text:
We need to understand more deeply a number of critical issues that confront the World Bank and its member countries before we can transform knowledge into effective actions
Research Challenges for Development Economists
Lessons from Economic Development
Challenges in Human Development
Economic Policy and Economic Growth
Governance and the Development Process
Exchange Rate Policy and the IMF
Military Expenditures Military Expenditures in the Developing World
Guest Article Reducing Military Expenditures in the Third World
Extending Help to Women Farmers in LDCs
Setting the Development Agenda
Challenge of Sustaining Growth with Equity in Asia
How Mobile is Capital in Developing Countries?
Accessing the International Capital Markets
Protection in Sub-Saharan Africa Hinders Exports
Madagascar: Crafting Comprehensive Reforms
Books in Brief
Other Books Received
The Economics of the Dollar Cycle and The Political Economy of American Monetary Policy
The Competitive Advantage of Nations
Socially Relevant Policy Analysis
Cheating the Government: The Economics of Evasion
Blueprint for a Green Economy
Sharing Innovation: Global Perspectives on Food, Agriculture, and Rural Development
Stefan Gerlach and Peter A. Petri (editors)
The Economics of the Dollar Cycle
The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, USA, 1990, vii + 381 pp., $37.50.
Thomas Mayer (editor)
The Political Economy of American Monetary Policy
Cambridge University Press, New York, NY, USA, 1990, ix +314 pp., $42.50.
Here are two books dealing with different facets of monetary economics: one international, the other domestic. Both provoke thought more by explaining why the right policies are hard to formulate than by trying to find easy answers to difficult questions.
To start with the international issues: Why did the US dollar rise so dramatically in the first half of the 1980s and then fall even more sharply in 1985-87? How did that cycle affect the world economy? And was this a problem that calls for a policy response, or should the market be left alone to determine exchange rates and payments balances? In December 1987, an outstanding group of academic economists gathered at Brandeis University to wrestle with these questions and to try to assess the implications of the dollar cycle for economic policy. The papers presented at that conference have now been collected and edited by two Brandeis professors, Stefan Gerlach and Peter A. Petri. The result is a generally quite clear and policy-directed compilation, which includes some stimulating discussion of the papers as well.
The questions posed above are obviously daunting, and it should not be surprising that even the finest economists are hard pressed to find convincing answers. Consequently, the most interesting papers in this volume are those that eschew trying to build castles in the sand and try instead to explain why we cannot know all that we seek to know. Paul Krugman, for example, discusses the failures of many popular explanations for the swings in the dollar's value, and he concludes with a call for a modest but elusive reform: We cannot draw lessons for policy, he notes, "until there is some willingness to abandon positions that have been decisively rejected by experience—even if those positions make for nice models" (p. 117). Peter Garber reviews the debate over whether the dollar's strength in the mid-1980s was just a speculative bubble, and he argues that we cannot answer that question until we first are able to evaluate the fundamental determinants of the dollar's value; but that prior issue has also proved elusive.
As for the future, there seems to have been a reasonably general agreement at the conference that if the United States hoped to balance its external accounts, it should not only reduce its budget deficit but allow the dollar's exchange value to decline further as well. That argument was made by James Tobin, Ralph Bryant, Rudiger Dornbusch, and others. It is worth noting, then, that three years later, the dollar had depreciated by a further 10 percent in effective terms, while the budget deficit had remained stubbornly high. The US current account deficit had declined from around 3½ percent of GNP to just under 2 percent, but further progress was proving difficult. This configuration of events is only part of a complex picture, but it does tend to vindicate the mainstream view of what was required.
On the domestic front, "Fed watching"—studying the decisions and the decision-making process of the US Federal Reserve System—has long been a favorite pastime of financial journalists, bankers, and others who in various ways depend on the Fed for their livelihood. In 1987, an American journalist, William Greider, carried this vocation to an apparent extreme with an 800-page book (Secrets of the Temple: How the Federal Reserve Runs the Country) that studied the institution, its leaders, and its role in American society in more depth (and with more vituperation) than one would have thought imaginable. Most monetary economists, on the other hand, have been content to study the results of monetary policy, without devoting much time to the human processes that give rise to those results.
Thomas Mayer, for the past three decades a University of California economics professor and a student of US monetary policy, decided that the topic "need not be left to journalists," and he invited some two dozen economists to write papers analyzing Federal Reserve policy making. The overwhelming impression one gets from reading these papers is that the individual policymakers and their responses to political pressures and bureaucratic biases are as important as the economic theories that underpin their work. Several chapters argue that Federal Reserve decisions cannot be adequately explained by estimating reaction functions, or by appeal to maximization of either the public welfare or the policymakers' own self-interest. The Federal Reserve is subjected to pressure from both the Congress and the Administration, but its leaders have worked hard and with much success to maintain a measure of independence from those pressures. The Fed's policies consequently have been formulated and implemented with discretion and have not generally been subjected to formal rules.
Most of the authors represented in Professor Mayer's book are critical of the Federal Reserve, and many of them would prefer a system of rules that would subject both the Fed and its political overseers to greater accountability. Even those favoring discretionary countercyclical policy, such as Elmus Wicker, find that the practice of it has fallen far short. Suggested reasons for the failures of Fed policies include incomplete use of available information (Wicker), reliance on poor forecasts (Raymond Lombra and Nicholas Karamouzis), reluctance to admit mistakes (Mayer), an absence of incentives to establish accountability (Edward Kane), and the reluctance or inability of the Congress to develop effective oversight (Nicholas Beck and James Pierce).
What is missing from these studies is a clear set of prescriptions for improvement. It is doubtful that any of these authors would argue that Congress could be counted upon to establish a set of rules that would lead to better outcomes. Independence and discretion in the implementation of rules will always be required, and perhaps the strength of this book —like that of Gerlach and Petri—is that it avoids looking for simple solutions for an extremely complex problem.
James M. Boughton
The Free Press, New York, NY, USA, 1990, xi + 855 pp., $35.
Porter's objective in writing this volume is to extend his earlier work on the competitive strategy of firms to the national context. He hopes to learn why some nations prosper and others do not. Much interesting information is presented—a virtual shower of anecdotes that is often repetitive—but the author is more successful at presenting suggestive hypotheses than at developing or testing a theory.
The first few pages quickly shift from the basic issue—the determinants of national productivity and productivity growth—to a focus on the success of industries in international markets, which absorbs the rest of the book. Porter terms such success "international competitiveness," which he defines as significant exports of goods and services, or significant foreign direct investment by an industry. The empirical link between national productivity and international competitiveness is not presented, but merely asserted. No mention is made of what determines the productivity of industries producing nontraded goods. For example, one reason for the high level of productivity in the United States is the high productivity of US service industries, but these industries are not big exporters. And success in exporting commodities and simple manufactured goods need not imply high productivity.
Part I covers over one hundred case studies of industries in ten leading developed nations. Each of these case studies is of an internationally competitive national industry. How these industries were chosen from the many hundreds of possible cases is not explained. A few are presented as self-contained case studies in Part II. An analysis of these cases leads Porter to identify four major determinants of international competitiveness: factor conditions (land, labor, and capital); demand conditions (composition and size of home market demand and its relation to foreign demand); related and supporting industries (presence of such industries that are already internationally competitive); and firm strategy, structure, and rivalry. Other minor determinants are chance and government policy. The four major factors provide an organizing framework used to analyze why selected industries are internationally competitive.
Porter describes the current competitive situation (in terms of industrial exports and economic performance) of eight countries (Germany, Italy, Japan, Korea, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States) in Part III. Then in Part IV, he goes on to make suggestions about appropriate strategies for companies to pursue and appropriate policies for governments to implement, along with presenting diagnoses and suggestions for the eight countries reviewed.
The problem posed in the book is the matching of industries and nations, each of which has many varied attributes. The question is: Which nations are the best locations or home countries for which industries? The analysis is carried out by reviewing the findings of the numerous case studies on almost an individual basis, and the transition from these instances to the overall performance of the country is unsupported. This leads to a lack of clarity, much repetition, and little hard measurement. This work would be much enhanced by more use of statistics and less use of example.
The author persistently refers to his analytic framework of four principle determinants as a theory. The framework is not tested in a rigorous way, nor is it used to predict which firms will emerge as internationally competitive in which countries. The author states that his framework could be used for predicting future industry evolution (p. 175), but he never uses it for this purpose. What the book presents is a rich set of hypotheses about the determinants of export success, with little analysis of the relative importance of various determinants.
The analysis of government policy is very modest and is covered for developing countries in only five of the book's 735 pages. Governments should foster a competitive environment, promote education, invest in infrastructure, and expand research capacity. In addition, increasing the level of savings and investment and promoting the development of efficient capital markets are deemed crucial for growth. The author is not enthusiastic about the efficacy of macroeconomic policy in general, nor of devaluation in particular as a stimulant for international competitiveness. However, he sees a greater role for government policy in developing than in developed countries.
This book is a bountiful source of information about specific industries, and it provides a useful taxonomic device for analyzing successful industries. Firm managers will find much that is relevant, but there is little in the way of specific recommendations for government policymakers or for the analyst of developing countries.
Gregory K. Ingram
Lance Taylor (editor)
The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, USA, 1990, x + 379 pp., $37.50.
The phrase "socially relevant" in the title of this book does double duty. The book is essentially a collection of structuralist computable general equilibrium (CGE) models for developing countries, and the phrase "socially relevant" is meant to apply both to its structuralist (as opposed to neoclassical) approach as well as to the CGE methodology, which lends itself to a much greater degree of microeconomic detail than is typically found in small mainstream macroeconomic models. The book consists of a lengthy overview essay by Lance Taylor, followed by twelve chapters consisting of applications to individual countries by various authors. The overview essay appropriately provides a useful description of the tenets of structuralism and a brief synopsis of CGE methodology. Of these, the former is by far of greatest interest.
Taylor identifies structuralism with a number of general hypotheses about developing country macroeconomics. These include the recognition that (1) many agents possess significant market power; (2) LDC macro-causality tends to run from "injections," such as investment, exports, and government spending, to "leakages," such as imports and saving; (3) money is often endogenous; (4) the structure of the financial system can affect macroeconomic outcomes in important ways; and
(5) in the LDC context, imported intermediate and capital goods, as well as direct complementarity between public and private investment, are likely to be empirically important. In spite of the occasional polemical tone of the essay, many of these hypotheses would command wide agreement among developing country macroeconomists, suggesting that structuralism—at least in this sense—may have made its point.
The country-specific applications, which comprise the rest of the book, embody many of these structural features. The CGE methodology is applied consistently in these chapters, though the structures of the models differ in major ways depending on the policy questions being addressed. The chapter on Mexico, for example, departs substantially from CGE tradition by incorporating a fairly detailed financial sector. This is necessitated by that chapter's focus on the effects of devaluation in a "dollarized economy" (i.e., where a large number of US dollars are held by residents). Overall, the quality of the exposition in the applied chapters is good, and the workings of the country models are fairly transparent. The analysis is indeed focused on "socially relevant" questions, such as the optimal design of food subsidy programs in Mexico, the distributional effects of price controls in Nicaragua, the effects of raising administered prices in India, and so on. In general, the findings are reasonable and would not offend many nonstructuralists. It is not surprising to find, for example, that devaluation can be contractionary if imported intermediate inputs are important, that targeted food price subsidies are superior to income transfers and general price subsidies, or that raising administered prices can be stagflationary.
All told, whatever one thinks of the CGE methodology, this is a collection of sensible papers that address, in a careful way and with attention to country circumstances, policy issues that repeatedly confront developing country macroeconomists. As the papers here illustrate, the macroeconomic tradition that this book reflects continues to contribute to the formulation of responsible macroeconomic policy in developing countries.
Peter J. Montiel
Frank A. Cowell
The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, USA, 1990, xii + 267 pp., $27.50.
This book is a comprehensive state of the art primer on the economic analysis of tax evasion. Though he makes no concession to those who cringe at mathematical modelling, Cowell succeeds in combining technical elegance with a healthy dose of facts and anecdotes, excellent writing, and frequent wit. The notes to the chapters are a particularly rich source of material.
The basic premise of the argument is that the problem of tax evasion or, more generally, cheating the government, is intrinsic to public finance. Self-interested individuals will not voluntarily finance the optimal amount of public goods, preferring instead to maximize their own consumption, while enjoying the public works provided by others. This creates a need for a government tax enforcement strategy.
The first few chapters are devoted to the definition of the problem and an examination of its scope. Cowell compels the reader to admit that the line between illegal evasion and legal avoidance is fine indeed and clearly varies from country to country. This point is important later on when optimal enforcement policy is discussed and provides an entry into the issue of the appropriate extent to discourage evasion or avoidance. Furthermore, the existence of ambiguity in the tax law implies that harsh penalties may not be viewed by society as fair, if the rules of the game are not simple and well understood.
The middle chapters proceed with the development of models of taxpayer behavior and the empirical evidence supporting them. The standard theoretical results are presented—that evasion depends on the probability of being caught, the severity of the penalty, and the risk aversion and income levels of individuals. Another important factor, and one that Cowell has examined in greater depth elsewhere, is the availability of tax avoidance strategies, tax shelters, and the possibility of "exiting" to the informal or underground economy. Building on the models of taxpayer behavior, the last chapters address the issue of the appropriate government response.
An important theme underlying the last chapters, on policy agenda and policy designs, is that, although, on paper, eliminating evasion is a trivial task—merely increase the penalty to the point where no sane individual would dare cheat—there are significant problems with this solution, primarily that in most societies the nature of the crime must bear some relation to the nature and magnitude of the punishment. Tax evasion is not viewed in most societies as a particular evil act and unduly harsh penalties for evasion would not be enforced. In addition, high penalties raise the issue of the potential venality of tax collectors, who would be all the more tempted to make side deals. Consequently a more sophisticated strategy for tax enforcement is necessary.
An optimal strategy would depend on a number of factors. One important guideline is to allocate resources so that an appropriate relation is maintained between the cost of enforcement and the revenue received directly from those audited, and indirectly from any increase in general honesty. A second consideration, one having important equity implications, is the appropriate trade off between penalties and enforcement effort. At a more microeconomic level, the design of optimal audit strategies depends on the information available to the government. This area has been researched quite actively of late and indicates that significant improvements over "blind" audit strategies are available that may greatly improve the efficiency of the tax collector. An improvement in the use of information—mainly from tax returns—may, however, lead to an exodus to the underground economy. The possible resultant economic losses would mitigate the gains from effective enforcement.
The primary strength of the argument in this book may be, for some readers, a source of disappointment. Having carefully constructed a treatise on tax evasion, the author maintains his intellectual honesty by shunning sweeping arguments and proposals. The issues are fundamental, complex, and interesting. Readers of "Cheating the Government" will obtain much useful insight, but will find no quick and simple solutions to the puzzles posed therein.
Peter Stella
David Pearce, Anil Markandya, and Edward B. Barbier
Earthsoan Publications Ltd., East Haven, CT, USA, 1989, xvi + 192 pp., $13.95.
Originally written as a report to the UK Department of the Environment, this little book is both a primer on environmental economics for politicians and a challenge to economists to wake up to the critical importance of the environment for economic theory and policy. The topics covered include the meaning of sustainable development, valuing the environment, environmental accounting, project appraisal, discounting the future, and market-based incentives for environmental improvement. The book is intended for the layman, even though some rather advanced discussion is encountered in the chapter on discounting. In general, the authors have done an admirable job of advancing the discussion, while at the same time remaining within the intellectual confines of neoclassical economics. But, the book bears the mark of its origins—a government report done under a deadline with no time for second thoughts and polishing. A more polished discussion of the same material is provided by Pearce in his recent text with R. Kerry Turner— Environmental and Resource Economics—which is also highly recommended.
On the definition of sustainable development, the report rejects the "nondeclining utility approach" as fundamentally non-operational and advocates a definition in terms of constant total capital stock, later sharpened to constant natural capital. In spite of the difficulties of defining constancy of capital, their case seems very convincing. Certainly ecologists would also find this approach more satisfactory. So too, should economists, since this is a generalization of J.R. Hicks' definition of income as the maximum annual consumption that still leaves capital intact at the end of the year—only capital is now taken to refer mainly to natural capital.
For those involved in environmental projects, the chapters on project appraisal and on discounting the future will be of special interest. The most promising suggestion for integrating sustainability into project appraisal is simply to require that every project be sustainable—that is, that it not degrade the natural capital stock on which it depends either for regeneration of its raw material inputs or absorption of its waste outputs. If a project does either of these things, as frequently must be the case, then that project must be coupled with a joint or shadow project that will rebuild the degraded natural capital, such that the two together meet the condition of maintenance of natural capital stock. The two are then considered as a unit and ranked against other sustainable projects by conventional criteria. This seems to me a proper principle, even though there will surely be difficulties in carrying this through. What is really surprising, however, is that the authors then immediately retreat from this principle saying that "at the level of each project such a requirement would be stultifying. Few projects would be feasible." They advocate applying the principle at a program (multi-project) level, so that the nondegradation of natural capital stock criterion would only hold on the average for the set of projects in the program and not for each project. This does not seem to help at all and in fact sacrifices efficiency by "socializing" the costs of sustainability among all the projects in a program, instead of making each project bear its own full marginal social opportunity cost—a principle eloquently defended elsewhere in the book. Nevertheless, the basic principle is a powerful one and the question of the best way to apply it merits more discussion by economists.
The chapter on discounting is the best short discussion I have seen of the issue. The authors' basic point is that the discount rate should reflect the combined influence of time preference and productivity, and should not be altered to take account of environmental externalities. The latter should be incorporated directly in the cost and benefit estimates of the project and not indirectly in a doctored discount rate. Indeed, they argue, it is hard to know which is more environmentally friendly, a high or low discount rate. A high discount rate speeds up depletion of nonrenewables and rotation periods of renew-ables, and thus seems unfriendly to the environment. But a low discount rate lets a greater total number of projects be approved, all of which also put demands on the environment. It is hard to tell a priori whether the total investment effect will be greater or less than the more rapid exploitation effect—another topic that should engage the discussion of economists.
Herman E. Daly
Neil G. Kotler
Sharing Innovation
Global Perspectives on Food, Agriculture, and Rural Development
Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, DC, USA, 1991, v + 265 pp., $12.95 (paper).
This very readable book presents the papers and proceedings of an international colloquium on food and agriculture held at the Smithsonian Institution, in conjunction with the awarding of the 1989 World Food Prize to Dr. Verghese Kurien, chairman of the National Dairy Development Board ("Operation Flood") in Anand, India.
The papers review a number of success stories in agricultural development: the Awe community project in Nigeria; the green revolution in Asia; advances in dryland farming technology in India; the Iringa integrated nutrition project in Tanzania; the growth of Chile's fruit and vegetable export industry; and the "Operation Flood" dairy development program in India. With few exceptions, the authors played vital roles in the developments they describe, and unlike books written by "outside" experts, there are clear messages here from key practitioners about the factors that they think led to success.
Despite the'diversity of experiences reported, a clear message emerges about the importance of involving local, community-based, and often private institutions in any development project. Farmers and rural communities must have the freedom and flexibility to act in accordance with their own perceived needs, and development endeavors must begin with a proper understanding of those needs and a clear vision of how to reinforce a community's ability to act. Remarkably, there is very little emphasis in the papers on the role of the public sector, other than with respect to maintaining a conducive policy environment.
The book includes a verbatim account of the discussions that followed the presentation of the papers. While some useful condensation might have been achieved with the aid of rapporteurs' reports, there are sufficient gems (e.g., Dr. Kurien's informal comments on what really makes Operation Flood work, pp. 224-28) to make much of the discussion a useful read.
Peter Hazell


"Apart from them, we would not survive." The silence that follows his words is heavier than other silences. It is heavy with our worst fear, the greater even than the fear of death: to be factionless. This is an excerpt from the book, Divergent. The passage indicates that in social groups, people are able to find stability and comfort, but at the same time, they may be seized with a fear of being outcasts who fail to get into any groups or to adapt to a group's customs.
The twenty-something generation is in a position of being free to choose their own future. However, their fear of being failures can make their job choices more limited, creating increased anxiety about choices of groups to join. Voice of YA, a public opinion medium, praised the book, Divergent as "a novel drawing upon the anxiety and struggle of the youth who have to position themselves in this world." The dystopian novel, Divergent, mirrors such unromantic reality and delicately depicts the fear of the twenty-somethings.
A free choice is hard to make. In the book, if one fails to complete the initiation into one's faction, that person will "live in poverty, doing the work no one else wants to do," naming as examples, the jobs of janitors, construction workers, and garbage collectors. The society in the book claims that "all occupations are equally honorable" which is a lie, and such is the case in the real world. "I am afraid of being labeled a loser more than doing such jobs for a living. For that, I just have to do my best not to fall behind and end up having such jobs. There is hardly any freedom," said Kim Sang-ha, a Junior in the Department of Economics at Ewha Womans University. To blend into a community one deems as proper, everyone cannot help but run this race along a predetermined path to their future.
Under these circumstances where an individual's future occupation is restricted, a person is likely to agonize over whether he or she should follow what is personally desire or what social conventions say is right. Describing such troubles and emotions is what makes this novel, Divergent more convincing, more so since the novel is told in the first person. Along with the writer's powerful expressions, the story helps readers particularly in their twenties, better sympathize with the characters' feelings of helplessness.
Furthermore, Beatrice, the main character, agonizes over who her true friends are: the jealous friends or the encouraging competitors. There is an old saying, "A friend in need is a friend indeed" but this is not the case in the story. Son Eun-jin, a Senior in the Department of Educational Technology at KonKuk University, said, "It is really sad how when it comes to getting a job, there are cases where friends become jealous about each other and as a result, the relationship ends. Competition overtakes friendship." The novel reflects such an unfortunate situation where a person lacks the freedom to even have friends.
Being different from those around her in the novel, Beatrice has second thoughts about being in such a restricted society. She is a Divergent: a person who has composite characteristics identifying her as being eligible to join various factions as opposed to just one. Due to her different nature, she is able to "choose" her future. This means she can pursue her free will beyond the social conventions. However, not all Divergents actually pursue free will although they are able to obtain it. People who put their free will in actual practice are a minority in the real world as well as in the novel. This is because a lot of courage is needed for a person to actively pursue what is really wanted, which might entail leaving one's group and even a part of oneself behind.
The Wall Street Journal commented about the novel saying, "Divergent means the uncontrolled who threaten the public order." In the novel, if a person reveals him or herself to be a Divergent, his or her life will be imperiled. This, of course, is not new, and there are many cases in history. For example, Galileo Galilei was intimidated into giving up the Copernican Theory by the Catholic Church and Socrates was executed for his firm convictions, as were numerous other historical figures. "People like Beatrice who take action against the imposed beliefs of others feel they cannot be controlled and this terrifies those responsible for the imposition. I think the courage of those who take a stand is incredible because they follow their free will regardless of the possible negative consequences," said Yun Young-jin, a Freshman in the Division of Computer Sciences and Engineering at HYU.
People in the real world are all Divergents in terms of having the free will to determine their future. It depends not on how oppressive a society is but rather on the individual's decision to act upon his or her free will or not.
The novel is a prelude to the dystopian series of three by the writer, Veronica Roth. The story is something young people in their twenties who worry about their future can readily understand because of the metaphorically similar social conventions and constraints they feel around them as depicted in the novel. Such feelings and emotions will soon come to life when the movie adaptation of the novel is released in April, 2014.


Combining the best of both worlds, the 5006 Up and Accent Fixture with shroud comes factory installed with Vistas new MR-16 LED lamp. Boasting the energy savings of LED technology and the flexibility and performance of MR-16 lamps, Vistas new MR-16 LED lamps come in your choice of 4.5W (equivalent to 20W halogen) or 5.5W (equivalent to 35W halogen) factory-installed. Available in 25, 36 and 60 Degree beam spread options. This low voltage up and accent fixture is constructed of die-cast, copper-free aluminum for strength and reliability. The fully rotatable shroud is compatible with accessories like lenses and louvers. The housing is equipped with an oversized silicone O-ring to protect against moisture and dust intrusion. At the base of the housing is a high temperature silicone diaphragm gasket which incorporates an innovative air valve that prevents a vacuum from forming within the fixture during dramatic temperature changes. A clear, tempered, shock and heat-resistant, soda-lime glass lens safeguards the lamp and optics. A super durable polyester powder coat finish is applied and is available in 15 standard colors. The intelligently engineered fully adjustable knuckle is made from injection-molded, fiber-reinforced composite which effectively isolates the fixture from the harmful corrosive soil. The 5006 is shipped with a standard 4.5W, 36 Degree flood MR-16 LED lamp, unless otherwise specified. Mounting hardware is included. Choice of ABS ground stake, mounting canopy, or tree-mount canopy.


 1 Samuel 9:25 Interlinear: And they come down from the high place to the city, and he speaketh with Saul on the roof.
Afterward, they went down from the high place to the city, and Samuel spoke with Saul on the roof.
When they came down from the high place into the city, [Samuel] spoke with Saul on the roof.
And when they were come down from the high place into the city, [Samuel] communed with Saul upon the top of the house.
When they had come down from the high place into town, Samuel spoke to Saul on the roof.


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Specsavers v ASDA returns to Court of Appeal
Partner, Trade Mark Attorney
We reported the Court of Appeal's decision on this case in February 2012 and the Court of Justice of the European Union's (CJ) response to the Court of Appeal's questions was confirmed in our article in September of last year.
The parties have now reached a settlement, but the case has returned to the Court of Appeal, specifically in relation to Specsavers' Community trade mark registration no. 1358589, referred to as the "wordless logo".
This mark is registered on the Community Trade Marks Register without reference to colour and therefore has been considered to cover all colours (although to what extent this remains an accurate assumption following OHIM's Common Communication on the Common Practice of the Scope of Protection of Black & White Marks remains unclear. ASDA had applied to revoke the registration on the ground of non use and, in defence of the registration, Specsavers showed use of the Specsavers logo described as the "shaded logo" mark.
At the first instance, Mann J. decided that use of this shaded logo could not be relied upon to support the registration of the wordless logo.
On appeal, questions were referred to the CJ to enable the court to make a decision as to whether genuine use had indeed been made, as follows:-
"1. Where a trader has separate registrations of Community trade marks for
(i) a graphic device mark;
(ii) a word mark;
and uses the two together, is such use capable of amounting to use of the [figurative] mark for the purposes of Articles 15 and 51 of Regulation 207/2009? If yes, how is the question of use of the graphic mark to be assessed?
2. Does it make a difference if:
(i) the word mark is superimposed over the [figurative element]?
(ii) the trader also has the combined mark comprising [the figurative element] and [the] word mark registered as a Community trade mark?
3. Does the answer to [the first and second questions] depend upon whether the graphic device and the words are perceived by the average consumer as [on the one hand] being separate signs; or [on the other hand] each having an independent distinctive role? If so, how?"
The CJ noted that the presence of the word Specsavers on the wordless logo did effectively hide part of the mark but, applying the regulation, it decided that genuine use could be considered to have been made if the form in which the trade mark had been used did not change the distinctive character of the mark as registered. We already know from other cases, including Colloseum Holding AG v Levi Strauss & Co, that where a trade mark is used as part of a composite mark, that use can be considered genuine as regards both marks.
It was relevant to consideration of how the wordless logo had been used that the CJ had determined that, in carrying out a global assessment of the likelihood of confusion between a sign used by the defendant and the mark as registered by the claimant, how the claimant has used its earlier trade mark, in particular in what colour or combination of colours, can be taken into account.
In this decision, it was therefore confirmed that when considering whether the form in which a trade mark is used changes the distinctive character of the mark as registered, it is relevant to take into account whether or not the mark has always been used in a specific colour and how that affects the perception of the consumer. The judge made the comment that "use by Specsavers of the Shaded logo mark does not seem to be a very promising basis for an argument that they have also used the Wordless logo mark". However, he acknowledged that it was necessary to examine all of the use that had been made of the shaded logo mark as well as the perception of the consumer. The evidence of use enabled the court to conclude that use of the shaded logo did constitute use of the wordless logo as use of the shaded logo mark still enabled the consumer to identify the wordless logo as an indication of origin. The evidence showed that the consumer (and indeed ASDA) accepted that the wordless logo identified Specsavers. The consumer did not see the wordless logo merely as a background of the trade mark Specsavers and the form in which the wordless logo mark was used was not considered to alter the distinctive character of the mark as registered.
This decision is obviously very good news for Specsavers and is consistent with other decisions referring to use of marks as part of composite marks (referenced above in connection with the Colloseum case). However, the registrar, appearing as an intervener in this case, pointed out that each case must be decided upon its own facts and, in this particular case, the strength and relevance of the evidence filed by Specsavers was clearly an important factor.
Brand owners cannot now assume that other cases featuring an image such as the wordless logo would be decided in a similar way; as ever, collation and retention of appropriate evidence of use remains of key importance.
OHIM (pdf) link: https://oami.europa.eu

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Home / News / News Releases
July 11, 2019 - Federal Grants Help Libraries Serve Community
The Massachusetts Board of Library Commissioners (MBLC) awarded $318,224 in 29 grants to public and school libraries across the Commonwealth through the Federal Library Services and Technology Act (LSTA) at their July 11, 2019 board meeting. LSTA grants are funded by the Institute of Museum and Library Services....
July 11, 2019 - MBLC Awards more than $13 million for Library Construction
At its July 11, 2019 board meeting, the Massachusetts Board of Library Commissioners (MBLC) awarded provisional construction grants to the Reuben Hoar Library in Littleton in the amount of $5,844,747 and to the Sharon Public Library in the amount of $7,485,943 through its Massachusetts Public Library Construction Progr...
July 02, 2019 - Construction Bond and Annual Cap Fall Short
The Massachusetts Public Library Construction Program (MPLCP) is set to receive $100 million in a new bond bill (H3687), falling short of the $250 million requested by the Massachusetts Board of Library Commissioners (MBLC) to support the program. The MBLC also requested that the annual capital budget, the amount of fu...
July 01, 2019 - New Library is Celebrated in Leicester
On Sunday, June 23, 2019 Leicester residents and local officials celebrated the opening of its newly restored and renovated public library. The $8.9 million project was funded in part through a $4.2 million grant from the Massachusetts Board of Library Commissioners (MBLC) Public Library Construction Program (MPLCP)....
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text:
Q: How to find sub-parts of a .OBJ 3D model using three.js? I need to implement a functionality where user can upload a OBJ 3D model and then I will show different sub-parts of that model in browser. (Same as https://www.sculpteo.com is doing.).
But I am unable to find sub-parts of OBJ model. I am using three.js to show OBJ model in browser.
Is there any way to find sub-parts to OBJ model using three.js?
I am sharing code to load OBJ model =>
var mtlLoader = new THREE.MTLLoader();
mtlLoader.setPath( 'path' );
mtlLoader.load( 'model.mtl', function( materials ) {
  materials.preload();

  var objLoader = new THREE.OBJLoader();
  objLoader.setMaterials( materials );
  objLoader.setPath( 'path' );
  objLoader.load( 'model.obj', function ( object ) {
    scene.add( object);
  });
});

Now I don't know how to find sub-parts of this "model.obj". Kindly help. Thanks in advance.

A: OJBLoader returns (THREE.Object3D() (it was in r71)) THREE.Group() (r81) with children of THREE.Mesh.
You'll get sub-parts as child meshes of the object only if your .obj file has groups of objects. Without it, you'll get just a sinlge child mesh.
Read about Wavefront .obj file format.
So, if your data of sub-parts grouped under
o [object name]

tag, then you'll have as many child meshes as you have "o" groups in your .obj file and then you can traverse.
upd#1: It also works with "g" tags.
g [group name]

The example based on "webgl_interactive_cubes" from Threejs.org, the data of sub-parts grouped with "g" tags (skull, uteeth, jaw, lteeth) in the .obj file

A: When you load the objects you can do this inside your callback function :
   objLoader.load('yourUrl.obj', function (object) {
     object.traverse(function (child) {
       if (child instanceof THREE.Mesh) {
         console.log(child);
         // here you can make what you want with the children of object
       }
     });
   });

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
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Tag Archives: David Cameron
A New Day, A New Future but did you vote?
July 14, 2016 Day to Day Life, POLITICS, Real lifeBrexit, Consevative party, David Cameron, democracy, Eu, future, prime minister May, refurendum, Theresa May, UK, votekev56
June 24th 2016 will go down in the history of the U.K. as the dawn of a new era. The day over seventeen million of us voted to leave an organisation which has bullied our nation for over forty years. On more than one occasion since 1066 it was up to Britain to stand up to the might of France, Germany, Spain (the usual invasion suspects) and the other twenty four members of the EU. Since we were taken in to the organisation in 1973 successive prime ministers have battled against the odds while our wealth and industry has been plundered by nations who've been trying for centuries to gain access to our coffers.
Our Prime Minister has resigned, a decision I find odd, especially from a man who was so passionate about staying in the EU. Surely had Mr Cameron been a true leader he should've put his hands up with the battle cry " the people have spoken, let me lead them forward and rebuild!"
Facebook, Twitter and other social media has been alive with some pretty nasty comments by users in the "remain" camp but people do say some pretty awful things when they're frightened so I can forgive them.
What I have found discerning though, is the amount of people who have been screaming for a second referendum, many of those quite young and who didn't bother to register to vote. Younger people have reacted by blaming older generations for "messing with our future". Ironically this is just how I thought when after the referendum in 1975, "progressive thinking" people voted to take us into the then Common Market. I had voted but the fear of the new and unknown was daunting but we survived and we will again! Make no mistake, politicians lied back then as well, it's not a new phenomenon.
July 13th arrived and since the turmoil of the Brexit vote, the panic of a nation seemingly frightened of its own shadow let alone of the rest of the world has been somewhat abated by the appointment of a new prime minister, Theresa May. Prime Minister May has a difficult task ahead, re-uniting the Conservative party and ensuring the U.K. exits the EU on the best terms possible. Her first speech on the steps of No 10 was, I thought, asserted and broad in its content appealing to people across the country. If she is able to put the words into action she will put a divided nations trust back into politicians and impress the rest of the world.
So what have we learned from the past three weeks? I feel that democracy is still alive and kicking. I feel our citizens have strong political views. I know I've probably lost a few friends because of mine, but I ask this question. If the the vote had been in favour of remain, would I have accepted the majority decision? Of course I would because I'm a firm believer in the people of the UK.
Wisdom is only gained by experience, so here's a little advice from someone who's lived a little of life. Everybody and every vote makes a difference, so in future use your vote, then you can criticise. Also learn to accept a decision by a majority because this the way democracy works whether that majority is one, five or ten million.
Enough said on this small part of history, my next blog will be on a much different and less controversial subject, I promise!
As always your comments are welcomed and appreciated.
Thanks for reading. 🙂
"BREXIT" Bullies?
March 6, 2016 POLITICS, Real life1991 Canterbury Treaty, BMW, Brevity, David Cameron, NATOkev56
I posted on Facebook this week regarding the threats from the French Leadership saying they would ensure the UK would suffer the consequences of EU exit by opening up the borders in Calais thus flooding our country with migrants. They, (and David Cameron) seem to have overlooked the contents of the 1991 Canterbury Treaty, this 24 page document was brought to my attention by my lovely niece Rebecca Goodson, who having studied politics and obviously concentrated on her subject, remembered the contents of the said treaty. It's far too long to post on this Blog but here's the link:-
https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/273131/2366.pdf
It's worth a read because as Rebecca points out, The 1991 Canterbury Treaty is legally binding, thanks Becca 🙂
The French also threatened to entice banks and business to their already over taxed country, as a businessman, I can't envisage any company wishing to pay 60% corporation tax when the rate in the UK is 20% less, can you?
German motor manufacturer BMW have also been in the news this week, writing to their UK employees. It starts:
"The decision on whether to stay in the EU or not is for British voters to decide on in June. The BMW Group and Rolls-Royce Motor Cars believe that the UK is better as a member of the EU than it would be outside it." It continues:
"Finally, we get a significant benefit from the easy movement of our people between the UK and Europe. This allows the rapid transfer of expert knowledge throughout Rolls-Royce Motor Cars and BMW Group networks, building the skill level of our UK workforce. Our employment base could also be affected, with skilled men and women from most EU countries included in the 30 nationalities currently represented at the Home of Rolls-Royce here at Goodwood"
The whole of the letter can be read online but I draw this conclusion, BMW are making veiled threats to their employees, a typical action from the other half of a bullying duo made up of Germany and France! An alliance only interested in ensuring the longevity of their own countries. Sound familiar? Shades of the past?
I apologise to any of my German, French and Spanish friends, as I don't place you in the same bucket as the above minority of your countrymen.
I ask our government, politicians, indeed all parties, to lay out honestly the pros and the cons of leaving the EU. Not to further their own careers, nor to court popularity but for once be totally transparent because this is not about you alone but the future of your children as well as ours!
Finally on this subject, there has been an awful lot of talk about the threat to national security. Don't forget we are still members of NATO, as are France and Germany and by association, most of Europe. So what changes? Not much.
"BREXIT, it's got to be said!"
February 21, 2016 Real lifeBrexit, Britain, Common Market, David Cameron, Edward Heath, Eu, European Unionkev56
Brexit, the term invented and adopted by the press to describe the negotiations for so called better terms for us, the UK to stay in the European Union. So here we are in the fifth decade after Prime Minister Edward Heath took us into the then "Common Market". The average man and women who had lived through the second world war were of the opinion back in 1975 that the main players in Europe, Germany and France were only after the wealth of the UK to prop up their own failing economies than the future of Britain. Even so 66% of us voted to join because then as now we were told it would be good for our future! As a young man, I too voted yes, to apparently secure the future of our country and our children's future.
41 years on, how do I feel as a 60 year old business owner, father of three and also grandfather?
When we became part of the now called European Union, our health service was free, including dental. We had care services for our elderly, free school meals for all our children, pensions for all and housing supply was not at an all time low. Our farmers were working and the only fields left fallow were those in crop rotation. There were no "butter mountains" or "milk lakes"and so forth because farmers could produce what they needed to and not what they were told to by the Eurocrats. Any shortfalls, we imported from our trading partners throughout the globe, meat from New Zealand and South America, grain from Europe and the Americas. We had doctors who were satisfied with their pay, the police and fire fighters were well staffed and we had armed forces who were the envy of the world. Not to forget the City of London which, as now was always a global financial hub.
What as gone wrong?
We as tax payers give the EU £55,000,000 per day (yes fifty five million pounds per day!) to achieve this we have to borrow and this increases our national debt hence on-going cuts to all the services we hold dear here in the UK. Imagine how much our services would benefit from this amount of money injected into their coffers, doctors paid what they are worth, police, firefighters and ambulance crews, satisfied with their salaries (well almost, after all you can't please everyone!) and a defence force having the resources to be capable of actually defending!
Jobs could be created in all of the above professions, farming, construction and manufacturing. Manufacturing, I hear you shout with surprise? Yes, because gone are dark days of the seventies and eighties when Trades Unions had forgotten their main goal was to improve conditions for their members but instead were only interested in bringing down the government of the day! We have the opportunity to have a new Industrial Revolution, manufacturing and trading with the world again!
David Cameron, our Prime Minister and of whom I'm an avid supporter, is warning of "a leap in the dark". I'm slightly concerned, Germany, France and other member states trade with us, they need us now and in the future to ensure the future of their own economies. This said I applaud the tireless efforts of Mr Cameron.
So what would change? Nothing much really, we will still trade with Europe, we can trade without penalty with the rest of the world but more importantly we hold on to our sovereignty and once again are masters of our own destiny, not beholding to faceless Eurocrats who have their own agendas.
7. Coming to a garden near you: Mili……..
April 29, 2015 Election 2015Boris Johnson, David Cameron, Mili, SNPkev56
A man propped up by by a lectern and hoping to be propped up by the SNP. Tickled me this, the words before this sentence that were composed by Boris Johnson in a tweet, then David Cameron replied " I think we need to free this lectern. I'm worried it's been taken hostage. I think it's time to allow this lectern out on its own" Ha ha ha. Couldn't have said it better myself.
The photo above is taken from the Telegragh. Miliband is addressing a garden behind a constituency office full of labour volunteers and journalists. No wonder you never get heckled or jeered Mili! What was Cameron doing, he had his sleeves rolled up, preaching to the masses!
I've been answering unbelievers online today while attending hospital with Julie. Explaining the fine tuning of a conservative government and reasoning behind their policies i.e why you're entitled to benefits only if you're 100% are entitled.
COVID19 LOCKDOWN. WHY IT'S IMPORTANT
Frustrating democracy
Spanish Adventures & New Friends


Chef Bruno Serato in his kitchen at his restaurant the Anaheim White House Restaurant in Anaheim, Tuesday August 4, 2015. For the past 10 years Chef Bruno Serato has used his nonprofit, Caterina's Club, to serve pasta dinners for poor children living in motels. He's fed pasta to 1,400 underprivileged OC kids. He´s expanding his location to Long Beach and will be teaching teens how to make pasta at the Boys and Girls Club.
Chef Bruno Serato at his restaurant the Anaheim White House Restaurant in Anaheim, Tuesday August 4, 2015. For the past 10 years Chef Bruno Serato has used his nonprofit, Caterina's Club, to serve pasta dinners for poor children living in motels. He's fed pasta to 1,400 underprivileged OC kids. He's expanding his location to Long Beach and will be teaching teens how to make pasta at the Boys and Girls Club.
After serving a million pasta meals to underprivileged kids throughout Orange County, Chef Bruno Serato will expand his humanitarian mission into Long Beach starting in September.
Serato's mission began in 2005 when his mother visited him from Italy. They both saw a child eating potato chips for dinner at the Boys & Girls Club of Anaheim because the child's family couldn't afford a meal. Serato has since created Caterina's Club, a nonprofit dedicated to serving hot meals to 'motel children' seven days a week.
"I want to feed all the children in the world," he said.
In its early stages, Serato used his own supplies and staff to help make pasta with marinara sauce and vegetables to provide a balanced meal. Now organizations occasionally pick up meals from his restaurant, the Anaheim White House in Orange County.
Serato said he decided to venture into Long Beach after two of his friends were going to stay in a motel that was infested with bedbugs. He remembers the area as unhygienic, describing it as one of the darker sides of society in America for motel kids.
His goal has always been to feed the underprivileged kids and he immediately knew Long Beach would be his next location.
Serato is scheduled to tour the three main Boys & Girls Club facilities in Long Beach this week. Meanwhile he'll be shopping for pots, pans, pasta, cheese and other necessary supplies to teach children how to make pasta that they can later enjoy as their hot meal.
"If there's one thing I'm certain about it's that children love pizza and pasta," he said.
Even if a kitchen isn't provided, he said he'd make use of any facility available to him. He's taught children how to make pastas in classrooms and at YMCAs.
When Serato reached out to Dan Rodriguez, chief executive director of the Boys & Girls Clubs of Long Beach, Rodriguez said was pleased to hear Serato's plans.
"We're excited Bruno is coming down. The kids will have a warm meal every night and it's helping serve some families," Rodriguez said.
In the beginning, volunteers were feeding 15 to 20 kids a night; they now feed close to 15,000 at night at various locations.
While he's been successful, securing funds for the project can be difficult. When regulars visit Serato at his restaurant, he tells guests they can help by bringing a bag of pasta with them next time they visit.
Serato's nonprofit has garnered attention worldwide; the Italian government even knighted Serato, giving him the title of Sir Bruno Serato.
Even with 20 locations worldwide including Mexico, Chicago, Italy and New York, Serato said he has his eye on the Los Angeles area.
Those interested in donating to Caterina's Club, starting their own chapter or more information, visit caterinasclub.org/#intro.


text:
Posted by David Gray-Donald on Mai 8, 2020
Reviewed by Media Co-op editors. copyeditedfact checked [?]
The Failed Invasion of Venezuela, and the American and Canadian Connections
"There are no barriers that [Juan Guaidó] cannot climb." -- Canada's Foreign Affairs Minister François-Philippe Champagne in January
by Fernando Arce
American citizen Luke Alexander Denman confesses his involvement in the failed attempt to invade Venzuelan and overthrow the Maduro government. From a VTV broadcast.
Contract signed between Silvercorp USA's Jordan Goudreau and Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaido.
Jordan Goudreau working security at what appears to be a Trump rally. From Silvercorp USA promo video.
American citizen Luke Alexander Denman described his involvement in a failed attempt to overthrow the Venzuelan government in a 10-minute video released on Venezuela's official state channel, VTV. In English, Denman answers questions about the failed attack and implicates the US president, a private American security company named Silvercorp USA, and Juan Guaidó, the Venezuelan opposition leader who arbitrarily declared himself interim president of Venezuela in 2019. Around 60 nations, including Canada and the US, recognize Guaidó as the official Venezuelan president.
"My responsibilities to Silvercorp are written in a contract -- or described in a contract -- signed by Jordan Goudreau, Juan (Jose) Rendón and Juan Guaidó," says the man while holding up what appears to be a signed contract. Goudreau is the founder of Silvercorp USA, and Rendón is Guaidó's political strategist.
At one point in the video, when asked who commands Goudreau, the founder of Silvercorp USA, Denman answers: "President Donald Trump."
Denman says he was expecting between $50,000 to $100,000 in payment in exchange for helping to train others in Colombia. The weapons and uniforms were provided by Goudreau "through Silvercorp," he said.
Though Guaidó has so far denied involvement, on Wednesday, May 5th, the Washington Post published a copy of a $212.9-million-agreement signed by Guaidó, Goudreau and Rendón, dated October 16, 2019.
A separate Associated Press investigation furthermore revealed that while there was no evidence of US government involvement, the "leaders of Venezuela's US-backed opposition knew of the covert force, even if they dismissed its prospects."
The first attack happened in the early hours of Sunday, May 3rd, when about 60 armed mercenaries traveling in speedboats from Colombia were caught by Venezuealan authorities near the port city of La Guaira, just north of Caracas.
Denman was caught along with a second US citizen, Airan Berry, during a second failed attack the following day. They were arrested by Venezuelan security forces while attempting to make an amphibious landing near Aragua state.
At least six members of the invading crew were killed in the process.
Following the first attacks on Sunday, Goudreau, who was born and raised in Canada, laid claim to the foiled attack over social media and through an interview with a right-wing Venezuelan journalist based in Miami, where most of the Venezuelan opposition is stationed.
According to him, the plan was to enter the socialist Caribbean country and kidnap democratically elected President Nicolas Maduro along with other key political figures, and then fly them to the US.
The two American citizens captured, Denman and Berry, are US veterans who had served with Goudreau in the past. The rest are Venezuelan nationals and army deserters, including a former National Guard captain and the son of an ex-defense minister who was sentenced to eight years' imprisonment on corruption charges in 2009.
By Thursday, May 7, 23 arrests had been made, according to an announcement by the Vice President of Communication, Tourism and Culture Jorge Rodriguez.
Insurrectionist Opposition
Guaidó has been at the helm of the insurrectionist opposition to Maduro's socialist government since the 2018 presidential elections. Shortly after declaring himself president of Venezuela in January 2019, despite having virtual anonymity among the Venezuelan citizenry, Guaidó was embraced by nations actively engaged in destabilizing the Maduro government, including Canada.
While Canada's destabilizing efforts date back to the days of former Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper, it was in 2017 that it formally joined the so-called Lima Group to actively plan and strategize the removal of Maduro from office. By 2019, Canada had become one of the main nations working behind the curtains to unite the Venezuelan opposition under Guaidó. Canada recognizes Guaidó as the president of Venezuela.
The Lima Group is made up of 12 nations that have vested interests in Venezuela's natural resources, namely its oil reserves. The group seeks to have the reserves, the third largest in the world, traded in capitalist markets.
Since the late socialist Venezuelan Commander and President Hugo Chavez took office in 2002, the government has controlled the oil industry, using its revenues to finance massive social programs that have brought millions of Venezuelans out of poverty. But as international oil prices have dropped in recent years, economic hardship and poverty have once again hit the nation hard.
The $212.9 million contract for the invasion operation would have been paid "from future exports of Venezuelan oil under a Guaidó government," according to Wednesday's Washington Post report confirming the existence of the agreement. The plan also involved the securing of "key oil facilities and strategic buildings."
In January, Guaidó met with Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Francois-Philippe Champagne. They discussed ways to "reinvigorate" an attack and to topple Maduro and the Venezuelan socialist government in order to officially usurp power, according to a CBC News report.
Last year, when Canada hosted the Lima Group (and barred journalists from leftist outlets), it issued a final declaration in which it called on the military to defect and to support Guaidó instead.
As mentioned above, the mercenaries caught during Sunday's and Monday's failed raids were mostly all mutinous former army defectors and Guaidó loyalists.
In response to the Media Co-op's interview request and specific questions on the matter, Global Affairs Canada sent a short email stating "Canada is aware of reports of developments in Venezuela and is following the situation closely," and that "Canada is committed to working with its partners around the world to ensure a peaceful transition."
A follow-up email was sent by the Media Co-op pressing for more details on whether Canada would rethink its relationship with Mr. Guaidó given evidence of his involvement, and about how much Canada knew of the attack. No answer was provided before press time.
Sowing Confusion
US President Donald Trump has taken to Twitter to deny any connection to the failed attack, as has Guaidó through his representatives.
On Wednesday, however, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told reporters that "there was no US direct involvement in" the operation, sowing confusion over whether he meant there was indirect involvement after all. He then suggested the government might know who bankrolled the invasion, though they weren't "prepared to share any more information about what we know took place."
For his part, the 43-year-old Goudreau -- who studied at the University of Calgary and enlisted in the Canadian Armed forces in the '90s -- says Guaidó and his team reneged on their contract, which was supposed to deliver the $212.9 million in payments for the mission dubbed Operation Gideon, "after the mission was accomplished." A hefty $1.45 million retainer was also supposed to be paid up front, according to Goudreau. When it was clear Guaidó's team wasn't going to pay, Goudreau sent Guaidó's strategist Rendón a letter via his lawyer demanding payment.
According to Wednesday's Washington Post's report, Rendón claims Guaidó was only involved in the "exploratory plan" phase but grew weary of Goudreau once these demands and more details of the mission started flowing in. Fearful, he then pulled out altogether. Rendón allegedly provided the Post with previous and subsequent agreements that were not signed by Guaidó, though it is not clear what the subsequent agreements would have been for if Guaidó did not want involvement.
Ensnared: Venezuela Aid Live
Guaidó and Goudreau began collaborating around the so-called Venezuela Aid Live concert of February 2019 in Cucuta, Colombia, organized by the opposition and backed by billionaire Richard Branson. Branson and the concert itself have been denounced by critics as a US-backed sham meant to sow the conditions to justify foreign intervention -- or an invasion, according to Maduro -- under the guise of humanitarian aid.
There, Goudreau provided security for Guaidó's team and quickly became ensnared by the anti-government rhetoric circulating and wanted to capitalize on it. Shortly after, he met Cliver Alcala, a former Venezuelan major who had been close to late Commander Chavez but defected under Maduro and was organizing other deserters in Colombia.
On Wednesday, May 5th, President Maduro said that Goudreau "has worked for years directly with Donald Trump, has provided security services, intelligence services with the White House and the State Department," according to a government press release in Spanish. He also said Goudreau contacted the US State Department to personally request the Venezuela Aid Live job.
Though Trump and the US government have publicly denied it and distanced themselves from Goudreau, a Silvercorp USA promotional video shows Goudreau wearing an ear-piece and apparently providing security services at what appears to be a Trump rally in Charlotte North Carolina in 2018. The Washington Post also reported that Goudreau had met a former long-time Trump bodyguard named Keith Schiller in 2019. Schiller, in turn, had introduced him to influential figures of Venezuela's opposition who reside in Florida, and to representatives of Guaidó via a meeting in Miami, the AP investigation revealed.
On Wednesday, the AP also reported that Goudreau is and has been under federal investigation for arms trafficking. Members of Congress are also questioning how much the State Department knew of his ill-fated plans.
Alcala, the former Venezuelan General, had reportedly told Goudreau of 300 Venezuelan deserters in Colombia, where he was exiled since 2018. A handful of them had been personally trained by Alcala for an insurrection against Maduro across various camps. After meeting, Goudreau and Silvercorp USA began helping. In March, Alcala was sanctioned and placed into US federal custody for narco-terrorism charges.
According to the AP investigation, the insurrection force lacked formal support from the Trump administration and had already been compromised by Venezuela's intelligence system.
For its part, the Venezuelan government says it has known of Goudreau's plans for a long time and was prepared for the flimsy attacks from the beginning. In fact, Venezuelan authorities have prevented attacks that date back to Chavez but which intensified in recent years.
In August 2018, Maduro was interrupted during a speech by an unidentified drone attack that has been linked to an exiled Venezuelan national guardsman and who is said to be one of the deserters who'd been training with Alcala and Goudreau. The biggest attack against Maduro was arguably on April 30, 2019, during a small unsuccessful uprising by opposition members and army deserters who'd been riled up by Guaidó. It, too, was subdued.
In March of this year, Venezuelan authorities arrested a man and confiscated a weapons and tactical gear cache the government says is linked to a cross-border coup plot with the backing of Colombia and the US. The man, the government said, was caught on the way from Barranquilla to Riohacha, the same Colombian town Denman, the captured American, has said was the training ground of Goudreau's squad.
'Control the Airport'
According to the video-confession broadcast by VTV, Denman flew to Colombia on January 16th to begin providing training to the Venezuelan deserters in "mission planning and tactical work inside buildings."
"To meet Venezuelans in Colombia, train them and come into Venezuela to secure Caracas and secure an airport here for follow on," a disheveled but visibly unharmed Denman says regarding the purported plans.
"There was three small groups...in total it was 50 to 60, so around 20 people per group."
According to him, Goudreau had contacted him in early December 2019 but hadn't given him many details about the job.
"The only instructions that I received from Jordan [Goudreau] was to ensure that we took control of the airport for safe passage for Maduro and receiving of airplanes," he said.
In Riohacha, Colombia, he had met with Goudreau and other members, and had stayed in "some houses" where the deserters were living during the training.
They were to make their way to Alta Guajira, on the border of Colombia and Venezuela, where they would meet a "man in a wheelchair and a crew of more men with him."
Asked if he was aware of a document describing "the close of the operation" by the unseen interrogator, Denman affirmed he had seen that document "about a month and a half ago with Jordan's [Goudreau] signature and Juan Guaidó's signature."
Tags: Anti-ImperialismCoupGuaidoimperialismMaduroTrumpVenezuela
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You have gifts. God has a call.
In our children's and youth ministries, we are privileged to know that it is both! Our volunteers find that in sharing their gifts with the young people of St. Martin's they too are enriched. Join us in serving, and experience these rich rewards for yourself. Our children and youth will be blessed by all you have to share.
Leaders, greeter, and guides work together to ensure children and youth are welcomed warmly and engaged in lessons, activities, and discussions. be happy to see them and share your faith.
Help with planning, costumes, rehearsals, and extra hands to shepherd children during performance.
Help plan and coordinate Easter Egg Hunt and Petting Zoo.
Assist the Children's choir with helping hands when children perform.
Help provide our young people with engaging activities for congregational events like Reformation, Pentecost, and Rally Day.
Attend summer camp with children and/or youth to provide a loving presence and build relationships in their time away from home.
Join us at Cross Trails camps for a weekend of Lutheran and Bible learning in October and/or January. Share your faith story and build relationships with our confirmands.
Help provide our high school youth with service and fellowship opportunities that keep you young and show them how to live in faith.
Join high schoolers and volunteers for an exciting week of service and/or fellowship in the summer.
Help raise money to provide children's and youth ministries with new opportunities for faith exploration.
These big picture people ensure that the Christian Education of our children, youth, families, and adults is engaging and enriching. Help staff and volunteers implement education opportunities.
Welcome to St. Martin's children's and youth ministries!
STEP One – Complete the "Volunteer Info form" on this page.
STEP Two – Click here to complete your background check authorization.
This must be renewed yearly as per St. Martin's Volunteer Policy.
STEP THREE – Complete any training assigned via email and check out this list of available videos.
Please reference St. Martin's Child & Youth Program Policy and Transportation Policy as needed.
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Thanks-Give-N-Go turkey give-away tomorrow evening
Councilmember Bruce Harrell
Local professional athletes and elected officials partner with Safeway to help families in need
Seattle – Local NBA stars Brandon Roy, Jamal Crawford, Will Conroy, Isaiah Thomas Spencer Hawes ("The Home Team") and Seahawks player Kam Chancellor have teamed up with Seattle City Councilmember Bruce Harrell and Mayor Mike McGinn in an effort to provide complete holiday meals for 2,000 Seattle families.
The "Home Team" has partnered with Safeway on purchasing 2,000 turkeys and in return Safeway will donate of the traditional Thanksgiving "trimmings."
Tuesday, November 22, 2011, 5-8 p.m.
Rainier Community Center
4600 38th Avenue South, Seattle, WA
Seattle City Councilmember Bruce Harrell, Mayor Mike McGinn, NBA Players Brandon Roy, Jamal Crawford, Will Conroy, Isaiah Thomas, Spencer Hawes and Seahawks player Kam Chancellor
At the event, complete Thanksgiving dinners will be given away to the 2,000 families who signed up at Seattle Community Centers.
Seattle City Council meetings are cablecast and Webcast live on Seattle Channel 21 and on the City Council's website. Copies of legislation, Council meeting calendar, and archives of news releases can be found on the City Council website. Follow the Council on Twitter and on Facebook.
[Go to Council Newsroom]
Posted: November 21st, 2011 under Councilmember Harrell, News Releases.
Tags: Harrell
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After nearly a decade of wasting the economic boom and blowing through the savings, the government is now forcing the province's most vulnerable people to pay for Sask. Party mismanagement. The Sask. Party's latest cold-hearted cut will take money away from people who are unable to work due to a disability.
"On behalf of all New Democrats across Saskatchewan, the Official Opposition, and Prince Albert Northcote MLA Nicole Rancourt, my thoughts and prayers go out to all those affected by the Husky Energy oil spill.
With the Premier ducking questions, will the Minister responsible provide any answers?
Following the Provincial Auditor's report on the Global Transportation Hub scandal, the Premier and his Sask. Party government have failed to answer a number of important questions.
With Minister Bill Boyd making a rare appearance and being made available to media today, the Official Opposition Saskatchewan New Democrats are calling on him to finally come clean about this growing scandal.
Saskatchewan's employment numbers continued to decline last month, with numbers dropping year-over-year for the fifth straight month.


This study investigates the perceived heritage significance of township churches. This is done by means of a case study which focuses on early churches in Langa, particularly the Wesleyan Methodist and the African Methodist Episcopal churches. The hypothesis is that heritage values are attached to certain churches of Langa and that these are regarded as heritage resources as a result of a particular character or built form. In support of this hypothesis, the intellectual realm of churches and heritage values was explored and the historical and spatial context which informed the development of the churches, investigated. A strong emphasis was placed on ascertaining the heritage values of the Langa community in a series of interviews. To understand the values attached to churches, views have been solicited from community members residing in the neighbourhood of the identified churches, members of the clergy and congregants and a number of 'experts' - people who have been involved in the study of heritage in Langa, either from an academic or community perspective. Sixteen interviews, which took the form of focused, semistructured discussions, were conducted.
Irrgang, B. 2015. Township churches as heritage: The case of Langa, Cape Town. University of Cape Town.


Backing up what Tony Albers and Lachlan Musicman say.
though to be honest I did not deploy FreeIPA.
groups when used on Linux.
As Lachlan says the mailing list is very helpful.
that bug or feature xyz is implemented int he latest release.
Be prepared to run it on an up to date OS so you get the latest versions.
>> > 'extra' user data in an RDBMS.
>> > internal pressure to switch to OpenLDAP.
>> > hasn't failed us.
>> > - what directory solution do you implement?
>> > - if LDAP, which flavor?
>> > - do you have any opinions one way or another on the topic?
>> > Because 389-DS has just worked, it's sort-of out of sight and mind.
>> > bolted on script.
>> just restarting them in 2½ years now).
>> extra functionality while still using a standard LDAP backend.
> helped me with issues on the mailing lists on numerous occasions.


text:
Justia › US Law › Case Law › New Jersey Case Law › New Jersey Superior Court, Appellate Division - Published Opinions Decisions › 2016 › STATE OF NEW JERSEY v. ROBERT LUZHAK
STATE OF NEW JERSEY v. ROBERT LUZHAK
(NOTE: The status of this decision is Published.)
NOT FOR PUBLICATION WITHOUT THE
APPROVAL OF THE APPELLATE DIVISION
SUPERIOR COURT OF NEW JERSEY
DOCKET NO. A-0
APPROVED FOR PUBLICATION
STATE OF NEW JERSEY,
Plaintiff-Respondent,
ROBERT LUZHAK,
Defendant-Appellant.
Argued April 6, 2016 Decided
Before Judges Ostrer, Haas and Manahan.1
On appeal from Superior Court of New Jersey, Law Division, Middlesex County, Indictment No. 13-12-1521.
Kenneth A. Vercammen argued the cause for appellant.
Brian D. Gillet, Deputy First Assistant Prosecutor, argued the cause for respondent (Andrew C. Carey, Middlesex County Prosecutor, attorney; Mr. Gillet, of counsel and on the brief).
The opinion of the court was delivered by
MANAHAN, J.A.D.
Defendant Robert Luzhak appeals from his conviction for violating N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) by driving during a second license suspension for driving while intoxicated (DWI). We affirm.
On October 13, 2013, defendant was issued a motor vehicle summons in Woodbridge for driving with a suspended license, N.J.S.A. 39:3-40, following a minor car accident in a parking lot. At the time, defendant had two prior DWI convictions: a March 2013 conviction in Maryland, and an April 2010 conviction in New Jersey.
Defendant was indicted by a Middlesex County Grand Jury on December 19, 2013, for fourth-degree operating a motor vehicle during a second license suspension stemming from a DWI, in violation of N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b). Defendant filed a motion to dismiss the indictment, arguing the March 2013 conviction in Maryland did not qualify as a predicate DWI conviction pursuant to N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b). The motion was denied on August 21, 2014. Thereafter, defendant filed a motion to bar entry of his motor vehicle abstract into evidence during trial, which was denied on October 23, 2014.
On the same date the second motion was denied, defendant pled guilty to the indictment and to the motor vehicle summons. During the plea colloquy, defendant admitted to pleading guilty to "the Maryland equivalent" of a DWI, that he had a prior DWI offense in New Jersey, and that he knowingly operated a motor vehicle while his license was suspended in connection with the Maryland DWI. On January 5, 2015, defendant was sentenced to 180 days in jail on the indictable charge with no eligibility of parole, plus additional fines and penalties. He was sentenced to a term of ten days in jail on the motor vehicle summons, concurrent to the sentence on the indictable offense. His driving privileges were suspended for one year consecutive to any current suspension. The sentence was stayed pending appeal.
On appeal, defendant raises the following arguments
POINT I
THE INDICTMENT SHOULD HAVE BEEN DISMISSED SINCE DEFENDANT ONLY HAD ONE "CONVICTION" FOR [VIOLATING N.J.S.A. 39:4-50] AND THE STATUTE REQUIRES A SECOND VIOLATION OF [N.J.S.A. 39:4-50].
POINT II
THE COURT SHOULD HAVE GRANTED THE MOTION TO BAR THE HEARSAY [MOTOR VEHICLE COMMISSION] ABSTRACT AT TRIAL CONTAINING HEARSAY FROM MARYLAND. THE COURT IMPROPERLY GRANTED THE STATE'S CROSS-MOTION TO ADMIT THE [MOTOR VEHICLE COMMISSION] ABSTRACT AS A BUSINESS RECORD WITHOUT WITNESS TESTIMONY FROM MARYLAND.
We first address defendant's argument that the motion to dismiss the indictment should have been granted because N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) does not reference license suspensions from foreign jurisdictions and, therefore, the statute should be interpreted to specifically require previous license suspensions pursuant to N.J.S.A. 39:4-50.
"Whether an indictment should be dismissed or quashed lies within the discretion of the trial court. Such discretion should not be exercised except on 'the clearest and plainest ground' and an indictment should stand 'unless it is palpably defective.'" State v. N.J. Trade Waste Ass'n, 96 N.J. 8, 18 (1984) (quoting State v. Weleck, 10 N.J. 355, 364 (1952) (citations omitted)). Further, "[a] trial court's exercise of this discretionary power will not be disturbed on appeal 'unless it has been clearly abused.'" State v. Warmbrun, 277 N.J. Super. 51, 60 (App. Div. 1994), certif. denied, 140 N.J. 277 (1995) (quoting Weleck, supra, 10 N.J. at 364 (citations omitted)). Here, the judge held as a matter of law that the indictment did not suffer from an infirmity requiring its dismissal. We agree.
At the outset, we note that N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) does not contain language that DWI convictions in other jurisdictions qualify as convictions for the purpose of the statute. As such, our decision turns upon the interpretation of the statute. In order to ascertain the Legislature's intention, we first look to the statutory language. DiProspero v. Penn, 183 N.J. 477, 492 (2005). In so doing, we are required to "ascribe to the statutory words their ordinary meaning and significance, and read them in context with related provisions so as to give sense to the legislation as a whole[.]" Ibid. (citations omitted). "Ultimately, a court's role when analyzing a statute is to give effect to the Legislature's intent as evidenced by the 'language of [the] statute, the policy behind it, concepts of reasonableness and legislative history.'" State v. Carrigan, 428 N.J. Super. 609, 618 (App. Div. 2012) (quoting Johnson Mach. Co. v. Manville Sales Corp., 248 N.J. Super. 285, 304 (App. Div. 1991)), certif. denied, 213 N.J. 539 (2013).
Our Supreme Court addressed the appropriate manner of statutory interpretation when the language is ambiguous or appears contrary to legislative intent
Courts cannot "rewrite a plainly-written enactment of the Legislature nor presume that the Legislature intended something other than that expressed by way of the plain language." O'Connell v. State, 171 N.J. 484, 488 (2002). If, however, the Court determines that "a literal interpretation would create a manifestly absurd result, contrary to public policy, the spirit of the law should control." Turner v. First Union Nat'l Bank, 162 N.J. 75, 84 (1999). Furthermore, if a statute's plain language is ambiguous or subject to multiple interpretations, the Court "may consider extrinsic evidence including legislative history and committee reports." [State v. Marquez, 202 N.J. 485, 500 (2010)].
[State v. Frye, 217 N.J. 566, 575 (2014).]
N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) states in pertinent part
It shall be a crime of the fourth degree to operate a motor vehicle during the period of license suspension in violation of [N.J.S.A. 39:3-40], if the actor's license was suspended or revoked for a second or subsequent violation of [N.J.S.A. 39:4-50] . . . . A person convicted of an offense under this subsection shall be sentenced by the court to a term of imprisonment.
When N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26 was enacted in 2009, L. 2009, c. 333, 1, the Senate intended to lodge "criminal penalties for persons whose [drivers'] licenses are suspended for certain drunk driving offenses and who, while under suspension for those offenses, unlawfully operate a motor vehicle." Senate Law and Public Safety and Veterans' Affairs Committee, Statement to S. 2939 (November 23, 2009). In Carrigan, supra, 428 N.J. Super. at 614, we noted that the penalty for violation of N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) was "prompted, at least in part, by reports of fatal or serious accidents that had been caused by recidivist offenders with multiple prior DWI violations, who nevertheless were driving with a suspended license."
The interstate Driver License Compact (DLC), N.J.S.A. 39:5D-1 to -14, enacted in 1966, L. 1966, c. 73, 1, states
It is the policy of each of the party States to
(1) Promote compliance with the laws, ordinances, and administrative rules and regulations relating to the operation of motor vehicles by their operators in each of the jurisdictions where such operators drive motor vehicles.
(2) Make thereciprocal recognition of licenses to drive and eligibility therefor more just and equitable by considering the over-all compliance with motor vehicle laws, ordinances and administrative rules and regulations as a condition precedent to the continuance or issuance of any license by reason of which the licensee is authorized or permitted to operate a motor vehicle in any of the party States.
[N.J.S.A. 39:5D-1(b).]
The DLC was enacted "to encourage the reciprocal recognition of motor vehicle violations that occurred in other jurisdictions, thereby increasing the probability that safety on highways would improve overall." State v. Colley, 397 N.J. Super. 214, 219 (App. Div. 2007) (citing State v. Regan, 209 N.J. Super. 596, 602-04 (App. Div. 1986)).2
In accord with the DLC, following DWI convictions the licensing authority in the "home [s]tate" (the state which has the power to issue, suspend, or revoke the use of a driver's license, N.J.S.A. 39:5D-2(b)), "shall give the same effect to the conduct reported, . . . as it would if such conduct had occurred in the home [s]tate," and "shall apply the penalties of the home [s]tate or of the [s]tate in which the violation occurred[.]" N.J.S.A. 39:5D-4(a)(2).
While there has been no reported decision dealing with the issue presented here, we are informed by this court's prior decisions regarding the applicability of foreign DWI convictions in different contexts. In Regan, supra, 209 N.J. Super. at 604, we held that the Legislature intended an out-of-state conviction for an offense equivalent to a DWI to be considered as a prior offense for enhanced sentencing purposes on a subsequent DWI conviction. After Regan was decided, the Legislature amended N.J.S.A. 39:4-50(a)(3) to state that DWI convictions in foreign states, regardless of their participation in the DLC, shall constitute a prior conviction. L. 1997, c. 277, 1. Consistent with the DLC, N.J.S.A. 39:4-50(a)(3) now states in pertinent part
A conviction of a violation of a law of a substantially similar nature in another jurisdiction, regardless of whether that jurisdiction is a signatory to the [DLC] . . . shall constitute a prior conviction under this subsection unless the defendant can demonstrate by clear and convincing evidence that the conviction in the other jurisdiction was based exclusively upon a violation of a proscribed blood alcohol concentration of less than 0.08%.
In State v. Cromwell, 194 N.J. Super. 519, 520-22 (App. Div. 1984), we held that the DLC requires New Jersey to "give the same effect to the conduct reported . . . as it would if such conduct had occurred in [New Jersey]" when considering enhanced penalties under N.J.S.A. 39:3-40 due to previous DWI convictions in foreign states.
Similarly in Colley, supra, 397 N.J. Super. at 218-20, we applied the rationale set forth in Regan and Cromwell to conclude the defendant was subject to enhanced penalties under N.J.S.A. 39:3-40 due to a DWI conviction in another state. See also Div. of Motor Vehicles v. Lawrence, 194 N.J. Super. 1, 2-3 (App. Div. 1983) (upholding defendant's license suspension because N.J.S.A. 39:4-50 and New York's DWI statute were of a "substantially similar nature" consistent with the DLC, and were intended to "deter and punish drunk drivers.").
We agree with the Law Division judge that defendant was subject to indictment pursuant to N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) based upon two prior DWI convictions, notwithstanding that one conviction was in Maryland. Pursuant to N.J.S.A. 39:4-50(a)(3) and N.J.S.A. 39:5D-4(a)(2), and consistent with the clear intent of the Legislature, we hold that defendant's conviction in Maryland qualified as a DWI in New Jersey.3
In support of our holding, we note that New Jersey has a "strong public policy against drunk driving." Frye, supra, 217 N.J. at 582. Consistent with that policy, we construe N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) to contemplate convictions for DWI or its equivalent in foreign jurisdictions even those jurisdictions which are not a party state in the DLC. We also adopt as analogous the rationale enunciated in Regan and Cromwell that enhanced penalties pursuant to N.J.S.A. 39:4-50 or N.J.S.A. 39:3-40 may be triggered by a DWI conviction from another state.
Further, we have considered the policy for the enactment of the DLC, i.e., to promote compliance of motor vehicle laws among the party states, and the legislative intent for the enactment of N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26, i.e., an effort to avoid "fatal or serious accidents . . . caused by recidivist offenders with multiple prior DWI violations, who nevertheless were driving with a suspended license." Carrigan, supra, 428 N.J. Super. at 614. When the above policy and legislative intent are considered with this court's prior decisions in Regan, Cromwell, and Colley, we conclude our determination that convictions from other states are included in N.J.S.A. 2C:40-26(b) is wholly consistent with the "spirit of the law[,]" Frye, 217 N.J. at 575, and the logical conclusion of its meaning.
We next address defendant's argument that the denial of his motion to preclude the driver's abstract was erroneous. In reaching our determination we conclude, as did the motion judge, that the abstract was admissible as non-testimonial in nature, and therefore, not in violation of the Confrontation Clause. See Crawford v. Washington, 541 U.S. 36, 69-69, 124 S. Ct. 1354, 1374, 158 L. Ed. 2d 177, 203 (2004). Here, the driver's abstract and attached notice of suspension were not created for the sole purpose of trial or as evidence against a defendant, unlike the laboratory certificates discussed in Melendez-Diaz v. Massachusetts, 557 U.S. 305, 310, 129 S. Ct. 2527, 2532, 174 L. Ed. 2d 314, 321 (2009).
We also conclude that the abstract could properly be admitted as a business record pursuant to N.J.R.E. 803(c)(6) and (8). In State v. Zalta, 217 N.J. Super. 209, 214 (App. Div. 1987), we affirmed a conviction for violation of N.J.S.A. 39:3-40 based upon the admission of a copy of defendant's driving record. See also State v. Pitcher, 379 N.J. Super. 308, 319 (App. Div. 2005), certif. denied, 186 N.J. 242 (2006) (affirming DWI conviction where arresting officer relied on defendant's driving record as a basis for a motor vehicle stop and stating "[Division of Motor Vehicle] records of drivers' license suspensions are deemed sufficiently reliable to be admissible as prima facie evidence of the fact.") (citing N.J.R.E. 803(c)(8); Zalta, supra, 217 N.J. Super. at 214).
In sum, the judge's denial of defendant's Crawford challenge and the admission of the driver's abstract and notice of suspension were grounded in controlling law, and did not constitute an abuse of discretion. See, e.g., Colley, supra, 397 N.J. Super. at 222 (citing Benevenga v. Digregorio, 325 N.J. Super. 27, 32 (App. Div. 1999), certif. denied, 163 N.J. 79 (2000)).
Predicated upon our decision, the stay of the sentence is vacated.
1 Judge Ostrer did not participate in oral argument. He joins the opinion with the consent of counsel. R. 2:13-2(b).
2 We note that Maryland is also a participant in the DLC. Md. Code Ann., Transp., 16-701 to -708 (LexisNexis 2016).
3 We note parenthetically there is nothing in the record suggesting defendant attempted to clearly and convincingly demonstrate that his Maryland DWI was based exclusively upon a violation of a proscribed blood alcohol concentration of less than 0.08%. N.J.S.A. 39:4-50(a)(3).


The DR-HO'S Pain Therapy System was developed by Dr. Michael Ho. Dr. Ho is an Acupuncturist and a Doctor of Chiropractic medicine who has treated thousands of patients over the past twenty years, and has a special interest in treating patients with chronic pain and headaches. His practice provided an integrated treatment approach to patients suffering from acute and chronic painful conditions. Common conditions such as tension headaches, migraines, spinal related pain, arthritis, and injuries related to work, accident or sports. His team of doctors and therapists provided treatments including, massage therapy, spinal manipulation, acupuncture, herbal and nutritional supplementation.
To read complete study and findings from Dr. Stuart M. McGill. Complete study is available here (opens in a new window).


The objective of this event for House of Fraser was to showcase their Spring Summer 16 collections to the consumer press.
Fisher Productions produced and designed the event, whilst Fisher staging built and installed all staging elements. Prints from House of Fraser's BIBA range were worked into the design and look of the event and bespoke Fisher built metal stands displayed the range of handbags and accessories to best effect.
Canapes and cocktails were served throughout the day by One Dining and Fisher added an interactive element with a hashtag printer encouraging engagement with the attending press. We also included a large plasma screen in the reception space which showcased the retailers highly anticipated new Christmas campaign back to back throughout the day.
Over 200 journalists attended from consumer fashion, home and lifestyle media as well as relevant B2B trade media and the success of the event was measured in a number of ways including immediate feedback via conversations that House of Fraser team had with the press at the event. Whilst social media posts also enabled our client to monitor feedback and the ultimate measurement was the positive coverage and column inches that the Spring Summer range gained across media platforms which in turn drives footfall and sales in store.