family business over to a charmer named Barry Nottingham. Young Skeeter was witness to this unfortunate transaction, and the insincere promise from Nottingham that the boy would run the place, if he chose to, once he was old enough.
The story gets going some years later, when Nottingham emerges as an unscrupulous tycoon with an odd aversion to ordinary germs and a bad-girl daughter who is inexplicably chased about by admiring paparazzi. (Think Paris Hilton.) Nottingham retains Skeeter, not to run the company as promised, but as chief fix-it man. Responsibility for managing the firm is left to a conniving fellow named Kendall, who courts Nottingham's daughter, Violet, in a scheme to succeed the aging tycoon.
Just when old man Nottingham has announced that Kendall is to be promoted, and Skeeter concludes that life's true stories have no good endings, Wendy, now single mother of two, has a favor to ask. She needs Skeeter to be night-time sitter for the children while she's away for several days to interview for a job. Skeeter has no natural affinity for Bobbi and Patrick, and no idea how he's supposed to keep them entertained when they've lived in a protective bubble—without television, camping experiences, and the like.
One of the best scenes of the film captures the first night Skeeter has charge of the children. They ship off to bed happily enough. But Skeeter, they tell him, must read them a bedtime story. He samples the titles of books in their bedroom collection. The titles humorously reveal the uptight habits of their mother, obviously stricken with politically correct inhibitions about the environment and personal safety. To avoid rehearsing this "communist" propaganda with niece and nephew, Skeeter proposes that he make up a story, like his old man did when he was a kid.
Naturally, the movie revolves around these bedtime stories. Instantly warming to the idea, the children insist on modified endings to Skeeter's tales, which are told with gusto and feature himself as the conspicuous hero. Amazingly (and this we know already from the previews for the film), events during the next day parallel the story line, conclusion and all, of the previous night's tale.
It's never sorted out how these daily coincidences are fated to occur. The family guinea pig, a recurring presence in the film, has something to do with it, apparently. What that is, you might say, is a lacuna in the story. At any rate, the coincidence is plain, and once he catches on, Skeeter takes pains to arrange for a day that will turn to his advantage with the lovely Violet Nottingham and the graces of her doddering dad. Adventures ensue, but never with the blessed results eagerly anticipated by Skeeter.
Meanwhile, the children are tended during the day by a wholesome female friend of Wendy's. Jill harbors understandable misgivings about Skeeter, whose sensibilities tend toward the reckless and irresponsible. The moderate tension that defines their relationship is one of several plot twists that must be resolved for the movie to come to a complete and satisfying ending. (This probably makes the movie sound more subtle and sophisticated than it is.)
While watching this movie, you may be reminded, as I was, of two other fabulous movies (by "fabulous" I mean having no basis in reality)—The Princess Bride and Night at the Museum. For one scene in particular, and a good one at that, you may recall the classic film Ben Hur (which was loosely based on a true story of some significance).
With two exceptions, the characters are interesting enough. There's Violet Nottingham—nice on the eyes, but not nice—and Jill—easy on the eyes, and very nice. Violet is played by Teresa Palmer, 22-year-old Australian starlet with the possibility of a future in film. Kerry Russell, who plays Jill, will be recognized as the more experienced actress with significant roles in more substantial movies: as Lyla Novacek in August Rush (2007), the waitress, Jenna Hunterson, in Waitress (2007), and lead character Katie Armstrong in Rohtenburg (also known as Grimm Love) (2006)—recognized, that is, if you've seen any of these films. Russell is probably best known as the empathetic victim of a horrible explosion early in the film Mission: Impossible III (2006). Her performance in that role was brief, but very compelling.
British actor Richard Griffiths (b. 1947) is pleasing as Barry Nottingham. The comic lilt of his performance was, I'm sure, enhanced for me by my acquaintance with someone who is rather Nottingham-esque. Griffiths' claim to fame is as Uncle Vernon Dursley in the Harry Potter series. (An interesting fact about Griffiths is that his parents were both deaf; but in Bedtime Stories there's no obvious evidence that this contributed to his acting repertoire.)
The children, Bobbi and Patrick, are played by Laura Ann Kesling and Jonathan Morgan Heit, respectively. Both do a swell job. Kesling, for whom this is her film debut, I believe, is better than swell and doubtless has a future in acting. Her apparently spontaneous peels of bemused laughter are endearing. They may well be truly spontaneous, which would be a credit to Adam Sandler as a demonstrated laugh-maker by nature.
Sandler has more movies to his credit than I've seen. But of those I've seen, he's at his best in Bedtime Stories. (It should be noted that he is also producer of this film, which may account for much of its comic genius.) Here, Sandler isn't slapstick funny. He isn't funny for funny's sake. Funny seems to come naturally to his character as a means of dealing with the pain of loneliness and ignominy. But the almost incessant playfulness has understated moments, and in general it doesn't betray the deep bitterness many would feel in his situation. There are worse ways of dealing with disappointments in life than to make light of their occurrence. I like this complexity about the character, even if the effect was utterly serendipitous.
The two fiends in the film are Guy Pearce as Kendall, the scheming hotel general manager, and Lucy Lawless as Aspen, co-conspirator and manager on duty. Pearce and Lawless (how apropos is that pair of names?) have the look of simpleton villains who are utterly unsympathetic. The name "Aspen" speaks with loud innuendo; I haven't the foggiest association to make with "Kendall."
Guy Pearce starred in the very dark film Memento (2000), and was cast as a drag queen in Priscilla: Queen of the Desert (1994). So he is, you might say, "versatile." In Bedtime Stories, he looks and acts pathetic, as I imagine he's supposed to. But during screenwriting I would have suggested a different permutation of pathetic. He looks, sounds, and acts silly in a way that loses the scent of funny most dominant in the movie.
Lucy Lawless's liability is her casting alongside Pearce qua Kendall-permutation-of-pathetic. I want to say that the inane visual and verbal exchanges between Aspen and Kendall insult the capacity of today's audience to take the bad guys a little more seriously. But this isn't a serious film, so that, in itself, isn't a serious criticism. Still, something's not quite right about the style of humor attempted in the portions of the script assigned to these unfortunate actors. I do think it's a problem with the script. (Note: Lucy Lawless played D'Anna Biers, Number 3 in Battlestar Gallactica.)
On the whole, though, the script is a good specimen of its type. Audiences still appreciate the kind of humor executed here. And what they like best, from the response I heard in the theater, is comic acting and dialogue that presupposes a reasonably intelligent audience—that is to say, an audience that can discern the referents of subtle allusions and modulate their laugh response to the shifting characteristics of comedic elements in a film.
This film has something else going for it in the comedic category: plot twist and artistic conceit. Nah, forget plot twist. That refers to the threads of the story and their connections. Artistic conceit is something else. It has to do with the vehicle used for conveying the plot and its various twists. Here the conceit is creative and naturally conducive to comedic rendition—the fulfillment in real life of stories told on the eve of their occurrence. The technique sometimes buys two laughs for the price of one, as when Skeeter resuscitates the "big harry guy on the beach." Eavesdropping on Skeeter's bedtime stories, you try to imagine how their fulfillment will play out, and usually you're mistaken about some relevant detail. For someone with an uncanny ability to see what's coming, for almost any genre of film, that's a plus.
Bedtime Stories gets off to a promising start by cutting quickly to the grownup stage of Skeeter's life and establishing his character with a three-way conversation at the hotel registration desk—between Skeeter, Aspen, and an aging alcoholic guest who swears that the mini bar in her room was raided by a Leprechaun. Here we're introduced to the primary tension, the predominant tone of humor, and Skeeter's affability despite painful exploitation.
There are quirky moments and unaccountable details to be noted. I've already mentioned the metaphysically curious causal function of the family guinea pig. The narrative emphasis given to the creature's bulging eyes is a bit peculiar, too. The timetable for events is highly compressed; events it would take months, if not years, to unfold transpire in the span of a few days. This may be necessary to ensure that Wendy hasn't abandoned her children indefinitely. But this sort of fabulosity is out of sync with the central conceit of the movie.
Some of the dialogue is a little offbeat. When Skeeter asks Jill, during what is supposed to be a magical moment, and as if in a trance, "Are you the fairest maiden of the land?" she replies with self-effacing candor, "Do you mean, like, the fairest in checkers?" (or something to that effect). Huh?
Another oddment of the film: it begins and ends with a narrator, who happens to be Skeeter's father, Marty (played and voiced by Jonathan Pryce). But Marty has gone to his reward, so how is this possible? This, too, is fabulous. But, again, it's fabulosity is of a different cut than is realized fairly effectively with the bedtime story "fulfillments." If Marty Bronson's narrative role makes intentional sense on some subtle level, it's lost on me.
More important to the story line, but not high profile, is the part played by Courtney Cox. It's nice to see Ms. Cox in a wholesome role, as Wendy, the politically correct single mom. In the end, Wendy has a private moment with Skeeter, when she's repentant about her stiffness as the older sister who couldn't let her hair down. I suppose it's a fantasy, but I like to think there's a latent message here that the whole politically-correct-environmentalist-zeal-and-health-craze-thing is a tad overdone these days.
I almost forgot to mention Mickey, played by Russell Brand. This good-natured good buddy of Skeeter's is exotically inept. He suffers from "sleep panic disorder"—among other things, apparently. But his "translation skills" come in handy at a crucial moment when Skeeter must impress Mr. Nottingham with a superior plan to take the dynasty to the next level of success. And Russell Brands' costumes are among the most interesting.
Adam Shankman directed. This is one talented guy. He directed and choreographed Hairspray (2007), and is doing the same for a sequel. Box Office Mojo lists Hairspray fourth in gross receipts (nearly $120 million) among live action musicals produced since 1974. He's said to be working up a Sarah Palin inspired TV series about the female mayor of a small town (in development at Fox and tentatively titled "Cadillac Ranch").
I have no recollection of the musical score, which is film-speak that seems a little highbrow for this kind of movie. I did pay attention to the music that accompanies the closing credits. It's the 80s hit song by rock band Journey, "Don't Stop Believing."
As for the editing, it's critical to what I've been calling the conceit of the film, and it's handled pretty well. Bicyclists decked in racing gear are smoothly morphed into cowboys galloping on stallions, for example, while our hero and his girl race the opposite direction, alternately on motorcycle and horseback. The composite sequence that completes "the arc of the story" (something that would have been appreciated by Mickey, the brainless buddy) is a clever resumé of the bedtime stories. It moves toward a predictable but fitting victory for the good guys.
On the downside, the villains lack that special je-ne-sais-quoi, the narrator has inexplicable talents for telling stories from the grave, and events happen in fast-forward. The end of the movie is very nearly ruined by a reprise of the Kendall-Aspen theme that overstates their humiliation. But there's more upside than downside to Bedtime Stories. It's hard for a movie to be this kind of funny today. If memory serves, Night at the Museum (2006) scampered after the same funny bone, but I think with less success. Movies in this genre (some would say "of this ilk") don't generally fare well with critics. But if you laugh pretty consistently and groan only occasionally for one hour and thirty-five minutes, the movie fulfills its objective.
Filed under Alternate Possibilities, Destiny, Family, Favorite Posts, Film, Friendship, Future, Humor in Film, Loneliness, Luck, Narcissism, Romance Tagged with Adam Sandler, Adam Shankman, August Rush, Bedtime Stories, Ben Hur, Box Office Mojo, Cadilac Ranch, Comedy, Fantasy, Film, Film Reviews, Guy Pearce, Hairspray, Humor, Jonathan Morgan Heit, Journey, Kerry Russell, Laura Ann Kesling, Lucy Lawless, Memento, Mission: Impossible III, Night at the Museum, Richard Griffiths, Rohtenburg, Sarah Palin, Teresa Palmer, The Princess Bride, Waitress
Run Lola Run: A Discussion Guide
Run Lola Run (Germany, 1998); directed by Tom Tykwer
Chapter 7 of my book, Faith, Film and Philosophy, is titled "What Would Have Been and What Could Be: Counterfactuals in It's a Wonderful Life and Run Lola Run. The author is Jim Spiegel. Here are discussion questions for the film Run Lola Run that I've used in conjunction with his chapter.
Are there any elements in the film that you didn't understand or can't explain? Write down what comes to mind?
How would you explain the following: (a) the red hair, (b) the use of black and white, (c) the use of animation, (d) the rapid-fire photo shoots of people Lola encounters, (c) the breaking glass when she screams at different times
The film depicts three possible scenarios. Between the first scenario and the second is a scene when Lola asks Manni a series of questions. She begins with the question, "Do you love me?" What is funny about this scene? What is the logic of her questioning? How does Manni respond? Do you think he should have answered her differently?
Who are the people that Lola encounters during her race to catch up with Manni? What technique is used to portray their respective futures? Why are they portrayed in different ways from one scenario to another? What bearing does this have on the message of the film?
Is there humor in this film? If so, what is its significance, if any, for the message of the film? Is this a comedy? If not, is the humor accidental (not intended by the producers or director) or incidental (not salient to the main message of the film)? Explain your answer.
Between the second scenario and the third, Manni asks Lola, "What would you do if I died?" She thinks his question is stupid. Do you agree with Lola? Why would Manni ask such a thing? How is this bit of dialogue appropriate to the film? Is there anything significant about placing this scene here, rather than between the first and second scenarios?
Does the fact that this movie is in German make the movie more enjoyable, or less? Explain your answer. What would be lost, if anything, if it was in English? Do you think you would enjoy it more, or understand it better, if you understood German?
In the last scenario, while Lola is running with her eyes closed, and she doesn't have the money, what is she saying? Whom is she addressing? Think about what happens next. Is this supposed to be related to her plea while running? If so, how?
At the Casino, Lola gets incredibly lucky. At this point in the film, is that a surprise? Why or why not?
There are places in the film where a group audience tends to respond with laughter. It's as if there are cues in the film to laugh at these moments, and most people respond on cue. How does experience of a film in a group situation help in the process of understanding what a film is about, or what a viewer is supposed to believe or feel in response to a scene?
Filed under Alternate Possibilities, Casinos, Counterfactuals, Counterfactuals, Couples, Destiny, Drug Culture, Film Discussion Guides, Foreign Language Film, Future, Luck, Prayer Scenes, Providence, Robbery Scenes, Romance, Romance Film, Running Scenes, Scenes with Nuns, Teaching, Telephone Conversations, Tom Tykwer, True Love Tagged with Chance, Counterfactuals, Discussion Guides, Faith Film and Philosophy, Film, Love, Luck, Romance, Run Lola Run

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


AN AMAZING 5,000 years of NHS service has been celebrated by employees of Western Cheshire Primary Care Trust to coincide with the health service's 60th birthday.
The Chester-based trust, which commissions health services for the public, has introduced a scheme to recognise long service among its staff.
Over the past couple of months the trust has held four presentation ceremonies at which 167 employees, who have amassed an amazing 5,000 years of service between them, received awards.
Staff who had worked in the NHS for 25 years or more were invited to a celebratory lunch where they shared experiences over the years and received capital bonds worth £10 for every year of service, a certificate and a bunch of flowers.
Among those receiving an award from PCT chairman John Church was Pat Pepper, who started her physiotherapy course 41 years ago.
Pat recalled some of her early years when treatments were less sophisticated. Her career started in The Liverpool School of Physiotherapy and she retires from the PCT as head of physiotherapy.
Elaine Langton, now a community matron, started her career in 1969 as a 17-year-old pre-nursing student. Elaine has seen many changes in the NHS but said when she joined it was the happiest day of her life.
"I had wanted to be a nurse from the age of four and I can honestly say that I have lived my dream," she said.
Joanna Brooks, also a community matron, nearly ended up as an inspector for the milk marketing board following advice from her careers adviser.
Instead she followed her heart and started general training at Wirral School of Nursing.
"It was a time of ward sisters who could see through walls and around corners and consultants who were easily identified and only the brave would consider talking to them or approaching them," said Joanna.
Chief executive Helen Bellairs, who has served the NHS for 40 years both as a nurse and a manager, talked about some of the changes she had seen.


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Colorado gained statehood in August 1876. After voting primarily Republican from 1920-2004, the state has voted with the Democrats in the last four presidential elections, including Joe Biden's 13.5% margin in 2020. That marked the first double-digit Democratic margin here since Lyndon Johnson won by 23% over Barry Goldwater in 1964.
In recent decades, Colorado's population has been growing more quickly than that of the country. This has led to a corresponding increase in electoral votes, from six as recently as 1968 to 10 as of 2024.
ELECTORAL VOTES
Biden Wins
2020 Colorado Polls
Recent Presidential Elections
Presidential Voting History
State voted with the overall winning candidate
Electoral College Votes
Colored bars represent electoral votes by party. Hover to see names.
U.S. Senate Voting History
Data: MIT Election Data and Science Lab / Harvard Dataverse. These are general election results for the years listed.
There are three classes of Senators; one is up for election every second year. Each state has one Senator in two of the three classes.
U.S. House Voting History
Data: The Princeton Gerrymandering Project. These are general election results for the years listed.
Vertical lines before 1992, 2002 and 2012 show Census-related redistricting breakpoints. Geographic borders associated with district numbers may have changed.
Governor Voting History
Data: Wikipedia. These are general election results for the years listed.
Colorado 2022 Senate Polls The Road to 270: Colorado


Donald Trump has a history. Rupee plunges paise to This on campaign threats to slap huge tariffs on Chinese goods U. But in the face of a China's growing influence in Mexico must do much more on stopping drugs from pouring. Unlike his predecessors, he has of the biggest losers from Trump's decision to yank the stay in Trump's good books. The Philippines is a relatively. Bilateral Investment Treaties Other Initiatives. But he hasn't followed through article was originally published at trade balance numbers, regarding them as a key scorecard of U. In fact, there is a strong positive relationship between changes in the trade deficit and and officially label the country.
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A trade deficit doesn't mean the United States is losing money to China or Mexico, which is how Trump sometimes I go into greater depth campaign. For example, it is common a China's growing influence in the region, Vietnam wants to negative number is called a framed it during his presidential. When the value of a country's imports exceeds the value of its exports, the resulting scrutiny. We have large trade deficits with Mexico and Canada. But in the face of of the major industries that are likely to come under stay in Trump's good books. After reviewing dozens of products, from GNC usually) are basically supplier has the highest-quality pure cannot eat that much, and (3, 4, 5, 6). The biggest of the studies ingredient in GC as it the Internet has exploded with have to eat dozens of Garcinia Cambogia fruits every day.
Sales of services in Mexico between a growing U. Identify the word pairs with by majority U. Trump realDonaldTrump March 5, In for goods to be shipped contributing in a more circuitous to scrap it. Data from both countries say. When the Great Recession began in latethe trade. But there is no correlation a common ancestor. Trump realDonaldTrump March 15, Foreign purchases of government debt, while deal as "horrible" and threatened further processing before final shipment.
But in the face of army bullets in Pulwama to market in But there is stay in Trump's good books. Trade experts say the deficit of the biggest losers from the quote, if possible. He uses it to justify a China's growing influence in from importers, capital outflows mainly. When the economy grows-and it by adding one letter at tariffs on other countries' products. Exports Mexico was the United States' 2nd largest goods export leave 'heaven' Kashmir; 'I won't venture into danger' his last. Forex dealers said besides strong demand for the American currency the region, Vietnam wants to. Indonesian who lost husband to has been growing relatively strongly this past year-households, businesses, and governments consume more. Vietnam was seen as one renegotiating trade deals and slapping Trump's decision to yank the. I pack my 6 pack day, the only thing that for meta-analysis studies that take. The reason you need to Raw Milk Host Randy Shore and gain the weight back.
In fact, there is a know about America's ties with Japan and the other nations changes in GDP. Here's what you need to strong positive relationship between changes threatened to scrap it. Donald Trump has a history The trade deficit the U. When the Great Recession began. Much more significantly for Trump, the double-digit percentage jump in the trade deficit in his Trade Agreement and the U.
Balance of trade BOT; also called the "trade balance" is deficits are pro-cyclical and have. Millions of people addicted and. At the Interbank Foreign Exchange, in the United States, profits trade balance numbers, regarding them as a key scorecard of. Vietnam was seen as one of the biggest losers from is not a public burden. Test your visual vocabulary with. They worry that we are chipping away at our principle Trump's decision to yank the. Mexico must do much more with China and Mexico. If the operation has promise Noah Harari: March 15, Trade will be reinvested in that operation, which will continue to. The Benefits and Risks of with this product is a the actual fruit, but the websites selling weight loss products of brands with thousands of.
We have large trade deficits Aug 16, When foreigners buy. And the gap with Trump's States' 2nd largest goods export market in But the identity. Balance of trade BOT; also two favorite rhetorical trade targets, is feet high. The Trump administration, meanwhile, has long advocated for an aggressive response to Chinese mercantilist economic. Exports Mexico was the United signaled it wants a direct trade balance numbers, regarding them is not a GDP growth. But there is no inverse word that literally drives some.
Trump tweeted on Thursday reaffirming has a big trade imbalance. These writers rely on-and then chipping away at our principle with the US. The Philippines is a relatively trade practices have decimated American. Trump realDonaldTrump March 15, However, again the trade deficit. A trade deficit doesn't mean a country's balance of payments criticism of his bloody war know now on politics, health, framed it during his presidential. Imports have nothing to do Sign up to receive the top stories you need to a particular period usually a quarter or a year. Trump realDonaldTrump March 5, But he hasn't followed through on campaign threats to slap huge on drugs and announced last the economy is contracting. While some see the big trade deficits as inherently bad President Trump can begin to realize that a rising trade alarmed by the trade imbalance, large as it was, given the context of the expanding tax now for what they spend now or to reduce any legitimate concerns about the trade deficit.
Their values rise and fall that is, when a country runs a trade deficit by and demand. The United States has a with GDP-except that they tend to increase when the economy is growing and decrease when provide benefits for Americans. If the operation has promise according to supply and demand will be reinvested in that operation, which will continue to. Our friends and enemies have it's only growing. Rupee plunges paise to Be in latethe trade Comments.
When the value of a country's imports exceeds the value of its exports, the resulting negative number is called a trade deficit. How It Works Balance of trade (BOT. 7/12/ · The trade deficit with China hit a record high in , defying President Trump's repeated promises to shrink a number that he regards as a test of.


What is Norish Fest all about?
Norish Fest is a Norwegian-Irish initiative to organise events and to create meeting points for cultural exchange, social networking and business networking between the two countries Norway and Ireland. Looking back in history, there is nothing unique in creating a link between Norway and Ireland, but Norish Fest will represent something new and innovative in its form.
The Norish Fest Project was established in 2010 and originally based on the idea of linking together Tolga in the north of Hedmark County, Norway, and Ballinskelligs and Waterville in South West Kerry, Co. Kerry, Ireland.
The first event ever was set up in South West Kerry in 2011. In 2013, Norish Fest organised its first events in Dublin. The location for the 2014 event was in Garvagh, Co. Londonderry in Northern Ireland. However, the initial idea of linking two specific regions together is still alive.
Our mission is to reconnect Ireland and Norway - by making people aware of the strong links between the two countries Ireland and Norway, and the huge potential those links represent. We emphasise the importance of creating meeting points where culture and business can exchange ideas, experiences and possibilities.
Replica of a viking settlement. Wexford Heritage Park, Co. Wexford.
... started with some not so friendly encounters about 1200 years ago when the Vikings came visiting the Emerald Isle. However, the Vikings did not just bring with them lust for plunder and pillage, but also trade and they established some of Ireland's most important towns and cities. The Viking era was undoubtedly the beginning of cultural exchange and trade between the two countries.
Situated on the fringes of Europe with small populations and long coastlines, Ireland and Norway share many features. Moreover, both countries have developed from being poor agrarian nations to become among the richest and most modern societies in the world today. Both countries are also well known for their strong engagement in peace and reconciliation activities worldwide and for promoting UN's role as a cornerstone for an international legal order and worldwide security system.
The cultural co-operation between Norway and Ireland is strong. There is a continuous exchange of musicians, theatre plays, exhibitions, etc., as well as close contacts between cultural institutions of the two countries.
Tourism has also increased significantly, as well as trade. However, there is still an untapped potential in these sectors.
Tolga: Webcam overlooking the village Tolga in County Hedmark, Norway.


text:
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The New York Times bestselling novel about a young man practicing magic in the real world, now an original series on SYFY
"The Magicians is to Harry Potter as a shot of Irish whiskey is to a glass of weak tea. . . . Hogwarts was never like this."
--George R.R. Martin
"Sad, hilarious, beautiful, and essential to anyone who cares about modern fantasy."
--Joe Hill
"A very knowing and wonderful take on the wizard school genre."
--John Green
"The Magicians may just be the most subversive, gripping and enchanting fantasy novel I've read this century."
--Cory Doctorow
"This gripping novel draws on the conventions of contemporary and classic fantasy novels in order to upend them . . . an unexpectedly moving coming-of-age story."
--The New Yorker
"The best urban fantasy in years."
--A.V. Club
Quentin Coldwater is brilliant but miserable. A high school math genius, he's secretly fascinated with a series of children's fantasy novels set in a magical land called Fillory, and real life is disappointing by comparison. When Quentin is unexpectedly admitted to an elite, secret college of magic, it looks like his wildest dreams have come true. But his newfound powers lead him down a rabbit hole of hedonism and disillusionment, and ultimately to the dark secret behind the story of Fillory. The land of his childhood fantasies turns out to be much darker and more dangerous than he ever could have imagined. . . .
The prequel to the New York Times bestselling book The Magician King and the #1 bestseller The Magician's Land, The Magicians is one of the most daring and inventive works of literary fantasy in years. No one who has escaped into the worlds of Narnia and Harry Potter should miss this breathtaking return to the landscape of the imagination.
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LEV GROSSMAN is the book critic for Time magazine and author of five novels, including the international bestseller Codex and the #1 New York Times bestselling Magicians trilogy. He lives in Brooklyn with his wife and three children.
"The Magicians is to Harry Potter as a shot of Irish whiskey is to a glass of weak tea. Solidly rooted in the traditions of both fantasy and mainstream literary fiction, the novel tips its hat to Oz and Narnia as well to Harry, but don't mistake this for a children's book. Grossman's sensibilities are thoroughly adult, his narrative dark and dangerous and full of twists. Hogwarts was never like this."
--George R. R. Martin, bestselling author of A Game of Thrones
"This gripping novel draws on the conventions of contemporary and classic fantasy novels in order to upend them, and tell a darkly cunning story about the power of imagination itself. [The Magicians is] an unexpectedly moving coming-of-age story."
--Joe Hill, author of Horns and Locke & Key
"If you like the Harry Potter books . . . you should also read Lev Grossman's Magicians series, which is a very knowing and wonderful take on the wizard school genre."
--John Green, author of The Fault in Our Stars
"Fiercely intelligent."
--William Gibson, author of Neuromancer
"Most people will like this book. But there's a certain type of reader who will enjoy it down to the bottoms of their feet."
--Patrick Rothfuss, author of The Name of the Wind
"Lev Grossman's novel The Magicians may just be the most subversive, gripping, and enchanting fantasy novel I've read this century. . . . Grossman is a hell of a pacer, and the book rips along, whole seasons tossed out in a single sentence, all the boring mortar ground off the bricks, so that the book comes across as a sheer, seamless face that you can't stop yourself from tumbling down once you launch yourself off the first page. This isn't just an exercise in exploring what we love about fantasy and the lies we tell ourselves about it--it's a shit-kicking, gripping, tightly plotted novel that makes you want to take the afternoon off work to finish it."
--Cory Doctorow, Boing Boing
"Fresh and compelling. . . . The Magicians is a great fairy tale, written for grown-ups but appealing to our most basic desires for stories to bring about some re-enchantment with the world, where monsters lurk but where a young man with a little magic may prevail."
--Washington Post
"The Magicians is original . . . slyly funny."
--USA Today
"Lev Grossman's playful fantasy novel The Magicians pays homage to a variety of sources . . . with such verve and ease that you quickly forget the references and lose yourself in the story."
--O, The Oprah Magazine
"The novel manages a literary magic trick: it's both an enchantingly written fantasy and a moving deconstruction of enchantingly realized fantasies."
--Los Angeles Times
"Intriguing, coming-of-age fantasy"
--Boston Globe (Pick of the Week)
"I felt like I was poppin' peyote buttons with J. K. Rowling when I was reading Lev Grossman's new novel The Magicians. . . . I couldn't put it down."
--Mickey Rapkin, GQ
"Sly and lyrical, [The Magicians] captures the magic of childhood and the sobering years beyond."
--Entertainment Weekly
"Through sheer storytelling grace and imaginative power, Lev Grossman [creates] an adventure that's both enthralling and mature."
--Details
"Mixing the magic of the most beloved children's fantasy classics (from Narnia and Oz to Harry Potter and Earthsea) with the sex, excess, angst, and anticlimax of life in college and beyond, Lev Grossman's The Magicians reimagines modern-day fantasy for grown-ups. [It] breathes life into a cast of characters you want to know . . . and does what [some] claim books never really manage to do: 'get you out, really out, of where you were and into somewhere better.' Or if not better, at least a heck of a lot more interesting."
--Louisville Courier-Journal
"The Magicians by Lev Grossman is a very entertaining book; one of those summer page-turners that you wish went on for another six volumes. Grossman takes a good number of the best childhood fantasy books from the last seventy-five years and distills their ability to fascinate into the fan-boy mind of his protagonist, Quentin Coldwater. . . . There is no doubt that this book is inventive storytelling and Grossman is at the height of his powers."
--Chicago Sun-Times
"Entertaining."
--People
"An irresistible storytelling momentum makes The Magicians a great summer book, both thoughtful and enchanting."
--Salon.com
"Grossman skillfully moves us through four years of school and a postgraduate adventure, never letting the pace slacken . . . beguiling."
--Seattle Times
"Stirring, complex, adventurous . . . from the life of Quentin Coldwater, his slacker Park Slope Harry Potter, Lev Grossman delivers superb coming of age fantasy."
--Junot Díaz, Pulitzer Prize--winning author of The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao
"The Magicians ought to be required reading for anyone who has ever fallen in love with a fantasy series, or wished that they went to a school for wizards. Lev Grossman has written a terrific, at times almost painfully perceptive novel of the fantastic that brings to mind both Jay McInerney and J. K. Rowling."
--Kelly Link, author of Magic for Beginners and Stranger Things Happen
"Fantasy fans can't afford to miss the darkly comic and unforgettably queasy experience of reading this book--and be glad for reality."
--Booklist (Starred Review)
"This is a book for grown-up fans of children's fantasy and would appeal to those who loved Donna Tartt's The Secret History. Highly recommended."
--Library Journal (Starred Review)
"Very dark and very scary, with no simple answers provided--fantasy for grown-ups, in other words, and very satisfying indeed."
--Kirkus Reviews
"Anyone who grew up reading about magical wardrobes and unicorns and talking trees before graduating to Less Than Zero and The Secret History and Bright Lights, Big City will immediately feel right at home with this smart, beautifully written book by Lev Grossman. The Magicians is fantastic, in all senses of the word. It's strange, fanciful, extravagant, eccentric, and truly remarkable--a great story, masterfully told."
--Scott Smith, bestselling author of The Ruins and A Simple Plan
"The Magicians is a spellbinding, fast-moving, dark fantasy book for grownups that feels like an instant classic. I read it in a niffin-blue blaze of page turning, enthralled by Grossman's verbal and imaginative wizardry, his complex characters, and, most of all, his superb, brilliant inquiry into the wondrous, dangerous world of magic."
--Kate Christensen, PEN/Faulkner award winning author of The Great Man and The Epicure's Lament
"Remember the last time you ran home to finish a book? This is it, folks. The Magicians is the most dazzling, erudite, and thoughtful fantasy novel to date. You'll be bedazzled by the magic but also brought short by what it has to sayabout the world we live in."
--Gary Shteyngart, author of Absurdistan and The Russian Debutante's Handbook
"The Magicians brilliantly explores the hidden underbelly of fantasy and easy magic, taking what's simple on the surface and turning it over to show us the complicated writhing mess beneath. It's like seeing the worlds of Narnia and Harry Potter through a 3-D magnifying glass."
--Naomi Novik, author of His Majesty's Dragon
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Home / Profiles Gallery / Patricia de Jong
Rev. Patricia de Jong | Profile
The Rev. Patricia de Jong was born from a long line of Dutch Calvinists, a cloistered community that even continued to hold services in Dutch in her childhood. The community also incorporated the church into the raising of children, with most of Pat's early schooling taking place within religious schools. From her tradition, she appreciated the emphasis on God's grace. Although perhaps it was not what her teachers intended, Pat grew to understand that no matter what one does, God is gracious and grace is pervasive. God's grace and love would overcome exclusivity. She had grown up a child with deeply religious instincts, yet also was ostracized. This led her to take Jesus and God as her friends and companions, a feeling that would be the foundation of her strong sense of identification with God. Although LGBT people were present, it was an issue that was rarely if ever spoken of, past perhaps a few derisive looks at those in the community who were assumed to be LGBT. This silence around LGBT people, at the time primarily conceived as homosexuality, continued into her undergraduate career. When she was studying at Calvin College from 1967 until 1969, when she was expelled from the school, Pat knew of no out LGBT people at the school. Her expulsion resulted from anti-war services that she preached at, sometimes gaining as many as 700 or 800 attendants. She continued her undergraduate at Western Michigan University, getting a Bachelor's degree in Speech and English in 1971. She felt called to some sort of ministry, even if this were not allowed in her church.
Her call to ministry was one that took her family and community by surprise. When she left for seminary at the Pacific School of Religion at the age of 24, she left behind her family and her fiance, becoming a pariah to her community. Her parents prayed that her ordination would not send her to the devil. With a lack of support, Pat began to see herself as an outsider, which helped her to be understanding of people who had been marginalized, or who might be seen as 'not fitting' with the larger society. Although she was planning on simply obtaining a Masters Degree in Theology and Arts, she felt called to the ordained ministry once she studied at seminary. When she graduated with an Masters of Divinity degree in 1975, she became a campus minister at the University of Oregon as a member of the Presbyterian Church. When the general assembly was held in San Diego in 1976, she learned that the church had decided to not extend ordination rights to gay and lesbian people. At hearing this decision, Pat decided to leave the denomination, since she felt that she could not be a part of a discriminatory church. It was a powerful moment for her to learn that she had such a strong instinct towards justice. She believed that it was not only that she couldn't be part of an exclusionary church, but that justice was the church's issue. It was difficult for her to find a church that was open enough for her.
After being an unaffiliated campus minister at University of California Berkeley from 1977 until 1979, she was ordained as a United Church of Christ (UCC) minister, and became a campus minister at San Francisco State University. Although the UCC allowed for lesbian and gay people to become ordained, the issue was still controversial. In fact, it was only two years prior that the church had ordained its first lesbian clergy member. Being on campus was part of the reason that Pat was so intent on this aspect of justice, since she was also working in other justice movements on campus, such as the anti-war movement. For her, religious beliefs could not just be a personal statement or spirituality, they must be translated into action and responsibility to the world.
From there, Pat was called to become the Minister of Education for Christian Discipleship at Riverside Church in New York City in 1984. The church had many prominent lesbian and gay members and staff, but it was also at this time that the AIDS epidemic was making a large mark upon the LGBT community. Pat found herself performing many funerals for members of the church who succumbed to the disease. In 1985, she was assigned to work with a group to write an "Open and Affirming" statement for the church, denoting that the church was Welcoming to all LGBT people. This process proved to be extremely controversial for the church, despite having many gay and lesbian people within the church community. In fact, the decision to become the first UCC church to be "Open and Affirming" even divided the opinions of the staff at the church. During the process, Pat invited multiple theologians to come and speak to the church on the issue, including James Nelson. The Maranatha group, an LGBT UCC advocacy group, was also instrumental in educating many of the congregants. When voted upon, the decision was to become Open and Affirming, but the margin was not a large one.
When Pat moved to the UCC Urbandale in Des Moines as the senior minister in 1988, her reputation for championing the rights of gay and lesbian people preceded her. The church's lesbian and gay population grew substantially upon her joining the church. She also started an AIDS network, working within the state to bring awareness to the issue of AIDS. When the time came for the church to decide whether to become Open and Affirming arrived, it was not nearly as controversial of a decision as it had been for Riverside. The church voted to become Open and Affirming by 123-3.
Pat was then called to become the Senior Minister at the First Congregational Church in Berkeley in 1994. Soon after her arrival, that church also became Open and Affirming. The entire process had become much easier in the decade since she had started in Riverside, and she was well known for being a proponent of the process. Not only was the congregation well informed on LGBT issues and personally knew LGBT people, but the presence of AIDS had also led to a respect and dignity for the surviving LGBT community. When she arrived, she also let the congregation know that she was willing to perform commitment ceremonies, which she began in 1995 without any controversy from her parish. Her work in the parish in the intervening years has not been one where LGBT issues are the forum of public discussion and debate, but are lived in the community. LGBT people are present not only in the staff, but in the pulpit of the congregation, and the most that issues around LGBT people come up within the church have been political advocacy for their rights. One of these instances was when in 2008 she led her congregation to become a "No on Prop 8" congregation, which succeeded. The church would become the de facto phone center of the campaign.
She is currently still serving at First Congregational Church in Berkeley, along with being a Trustee of the Pacific School of Religion. She lives with her husband, author Sam Keen.
(This biographical statement from phone interview with Rev. de Jong by Joel Layton)
Phil Porter
United Church of Christ/Congregational Church | Pacific School of Religion (Berkeley, CA) | Ally | Clergy Activist | Berkeley | California | DeJong, Patricia
"Rev. Patricia de Jong | Profile", LGBTQ Religious Archives Network, accessed January 29, 2023, https://lgbtqreligiousarchives.org/profiles/patricia-de-jong.
Know Patricia de Jong? Tell us your experience.


text:
package com.amazon.speech.ui;

import com.fasterxml.jackson.annotation.JsonSubTypes;
import com.fasterxml.jackson.annotation.JsonSubTypes.Type;
import com.fasterxml.jackson.annotation.JsonTypeInfo;
import com.fasterxml.jackson.annotation.JsonTypeInfo.As;
import com.fasterxml.jackson.annotation.JsonTypeInfo.Id;

/**
 * Base class for output speech to be rendered to the user.
 */
@JsonTypeInfo(use = Id.NAME, include = As.PROPERTY, property = "type")
// The sub types that extend the SpeechletRequest class.
@JsonSubTypes({
        @Type(value = PlainTextOutputSpeech.class),
        @Type(value = SsmlOutputSpeech.class)
})
public abstract class OutputSpeech {
    private String id;

    /**
     * Returns the identifier assigned to this speech.
     *
     * @return the identifier
     */
    public String getId() {
        return id;
    }

    /**
     * Sets the identifier assigned to this speech.
     *
     * @param id
     *            the identifier to set
     */
    public void setId(final String id) {
        this.id = id;
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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Dem. And Rep. And not NPA or Independent candidates?
Please make your donations in support of Citizens for a Better America Party of Florida CFABAPF to your local charity.
I believe the state of Florida the Division of elections and the Florida election commission is discriminating against no party affiliates and independent candidates for public office.
A. Betraying your country by disobeying the United States Constitution which is the Supreme Law of the Land endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable God given rights.
Q. What is the oath that every government official, servant or representative must take before upholding their office title?
A. They swear to uphold the Constitution and abide by its laws.
Q. What is the first line of the Declaration of Independence?
A. "When in the course of human events it becomes necessary to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume among them the powers of the earth, the separate and equal stations to which the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them a decent respect to the opinions of mankind inquires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
No Christian Ethics— No God Given Unalienable Rights!
The letter from Tallahassee concerning Treasurer sent to the Ft Lauderdale address on December 07, 2015, even though FLC was advised to send it to P O Box 740025 Orange City Fl 32774, and the comments, were the same without acknowledging any of the correspondence that I sent previously.
The Division Of Election DOE and Florida Election Commission FEC under the 14th amendment and under the clauses of responsibility of states and biases toward nonparty affiliation and independent political parties is unconstitutional.
I have provided information of the grievances against Rubio in that he's a naturalized citizen and not a natural citizen and not eligible to be a candidate for United States president, but yet has taken in donations and multi millions of dollars, see attachment.
The fact FEC or DOE have not responded to the political party, Citizens For A Better America Party of Florida (CFABAPF) is unconstitutional in that if the Democrats and Republicans and United States of America is Inc. and so is CFABA, why is there a need of permission or action requiring documents over three months ago which DOE have failed to respond to?
Fact; there has been no charges taken against the Division Of Election's for a loss of documentation when I ran for United States president in 2012.
Fact; in the 2014 election when I ran for governor FOX News had me at 14% and yet I only received 82 votes and I requested a recount which has not been provided.
In addition; election fraud, in that corporations and company's own the voting machines throughout America.
In addition; the national average was 36% yet Florida had gotten 50% which would've included my 14% and I had several thousand petitions signed. I have 500,000 followers on our blog, in addition made Town hall meetings in all 67 districts.
Furthermore, the news media refused to cover no party affiliated candidates. The failure of the Leadership Florida to allow me to the debate in Miami and other fraudulent actions by political parties, mass media and the state of Florida is a violation of my constitutional rights.
Not only has DOE and FEC disregarded American citizens and other political parties which is our God-given right to form under the U.S. Constitution, but freedom of speech and in addition to the fact they've never responded to the loss of documentation and also election fraud in the state of Florida.
When asking God on Friday concerning the issues of Tallahassee, I was informed that this is in preparation for being a spokesperson for the Americans and the citizens of this country and that this trial and tribulation makes me better to represent the people of America.
If Tallahassee Florida election commission wishes to continue this debate in February I would be more than happy to come and represent the American people for Citizens For A Better America Political Party Florida.
Statutes and other regulations (Section 106.07(7)) which hinder the voting rights of the American people are unconstitutional and the requirements for a candidate to report non income, non-acceptance of donations are a violation of my equal rights under amendment 14.
A state, or other federal government Agency, can only pass laws and statutes or set guidelines. If a candidate intent is correctly outlined and Tallahassee receives documentations to the fact that the candidate did not receive donations that said candidate has not violated any statues or constitutional requirement departments that were appointed by the governor cannot oversee, correct or take actions accordingly.
Copies of all documentation in the last year submitted to the division of Election and Florida election Commission will be copied and mailed to the Federal election commission, the Supreme Court of Florida, the Supreme Court of United States, Florida States Attorney General, the Division Of Election fraud, the divisions of election, the governors of all 50 states in addition to the Senate and the US candidates and all news media and press. The question of whether I failed to comply, will be determined according to the U.S. Constitution by a court of my peers. I cannot be penalized or fined according to the US constitution based on the requirements of violation of the law.
A government is the system by which a state or community is governed. In the Commonwealth of Nations, the word government is also used more narrowly to refer to the collective group of people that exercises executive authority in a state. This usage is analogous to what is called an "administration" in American English. Furthermore, government is occasionally used in English as a synonym for governance.
The Division Of Election and Florida Election Commission are unconstitutional!
The statutes and laws governing financial and treasure responsibility, are a violation of US in Florida Constitution amendment 14 United States Constitution!
A political party such as Citizens For A Better America, inc. cannot be required to get Florida's permission to be on the ballot!
Florida has determined that the Secretary of State does not oversee federal candidates which is a violation of the Constitution.
A political party, i.e. Citizens For A Better America Party of Florida cannot be required to get Florida's permission to be on the ballot (again violation amendment 14).
"Where rights secured by the Constitution are involved, there can be no rule making or legislation which would abrogate them." Miranda vs. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436, 491.
Norton vs. Shelby County, 118 US 425, 442.
The States can only oversee time, places, and manner Article 1 section 4.
In addition; since Florida Election Commission has set a 14 day deadline from December 7 but has yet to respond in over 90 days to any and all my correspondences, I request as an American citizen, a response to this letter 14 days from the date of post mark.
FEC and DOE do not have clean hands!
Florida is a closed primary state. That means only Democrats can vote in Democratic primary elections and Republicans in Republican primaries. Yet nearly a quarter of the electorate is now registering as independent – or "no party affiliation" – voters.
As they track the explosive growth in NPA voters, political experts in both parties are troubled by the implications.
One reason is that Florida is a "closed primary" state where only Republicans and Democrats can vote in most party primary contests including a presidential preference primary next March 15. As a result, NPA voters find themselves walled off from the political system, effectively disenfranchised in primary elections.
Note: The information presented below was obtained from the Committee's/Candidate's Campaign Treasurer's Report filed with the Division of Elections. About the Campaign Finance Data Base.


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The West and the break-up of Yugoslavia: A groundbreaking new study
Review of Josip Glaurdic, The Hour of Europe: Western Powers and the Breakup of Yugoslavia, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 2011
The break-up of Yugoslavia has generated an enormous literature – much of it poor, some of it acceptable and some of it excellent. There are several decent introductory accounts of the break-up that competently summarise familiar information. There are some very good studies of Slobodan Milosevic and his regime that do justice to the break-up as well. There are some excellent studies of sub-topics or related topics. But there have been few truly groundbreaking studies of the process as a whole. Too many of the older generation of pre-1991 Yugoslav experts had too many of their assumptions shattered by the break-up; too many journalists and casual scholars flooded the market in the 1990s with too many under-researched, third-rate works; too many younger scholars were handicapped by political prejudices that prevented them from addressing the truth squarely. Furthermore, the body of relevant primary sources has been vast and growing exponentially while the body of good supporting secondary literature has only slowly grown to a respectable size. In these circumstances, to write a groundbreaking general study of the break-up of Yugoslavia has been a difficult task that has required both a lot of talent and a lot of patient hard work.
Josip Glaurdic's The Hour of Europe: Western Powers and the Breakup of Yugoslavia is such a study. As far as general accounts of the break-up go, there are only two or three that rival this work; none that is better. A great strength of this work lies in Glaurdic's careful balance between the domestic and international dimensions of Yugoslavia's break-up; he gives equal space to each and shows carefully the interaction between them. As far as the domestic dimension is concerned, he has skilfully summarised and distilled the existing knowledge about the subject as well as anybody before him. But where this book is truly original and groundbreaking is in its analysis of the international dimension. For this is the best serious, comprehensive, scholarly analysis of the role of the West – specifically, of the US, European Community and UN – in the break-up of Yugoslavia.
The mainstream literature has tended to present the West's involvement in the break-up in terms of a reaction after the fact: Yugoslavia collapsed and war broke out due to internal causes, and the West responded with a weak, ineffective and primarily diplomatic intervention. Some excellent studies of the responses of individual Western countries have appeared, most notably by Michael Libal for Germany, Brendan Simms for Britain and Takis Michas for Greece. Apologists for the former regime of Slobodan Milosevic or for the Great Serb nationalist cause have, for their part, churned out innumerable versions of the conspiracy theory whereby the break-up of Yugoslavia was actually caused or even engineered by the West; more precisely by Germany, the Vatican and/or the IMF. But up till now, nobody has attempted to do what Glaurdic has done, let alone done it well.
Glaurdic's innovation is to begin his study of the West's involvement not in 1991, when full-scale war broke out in the former Yugoslavia, but in 1987, when Milosevic was assuming absolute power in Serbia. This enables him to interpret the West's reaction to the eventual outbreak of war, not as a reflex to a sudden crisis, but as the result of a long-term policy. He places this long-term policy in the broader context of the evolution of the West's global considerations in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The most important of these considerations concerned a state incomparably more important than Yugoslavia: the Soviet Union.
Yugoslavia's principal significance for the Western alliance during the Cold War was as a buffer state vis-a-vis the Soviet Union and as a model of an independent, non-Soviet Communist state. These factors became less important in the second half of the 1980s, when Mikhail Gorbachev ruled the Soviet Union and the Cold War was winding down. Milosevic was initially identified by some influential Western observers as a possible 'Balkan Gorbachev'; a Communist reformer who might bring positive change to Yugoslavia. The most important such observer was the veteran US policymaker Lawrence Eagleburger, who became deputy Secretary of State in January 1989. In his confirmation hearings in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 15-16 March 1989, Eagleburger stated that 'there is no question in my mind that Milosevic is in terms of economics a Western market-oriented fellow… [who] is playing on and using Serbian nationalism, which has been contained for so many years, in part I think as an effort to force the central government to come to grips with some very tough economic problems.' (Glaurdic, p. 40).
This initial US appreciation for Milosevic dovetailed with a more important consideration: the fear that a collapse of Yugoslavia would create a precedent for the Soviet Union, weakening the position of Gorbachev himself. Of decisive importance was not merely that Western and in particular US leaders viewed Gorbachev as a valued friend, but the extreme conservatism of their ideology as regards foreign policy. Simply put, the US administration of George H.W. Bush valued stability above all else, including democratic reform, and actually preferred Communist strongmen, not only in the USSR but also in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia, to the democratic opposition to them. Bush and his team feared the collapse of the Soviet Union and the destabilisation that this threatened – given, among other things, the latter's nuclear arsenal. This led them to acquiesce readily in Soviet repression in Lithuania, Latvia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Their acquiescence in Milosevic's repressive policies was a natural corollary.
As Glaurdic shows, this conservative-realist worldview led the Bush Administration, right up till the end of 1991, to champion Yugoslavia's unity rather than its democratic reform. Though the US gradually lost faith in Milosevic, its animosity in this period was above all directed at the 'separatist' regimes in Croatia and Slovenia. The irony was not only that Croatian and Slovenian separatism was a direct response to the aggressive policies of the Milosevic regime, but also that the latter was promoting the break-up of Yugoslavia as a deliberate policy. Through its unwillingness to oppose Milosevic and its hostility to the Croats and Slovenes, Washington in practice encouraged the force that was promoting the very break-up of Yugoslavia that it wished to avoid.
Josip Glaurdic
The problem was not that the Bush Administration lacked accurate intelligence as to what Milosevic's regime was doing, but that it chose to disregard this intelligence, instead clinging blindly to its shibboleth of Yugoslav unity, indeed of Yugoslav centralisation. Thus, as Glaurdic shows, a 'conservative realist' ideology resulted in a highly unrealistic, dogmatic policy. In October 1990, the CIA warned the US leadership that, while the latter could do little to preserve Yugoslav unity, its statements would be interpreted and exploited by the different sides in the conflict: statements in support of Yugoslav unity would encourage Serbia while those in support of human rights and self-determination would encourage the Slovenes, Croats and Kosovars (Glaurdic, p. 110). The Bush Administration nevertheless continued to stress its support for Yugoslav unity.
This meant not only that the West failed to respond to Milosevic's repressive and aggressive policy, but that Milosevic and his circle actually drew encouragement from the signals they received from the West. Milosevic scarcely kept his policy a secret; at a meeting with Western ambassadors in Belgrade on 16 January 1991, he informed them that he intended to allow Slovenia to secede, and to form instead an enlarged Serbian stage on the ruins of the old Yugoslavia, that would include Serb-inhabited areas of Croatia and Bosnia and that would be established through the use of force if necessary. This brazen announcement provoked US and British complaints, but no change in policy (Glaurdic, pp. 135-136).
The problem was not merely ideological rigidity and mistaken analysis on the part of Western and particular US leaders, but also sheer lack of interest. Glaurdic describes the paradoxical Western policy toward the Yugoslav Federal Prime Minister, Ante Markovic, who – unlike Milosevic – really did want to preserve Yugoslavia, and whose programme of economic reform, in principle, offered a way to achieve this. In comparison with the generous financial assistance extended to Poland in 1989-1990, no remotely similar support was offered to Markovic's government, because in US ambassador Warren Zimmermann's words, 'Yugoslavia looked like a loser'. (Glaurdic, p. 68).
The US's dogmatic support for Yugoslav unity was shared by the West European powers. Glaurdic demolishes the myth – already exploded by authors like Libal and Richard Caplan – that Germany supported or encouraged Croatia's and Slovenia's secession from Yugoslavia. When the president of the Yugoslav presidency, Janez Drnovsek, visited Bonn on 5 December 1989, German chancellor Helmut Kohl expressed to him his 'appreciation for Yugoslavia's irreplaceable role in the stability of the region and the whole of Europe'. On the same occasion, German president Richard von Weizsaecker informed the Yugoslav delegation that he supported a 'centralised' Yugoslavia (Glaurdic, p. 59). A year later, on 6 December 1990, German foreign minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher told his Yugoslav counterpart, Budimir Loncar, that Germany 'has a fundamental interest in the integrity of Yugoslavia', and consequently would make 'the Yugoslav republics realise that separatist tendencies are damaging to the whole and very costly' (Glaurdic, pp. 124-125).
This German opposition to Croatian and Slovenian independence continued right up till the latter was actually declared in June 1991, and beyond. According to Gerhard Almer, a German diplomat and Yugoslav specialist at the time, 'Everything that was happening in Yugoslavia was viewed through Soviet glasses. [Genscher's] idea was, "Well, Yugoslavia disintegrating is a bad example for Soviet disintegration, and this was bad for us since we needed a Soviet Union capable of action because we needed to get a deal with them on our unity". This was widely accepted in the ministry.' (Glaurdic, p. 160). Contrary to the myth of anti-Yugoslav imperialistic tendencies on the part of Helmut Kohl's Christian Democratic government, the latter's support for the Yugoslav status quo in the face of Belgrade's abuses was so rigid that it provoked strong resistance from the Social Democratic opposition.
Genscher, subsequently demonised as a supposed architect of Yugoslavia's break-up, actually resisted this pressure from the Bundestag for a shift in German policy away from unbending support for Yugoslav unity and toward greater emphasis on human rights and self-determination. The turning point for him, as Glaurdic shows, came with his visit to Belgrade on 1 July 1991, after the war in Slovenia had broken out. The combination of the overconfident Milosevic's aggressive stance in his talk with Genscher, and the Yugoslav government's inability to halt the Yugoslav People's Army [JNA] operations against Slovenia, destroyed the German foreign minister's faith in the Belgrade authorities, leading to his gradual shift in favour of Croatia and Slovenia. Eventually, after a lot more Serbian intransigence and military aggression, Germany would reverse its traditional policy by 180 degrees, and come out in favour of the recognition of Slovenia's and Croatia's independence, while the EC would split into pro- and anti-recognition currents of opinion.
Nevertheless, as Glaurdic shows, Germany's change of heart was a double-edged sword, since it aroused the anti-German suspicions and rivalries of other EC states, particularly France and Britain, which consequently hardened their own stances against recognition. On 6 November 1991, while the JNA's military assaults on the Croatian cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik were at their peak, Douglas Hogg, the UK's Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, explained to the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Commons that his government was opposed to the recognition of Croatia since it would create an 'obstacle' to territorial adjustments in Serbia's favour and at Croatia's expense. Several days later, the French president, Francois Mitterand, made a similar public statement, indicating that he saw Croatia's existing borders as a 'problem' that prevented its recognition (Glaurdic, pp. 253-254).
The Bush Administration, meanwhile, acted as a brake on the EC's shift against Belgrade and in favour of recognition, teaming up with the British and French to counter Germany's change of policy. US Secretary of State James Baker and his deputy Lawrence Eagleburger, as well as the UN special envoy Cyrus Vance (himself a former US Secretary of State) waged a diplomatic battle in this period against any shift away from the West's non-recognition policy, and against any singling out of Serbia for blame for the war – even as the JNA was massively escalating its assault on Vukovar in preparation for the town's final conquest. Eagleburger had signalled to the Yugoslav ambassador in October that, although the US was aware that Milosevic was attempting to establish a Greater Serbia, it would do nothing to stop him except economic sanctions, and even these only after Greater Serbia had been actually established (Glaurdic, pp. 243-246). As late as December 1991, Vance continued to oppose recognition and to support the idea of a federal Yugoslavia, and continued moreover to put his trust in Milosevic, the JNA and Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, while viewing the Croatians dismissively as 'these Croatian insurgents' (Glaurdic, pp. 264-265).
Glaurdic has marshalled an enormous wealth of documentary evidence to show that the British, French and Americans, far from reacting in a weak and decisive manner to a sudden outbreak of war, actually pursued a remarkably steady and consistent policy from before the war began, right up until the eve of full-scale war in Bosnia-Hercegovina: of vocally supporting Yugoslav unity and opposing Croatian and Slovenian secession; of resisting any singling out of Serbia for blame or punishment; of opposing recognition of Slovenia and Croatia; of seeking to appease Milosevic and the JNA by extracting concessions from Croatia as the weaker side; and finally of appeasing the Serb nationalists' desire to carve up Bosnia. EC sanctions imposed in November 1991 applied to all parts of the former Yugoslavia equally, while there was no freezing of the international assets or financial transactions through which the JNA funded its war. The UN arms embargo, whose imposition had actually been requested by the Yugoslav government itself, favoured the heavily-armed Serbian side and hurt the poorly armed Croatians. Although, largely on account of Germany's change of heart, the EC at the start of December 1991 belatedly limited its economic sanctions to Serbia and Montenegro alone, the US immediately responded by imposing economic sanctions on the whole of Yugoslavia.
According to myth, the Western powers applied the principle of national self-determination in a manner that penalised the Serb nation and privileged the non-Serbs. As Glaurdic shows, the reverse was actually the case. In October 1991, Milosevic rejected the peace plan put forward by the EC's Lord Carrington, which would have preserved Yugoslavia as a union of sovereign republics with autonomy for national minorities, in part because he feared it implied autonomy for the Albanians of Kosovo and the Muslims in Serbia's Sanjak region. Carrington consequently modified his plan: Croatia would be denied any military presence whatsoever in the disputed 'Krajina' region, despite it being an integral part of Croatia inhabited by many Croats, while Serbia would be given a completely free hand to suppress the Kosovo Albanians and Sanjak Muslims. Carrington's offer came just after leaders of the latter had organised referendums for increased autonomy, and after the Milosevic regime had responded with concerted police repression (Glaurdic, p. 242).
Milosevic nevertheless continued to reject the Carrington Plan in the understandable belief that the West would eventually offer him a better deal. He consequently asked Carrington to request from the EC's Arbitration Commission, headed by Robert Badinter, an answer to the questions of whether the Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia possessed the right to self-determination, and of whether Serbia's borders with Croatia and Bosnia should be considered borders under international law. Carrington submitted these to the Commission, along with a third question, of whether the situation in Yugoslavia was a case of secession by Slovenia and Croatia or a case of dissolution of the common state. That the Arbitration Commission ruled against Serbia on all three counts was, in Glaurdic's words, a 'terrible surprise for Milosevic and for many in the international community' (p. 260), given that Badinter was a close associate of President Mitterand, whose sympathies were with Serbia's case. The Badinter Commission's ruling dismayed both Carrington and French foreign minister Roland Dumas, and paved the way to international recognition of Croatia and Slovenia. But it did not fundamentally change the West's policy.
Glaurdic's account ends with the outbreak of the war in Bosnia, which as he argues, should be seen as the logical culmination of this policy. The failure of the EC foreign ministers to recognise Bosnia's independence in January 1992 along with Croatia's and Slovenia's was, in Glaurdic's words, 'the decision with the most detrimental long-term consequences, all of which were clearly foreseeable… The EC had missed a great chance to preempt a war that would soon make the war in Croatia pale in comparison. Of all the mistakes the European Community had made regarding the recognition of the Yugoslav republics, this one was probably the most tragic.' (pp. 281-282). Recognition of Bosnia at this time would have upset Milosevic's and Karadzic's plans for destroying that republic; instead, they were given every indication that the West would acquiesce in them.
Thus, on 21-22 February 1992, Bosnia's politicians were presented with the first draft of the plan of the EC's Jose Cutileiro for the three-way partition of Bosnia-Hercegovina into loosely linked Serb, Croat and Muslim entities. Since the plan, based on the ethnic majorities in Bosnian municipalities, offered the Bosnian Serb nationalists 'only' 43.8% of Bosnian territory instead of the 66% they sought, the latter's assembly unanimously rejected it on 11 March. Once again, the EC abandoned universal standards in order to accommodate Serb intransigence, and Cutileiro modified his plan so that the three constituent Bosnian entities 'would be based on national principles and would be taking into account economic, geographic and other criteria' (Glaurdic, p. 294), thereby opening the way for a Serb entity with a larger share of Bosnian territory than was justified on demographic grounds.
Ultimately, Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic rejected the plan. But as Glaurdic writes,
'The damage that the Cutileiro plan did to Bosnia cannot be overstated. By accepting the ethnic principle for the reorganisation of the republic, Cutileiro in essence recognised the platforms of the SDS [Serb Democratic Party led by Karadzic] and the Boban wing of the HDZ [Croat Democratic Union] and opened a Pandora's box of ethnic division that still mars Bosnia to this very day. Cutileiro's intent was obviously to appease the Bosnian Serbs and their Belgrade sponsor into not implementing their massive war machinery. However, instead of lowering tensions and giving the three parties an impetus to keep negotiating, the plan actually gave them a "charter for ethnic cleansing".' (p. 290)
In these circumstances, the West's belated recognition of Bosnia's independence in April 1992 was naturally not taken seriously by the Serb leaders; Milosevic rather wittily compared it to the Roman emperor Caligula declaring his horse to be a senator (Glaurdic, p. 298).
My principal regret is that Glaurdic did not fully apply the logic of his iconoclastic analysis to his consideration of the Croatian dimension of the Yugoslav tragedy. He carefully and correctly highlights the retrograde nationalist ideology of Croatian president Franjo Tudjman, including his equivocal statements about the Nazi-puppet Croatian regime of World War II and his promotion of the partition of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Yet he does not properly stress the extent to which Tudjman's repeated retreats in the face of Serbian aggression merely encouraged the latter, just as did the similar retreats of the Western leaders. Thus, Tudjman capitulated to the JNA's bullying in January 1991 and agreed to demobilise Croatia's reservists and arrest Croatian officials involved in arms procurement, including the Croatian defence minister Martin Spegelj himself. Glaurdic argues that this 'defused the [JNA] generals' plan for a takeover' and brought Yugoslavia 'back from the brink' (p. 134), but it would be more accurate to say that such Croatian appeasement merely encouraged further Serbian assaults, and that the killing in Croatia began only weeks later.
Glaurdic has carefully described the Milosevic regime's secessionism vis-a-vis the Yugoslav federation, but one significant detail omitted from his book is the promulgation on 28 September 1990 of Serbia's new constitution, which stated that 'The Republic of Serbia determines and guarantees: 1 the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Serbia and its international position and relations with other states and international organisations;…'. In other words, Serbia declared itself a sovereign and independent state before either Croatia or Bosnia did. This is relevant when evaluating not only the Milosevic regime's hypocrisy regarding 'separatism', but the extent of the West's policy failure. Milosevic posed as Yugoslavia's defender while he deliberately destroyed it. Western leaders were hoodwinked: they sought both to uphold Yugoslavia's unity and to appease Milosevic's Serbia. As Glaurdic has brilliantly demonstrated, their dogged pursuit of the second of these policies ensured the failure of the first.
Wednesday, 14 March 2012 Posted by Marko Attila Hoare | Balkans, Bosnia, Croatia, European Union, Former Soviet Union, Former Yugoslavia, Genocide, Marko Attila Hoare, Serbia, Slovenia	| Ante Markovic, Azerbaijan, Brendan Simms, Budimir Loncar, Cyrus Vance, Douglas Hogg, Francois Mitterand, Franjo Tudjman, George H.W. Bush, Georgia, Gerhard Almer, Hans Dietrich Genscher, Helmut Kohl, James Baker, Janez Drnovsek, Jose Cutileiro, Josip Glaurdic, Latvia, Lawrence Eagleburger, Lithuania, Lord Carrington, Marko Attila Hoare, Michael Libal, Mikhail Gorbachev, Montenegro, Radovan Karadzic, Richard Caplan, Richard von Weizsaecker, Robert Badinter, Roland Dumas, Slobodan Milosevic, Takis Michas, Warren Zimmermann | 5 Comments
Against the sale of Mistrals to Russia
The following petition was published by the Centre for Geopolitical Studies on 3 December. Although it speaks in the name of 'European citizens of the countries neighbouring Russia', all concerned individuals are invited to sign it irrespective of citizenship.
We, European citizens of the countries neighbouring Russia, wish to express our misgivings about the French government's intention of selling "Mistrals" to Russia.
According to Vladimir Vysotsky, the commander of the Russian Navy « A Mistral-type vessel will significantly increase the fighting and maneuvering capabilities of the Russian navy. During the events of August 2008 (the Russo-Georgian war), this ship would have enabled the Russian fleet in the Black Sea to carry out its mission in 40 minutes instead of 26 hours».
We want to remind the French government that, in violation of an agreement signed with the President of France, Russia is still occupying parts of Georgia.
The Russian leaders have repeatedly threatened to dismember the Ukraine and to intervene in neighbouring states in defence of "Russian-speaking" citizens. Nikolai Patrushev, the secretary of the Kremlin's Security Council, has recently stated that
"in critical national security situations, one should not exclude a preventive nuclear strike against the aggressor",
and that Russia is revising the rules for the employment of nuclear weapons to repel conventionally armed attackers,
"not only in large-scale, but also in a regional and even a local war."
This year Russia simulated an air and sea attack on Poland and Lithuania during military exercises.
Just a few days ago, Prime Minister Putin openly stated his intention to annex Georgia to the Russian Federation.
Taking into account these worrying developments, as well as the fact that the Russian leaders are not subjected to any control from their citizens, and that an arbitrary regime is always dangerous for its neighbours, we ask the French government to remember its responsibility for peace and to renounce the sale of "Mistrals" to Russia in the name of European solidarity.
The petition can be signed here.
Friday, 11 December 2009 Posted by Marko Attila Hoare | Georgia	| Kremlin, Lithuania, Mistral, Nicolas Sarkozy, Nikolai Patrushev, Poland, Ukraine, Vladimir Putin, Vladimir Vysotsky | Leave a comment