After submitting your application, you'll be assigned a UNH Student ID (a 9-digit number beginning with the number 9). You'll need this ID to submit your supporting documents.
Determine which other supporting materials your program requires and send them directly to our office.
Admission Status: All official communications on your admission status will be emailed to you from the Graduate School office. Statements about admission status from any other sources are not official.
Graduate Aid: Offers of assistantships will come directly from your department.
Applicants are responsible for submitting the online application and any supporting materials directly to the UNH Graduate School (if mailing send to UNH Graduate School, Thompson Hall, 105 Main Street, Durham, NH 03824). Do not send or address any materials to your department of study.
Applicants are responsible for monitoring the status of their application to make sure it's complete. All application materials become the property of the University of New Hampshire and will not be returned, duplicated or forwarded to a third party at any time.
Application fee waivers are available for members of the U.S. Armed Forces and U.S. Veterans (does not include family members), McNair Scholars, current UNH graduate students starting another program, students currently enrolled in the UNH Gate City ESOL program, applicants to the TRRE program or undergraduates who participate in CFAR (Center for Academic Resources) and have been certified as eligible for a waiver based on their financial need status. Applicants are also eligible for a fee waiver if you have served or are serving in the AmeriCorps or City Year programs. All other applicants must pay the application fee ($65 for Master's/E.D.S./Ph.D. programs; $25 for certificate programs) in order to have their application processed and reviewed. If you're requesting a waiver please indicate this on your application with the reason you're requesting the waiver. Note: You may be required to submit documentation to receive your fee waiver.
New Hampshire residents wishing to claim in-state residency must submit a residency form with their application materials. Veterans currently residing in New Hampshire who wish to claim in-state residency must complete a residency form for Veterans and submit the form with their application materials.
Until in-state status is proven, applicants will be considered out-of-state residents. For more information see the graduate school residency policy. Note: If you live in New England, you may be eligible for the New England Regional (NER) tuition discount program.
The University of New Hampshire is requesting your Social Security number (SSN) to comply with federal and state reporting requirements regarding students attending the institution. You must provide your SSN if you're applying for financial aid. The Internal Revenue Code and other federal laws require that UNH reports the names and SSN's of students who receive financial aid. The University will not disclose an applicant's SSN to anyone outside UNH except as mandated by law or institutional policy.
After you complete and submit your online application, you'll be provided with your UNH Student ID, a nine-digit number that begins with the number 9. Within one business day of being given that UNH ID, you can then use it to activate your myUNH account (if you have not done so already) and track your application status.
If you become a student (or are already a student) at UNH, you'll also be assigned a UNH email account to be used for all official communications. Until you receive your UNH email account, we'll use the email address you provided on your application.


text:
What Is A Gun Trust NV
Home What Is A Gun Trust What Is A Gun Trust NV
How Do I Select a Gun Trust And Firearms Attorney In Nevada ?
Before choosing a gun trust or firearms attorney in Nevada, clients should question their potential attorney about the attorney's prior experience with gun laws.
If your estate or business involves firearms in Nevada, make sure your attorney is well-versed in both state and federal gun laws. After all, there are thousands of gun laws on the books, and without some prior experience, you should question the attorney's ability to protect you. Remember, each attorney's particular knowledge and experience that they can offer to their clients is different, and not all gun trusts are created equal.
Gun Trust In Nevada For Firearms That Are Subject To The National Firearms Act
Gun owners in Nevada who are considering adding an NFA firearm (firearms subject to the National Firearms Act) to their collection should consider creating a gun trust before they make the acquisition.
The most popular NFA firearms in Nevada are suppressors, short-barreled rifles, short-barreled shotguns, and fully automatic firearms. The National Firearms Act was passed by Congress in 1934. The NFA imposed a special tax on NFA firearms, and restricts the possession and transfer of NFA firearms to the person who has paid the tax. If you are considering acquiring or building an NFA firearm, you need to know the laws that pertain to these special firearms. Readers are encouraged to read Alexandria Kincaid's book, "Infringed" to more fully understand the laws, including the NFA, and avoid committing an accidental felony.
What Special Laws Apply to NFA Firearms In Nevada ?
The National Firearms Act (NFA) regulates the possession, use, and transfer of several different types of firearms in Nevada. These firearms are commonly referred to as "Title II" firearms and include machine guns, short-barreled rifles and shotguns, suppressors, destructive devices, and "any other weapons" (AOWs). State laws may also further restrict the possession and use of these weapons. In many states, it is legal to own and use
Gun owners in Nevada wishing to acquire Title II firearms can do so by registering the firearm in their own name or in the name of an entity. If you choose to acquire the NFA firearm in your own name, you must submit fingerprints, a photograph, pay a $200 application fee/tax, and obtain the signature of the Chief Law Enforcement Officer (CLEO) in the jurisdiction where you live. In some cities and counties, the CLEO signature is very hard, if not impossible, to obtain.
The Best Way To Own Title II Firearms In Nevada
Even when you can obtain the CLEO signature, individual ownership is not the best way to own Title II firearms in Nevada. Only the individual in whose name the firearm is registered will be entitled to possess the NFA firearms. Leaving these firearms accessible to other people living in your home can be a crime.
As a result of the drawbacks of individual ownership, combined with the CLEO non-participation in the application process, many gun owners in Nevada have resorted to forming an entity to purchase and hold Title II firearms. There are several advantages to using an entity to purchase and hold NFA items:
The question then becomes which type of entity is best to hold Title II firearms In Nevada. The answer is usually a firearms trust
Business entities such as corporations and limited liability companies (LLCs) in Nevada can be used to obtain Title II firearms. The problem with these entities is that they all require fees and a public record with the state. You must pay an initial fee to form the entity and in many states, a yearly fee to maintain it. Further, these types of entities are designed to earn money rather than to hold, share, and distribute firearms.
Gun Trust In Nevada Can Be Kept Private
In contrast, a trust does not require any fees with the state and can be kept private. Because trusts in Nevada are primarily an estate-planning tool, they are designed to hold, share, and distribute assets. A proper gun trust will address what happens to the firearms when the creator of the trust becomes incapacitated or dies. While a person could use a free trust provided by a gun shop (which is the "unauthorized practice of law") or downloads one from a discount online source, these products do not protect a person's family and friends adequately.
Nevada, The Nevada State constitution states: "Every citizen has the right to keep and bear arms for security and defense, for lawful hunting and recreational use and for other lawful purposes."
Nevada is a traditional open carry state with very complete state preemption of firearms laws. However in direct conflict with state laws several jurisdictions have passed and are enforcing "Deadly Weapons" laws which conflict with the preemption laws, and whose legality is therefore at issue. Were this not the case, Nevada would qualify as a "Gold Star" open carry state. Effective Oct 1, 2007 is legislation that prohibits counties/cities/towns from enacting ordinances more restrictive than state law – the legislature reserves for itself the right to legislate firearms law. This law is retroactive.
Nevada is a shall-issue state, meaning concealed carry permits must be issued to qualified applicants. Permits are issued by local law enforcement agencies at a cost of $105 and are valid for five years. Unlike most states, Nevada requires permit holders to list each gun they intend to carry on the permit and qualify with those guns. The requirement excludes revolvers, which do not have to be listed individually. A handgun safety course is required, along with a background check, before permits can be issued.
North Las Vegas Warning: The incorporated city of North Las Vegas has a city ordinance that prohibits the transportation of loaded guns in vehicles. Although this ordinance is in violation of NRS 268.418, the City of NLV has simply decided to ignore the state law. You may be cited, arrested, and prosecuted by the City of NLV for violating this ordinance (even though state law says they can't have the ordinance in the first place). A lawsuit has been filed against the City of NLV in Nevada District Court seeking to have the ordinance repealed.
Governor Brian Sandoval (R) vetoed Senate Bill 221. SB 221 is misguided gun control legislation being forced on law-abiding citizens of Nevada by extremist New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and his national anti-gun organization, "Mayors Against Illegal Guns" (MAIG).
The Governor's office invited comments from the state's residents in regards to SB 221 and the overwhelming response with to kill the bill, so hearing his citizens the Governor vetoed the bill!
US Precision Defense tracks and reports 2nd amendment rights from all across county, and makes it available on our website to all of our readers.
Nevada, In our society it always seems that laws are passed due to a small vocal group pushing their personal political agendas that did not necessarily represent the true voice or will of the majority of the people. This has been clearly evident with the issue of Gun control laws, where a small well-funded group has been able to impose their personal views into political action in the form of laws as they are not opposed with people or groups organized enough to be able to be properly heard. The Nevada Governor Brian Sandoval decided he would give the people a voice by asking the citizens to the state to call him and let him know what they think.
"The office of Nevada Governor Brian Sandoval has been flooded with so many calls requesting the veto of a gun control bill that the office had to set up an automated call system. Sandoval already said he would veto the bill, but that hasn't stopped 2,200 people from calling his office on Wednesday between 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. The office estimates that about 80 percent of the callers have requested that Sandoval veto the bill."
The defeat of the controversial legislation was viewed as a major development with implications that extend far beyond Nevada's borders. Gun-rights supporters celebrated the veto, saying it showed that out-of-touch billionaires and their bogus polls were losing the nationwide battle to strip Americans' God-given right to keep and bear arms. Anti-gun zealots, meanwhile, howled about the embarrassing defeat and vowed to press forward with their attack on the Second Amendment.
Nevada is a traditional open carry state with complete state preemption of firearms laws. However, Clark County is grandfathered so as to continue a "Deadly Weapons" registration scheme. Fortunately, Nevada law exempts travelers to and through Nevada from these registration requirements for 60 days.
Nevada is clearly a strong pro 2nd amendment state, to keep up on the latest political news in Nevada become member of US Precision Defense and stay informed.
Choose a City Page in NV
Australia (NV)
Blue Diamond (NV)
Boulder City (NV)
Caliente (NV)
Canada (NV)
Carson City (NV)
Clark County (NV)
Dayton (NV)
Fallon (NV)
Fernley (NV)
Gardnerville (NV)
Hawthorne (NV)
Henderson (NV)
Incline Village (NV)
Indian Springs (NV)
Laughlin (NV)
Logandale (NV)
Lovelock (NV)
Mesquite (NV)
Minden (NV)
Nellis Air Force Base (NV)
North Las Vegas (NV)
Pahrump (NV)
Reno (NV)
Sparks (NV)
Stateline (NV)
Summerlin (NV)
Sun Valley (NV)
The Lakes (NV)
United Kingdom (NV)
Verdi (NV)
Virginia City (NV)
Winnemucca (NV)
Best States For Gun Owners In 2017
U.S Precision Defense Over the past five years, we at Guns and Ammo have done our best to aggregate and analyze the gun laws of all fifty states and the District...
Can We Find Common Ground On Gun Rights
US Precision Defense BY ALAN GOTTLIEB AND DAVE WORKMAN Special to The Telegraph DECEMBER 05, 2017 09:06 AM UPDATED DECEMBER 05, 2017 11:15 AM For...

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Breakfast Burrito. Some of my favorite places for breakfast are the long-time Anita's New Mexico Style Mexican Restaurants. Anita's is known for the breakfast burritos. They're cheap and delicious and filling. My Breakfast Burrito recipe is based on a chorizo burrito that is my favorite breakfast burrito item at Anita's. Her breakfast burritos feature scrambled eggs, cheese, potatoes, your choice of meat, and her unique New Mexico Style red chile or green chile sauces.
Anita's restaurant group was actually started by a lady named Anita Tellez. Originally from New Mexico, Anita moved to Virginia when her husband was transferred to Washington, DC.. Anita's first restaurant opened in a really tiny building in Vienna, VA in 1974. I think there were maybe two tables and a takeout counter. Over the years, Anita's grew to a chain of a dozen or so restaurants in the Northern Virginia area. Anita herself was a well-loved fixture in her restaurants, always impeccably dressed with perfectly coiffed blond hair.
In order to maintain similar taste and quality across all the restaurants, most of Anita's food is made in a local commissary and shipped out to the restaurants. Those refried beans are "to die for." I'm also a big fan of the chile con queso dip and chips which I used to share with business colleagues at our many lunches there. Sadly, Anita passed away in 2009. Her son, Tom, has taken over management of Anita's restaurant empire.
A few Anita's locations have closed over the years and the menu has changed slightly. Being a "25 year regular" at one of the Anita's restaurants near me, I can still order my favorite "Tacos Vera Cruz" for lunch which are no longer on the menu. I don't get to eat at Anita's much anymore so it's a real treat for me to make my own version of her breakfast burritos at home. I haven't yet figured out the recipe for the shredded beef filling in the Tacos Vera Cruz or I'd be making them at home, too.
Breakfast burritos are a favorite at my house for weekend breakfasts. My husband loves chorizo and that's his usual choice for the meat for his burrito. For just the right amount of flavor in this recipe, I like to use D'Artagnan chorizo sausage which has a spicier taste.
How to make my Breakfast Burrito? The chorizo sausage is diced and sauteed in olive oil with some chopped onion and tomato. Chopped cilantro is stirred in.
Beaten eggs are added and stirred until they are set.
A Mexican cheese blend is melted into the mixture. Additional chopped cilantro is added.
The finished mixture is spooned onto warmed tortillas. The tortillas are folded over and served.
A dollop of sour cream and some salsa are traditional accompaniments. Sometimes, like Anita, I will use diced potatoes in my chorizo breakfast burritos. I don't have Anita's secret red or green chile sauce recipes either. Maybe someday Anita's will publish a cookbook!
2. Wrap the tortillas in foil and set aside.
3. Warm the olive oil over low heat in a non-stick skillet.
4. Saute the onion until it's slightly caramelized.
5. Add the diced chorizo and cook until the chorizo is slightly browned.
6. Add the diced tomato and cook until the tomato's juices have evaporated.
7. Stir in half of the chopped cilantro and cook for a few minutes.
8. Put the foil-wrapped tortillas in the oven.
9. Whisk the eggs in a bowl and pour them into the chorizo mixture in the pan.
10. With a spatula, move the eggs around in the chorizo mixture until the eggs have set.
11. Stir in the shredded cheese and let it melt.
12. Stir in the rest of the chopped cilantro and remove the skillet from the heat.
13. Remove the tortillas from the oven. Open the foil and place each tortilla on a serving plate.
14. Divide the chorizo egg mixture between the tortillas.
15. Fold the back side of each tortilla halfway over the chorizo egg mixture.
16. Wrap up the two sides of each tortilla over the folded back side to make burritos with one side open to display the filling.
17. Serve the burritos with a dollop of sour cream and some salsa on the side. Garnish with some cilantro leaves.
Makes two breakfast burritos. Offer with a side of refried beans and some home fries for a heartier breakfast.
Variations: You could substitute fresh ground chorizo for the pre-cooked links. Just cook the fresh chorizo until it's browned. Add chopped fresh jalapenos for a kick. Use Mexican Crema instead of sour cream. Leave out the cilantro if you are not a fan. You could serve the chorizo egg mixture with a warmed folded tortilla on the side like an "egg scramble" dish.
Order some chorizo sausages at D'Artagnan.


text:
First look at Benedict Cumberbatch as Alan Turing in 'The Imitation Game'
Following news of the royal pardon for WWII code breaker and computer scientist Alan Turing for his "crime" in the '50s of being a homosexual, "The Imitation Game" reveals its first official image from the film.
Bonnie Burton
December 27, 2013 8:58 AM PST
The first official movie still of Benedict Cumberbatch as British computer pioneer and cryptographer Alan Turing in "The Imitation Game." Black Bear Pictures
The very computer you use to read this story may not have been possible without the extraordinary work by computer pioneer, mathematician, and Bletchley Park cryptographer Alan Turing.
This week Turing received a posthumous royal pardon for being convicted in 1952 of homosexuality, which was then considered a crime. Turing had been given the choice of imprisonment or chemical castration. Shortly after choosing the chemical treatment, Turing committed suicide at the age of 41.
Alan Turing gets royal pardon on homosexuality 'crime'
Google's impossibly clever Alan Turing doodle
How Alan Turing ushered in modern computing
In honor of his long-overdue pardon (nearly 60 years after his death), the official Twitter account for the upcoming feature film about his life, "The Imitation Game," released its first still. The photo features actor Benedict Cumberbatch, who stars as Turing, in front of what could very well be the "bombe" -- one of the many computers Turing helped to create during his lifetime.
Due to hit theaters next year, "The Imitation Game" is directed by Morten Tyldum and stars Cumberbatch, Keira Knightley, Matthew Goode, Rory Kinnear, Charles Dance, Mark Strong Allen Leech, and Matthew Beard.
Discuss: First look at Benedict Cumberbatch as Alan Turing in 'The Imitation Game'


text:
Put Your Love Into Action
Animal Shelters & Rescues Near You
Learn About Adoption
Adopt at Petco
Search for a Pet
Our Loving Impact
Innovation Showdown
Lifesaving Impact Week
Develop Your Partnership
Our Adoption Initiatives
Adoption Media Resources
Data Saves Lives
Animal Shelters & Rescues
Lifesaving Impact Awards
Shop Petco
Front Street Animal Shelter
Front Street Animal Shelter Gets Creative with Outreach
For 25 years, Gina Knepp worked for the City of Sacramento's 911 and 311 systems.
Nearing retirement, she accepted a temporary position at the Front Street Animal Shelter, the city's animal control agency. The City needed her to clean up the shelter's business processes before turning over the operating contract to a local nonprofit group.
Knepp wanted to help the animals, but also worried about the 31 staff who would lose their jobs as a result of the new contract. Knepp asked the City of Sacramento to postpone the outsourcing and give her time to turn things around.
Within a year, things improved so dramatically they dropped the idea of hiring an outside vendor – and hired her as Animal Care Services Manager to oversee the agency.
"Sometimes leadership is just helping people do things they never thought they could do before. Together, we decided we could be amazing."
Community engagement skyrockets under new leadership
The agency's amazing success started with social media, which they used to build community engagement. Without boosting a post or buying an ad, they grew their Facebook followers from a paltry 600 to a jaw-dropping 94,000 followers in just five years.
"When used properly, social media is the most ingenious way of building relationships and getting people interested in and supporting what you do," she says.
They use that fan base to promote adoption events, educate the public, and routinely raise money for equipment needs, like a hotel-sized washing machine they needed and raised money for in just two weeks.
"People get really excited to help if they see a tangible result of their giving," she said.
Adoption events held in unexpected locations
Off-site adoption events became the cornerstone of the agency's lifesaving strategies. So when the Petco Foundation gave them a $132,500 investment in 2015, they used it to organize 150 off-site adoption events and purchase an adoption vehicle to transport animals.
Front Street Animal Shelter hosts several of these off-site adoption events at surprising locations, like at a fashion show or the Sacramento Ballet – "where the Nutcracker is now known as the Mutt Cracker because a shelter dog is featured in every show," says Knepp. "I am happy to say there has been a sudden increase in pit bull owners amongst the ballet demographic."
Front Street Animal Shelter also operates a full-time Petco Adoption Center and cat habitats in four Petco stores, which is "a great collaboration for us," says Knepp. "Animals find new homes and families find the store support they need to care for their pets over their lifetimes."
In 2016, another Petco Foundation lifesaving investment of $350,000 is helping the agency pay for advanced medical care for the sick and injured animals that cannot be treated at the shelter, but who need treatment before finding a loving home.
As a result of these strategies, Sacramento's Front Street Animal Shelter, which handles 11,000 animals annually, says their lifesaving rates have jumped from 25% in 2011 to 80% in 2016.
"Their engagement with the community and their lifesaving programs have been transformational," says Susanne Kogut, Executive Director of the Petco Foundation. "It's wonderful to support a group who finds so many ways to save lives every day."
Five years later, Knepp appears no closer to retirement. "We've still got more to do," she says.
KC Pet Project Builds Lifesaving Community
Furkids Animal Rescue and Shelter
How has Petco Foundation investment increased your impact? Share your organization's story to help inspire more lifesaving.
Allows users to submit success stories
Sitemap | Terms & Conditions | Privacy
© 2020 Petco Foundation | Petco Animal Supplies, Inc. All rights reserved.
PetcoFoundation.org is a trademark of Petco Animal Supplies, Inc.


The other day I had the chance to check out April Mullen and Tim Doiron's great Canadian comedy GravyTrain (review), a film that has cult classic material written all over it. That film is out on DVD today and I was lucky enough to chat up April and Tim on the process of making this film, what it's like to make movies in Canada and what they have up their sleeves for the future.
We're speaking today with April Mullen and Tim Doiron, the director, writer and stars of GravyTrain. Thank you for taking the time to speak with me.
Before we start talking about your new movie GravyTrain, how did you two meet and start working together?
AM: We actually met way back when in Ryerson, we were both taking acting in theatre. We met there. We were a class of only 32 people and basically, when that happens, you get really close with everybody and then we did a clown skit in our second year, it was a comedy sketch, and Tim and I were on the same page. From thereon in we started working together.
What turned your attention from acting to writing and directing?
When we were at Ryerson, they were really big into creating your own work so those two things acted as a catalyst and we realized that we just had to start making our own stuff and make things happen for ourselves.
You both wrote and directed, you co-directed that, what changed with GravyTrain that April, you ended up in the director's chair?
AM: When we were moving into a bigger film, we just knew that it would be easier if we each sort of took a hold of something and really focused on it. Tim was working on the writing a lot more so he did the script, and I was involved with the whole script process but Tim wrote the script and I was doing the shot lists and getting ready you know, all the stuff that entails directing. Just to make it a lot easier. But of course when you're acting and directing you have... you know Tim was standing by and was at the monitor too. We still very much work together creatively but... it just works a lot better.
TD: We also got lucky because it's one of those fortuitous relationships where April just happens to be a phenomenal director and she's really passionate about it and she's just fantastic.
TD: So it works well.
You mention working both in front and behind the camera. How does that vary from your experiences as simply actors?
TD: Oh jeez. It's 100% different I'd say. April?
AM: Definitely. Well, it's like a whirlwind. We only had 15 days to shoot GravyTrain so with a schedule like that you're constantly just running from scene to scene and just trying to get your days in to make a film in such a short amount of time because [you have] tight budgets and tight time lines. It's like running around like a chicken with your head cut off. You're moving on adrenaline and you're just so full of passion that you just get the film done. But it's actually really intense.
TD: Another great difference as well is the fact that when you are doing a lot of the stuff yourself, it's a really interesting process to be able to be involved with the creative – the entire creative scope of the project . From beginning to end you're there. You develop a much different relationship with the project where, when you're acting in something your sort of get called up, you do your acting and you leave and you might go for promotions when they're promoting the film so you miss out on a lot of different stuff that now we get to be a part of.
Where did the idea for GravyTrain come from?
TD: The idea for GravyTrain. Actually, I had a dream one night, strange enough, about a funny cop movie that involved a weird filmmaker guy. It actually started right there. I told April about it and we thought that it would be sort of fun to do an homage film so we said OK let's create the world of Gypsy Creek and it grew, and we worked together, the characters came to life and here we are.
You say the characters came to life. You have some great supporting actors in your cast. Tim Meadows, Colin Mochrie... how did you get these guys?
AM: With Tim Meadows, we wrote the role with him in mind. I'd worked with him on my very first acting gig. He was always so nice and so funny and we were huge fans of his anyways that we wrote it very much in his sense of humour, in his style. So we knew he'd really like it if we could get it into his hands to read. Then we just called his agent, called his manager. We worked really hard at getting the script to him. Once he read the script he was on board. It was definitely up his alley. And the same sort of thing with Colin Mochrie.
TD: Yeah. I've been watching him [Colin] since "Whose line is it anyways." I'm a big fan of that show and when were writing the script we thought that Colin would be really great for the role if we could ever get him. We wrote with him in mind and again we got the script in his hands, he came on board and just happened to be the nicest man you could ever meet.
AM: I think that if you dream it, they will come.
One of the things I really love about your films is that they have a very distinct look. Is that intentional or a case of your personal sensibilities seeping onto the camera?
AM: People have been asking us that. Where have we gotten our influences from and is it this or is it that. I think Tim and I just naturally have this flow and we're really obsessed with visuals. Like when ideas come to us we think in images first. We thought of costumes, what people would be wearing, the colours the rooms were, that comes first with the seeds of the idea. By thinking in pictures... I think that's just purely our personalities coming through. That's just us.
Like as Holly in Rock, Paper Scissors I was wearing leg warmers before anyone wore leg warmers and that was just me. [Laugh] I think the same goes for GravyTrain. We have obsessions with old paintings, yellows and oranges and all of that stuff. I think it is our sort of own unique twist on a fresh look for Canadian cinema. I think that's just sort of our stamp.
You mention Canadian cinema. You're both working within the industry and you're also producers. It's difficult enough being an indie filmmaker but is it more difficult in Canada?
TD: You know, this is a very loaded question. It's very layered. It's extremely difficult. That's the easy answer. No matter how hard you're working there's a lot of confinements for independent filmmakers. A lack of support overall from the general public for an independent filmmaker in Canada. It is difficult. But the good thing is that we are trying to change that and it seems that there is a silver lining coming up in the near future. It seems that there are more people getting on board with independent cinema. Sort of like what happened in the Canadian music industry seven or eight years ago. People are starting to become more aware of it now. I don't know if you want to add anything to that April?
AM: I think also that because we're such a young country and a young film industry, there's a lot of room to grow. When we started with Rock, Paper, Scissors we were there with empty hands and just a film. We didn't know where to go from there. But people are really receptive and open to anything new that's thrown at them. We went across the country, dressed in costume, playing rock, paper, scissors with people on the street, and we were in universities and showing them the film... We were doing this completely grass roots approach that hadn't really been done before. People really jumped on board and I think... I think everyone's looking for something new and they're waiting for something refreshing to happen. If you do have the energy and the ideas to do something new, people will respond. That's what we're trying to do.
TD: We think steps are happening in the right direction and hopefully there is an audience out there that is excited about new, up and coming, Canadian films and if we keep supporting that, I think something can happen in the coming years.
TD: We're writing right now. All we can say at this point is that it's going to be a comedy and that we're aiming to shoot next spring.
TD: That's all we can say right now. Maybe email us in a couple of months and maybe we'll be able to let the cat out of the bag.
AM: Ideas together and then Tim goes off.
TD: We'll come up with something and then we'll be like "That's pretty good" then I'll go off and I'll do some writing and I'll bring back a draft or character sketch or whatever to April and she'll go over it and be like "Well, that's sort of good" and "that might not be as good." And I'll go back and start writing again. That's really good too because April has a very fantastic ability to look at the overall structure of a piece and be able to tell what is going to work and what isn't going to work so when I'm doing my writing I know I can bring it back to April and she'll be able to say "this is OK. Tone it down here and bring it up there." It's a good partnership.
April, you were on set with David Cronenberg and you've been on a number of other film sets – have you had the opportunity to watch how other filmmakers work?
AM: I did. As soon as I started working on set, on any type of set, from a very young age, when everybody went off to their trailers or went and rehearsed their lines or went to the craft track, I was always behind the monitor. I never left set. I loved to be on set and I watched everything from what the prop people were doing, what sound guys were doing and sitting right behind the director looking over his shoulder. I was right there, sort of like a fly, an invisible fly and I was absorbing like a sponge everything through the film process. I just love watching actors work and directors work; the energy on set and how things come together. Through the years, especially David Cronenberg and Lisa Cholodenko who did a lot of films and did a Showtime feature, and I definitely took a lot from everyone I've worked with in the past.
Is there anyone in particular that you really admire?
AM: This is hard. I really look up to people who do things from the beginning to end, the whole overall process, like Woody Allen where they're writing, directing and creating their own work and sometimes even in their own work. David Lynch, The Coen Brothers, PT Anderson, Tim Burton – anybody like that I find inspiring and I find that their work is a bunch of chapters to their life and the end of each section of their lives is a film. It's really amazing to watch those people and how their filmmaking changes. I'm a huge fan of that.
Are you on the track now that you will only write and direct your own material or would you consider writing and directing for others?
AM: We've been asked these things and also been approached by other projects. Right now I think we just want to stay strong and do our third film for sure and then from there make some bigger decision. We'll definitely both act in other people's projects, we both love acting in anybody's projects, but we're not sure yet about the writing and directing. So far we've said no but that doesn't mean no forever. That just means we're focused on our third project and then from there we'll see.
Thank you so much for your time, I really appreciate it. Best of luck with GravyTrain which is out on DVD on May 18th.
TD: Very exciting! Thank you so much.
AM: May the train be with you.


Carry your favorite city everywhere you go with our original embroidered wristlet - it's perfect as a wallet or a cosmetic case. Fits iPhone 6 Plus.
You will receive an e-mail with a mockup of your bag for approval before we make it.


text:
Guest Column: Rattlesnake safety tips
As summertime calls people and snakes alike to the outdoors, encounters with snakes become more inevitable. California has a variety of snakes, most of which are benign. The exception is California's only native venomous snake: the rattlesnake.
California rattlesnake species include northern Pacific rattlesnakes (in Northern California), western diamondbacks, sidewinders, speckled rattlesnakes, red diamond rattlesnakes, Southern Pacifics, Great Basin rattlesnakes and the Mojave rattlesnakes (all found in Southern California). Though rattlesnakes are dangerous if provoked, they also provide humans with a tremendous service. They eat rodents, other reptiles and insects, and are in turn eaten by other predators. In California, where rattlesnakes are found from sea level to the inland prairies and desert areas to mountains at elevations of more than 10,000 feet, enjoying the outdoors means learning how to avoid contact with rattlesnakes.
Generally not aggressive, rattlesnakes strike when threatened or deliberately provoked, but given room they will retreat. Most snake bites occur when a rattlesnake is handled or accidentally touched by someone walking or climbing. The majority of snakebites occur on the hands, feet and ankles.
Rattlesnakes can cause serious injury to humans on rare occasions. The California Poison Control Center notes that rattlesnakes account for more than 800 bites each year and one to two deaths. Most bites occur between the months of April and October when snakes and humans are most active outdoors. About 25 percent of the bites are "dry," meaning no venom is injected, but the bites still require medical treatment.
The potential of running into a rattlesnake should not deter anyone from venturing outdoors, but there are several precautions that can be taken to lessen the chance of being bitten when out in snake country, which is just about anywhere in California.
The dos and don'ts in snake country:
Rattlesnakes are not confined to rural areas. They have been found near urban areas, in rivers or lakeside parks, and at golf courses. Startled rattlesnakes may not rattle before striking defensively. There are several safety measures that can be taken to reduce the likelihood of startling a rattlesnake.
– Never go barefoot or wear sandals when walking through wild areas. Wear hiking boots.
– When hiking, stick to popular trails and wear over-the-ankle boots and loose-fitting long pants. Avoid tall grass, weeds and heavy underbrush where snakes may hide during the day.
– Do not step or put your hands where you cannot see, and avoid wandering around in the dark. Step on logs and rocks, never over them, and be especially careful when climbing rocks or gathering firewood. Check out stumps or logs before sitting down, and shake out sleeping bags before use.
– Never grab sticks or branches while swimming in lakes and rivers. Rattlesnakes can swim.
– Be careful when stepping over the doorstep as well. Snakes like to crawl along the edge of buildings where they are protected on one side.
– Never hike alone. Always have someone with you who can assist in an emergency.
– Do not handle a freshly killed snake, it can still inject venom.
– Teach children early to respect snakes and to leave them alone. Children are naturally curious and will pick up snakes.
Is it a rattlesnake?
Many a useful and nonthreatening snake has suffered a quick death from a frantic human who has mistakenly identified a gopher snake, garter, racer or other breed as a rattlesnake. This usually happens when a snake assumes an instinctive defensive position used to bluff adversaries. A gopher snake has the added unfortunate trait of imitating a rattlesnake by flattening its head and body, vibrating its tail, hissing and striking if approached too closely.
A rattlesnake is a heavy-bodied, blunt-tailed snake with one or more rattles on the tail. It has a triangular-shaped head, much broader at the back than at the front, and a distinct "neck" region. The rattlesnake also has openings between the nostrils and eyes, which is a heat-sensing pit. The eyes are hooded with elliptical pupils. Additional identifying characteristics include a series of dark and light bands near the tail, just before the rattles, which are different from the markings on the rest of the body. Also note that rattles may not always be present, as they are often lost through breakage and not always developed on the young.
Keeping snakes out of the yard
The best protection against rattlesnakes in the yard is a "rattlesnake-proof" fence. It can be expensive and require maintenance, however. The fence should either be solid or made of mesh no larger than one-quarter-inch thick. It should be at least 3 feet high with the bottom buried a few inches in the ground. Slanting your snake fence outward at about a 30-degree angle will help. Vegetation should be kept away from the fence since the snake could crawl to the top of an adjacent tree or shrub. Discourage snakes by removing piles of boards or rocks around the home. Use caution when removing those piles, there may already be a snake there. Encouraging and protecting natural competitors like gopher snakes, kingsnakes and racers will reduce the rattlesnake population in the immediate area. And, kingsnakes actually kill and eat rattlesnakes.
What to do in the event of a snake bite
Though uncommon, rattlesnake bites do occur. Carry a portable phone, hike with a companion who can assist in an emergency and make sure that family or friends know where you are going and when you will be checking in.
The first thing to do if bitten is to stay calm. Generally, the most serious effect of a rattlesnake bite to an adult is local tissue damage, which needs to be treated. Children, because they are smaller, are in more danger if they are bitten.
Get to a doctor as soon as possible, but stay calm. Frenetic, high-speed driving causes greater risk of an accident and increased heart rate. If the doctor is more than 30 minutes away, keep the bite below the heart and then try to get to the doctor as quickly as possible.
The California Poison Control Center advises:
– Stay calm
– Wash the bite area gently with soap and water
– Remove watches, rings and other items that may constrict swelling
– Immobilize the affected area
– Transport safely to the nearest medical facility
For more first aid information, visit California Poison Control at calpoison.org.
California Rattlesnakes
Rattlesnake Safety
Sam Digiovanna
From the Publisher: Skinny dipping in the Galilee and other summer frolics
The Malibu Real Estate Report: Notes from around town


If you want to be the ultimate Denver Broncos fan, then you're going to need a New Andreas Knappe jersey to all the games this year. Broncos Store has a great selection of Andreas Knappe jerseys, so everyone will know that you are serious about football. With name Andreas Knappe, you'll be able to find your favorite player's jersey. You can choose from home and away colors as well as game, limited, and elite styles of jersey to find the perfect Andreas Knappe jersey for you. Our Denver Broncos Andreas Knappe jerseys are available in men, women and youth sizes, so everyone can go to the game in the right colors. No matter what you're looking for, this is the place to shop for Broncos jerseys!
Rep your Denver Broncos in a brand new way with this Andreas Knappe Denver Broncos Men's Legend Nike Jersey - Orange! Crisp graphics celebrate a special moment for your favorite team.
Rep your Denver Broncos in a brand new way with this Andreas Knappe Denver Broncos Women's Legend Nike Jersey - Orange! Crisp graphics celebrate a special moment for your favorite team.
Rep your Denver Broncos in a brand new way with this Andreas Knappe Denver Broncos Youth Legend Nike Jersey - Orange! Crisp graphics celebrate a special moment for your favorite team.
Cheer for the Denver Broncos with this limited Andreas Knappe jersey from Nike! Featuring Denver Broncos and Andreas Knappe graphics, this jersey is the perfect way to look great and show your pride.
Show off your Denver Broncos spirit with this Andreas Knappe elite jersey from Nike! It features Denver Broncos and Andreas Knappe graphics so everyone knows your commitment.
Rep your Denver Broncos in a brand new way with this Andreas Knappe Denver Broncos Youth Color Rush Legend Nike Jersey - Orange! Crisp graphics celebrate a special moment for your favorite team.
Prove you are the #1 Denver Broncos fan with this Andreas Knappe Game Football jersey! You can boast your team spirit while wearing this Denver Broncos jersey. It features printed Denver Broncos and Andreas Knappe graphics, showing the world who you cheer for.
Help your kiddo cheer for the Denver Broncos at the next game with this Andreas Knappe Denver Broncos Youth Game Nike Jersey - White. It features Denver Broncos and Andreas Knappe graphics so he can celebrate his team's victory.


text:
Throwback Thursday: Ottawa Gaga Compilation (2009)
by Eric Scharf
Allie Hanlon
Capital Rehearsal Studio
Emmanuel Sayer
Going Gaga
house of targ
Ian Manhire
Ian Showalter
Jordy Bell
Million Dollar Marxists
Mother's Children
Ottawa Explosion
Peach Kelli Pop
steve adamyk
The White Wires
Over two weekends in March, 2009, 15 bands got two hours each to lay down one track live off the floor. These songs would then go on to be part of one of the best local compilations of all time, Ottawa Gaga Volume 1.
Going Gaga Records was a local record label founded by Ian Manhire (White Wires, Sedatives, and Voicemail) and Ottawa Gaga Weekend was a three-day gathering of mostly local, and some out-of-town, rock, garage and punk bands in Ottawa for an unforgettable few days. This event, which dates back to 2008, was the precursor to what I call Ottawa's punk and garage Christmas in June, more commonly known as Ottawa Explosion.
Poster for Ottawa Gaga Weekend in from 2009. Cool to note that Yogi's is the original recording studio/venue by now owner of House of Targ, Yogi Granger.
Of the 15 bands to lay down tracks for the Gaga compilation, only three remain active (The Creeps, The White Wires and Mother's Children). That isn't to many of the people who locked themselves away during a frosty weekend in the capital aren't still major players in the Ottawa music scene.
Earlier this year the compilation, Ottawa Gaga Volume 1, was finally put online for our listening pleasure…and oh have we listened. This compilation is a blast from the past to anyone who went to shows at the time. This is the era of the Rock n' Roll Pizza Party and when garage rock was king in Ottawa. I have so many fond memories of many of these bands, and the Million Dollar Marxists will always be one that holds a special place in my heart.
We interviewed Jordy Bell, member of The Creeps and Crusades, who helped put the weekends together and mixed the compilation.
What was Ottawa like in 2009?
The Ottawa scene in 2009 was going through a pretty explosive period. It was around this time that Emmanuel Sayer, Luke Martin, and Brad McQuoat were running the Rock N' Roll Pizza Party night, a weekly night that was hosted at various venues around town (the Bytown Tavern was its longest running spot, which is now a Comedy Club on Elgin St.). The night usually featured a few local bands and a touring band, so it brought a lot of different musicians and people into the same room. This subsequently led to the formation of quite a few bands, and even more new friendships.
Allie Hanlon (aka Peach Kelli Pop) recording tambourine for The Felines track. Photo: Jordy Bell
Who came up with this great idea?
It was definitely Ian Manhire who conceived the idea, and was responsible for curating the compilation. Ian was already active in the Ottawa scene, putting out records on the now defunct Going Gaga Records. The idea was to record a small snapshot of some of the bands in the scene, at the time. It was probably a discussion at a Rock n' Roll Pizza Party that led myself (Jordy), and Ian Showalter (Suppositories, Dagger Eyes, and current House of Targ sound engineer) to volunteer our time and skills to record it.
We decided to not go the traditional compilation route, and thought it would be fun to try and record all of the bands ourselves in a couple of weekends. It sounded like a daunting task, but each band was scheduled in a 2 hour time slot, and we tracked each band one by one.
Where was the recording done?
The recording was all done at the old Capital Rehearsal space, run by Luke Martin. The old location was at 240 Bank St (Luke has since moved the business to the City Centre building), and was in the basement of a government building. He set aside one of his jam rooms for us, and we had our little 'control room', located in the lobby outside of that room.
Ian Showalter (Suppositories and sound at House of Targ) getting levels before recording. Photo: Jordy Bell
Who was the team that took on this task?
Ian Showalter and myself were responsible for the entire recording and mixing portion of the record. Ian handled all the on-site engineering, running the recording software, and I was responsible for getting the bands set up in the room, and making sure mics stayed in place in between takes.
I handled the mixing portion of the record, with Ian Manhire, and Ian Showalter sitting in on the mixes. Mixing was completed at my current workplace, Atomic Audio, located in the west end of Ottawa. Once the mixes were complete, they were sent to Bova Sound, a family run studio in the city, for mastering.
Can you shine a little light on the set up?
The idea was to record the compilation with all the same gear. There was two reasons for this. First, we wanted the record to have a cohesive feel to it, often compilations are pretty jarring with a wide range of recording sources. The second reason was just for simplicity. Trying to record that many bands, on all different gear would have taken much longer. So, we settled on using one drum kit, with each drummer bringing in their 'breakables' (industry speak for the kick pedal, cymbals, and snare drum). I believe the bass amp we used was a Fender Musicmaster Bass Amp, and the guitar amps were Marshall heads and cabs for the most part. A few people brought in their own heads, or small solid state amplifiers as well.
Using all the same gear actually simplified the mixing process as well, as in most cases I was able to apply the same kinds of processing (EQ's, compression, etc) on each track, then just make minor adjustments to the individual performances of each band.
The Beach Blankets (featuring members of Mother's Children, Zebrassieres, and Babble Goons) Photo: Jordy Bell
Can you share any stories about those two weekends, some memorable moments or silly little anecdotes?
It was just a lot of fun, and incredibly busy. Once we got everything set up, it was just a case of getting each band through their recording session. There was still a lot of time to hang out, and generally even once a band finished recording their song, they'd stick around and hang out, and have a beer.
One story that sticks out in my own mind, was the recording of the Beach Blankets song "Greatest Hit." The Beach Blankets had a short and raucous existence in town. In that song you can hear the sounds of bottle clinks, claps, and general chaos. This was because after they were done recording the music and lead vocals for the song, they had between 20 and 30 of their friends fill the room and recorded a take of everyone partying and making noise. Ian decided it would open the record, and I think it perfectly sets the tone for the rest of the record.
The Sedatives. Left to right: Emmanuel Sayer, Steve Adamyk, Ian Manhire and Dave Williams. Photo: Jordy Bell
What band from the Ottawa Gaga would you like to see get back together?
If I had to choose just one from that list that I'd like to see get back together, it would be Sedatives. I say this knowing that, in very recent days, the Sedatives have actually started to get back into the rehearsal room. I came to know the members of the band (Emmanuel Sayer, Dave Williams, Ian Manhire, and Steve Adamyk) from Rock and Roll Pizza Party first, and since those early days, they've become some of my closest friends (I currently play in Crusades with Dave and Emmanuel, and in Cheap Whine with Steve). I'm happy that they've decided to pick it back up, and am curious to see what comes of the reformation.
What is your favourite song on the compilation?
The Million Dollar Marxists song is my favourite. Listening back to it now, it makes me nostalgic about the early 2000's in Ottawa. Before Rock and Roll Pizza Party, there was Bumper's Pool Hall, which was located at 580 Bank St. (currently the home of the Works burger joint). This was my introduction to the punk scene in Ottawa. As someone who moved here in 1998, and formed a band (The Creeps) shortly after that, it was where I met a number of people in the scene (including Luke Martin of the Marxists, who was doing sound there at the time). When we recorded this compilation, the Marxists were essentially done, but Ian Manhire convinced them to record a song for the compilation.
I'd be very interested in seeing what a compilation like this would look like today. It's been six years since we recorded 'Ottawa Gaga', and the city, and music scene has changed so much in that time. If anything, the scene continues to expand and thrive at an exponential rate. While many of the musicians on this compilation continue to make music, there is also a wave of younger musicians and bands that continue to innovate and push the boundaries of music in Ottawa.
Ottawa Gaga Volume 1 by Ottawa Gaga Compilation – Volume 1


text:
Q: How do I make a button appear and disappear?Libgdx I want my button to appear whenever an object reaches a certain position, that object is a sprite that is generated every second:
public void create() {
  if(spritePosition>700) {
    buttonObj.createButton();
  }
}

public void render() {
  if (condition==true) {
    stage.draw();
  }
}

The problem is that when the games starts no Sprite is generated yet, so the result is an error. I'm also thinking of calling the createButton() method on the render method but it would generate a new button every frame because it's called constantly.

A: A simple way to let your button "disappear" is to just set its position to some position outside of the visible screen area.
For example something like:
buttonObj.setPosition(-1000, -1000);

To make it visible again you can just set the real coordinates again!

A: How about:
public void create() {
    buttonObj.createButton();
    buttonObj.setVisible(false);
}

public void render() {
  if (condition==true) {
    buttonObj.setVisible(true);
  }
}

A: All actors in Scene2d have the setVisible method. simply try :
yourButton.setVisible(true)

or
yourButton.setVisible(false);

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Sharing a Rumi poem today. I'm always in a perfect mood after reading beautiful poetry. I'm feeling blessed and grateful for all the wonderful blessings in my life. Sending love and healing prayers to all precious souls.
When the reflections that, as mirrors, we emanate, are cleared of every fear and every limiting belief, we finally become whole and pure mirrors of light.
Remember to always be you! Be different, Be unique, follow your gut unapologetically, don't let the world change you into something that you aren't. If you want to be an artist- be an artist- if you want to be a writer – write – often we let life and people stifle our creativity. We take a back seat to the whims of society and the demands on our time. We slowly start to suffocate ourselves, to the point that we become unrecognizable. Look at yourself in the mirror! What do you see? Are you living an authentic life? What are you afraid of? Take off the mask and BE DIFFERENT.
This is the most important question we ask ourself when we look in the mirror and see our soul!
We will encounter many other souls on our soul journey in this lifetime, the ones that we are closest too and love with all our heart and soul will have the most significant impact. These other souls will be our mirrors, reflecting back to us the lessons we need to learn in this soul journey. They will be responsible for causing us deep pain and will also bring us immense joy. Throughout this experience, we mustn't forget that is the sole reason why we are here. These lessons are cleansing the wounds of the past so we can transcend and continue to heal and get closer to the light that shines so bright within us.


SOLAS, the successor to FAS, is shutting down a training centre which has received millions of euro in state funding after uncovering financial issues and serious breaches of its training contract.
The agency, which funds further education programmes, took the decision not to provide further funding to the Drogheda Community Training Centre (DCTC), in Co Louth, last May.
However, the reasons for the decision were not fully outlined at the time.
It has now emerged that officials at Solas and its predecessor FAS expressed concerns about the running of the centre over the past three years.
According to records obtained by the Irish Independent, Solas officials found two out of five trainees were dropping out from courses at the centre, while only one out of every eight was progressing to further education and training.
The figures have been disputed by the training centre's board, which is seeking to overturn the decision to withdraw funding. Without this funding, the centre, which employs 17 people, will close next May.
The move by Solas comes as the new agency seeks to shake off the legacy of controversies which dogged and ultimately led to the dissolution of its predecessor FAS.
DCTC has been run by a local company, Drogheda Community Workshop Ltd, since 1990, providing training for early school leavers using millions of euro provided by FAS and latterly Solas.
The centre provides training courses up to FETAC level for 16 to 21-year-olds and offers 48 training places at any one time. Courses include woodwork, hairdressing, horticulture, upholstery, painting and decorating.
FAS and Solas officials warned the board on a number of occasions about the performance of the centre in recent years.
One official said records indicated that no training awards were applied for by the centre in 2012; the dropout rate that year was 41pc and just four trainees progressed to further education and two to employment after completing their courses.
"The issues identified represent a serious breach of contract and need to be immediately addressed," wrote Leo Mallen, a FAS training services assistant manager, in a letter to DCTC chairman Liam Leddy in March last year.
A financial monitoring visit in July last year found some invoices did not match statements provided by suppliers. It was also recommended that staff cease using a company laser card and that all purchases be paid for by cheque or direct debit. Solas eventually decided to pull the plug on funding, but the board is now planning to fight the decision.
Mr Leddy said: "There is absolutely no reason why this should be closed down. We are definitely trying to get this decision overturned. If there is something wrong, you fix it, you don't close it."
He also disputed the dropout rates quoted in Solas's correspondence, saying they included some people who had registered but never actually started courses. "We were given a year to put things in order and everything was flying, 100pc on target, and they just pulled the plug. They don't give us any students anymore," he said.
Mr Leddy said the board would consider at its next meeting whether to issue a fuller statement.
A Solas spokeswoman said its decision to suspend funding was made after "a range of issues" were raised with the centre's board of management following a review.
"As there was no significant progress to resolve these issues, a decision was made to withdraw funding as of from May 2015 in accordance with Solas's contractual agreement with Drogheda CTC," the statement said.
The Louth Meath Education and Training Board is now making plans to fill the gap left by the centre's closure.
Training functions previously carried out by FAS were transferred to the country's 16 education and training boards last January.
Solas is responsible for the research, planning and funding functions previously carried out by FAS.


text:
Russia's Campaign of Urbicide in Ukraine
Home / Human Security / Russia's Campaign of Urbicide in Ukraine
Aaron Clements-Hunt
Russian destruction of a civilian neighborhood outside of Kyiv. The Ukrainian army secured the area in April, after the withdrawal of the Russian army. (Photo by Narciso Contreras/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
Urbicide is a distinct form of mass violence characterized by the deliberate destruction of vital civilian infrastructure. In total disregard for international humanitarian law, urbicide is undergirded by a logic of collective punishment, targeting civilian populations and the built infrastructure on which their lives depend. Taken to their furthest extent, such campaigns of systematic bombardment and destruction can leave entire cities in ruins, hence the term urbicide – the "killing" of a city.
From the onset of Russian President Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine, Russia has engaged in a sustained and systematic campaign of urbicide. Both targeted and indiscriminate attacks by air, land, and sea continue to destroy vital civilian infrastructure, systematically denying Ukrainians access to basic needs and essential services. As of May 25, Russia has fired more than 2,150 long-range, precision-guided missiles into Ukraine, many targeting critical national infrastructure hundreds of miles from any active front line, including in the country's far west.
Russia's campaign of urbicide has been most intense in Ukraine's south and east, particularly since the Kremlin's retreat from around Kyiv and the north. Commenting on the ever-increasing destruction in the Donbas, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has labeled Russia's attacks as "a deliberate and criminal attempt to kill as many Ukrainians as possible." In hundreds of towns and villages along the lines of contact, and in cities like Severodonetsk and Kramatorsk, swaths of civilian infrastructure have been damaged or destroyed. Mariupol, the city most devastated by Russian attacks, has been all but leveled by months of sustained and indiscriminate bombardment. It stands as a stark warning of the extent to which the Kremlin's strategists are willing to pursue the deliberate destruction of civilian infrastructure.
Russia's onslaught in Ukraine has resulted in tens of thousands of civilian casualties and has triggered a refugee crisis. More than 12 million Ukrainians have fled their homes since Feb. 24. As of May 19, The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported 15.7 million Ukrainians in need of assistance and protection. Despite unprecedented global support, humanitarian needs in Ukraine and the region risk outpacing the current international response.
With a long and increasingly entrenched war likely, urbicide will continue to define Russian tactics in Ukraine. The evidence suggests that in the Donbas region and the south, Russian forces are systematically destroying infrastructure to take and hold territory. The Russian military will continue to reject the principles of distinction, proportionality, and necessity, aiming to cripple Ukraine's critical national infrastructure and to weaponize chaos, destruction, and civilian harm.
Russia's urbicide in Ukraine demands an immediate and focused policy response. Systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure raise complex and urgent challenges for the international community, issues relating to civilian protection, humanitarian aid, forced displacement, justice and accountability, and the breakdown of international humanitarian norms. The U.S. has led global efforts to support Ukraine, but maintaining long-term political will and momentum will be crucial. In relation to urbicide and the urgent need to protect Ukraine's civilians, policy makers must continue to prioritize:
Lethal aid: ensuring Ukraine can defend its population centers and vital national infrastructure
Humanitarian aid and access: building a collective and sustainable response to the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine and the region
Justice and accountability: supporting efforts to gather evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity and committing to the eventual prosecution of perpetrators
Global efforts to restrict the use of explosive weapons in populated areas
Russian President Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine aimed to catalyze regime change and crush the country's burgeoning democracy. Moscow's strategists planned for the swift capture of Kyiv, hoping to drag Ukraine and its population from the EU, NATO, and the West. This has long been Putin's ambition, at least since the 2014 ouster of Kremlin-backed President Viktor Yanukovych. The invasion of Ukraine reflects Putin's deep-seated and ever-increasing paranoia, his fear that popular revolution and democracy in neighboring countries will threaten his own grip on power.
The Kremlin's hopes for a "lightning war" were quickly dashed, Russia's initial assault on Kyiv an unmitigated failure, bogged down in the face of operational and logistical shortcomings, and repelled by determined Ukrainian resistance. In the months since, Russian tactics in Ukraine have been defined by deliberate and sustained attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure. Russia's onslaught constitutes urbicide, the systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure and the built environment upon which modern life depends. Urbicide is a distinct form of mass violence, a concept first popularized within holocaust and genocide studies in the aftermath of the urban devastation witnessed during the Balkan Wars of the 1990s.
Most often characterized by sustained bombardment and strict blockade, urbicide has consistently been employed by authoritarian states as an effective coercive institution. As in Ukraine, the systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure has long been employed to safeguard power, crushing threats (imagined or otherwise) and advancing domestic or geopolitical interests.
Russian Urbicide in Ukraine: Systematic Attacks on Critical Infrastructure
In Ukraine, Putin's forces have systematically targeted populated settlements and critical national infrastructure. Strategically, urbicide serves a number of purposes in Russia's war effort. In the Donbas and the south, Russia destroys civilian infrastructure, and even entire settlements, to take and then hold territory. In addition to this, long-range attacks on sites of critical civilian infrastructure throughout the country, including in the far west, spread disruption, chaos, and fear far from the front lines. With these attacks, Russia aims to leave civilians struggling with the impossibility of life without water, food, fuel, electricity, fuel, sanitation, medical care, mobility, and shelter.
The most obvious evidence of Russia's urbicidal campaign in Ukraine is the extraordinary number of Ukrainians that have been forced to leave their homes since Feb. 24. More than 7 million Ukrainians are internally displaced, and a further 4 million have been forced to flee the country.
Long-range attacks mean that despite much of the fighting being focused in the east, many displaced Ukrainians rightly feel that it is unsafe to return. Since Feb. 24, Russia has launched more than 2,150 long-range missiles into Ukraine, many destroying civilian targets far from active front lines or military targets, including in the far west of the country.
With the war in Ukraine now into its fourth month, clear and damning patterns have emerged in Russia's attacks on Ukraine's critical civilian infrastructure. Most notably, repeated and targeted strikes on Ukraine's health, energy, and transport sectors speak to the deliberate doctrine of civilian harm that undergirds Russia's urbicide in the country. These attacks have, as intended, denied millions of Ukrainians their right to basic necessities and essential services.
Throughout Ukraine, health care facilities have been damaged or destroyed by both indiscriminate and targeted Russian attacks. In Kharkiv, for example, Airwars documented a cluster munitions attack on a children's hospital and blood donation center. This was just one of more than 243 attacks recorded by the WHO in Ukraine between Feb. 24 and May 23. This figure is proof of a systematic attempt to destroy Ukraine's health care sector, part of Russia's broader campaign of urbicide in the country.
The impact of these attacks, combined with strict blockade in many front-line areas, has been devastating. The country's most vulnerable people – children, the elderly, those with chronic health conditions, and the disabled – suffer most. As many as one in three Ukrainian households are without access to medical facilities, a figure that is likely far higher in the south and east, where reports suggest that virtually no hospital or health facility remains undamaged.
Ukraine's Ministry of Energy has said that Russia is doing everything possible to maximize damage to Ukraine's energy sector, and evidence supports this claim. Deliberate attacks on power plants, vital components of the water, gas, and electricity grids, and repeated strikes on oil and fuel infrastructure have increased since the Kremlin's decisive shift to the eastern theater. On April 3, separate long-range missile attacks struck at the heart of Ukraine's oil industry – one damaging the country's largest and only remaining oil refinery at Kremenchuk, the other hitting critical oil processing infrastructure near the southern port city of Odesa. Since then, Kremenchuk and a nearby thermal plant, have been repeatedly targeted, most recently by 12 long-range missiles on May 12. These repeated attacks on Ukraine's domestic oil sector have left the country entirely reliant on foreign oil imports from railways in the west. In cities throughout Ukraine, like Lviv, Dnipro, and Kyiv, civilians are forced to queue for fuel due to acute shortages.
Though Ukrainian engineers have, where possible, managed to repair damage to the country's energy sector, Russia's urbicidal tactics have nonetheless left vast numbers of Ukrainians without electricity, fuel, water, or sanitation. As of May 19, more than 640,000 people, across 696 settlements, are without electricity. A further are 200,000 without gas, the result of damage to at least 47 gas distribution stations. The situation with regard to water is equally as critical, with UNICEF reporting that damage to critical infrastructure has left 1.4 million Ukrainians without access to clean water or sanitation and 4.6 million with only limited access.
The impact of these calculated attacks is most severe in the south and east, where intense fighting continues and repairs remain impossible. Large cities – Mariupol, Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, Izium, Donetsk, Luhansk, and Severodonetsk – have been left without electricity, fuel, or water for months.
Russian strategists have increasingly targeted the country' railway network, deliberately damaging railway stock, signals, stations, and electricity substations. On April 25 alone, five railway stations in central and western Ukraine were struck in a single morning. Local officials report that the damage will take months to repair. And on May 17, Russian cruise missiles struck railway infrastructure in Lviv. Most recently, on June 5, four Russian missiles launched from long-range bombers over the Caspian Sea targeted railway repair facilities in Kyiv, the first attack on the capital in over a month. As of May 19, the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE) estimates more than $3.5 billion in damage to Ukraine's railways since Feb. 24.
The Kremlin claims that these attacks are intended to slow the pace of military aid to Ukraine. However, the systematic targeting of railways has a deliberate impact on the country's desperate civilian population, hindering evacuation efforts to the west and making the delivery of humanitarian aid more difficult. The pernicious intent in Russia's attacks on Ukraine's railways was clearly demonstrated on April 8 when two Russian Tochka-U missiles, scattering internationally prohibited cluster munitions, targeted Kramatorsk station. The platforms were crowded with thousands awaiting evacuation. At least 57 civilians, including nine children, were killed.
Attacks on the medical, energy, and transport sector represent only a fraction of the damage inflicted on Ukraine's critical civilian infrastructure and population centers. Across hundreds of settlements, particularly in the south and east, schools, hospitals, malls, factories, churches, administrative buildings, and other civilian infrastructure have been damaged or destroyed. Efforts made by the KSE to assess infrastructural damage provide grim insight into the massive scale of Russia's urbicide in the country. As of May 19, KSE report a minimum of $97.4 billion in direct damage to Ukraine's infrastructure, stressing that these figures represent a low-end estimation and that the true figure is likely far higher.
In the southern port city of Mariupol, previously home to more than 400,000 people, Russia's urbicidal tactics have been taken to the furthest extent yet seen in Ukraine. The city, crucial to establishing a land corridor between Luhansk, Donetsk, and down to Crimea, is of great strategic significance to Russia. Bombarded since the first hours of the invasion and encircled since late February, Mariupol has now fallen to Russia, the final pockets of determined Ukrainian resistance in the Azovstal plant forced to surrender after almost three months of siege.
Russia's eventual capture of Mariupol was achieved by months of intense bombardment and suffocating blockade. Between 80,000 and 100,000 civilians remain trapped in the city, sheltering in cold, crowded, unsanitary basements. The city's mayor, Vadym Boichenko, reports that up to 90% of the city's infrastructure has been damaged or destroyed. He estimates that as many as 20,000 civilians have been killed and countless more left wounded, homeless, displaced, and traumatized.
Russian forces mounted an intense bombardment of the city, benefiting from their proximity to logistical hubs and supply lines in Crimea and separatist-held areas in the Donbas. In Mariupol, as is true of Kharkiv and dozens of other Ukrainian cities, civilians have been subject to attacks by a range of munitions and weapons systems, designed for use against military targets but wielded by Russia in densely populated areas. This has included the frequent use of internationally prohibited cluster and incendiary munitions, thermobaric bombs, rocket salvos, heavy artillery, and ship-launched missiles.
In addition to attacks by ground and sea, Mariupol was subject to frequent attacks by Russian aircraft. Since Putin's shift to the east, the number of air attacks has increased by 150%, with Russian aircrafts regularly carrying out upward of 200 sorties a day against cities in the southeast. On March 16, Russian aircraft destroyed a Mariupol theater in which thousands of civilians were sheltering – a building clearly marked with the word "children" – and killed some 600 people. Intelligence suggests that a precision munition was used to destroy the theater, likely an air dropped 500kg laser-guided bomb.
The destruction wrought in Mariupol serves a further purpose. Russia's urbicide, in full view of the international community, should be seen as performative violence, intended to send a clear message to Ukraine and its international partners. Mariupol is a warning that can be weaponized by Russia in future coercive negotiations.
Urbicide in Russian Military Doctrine
Russian military operations have long been defined by deliberate destruction of civilian infrastructure. Though virtually all belligerents in modern conflict are responsible for unacceptable levels of civilian harm, particularly in urban contexts, no other state since the allied bombing campaigns of WWII has so consistently and systematically pursued urbicide as a central component of its military operations.
The invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 saw Soviet strategists – battling a skilled and determined insurgency – develop a counter-insurgency strategy based around the encirclement and destruction of entire population centers. It was a strategy that played to Moscow's technological superiority and overwhelming strength in firepower. In 1983, during an intense two-week campaign of aerial and artillery bombardment, the city of Herat, with a population of 160,000 at the time, was all but flattened. Two-thirds of buildings were destroyed, an estimated 3,000-7,000 civilians killed. Over 1 million Afghan civilians were killed during the Soviet occupation from 1979 to 1989.
The Soviet Union not only relied upon urbicide in its own counter-insurgency campaigns but also exported the doctrine to allies. In Syria, then-President Hafez al-Assad's military was Soviet equipped and trained. In 1982, following a Muslim Brotherhood uprising, the Assad regime besieged the city of Hama, with the president's brother, Rifaat al-Assad, leading the assault. Like many Syrian officers, he had been trained at Yekaterinburg Artillery Academy, east of the Urals. The urbicidal massacre that followed in Hama reflected the influence of Soviet counter-insurgency tactics on Rifaat and the Syrian military more broadly. A month of intense and indiscriminate bombardment was followed by street-by-street clearances and bulldozers. The old city was leveled and as many as 40,000 civilians were killed.
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, these same tactics of urbicide have continued to play a central role in the Kremlin's military doctrine, a defining feature of the Russian way of war. During the Chechen wars, and then on an unprecedented scale in Syria, the systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure, and even entire cities, has been pursued as a primary objective.
Russian Urbicide in Syria
It has been Syria's 11-year-long civil war where Putin's military has, to the most devastating extent, demonstrated its tactics of urbicide. Many of the same Russian pilots, personnel, and strategists that today terrorize Ukraine have done so before in Syria. Since intervening in Syria in September 2015, the Russian military has orchestrated a systematic and ultimately successful campaign of urbicidal siege warfare that has been instrumental in the survival of President Bashar al-Assad's regime. Russian artillery and airpower, and a parallel surge in Iranian-backed ground forces, catalyzed the slow collapse of Syria's besieged enclaves, the last long-term urban sieges ending in mid-2018.
Siege Watch estimates that more than 2.5 million Syrians – 10% of the country's pre-war population – lived under long-term sieges perpetrated by the Assad regime, Russia, and Iran. Syria's cities were destroyed by the most intense and sustained bombardment of urban population centers since WWII. As is today true in Ukraine, clear patterns of urbicide were evident in Russia's Syrian operations from the onset. Operating virtually unopposed in Syrian airspace, Russian airpower relentlessly targeted civilians and civilian infrastructure, maximizing the suffering of besieged populations by rendering entire cities uninhabitable. During the first year of Russian airstrikes alone, Airwars documented more than 3,000 civilian casualties. Hospitals, schools, bakeries, markets, and residential neighborhoods in densely populated settlements were systematically destroyed. The Syrian Archive verified more than 45 Russian airstrikes on civilian targets per week throughout the first full year of Moscow's intervention. During negotiations with opposition enclaves, besieged communities were explicitly threatened: "You will be the next Daraa, the next Aleppo."
In an estimated 95% of airstrikes in Syria, Russia utilized dumb or unguided munitions, further evidence of the Kremlin's rejection of International Humanitarian Law. In Ukraine, reports suggest that Russian forces – having exhausted much of their precision-guided weaponry – are increasingly relying on unguided munitions, entirely indiscriminate and hugely destructive when used in populated urban environments.
Syria's long urbicidal sieges were ended by a series of brutal final offensives, orchestrated by Russian strategists and spearheaded by Russian airpower. Beginning in 2016, Daraa and the suburbs of Western Ghouta, Aleppo, Homs, Hamah, and numerous opposition enclaves were successively forced into surrender by months of tightened blockade and incessant bombardment. The city of Douma, home in 2010 to 600,000, was one of the last major urban enclaves to surrender, encircled as part of the broader siege of Eastern Ghouta. When the city finally surrendered in April 2018, its civilian inhabitants had been subjected to the longest siege in modern history, almost five full years.
The final two-month offensive to retake Douma and Eastern Ghouta, Operation "Damascus Steel," saw Russian tactics of urbicide escalated to unprecedented levels. Between Feb. 18 and April 8, 2018, the besieged enclave was struck an estimated 16,934 times by airstrike and artillery, 45% of these (including the most destructive attacks) carried out by Russian forces. At levels yet unseen in Ukraine, Russia systematically targeted Douma's densely populated districts with internationally prohibited cluster and incendiary munitions. In one such attack, early on the morning of March 23, 2018, Russian Su-34 jets pounded Douma's southern neighborhoods, where tens of thousands of civilians sheltered. The Saraya district burned, struck at least 22 times by Russian incendiary weapons. At least 45 civilians were killed, and many hundreds more were left with horrific burn wounds, entirely untreatable in the besieged city.
The use of such deliberately pernicious weapons points to the cruel logic behind urbicide, to catalyze terror, suffering, and chaos amongst civilian populations, and ultimately to force those labelled as "enemies" into submission. Indeed, on April 7, 2018, it was a chemical weapons attack by the Syrian regime that resulted in the final surrender of Douma, almost half-a-decade of urbicidal siege. Between 15,000 and 20,000 civilians died during the siege, some succumbing to starvation and disease, but most were killed by massive, indiscriminate bombardment.
Urbicide as Demographic Engineering
In Douma, as was the case throughout Syria's besieged enclaves, the city's surrender was followed by a campaign of forced displacement – an action prohibited by the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Just as Russia was instrumental in the physical destruction of Douma, it also supervised the forcible transfer of the city's desperate civilian population. Russian MPs were the first to enter the ruined city and oversaw the convoys that brought more than 90,000 from Eastern Ghouta to Idlib and Aleppo provinces.
Forced population transfers from Douma were part of a broader campaign of demographic engineering throughout Syria. Siege Watch estimates a minimum of 200,000 Syrians from the country's shattered urban centers were forcibly transferred between 2015 and 2018. This figure does not include forcible population transfer prior to 2015, nor the many millions more who fled urbicidal offensives on foot. In total, more than 13 million Syrians have been forcibly displaced since 2011. Urbicide enabled al-Assad's violent project of demographic engineering, the destruction of cities, and forced displacement of entire populations ensuring that the demographic population balance of pre-revolution Syria – so nearly fatal to the Assad dynasty – cannot be recreated.
In the context of Russia's onslaught in Ukraine, the clear link between urbicide and broader projects of authoritarian demographic engineering is one that policy makers must recognize. There are credible reports of tens of thousands of civilians in the east of Ukraine being forcibly transferred to Russia, taken to so-called "filtration camps," interrogated, and then transferred further east. Evidence suggests that, as was true in Syria, urbicide is enabling a pre-planned and systematic project of demographic engineering in eastern Ukraine through forced population transfers.
Policy Responses
The international community's response to urbicide in Syria was defined by catastrophic paralysis and the failure to protect Syria's cities and civilians. Despite unprecedented evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, policymakers failed to take concrete measures towards civilian protection. Sanctions packages did little to stop the systematic destruction of Syria's cities, international humanitarian law and U.N. resolutions were repeatedly flaunted with impunity, and meaningful action on the U.N. Security Council was consistently vetoed by Russia and China. Efforts to ensure humanitarian aid and access, occasionally successful, were never close to meeting the needs of Syria's besieged and displaced populations.
In Ukraine, the international community must learn from its failed response to systematic devastation in Syria. The U.S. has positioned itself as a clear leader within the global response to war in Ukraine, the single largest contributor in terms of both humanitarian and lethal aid. However, Ukraine's needs remain dire and urgent. U.N. agencies and international aid organizations warn that the scale of destruction and displacement in Ukraine, particularly in the east, risks outpacing the current humanitarian response.
Policymakers in Washington must ensure that the U.S. continues to lead support for Ukraine, working to maintain political will and emphasizing the principle of collective responsibility that was so often absent in the international community's response to the violence in Syria. Russia's urbicide in Ukraine raises several clear areas of focus for policymakers. Most urgently, supporting the ongoing defense of Ukraine's cities and civilian infrastructure remains a top priority, as does ensuring humanitarian aid and access, and committing to international efforts for justice and accountability.
Lethal Aid
The fastest way to end Russia's campaign of systematic urbicide in Ukraine is to ensure that the country's military is properly armed. To stop long-range attacks by air, ground, and sea, and to repel renewed offensives in the Donbas, Ukraine must be provided with a steady flow of weaponry and equipment, ranging from small arms and ammunitions of all types to battle tanks and attack aircraft.
With regards to civilian protection and the immediate defense of critical national infrastructure against long range attacks, efforts to supply more sophisticated weaponry, namely medium-range air defense systems, counter-battery radar, anti-ship missiles, heavy artillery, and loitering munitions, must be expedited. A growing number of these heavier and more sophisticated systems, some of which require training, are now in Ukraine being deployed by Ukrainian forces. However, Zelenskyy has stressed that any interruption in the flow of lethal aid will result in further civilian casualties and even greater destruction.
The U.S., the single largest donor of military funding and aid, has led efforts to arm Ukraine since the onset of the conflict. With much of the initial funding exhausted, Congress' recent confirmation of a nearly $40 billion military and humanitarian aid package represents a significant and needed escalation in support. The bill includes a $6 billion increase in presidential drawdown authority funding, allowing the Biden administration to send military equipment and weaponry from U.S. stocks. In addition, the package includes a further $6 billion in Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative Funding, allowing weapons to be bought from contractors and provided to Ukraine.
Congress' relatively swift approval of the package was a display of bipartisan solidarity. The urgent priority must now be to ensure that weapons and equipment are delivered as quickly as possible, cutting down approval and delivery processes and ensuring the rapid provision of necessary training to Ukrainian forces. Looking forward, policymakers must work to maintain the sustained political will necessary for supporting Ukraine through what will likely be a prolonged conflict.
Humanitarian Aid and Access
Urbicide in Ukraine has triggered a massive humanitarian crisis in the country and the broader region. More than 12 million Ukrainians have been displaced in under three months, a figure already approaching the number of Syrians displaced by more than a decade of conflict. More than 15.7 million Ukrainians remain in need of humanitarian aid, protection, and evacuation.
As is true of military aid, the U.S. is the single largest donor of humanitarian aid and funding to Ukraine. The recently passed $40 billion package for Ukraine includes an additional $3 billion in humanitarian assistance, as well as $8.5 billion in economic assistance. With Ukraine's needs remaining dire, these funds will save lives. However the U.S. role in addressing the Ukrainian refugee crisis must go beyond financing aid efforts. The Biden administration should seek to act as a force multiplier, using its strong ties with allies, international partners, and multilateral institutions to influence a coordinated and long-term European response to the crisis in Ukraine.
It is crucial that U.S. policymakers continue to actively engage and support U.N. agencies, humanitarian organizations, and international NGOs. These neutral actors are on the front line of the humanitarian response. This means urgently mobilizing to fully fund humanitarian appeals, the most recent of which – led by U.N. humanitarian agencies – is requesting an additional $2.25 billion to provide assistance and protection to more than nine million Ukrainians. The appeal has so far been 60% funded, with the U.S. the largest contributor as of May 19.
With regard to Russia's ongoing tactics of urbicide, ensuring humanitarian access and evacuation must be prioritized. Recent convoys evacuating civilians from the Azovstal Steel Plant, led by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), was proof that through tireless diplomatic negotiations, civilians can be evacuated safely. All efforts should be made to support organizations like the ICRC in ensuring humanitarian access to those in need.
Justice and Accountability
Putin's illegal war of aggression has catalyzed extraordinary global support for ensuring that justice and accountability are sought for the war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated in Ukraine. The message is clear: Those responsible for the growing litany of violations, from the wanton destruction of the built environment to rape and gender-based violence, will not go unpunished. On May 17, the first Russian soldier to be tried for war crimes in Ukraine since the start of the war, accused of shooting an unarmed pensioner, pleaded guilty before a Kyiv courtroom.
The State Department's May 25 announcement of the creation of an Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group for Ukraine represents an important step in ensuring those investigating war crimes in Ukraine receive ongoing support. The mechanism, a collaboration between the U.S., EU, and U.K., will seek to promote best practices and expedite the deployment of resources and personnel in order to respond to the needs of the prosecutor general of Ukraine.
The urgent priority at this stage, with violations ongoing, should be ensuring that war crimes investigators are able, where possible, to gain fast and secure access to sites of perpetration. Accurate and timely documentation is key to future prosecutions and policy makers must actively support these efforts. The U.S. State Department's May 17 announcement of a Conflict Observatory program is encouraging in this regard, with an initial $6 million investment earmarked to analyze, preserve, and share open-source information for future accountability mechanisms.
Given the sheer quantity of evidence and the wide range of actors engaged in collecting it, creativity and the coordination of international efforts will be central to delivering justice. Heeding recent suggestions by Lanny Breuer, former U.S. assistant attorney general, the Biden administration should take the lead and arrange meetings for international actors to coordinate and explore possible pathways towards accountability.
Since the earliest weeks of Russia's invasion, the State Department has funded independent experts who provide support to Ukrainian investigators. Continued partnership and cooperation will be vital in ensuring the evidentiary basis necessary for future prosecutions, whether that be in Ukraine's own courts, in individual states under universal jurisdiction, or the International Criminal Court. U.S. policymakers should announce their intention to send war crimes prosecutors to that court or any special tribunal established in response to the conflict.
Restricting the Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas
Though not so immediately relevant to Ukraine's urgent needs, Russia's onslaught has brought international efforts to reduce the use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas (EWIPA) into sharp focus. Urban devastation and massive civilian harm have become a defining feature of contemporary conflict, and Russia's urbicide in Ukraine has emphasized the continued urgency of tackling this destructive trend.
Notably, civil society organizations and 65 states (including the U.S., U.K., Canada, and Israel) recently met in Geneva to work toward a political declaration that would restrict the use of EWIPA. The U.S., U.K. and Israel have previously argued that the proposed declaration would be too restrictive for militarily active states, but recent meetings saw a shift in the collective tone. Though differences remain, several states, not least the U.S., demonstrated a commitment to strengthening the protection of civilians through the declaration.
Policymakers should proactively advocate for the successful conclusion of the EWIPA negotiations. This would send the message that the U.S. is actively seeking to reaffirm the humanitarian norms that have been so damaged by conflicts like Ukraine and Syria. In addition, it would represent concrete progress toward addressing the levels of civilian harm resulting from U.S. military operations in urban areas such as Mosul and Raqqa.
Aaron Clements-Hunt is a writer and researcher with a focus on violence against civilians in contemporary conflict. He has an MA in Holocaust & Genocide Studies from the University of Amsterdam. Much of his research has focused on the Syrian conflict and, in particular, the Assad regime's campaign of urbicidal siege warfare. You can follow him on Twitter @AaronClementsHu.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and not an official policy or position of the New Lines Institute.
Civil Military Relations, Eurasia, Power Vacuums, Russia, Ukraine
The military's reticence to talk about masculinities and male trauma fails to account for how harmful gender norms shape military policy and culture – impacting the safety and wellbeing of all Service members.
Russia's Space War for Ukraine is Just Getting Started
As Moscow struggles on the ground in Ukraine, it is increasingly likely to look to space for a strategic advantage against Kyiv and its allies.
The Global Consequences of America's Anti-Abortion Agenda
The U.S. Supreme Court's decision to roll back the protections for abortion access will have consequences far beyond women's healthcare in the United States. The decision will affect force readiness for the U.S. military, Washington's international standing, and the ability for the U.S. to provide ability to provide effective humanitarian aid abroad. In this Dossier, Emily Prey and Kinsey Spears examine the far-reaching effects of the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization decision and the steps the U.S. government should take to protect abortion care and bodily autonomy.
A Crisis of Conscience: Aid Diversion in Syria and the Impact on the International Aid System
This groundbreaking report provides a heavily sourced, field research-based assessment on the extensive web of corruption in Syria that ties together U.N. humanitarian assistance providers and the Assad-led Syrian government. This systemic corruption implicating the U.N.-overseen humanitarian aid delivery process benefits the regime and its security apparatus at the expense of millions of highly vulnerable Syrians.