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Mental disorder prevalence at the gateway to the criminal justice system
Lubica Forsythe & Antonette Gaffney
Police detainees
Foreword | Many criminal justice practitioners have observed that offenders experience poor mental health. While international studies have found mental health to be poorer among prisoners than in the general population, less information is available either about offenders who are not imprisoned or alleged offenders detained by police. The mental health of offenders is of key policy interest from both health service and crime prevention perspectives.
This is the first Australian study to measure the prevalence of mental disorder among offenders nationally, using information provided by 690 police detainees who participated in the Australian Institute of Criminology's Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program. Around half reported having been diagnosed with a mental disorder in the past.
The study was also the first to use the Corrections Mental Health Screen (CMHS), an instrument validated for gender-specific screening, on an Australian offender population. Results suggest that almost half of detainees may have a diagnosable mental disorder at the time of arrest, including 42 percent of women and 28 percent of men with no previous diagnosis. In the routine screening of police detainees as they enter the criminal justice system, the CMHS could be used to identify for the first time those who would benefit from psychological assessment and appropriate intervention.
Adam Tomison
It has been well recognised, both in Australia and internationally, that poor mental health is more prevalent among prisoners than the general population (AIHW 2010; Butler & Allnutt 2003; Fazel & Danesh 2002). Substance abuse disorders are particularly prevalent among prisoners, and the comorbidity of these with other mental disorders has been found to increase the likelihood of criminal recidivism (Smith & Trimboli 2010). Such evidence has led to renewed government focus on improving mental health services for people in prison, as well as after release, with the intention of reducing recidivism by treating substance dependence and other mental disorders (Australian Government 2009). Although mental disorder does not necessarily contribute to offending behaviour, evidence suggests that, particularly in combination with substance abuse, mental disorders do play a part in criminal behaviour for some offenders (Day & Howells 2008).
Prisoners' vulnerability to poor mental health has been specifically targeted for intensive intervention in Australian Government mental health policy (Australian Government 2009). The challenges of providing appropriate treatment to prisoners with both substance abuse and other mental disorders are well documented (Day & Howells 2008). However, prisoners represent only a proportion of the people who commit criminal offences, as most convicted offenders do not receive a custodial sentence. For example, in New South Wales, from 2004 to 2008, around seven percent of those convicted in local courts and 70 percent of those convicted in higher courts were given a prison sentence (BOCSAR 2008a, 2008b). This highlights the importance of adopting a multi-pronged and comprehensive approach to the identification and treatment of mental disorder among people throughout the criminal justice system—not only those in prison.
Mental disorder among non-incarcerated offenders is increasingly recognised as an issue of concern at various points in the criminal justice system. For example, court liaison services aim to improve the efficiency with which mentally disordered offenders are diverted to health services or supported through criminal justice processes (Bradford & Smith 2009). Specialist problem-solving courts have recently been introduced in many jurisdictions, and such courts consider mental disorder (including drug dependence) as criminogenic and aim to reduce criminal recidivism by legally mandating treatment (Payne 2006). NSW Police have introduced specialist training for frontline officers to improve interactions with mentally disordered people (Herrington et al. 2009). For these and other initiatives to be accurately targeted, good quality prevalence and causal pathway information has been identified as vital (Australian Government 2009).
Ogloff, Davis, Rivers and Ross (2007) recently highlighted the importance of accurately identifying mental disorders among people at the entry point of the criminal justice system. Diagnosis at this point presents a therapeutic opportunity, particularly for people who have concurrent substance abuse and other mental disorders. The authors recommend routine screening of police detainees using a structured and standardised screening instrument, assessment for those who are identified by the screening as mentally disordered, regular reassessment at various stages in the criminal justice system and sharing of health information to ensure continuity of care throughout the criminal justice system (Ogloff et al. 2007). The authors point out that routine screening identifies mentally disordered offenders for treatment provision, can help prevent violent incidents in detention facilities, allows resources to be allocated to the most needy and has the potential to reduce the cycle of admissions to the criminal justice system for people with mental health problems (Ogloff et al. 2007).
Routine screening identifies people who may appear well but who in actual fact are experiencing symptoms and therefore require a comprehensive psychological assessment. Such an assessment can then inform whether a diagnosis is warranted and treatment required—and, if so, the most appropriate type. In this paper, people whose responses on the screening instrument pass the appropriate threshold are referred to as screening in or having unmet need—that is, need for a comprehensive psychological assessment and possibly treatment. In this study the term treatment is used broadly to refer to medical, psychological and social interventions that have been found to help improve mental health.
Recent Australian studies have attempted to estimate the prevalence of mental disorders among people entering the criminal justice system. Heffernan, Finn, Saunders and Byrne (2003) measured substance use and other mental disorders among people arrested and detained in a Brisbane police facility. They interviewed 288 detainees and found that almost 80 percent of men and 85 percent of women were substance dependent. Using the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28) to screen for likely mental disorders (excluding substance-related disorders) the researchers found that almost all women and most of the men were assessed as likely to be experiencing a mental disorder. However, the authors concede that, as the GHQ was designed for use in general (rather than offender) populations, its validity for correctly screening for mental disorders among detainees is questionable.
Baksheev, Thomas and Ogloff (2010) interviewed 150 detainees in police facilities in Melbourne and found that three-quarters met criteria for a mental disorder diagnosis. The authors concluded that, as it may not be feasible to conduct a full psychiatric assessment of every detainee entering the criminal justice system, there is an urgent need to develop effective screening tools that quickly and routinely assess all police detainees to identify those who require a comprehensive psychiatric assessment.
Using the same detainee sample, Baksheev, Ogloff and Thomas (2011) compared police processes and two screening tools to assess which was most effective in identifying those detainees with mental disorders. They found both the screening instruments to be more effective than police processes, which tended to miss identifying people who had mental disorders. However, this study did not analyse whether the screening instruments were equally effective for male and for female detainees.
In another study, based on police detainees participating in the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program in New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia and Western Australia, Forsythe and Adams (2009) found high levels of psychological distress and other indicators of mental disorder among detainees. Further, they found more indicators of mental disorder among women than men. However, it was acknowledged that the mental health measures utilised in that study had shortcomings, so it is not clear how accurately the results reflect actual prevalence rates. (For more detail about these measurement issues see Forsythe in press; Forsythe & Adams 2009.)
It is apparent that Australian studies which have attempted to estimate the prevalence of mental disorder among people entering the criminal justice system (that is, detained by police) have yielded very limited information. Studies have generally been conducted in a single jurisdiction (limiting generalisability), have used different instruments to measure mental health (compromising comparability), have used instruments not validated for offender populations and/or have been limited to male offenders.
Aims of the current study
The aims of this study are to:
describe the mental disorder diagnoses reported by detainees
estimate the unmet need for comprehensive psychological assessment and/or treatment among detainees
describe the illicit drug use and offending patterns of detainees with mental disorders.
There are several particularly valuable aspects of this study. The data are drawn from the Australian Institute of Criminology's Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program. As DUMA data are collected from people shortly after they have been arrested by police, the program is in a unique position to assess the prevalence of mental disorder among people who are at the gateway to the criminal justice system. Second, as DUMA is an ongoing program, it will be possible to repeatedly collect mental health information and thus monitor the prevalence of mental disorder among people entering the criminal justice system. Third, the data are collected from police facilities in a variety of jurisdictions and thus generate national data. Finally, the large sample size allows for gender analysis—as women constitute a minority of offenders, most studies either do not include female participants or include too few to allow for gender-specific analysis. There is some evidence that women's mental health, drug use and offending tend to follow different pathways to men's (Johnson 2004; Loxley & Adams 2009; Simpson, Yahner & Dugan 2008), and their representation in the criminal justice system appears to be increasing (Holmes 2010). Therefore, it is vital to produce a solid evidence base according to which gender-appropriate service responses can be made.
The DUMA program is an ongoing national drug use and drug market monitoring program which collects information on a quarterly basis from people who have been detained in police custody (Gaffney et al. 2010; Makkai 1999). DUMA data are collected via a face-to-face, interviewer-administered survey comprising a core set of routinely asked questions, as well as additional questions incorporated as addenda and asked periodically of subsets of detainees. This study is based on DUMA data drawn from addendum questions about mental health—as well as demographic, illicit drug use, offending and medication use data elicited by the core questions.
Data were collected during the first quarterly data collection of 2010 (January–March) from police facilities hosting DUMA sites in Queensland (Southport and Brisbane), New South Wales (Bankstown and Kings Cross) and Western Australia (East Perth). Data from the Northern Territory site in Darwin were initially intended to be included. However, it became apparent during the data collection process that the mental health questions were not adequately understood or were inappropriate for the traditional Aboriginal detainees, who constitute the majority of Darwin detainees. The data from Darwin were therefore excluded from the analysis due to concerns about validity. This highlights the difficulties inherent in attempting to measure mental health in a multicultural sample—in particular of traditional Indigenous people.
In total 1,038 police detainees were potentially available to participate in the DUMA research at the QLD, NSW and WA sites. Of the 778 detainees interviewed, 83 percent were men and 17 percent were women. The remaining 260 either could not be interviewed (because they were violent, posed a security or safety risk, were too intoxicated or unwell, did not speak adequate English or were released too quickly to facilitate participation) or chose not to participate.
It is likely that detainees with the most severe mental disorder symptoms are under-represented among DUMA participants because detainees who were unable to provide informed consent or were exhibiting violent or uncontrolled behaviour were likely to be over-represented in the group that could not be interviewed.
Of the 778 detainees who participated in this study, 690 answered at least one of the mental health addendum questions. (Addendum questions are asked at the end of the core survey, and sometimes interviews stop before completion if the detainee is due to be released from custody, is taken to court or chooses not to complete, or because safety concerns become apparent during the research process.) Most of the DUMA sites only process adults (aged 18 and over), although the NSW sites also process juveniles, who were included in the study.
How mental health was measured
Full diagnostic interviews would provide the most accurate measure of mental disorder prevalence. However, as detainees are available to the DUMA research for a very limited time, shorter measurement methods were required. (For a full discussion on the challenges inherent in measuring mental health for criminology research see Forsythe in press.)
The two measures chosen for this study were a self-report measure, whereby detainees were asked whether they had ever been diagnosed with a mental health problem, and a screening instrument designed specifically to screen detainees for mental disorders.
Table 1: Diagnosed mental disorders by gender (%)
Diagnostic category
n=570
Learning disorders 5 4 5
ADHD & behavioural disorders 11 7 10
Substance related disorders 5 7 6
Schizophrenia & other psychotic disorders 5 4 5
Mood disorders 30 48 33
Anxiety disorders 14 21 15
Sleep disorders 4 9 5
Personality disorders 2 5 3
Other disorders 3 6 3
No diagnosis reported 57 45 55
Figure 1: Percentage of detainees who screened in by gender and age group
Diagnosed mental disorders
Detainees were asked whether they had ever been diagnosed with a mental health problem by a doctor, psychiatrist, psychologist or nurse. Of the 668 detainees who answered this question, 281 (41%) reported having been previously diagnosed. Of these, 272 were able to recall at least one diagnosis, 23 reported two diagnoses and five reported three diagnoses. Respondents were asked this question first in a free recall format; then they were shown a comprehensive list of diagnostic labels as a cue. Up to three diagnoses were recorded for each format of this question.
This dual format was used to ascertain which form of the question yielded the most useful information in order to inform future research. All the diagnoses reported by detainees were classified using the DSM-IV-TR as a guide (APA 2000). Twenty-nine people who said that they had never been diagnosed with a mental disorder in response to the free recall version of the question remembered having been diagnosed when cued with the list. Of the 281 people who reported having been diagnosed in response to the free recall version of the question, 140 reported at least one additional diagnosis when cued with the list—69 mentioned two additional diagnoses and 35 mentioned three. The additional disorders most frequently elicited by cuing were (in order of frequency): anxiety, ADHD and behavioural disorders, learning disorders, mood disorders and sleep disorders.
Table 1 shows the diagnostic categories of mental health problems reported by detainees; it includes responses to the free recall and cued recall questions. The percentages in Table 1 are based on all detainees who answered the mental health questions (rather than just those who reported having been diagnosed), so that they provide an estimate of the prevalence of diagnosed mental disorders among the detainee population. Overall, 55 percent of women and 43 percent of men reported a diagnosis in response to the free recall and/or cued recall questions. Of those detainees who reported a diagnosis, 1.8 diagnoses per man were reported and 2.0 per woman.
Mental disorder screen
The Corrections Mental Health Screen for Men (CMHS-M) and Corrections Mental Health Screen for Women (CMHS-F) are gender-specific, standardised and validated sets of questions that screen detainees for mental disorder (Ford et al. 2009). The Corrections Mental Health Screen (CMHS) does not provide a diagnosis; rather, it was developed for routine screening by non-clinical jail staff to facilitate identification of detainees who are likely to be experiencing a mental disorder so that they can be referred for comprehensive psychological assessment.
For this study five or more 'yes' responses for men and four or more 'yes' responses for women were the cut-offs for determining that detainees screened in (Ford et al. 2009). Determining whether a detainee screens in identifies people who are likely to have a diagnosable mental disorder (Ford et al. 2009). Overall, nearly half of detainees (49%) scored above the cut-offs and thus screened in. A higher percentage of women (64%) screened in compared with men (46%). Figure 1 shows the percentage of detainees who screened in by age group and gender.
Screening results and previous diagnosis
Table 2 shows that detainees who reported having already been diagnosed with a mental disorder were also most likely to screen in. There are several reasons for this. First, some of the CMHS questions ask about symptoms ever experienced, This means that, even if the person has been diagnosed and treated and is currently well, they may answer these questions in the affirmative. Second, some of the CMHS questions canvas current symptomology, which could be indicative of a person still experiencing the condition they were diagnosed with or perhaps an undiagnosed disorder. However, the most notable information yielded by the CMHS relates to those detainees who reported never having been diagnosed. Of these 29% screened in and are therefore likely to have a diagnosable mental disorder. This rate is much higher among women: 42% of women who reported that they had not been diagnosed screened in, compared with 28% of men.
Another indicator of mental disorder diagnosis is the number of people who are taking legally prescribed psychoactive medications such as antidepressants, antipsychotics and antianxiety medications. Of the detainees who screened in, 33 percent of men and 46 percent of women reported currently taking prescribed psychoactive medications.
Table 2: Screening result by previous diagnosis (%)
Detainees who screened in
Previous diagnosis
Yes 70 83 72
No 28 42 29
Figure 2: Percentage of detainees who screened in by most serious offence (MSO) and gender
Note: At least one variable was missing for 9 participants
Link between mental disorders and illicit drug use
Detainees who had used illicit drugs in the previous month were more likely to have been diagnosed with a mental disorder as well as more likely to screen in for a mental disorder.
Previous diagnosis and illicit drug use
Of detainees who had used at least one illicit drug during the previous month, 51 percent reported having been diagnosed with a mental disorder compared to 37 percent of detainees who had not used illicit drugs. This difference was more pronounced among women: 66 percent of women who used drugs in the previous month reported having been diagnosed, compared with 40 percent of those who had not recently used illicit drugs. Forty-eight percent of men who had used illicit drugs in the previous month reported a diagnosis, compared to 36 percent of those who had not recently used drugs.
Screen results and illicit drug use
Seventy percent of women who had used drugs in the previous month screened in compared to 54 percent who had not, whereas 54 percent of men who had used illicit drugs in the previous month screened in compared with 36 percent who had not.
Link between mental disorders and most serious offence type
The highest proportion of male detainees with mental disorder were among those charged with property offences (56% screened in and 55% reported a diagnosis). The proportion of female detainees with mental disorder was high across offence categories, the highest being among women charged with drug offences (82% both screened in and reported a diagnosis). As the number of female detainees in each offence category was quite small, the results may not be generalisable to female detainees beyond this sample.
Figure 2 shows the percentage of detainees who screened in within each most serious offence type. The distribution of mental disorder diagnosis within each offence type was very similar to that for those who screened in. Only the latter are shown in Figure 2, for visual clarity.
The most common mental disorders found to be experienced by the general population (during the previous 12 months) were anxiety (11% of men and 18% of women), mood (5% of men and 7% of women) and substance use disorders (7% men and 3% women) (ABS 2008). In contrast, among detainees mood disorders (for example, depression and bipolar) were the most often reported disorders and at very high rates: 28 percent of male and 44 percent of female detainees. Anxiety and substance use disorder diagnoses were reported by detainees in similar proportions to those found in the general population. It is surprising that the rate of substance use disorders reported by detainees was not higher, considering the high rates of illicit drug and alcohol use and dependence previously found among detainees (Loxley & Adams 2009) and prisoners (Butler & Allnutt 2003). This could possibly reflect low levels of diagnosis of substance use disorders among detainees, memory issues or perhaps the fact that detainees may not consider substance use a mental health problem. In future, use of a standardised measure of substance use disorders would provide more accurate data.
Caution must also be urged in comparing the prevalence rates of specific disorder categories found in this study with those found in other populations, as different measurement instruments are used. For example, Australian general population prevalence rates from the National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing (NSMHWB) were measured with a standardised diagnostic instrument that identified mental disorders (whether or not they had previously been diagnosed) (ABS 2008). In contrast, our study asked detainees whether they had ever been diagnosed. This question would be expected to identify only a proportion of those who had actually experienced symptoms—it has been shown that not all people who experience symptoms seek out health services. The NSMHWB found that only 28 percent of men and 41 percent of women who had a mental disorder during the previous 12 months had used a service (general practitioner, psychiatrist, psychologist or other health professional) for their mental health problem (ABS 2008). Therefore, detainees who self-report diagnosis probably reflect only a small proportion of the detainees who actually experienced symptoms.
Nevertheless, at the point of entry to the criminal justice system a previous diagnosis flags that a comprehensive psychological assessment is warranted. This is not to suggest that a mental disorder necessarily plays a causal role in criminal offending; rather, diagnosis at the entry point to the criminal justice system can provide a window of opportunity for assessment and/or treatment (Day & Howells 2008).
Overall, 43 percent of male detainees and 55 percent of female detainees reported having been previously diagnosed with a mental disorder. These findings, while not directly comparable with the community prevalence rates of 18 percent of men and 22 percent of women having had a mental disorder within the previous year (ABS 2008), suggest that mental disorder among detainees is likely to be much more prevalent than in the general population.
Two other diagnostic categories are specifically worth highlighting: psychotic disorders, and the attention deficit and behavioural disorders.
In the Australian general population the lifetime prevalence of psychotic disorders (including schizophrenia, schizophrenia spectrum and other psychoses) has recently been estimated at 3.5% for men and 2.2% for women (Short et al. 2010). Psychotic disorders are typically chronic and are associated with high rates of substance use disorder comorbidity, as well as substantial personal and social cost (Jablensky et al. 2000; Short et al. 2010). In this study five percent of male and four percent of female detainees reported a psychotic disorder diagnosis. This was lower than rates recently reported by prisoners—nine percent of prisoners of both genders self-reported a schizophrenia diagnosis, and eight percent of men and 13 percent of women reported manic depressive psychosis (Indig et al. 2010)—but it was still higher than that found in the general population. Psychotic disorders are frequently associated with comorbid substance use disorders and criminal offending, including violent offending (Wallace et al. 2004). The identification of detainees experiencing psychotic disorders presents an important treatment and crime prevention opportunity, particularly in light of recent evidence suggesting that the first episode of psychosis is a particularly vulnerable time for violent offending (Yee et al. 2010).
There is a paucity of data in relation to the prevalence rates of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in the Australian population. However, international studies suggest that approximately three percent of adults may experience ADHD—a condition associated with, and usually pre-dating, other mental disorders and significant life impairment (Fayyad et al. 2007). Six percent of Australian children have been estimated to experience ADHD (Sawyer et al. 2000). In this study 11 percent of male and six percent of female detainees reported having been diagnosed with ADHD, but it is unknown whether they were diagnosed during childhood or adulthood and whether the symptoms remediated in adulthood or were still being experienced. ADHD is conceptualised as a condition which starts in childhood (APA 2000), so adults with symptoms would be a subset of those who experienced symptoms in childhood. The rates found in this study suggest that there may be an over-representation of people with ADHD among detainees. Australian prisoners have self-reported ADHD diagnosis in similar proportions to the detainees in our study—12 percent of men and three percent of women (Indig et al. 2010). Adult ADHD is predicted by, and associated with, comorbidity and significant impairment (Biederman et al. 2010). Thus, screening detainees presents an opportunity to identify detainees who may benefit from comprehensive assessment and treatment.
In this study almost half (49%) of the detainees sampled were experiencing a diagnosable mental disorder according to the diagnostic criteria of a validated screening instrument. This may be an underestimate, as in some jurisdictions police officers take people who appear mentally unwell directly to mental health facilities, and such people would not have been available to participate in this study. Additionally, detainees whose behaviour was violent or uncontrolled were excluded from participating, and it is possible that these detainees may have included a higher representation of people experiencing mental disorders.
However, despite this prevalence estimate being a possible underestimate, it is still almost 2½ times the 12-month prevalence rate of mental disorder in the Australian general population (20%) (ABS 2008). It is more comparable to a NSW study that found 58 percent of prisoners to have had a one-month prevalence rate of at least one mental disorder (Butler & Allnutt 2003). Thus it appears that people detained by police, most of whom will not end up with a prison sentence, are experiencing mental disorders at rates more comparable with prisoners than the general community (Butler & Allnutt 2003; Johnson 2004; Kenny et al. 2008).
While most detainees who reported a previous diagnosis of mental disorder screened in, 28 percent of male detainees and 42 percent of female detainees who had never been diagnosed also screened in, indicating that they were likely to have a diagnosable mental disorder. This suggests that a significant proportion of detainees who have no previous mental illness history are likely to have an unmet health need at the point of entry to the criminal justice system.
This study also suggests that unmet need may be unequally distributed among detainees. A higher proportion of women screened in (63%) compared to men (44%). Almost all (84%) of the women who reported having been previously diagnosed with a mental disorder also screened in, but 42% of those who had never been diagnosed still screened in. While women in the general population also typically have higher prevalence rates of mental disorder compared with men, the overall rates and differences are much lower than those found among detainees in this study. For example, the 12-month prevalence rate of mental disorder among women in the general Australian population is 22 percent, compared with 18 percent among men (ABS 2008).
As illustrated in Figure 1, women tended to screen in across all age categories, whereas among men smaller proportions of the youngest (under 20 years old) and the oldest (50 years and over) detainees screened in. Overall, the prevalence of mental disorder among detainees across age categories appears to be more congruent with the high prevalence rates documented among prisoners (both adult and juvenile) than those found in the general population.
Some detainees screened in as well as reporting a previous diagnosis of mental disorder. As mentioned earlier, this could reflect the fact that the CMHS screening tool measures current symptoms as well as symptoms experienced at any stage of the respondent's life. However, as screening in on the CMHS has been found to predict current diagnosable mental disorder, when detainees also report a past diagnosis, that is likely to indicate comorbidity or a period of ongoing ill health. Also, detainees who self-reported a diagnosis typically reported more than one: men reported on average 1.9 diagnoses and women reported two—a pattern of responses that also suggests comorbidity.
The results of this study showed that detainees who had recently used illicit drugs were more likely to have been diagnosed with a mental disorder as well as more likely to screen in at the time of their arrest. This co-occurrence of illicit drug use and other mental disorders presents a significant issue for the criminal justice system. It has been found that prisoners who experience comorbid substance use and non-substance use disorders have higher recidivism rates than those who have either one or the other (Smith & Trimboli 2010). It has also been found that people experiencing both substance use and other mental disorders have more complex treatment needs, including the additional common co-occurrence of multiple disadvantage in the social, financial, and educational spheres (Treloar & Holt 2008).
Treloar and Holt (2008) observed what they refer to as complex vulnerabilities among drug treatment clients with a dual diagnosis: poor housing, restricted income, debt, criminal justice system involvement and unemployment. The authors found that these interconnecting problems make it very difficult to successfully complete drug treatment and are deleterious to mental health. Similarly, a recent study on the psychosocial needs of NSW court defendants found high levels of self-reported mental health disorders, including substance dependence (Jones & Crawford 2007). Both of these studies advocate a holistic and comprehensive approach to drug addiction and mental health treatment which incorporates welfare and social support (Jones & Crawford 2007; Treloar & Holt 2008).
This study found that a high proportion of people arrested by police had been previously diagnosed with mental disorders. At the point of entry to the criminal justice system, a psychiatric history is one indicator that a detainee may require a comprehensive psychological assessment. However, the study found that many detainees who had never been diagnosed with a mental disorder were identified by screening as likely to be experiencing a diagnosable mental disorder. This suggests that detainees' mental health needs are not being adequately identified and treated in the community and that the point of entry to the criminal justice system may provide this opportunity. Assessment and treatment are likely to benefit the detainee, the criminal justice system— which is tasked with the responsibility of managing the detainee—and the community if the mental disorder has a causal role in that person's offending. Routine screening of detainees at the time of police processing using a short screening instrument, such as the CMHS, could readily identify detainees who have unmet mental health needs.
Ogloff et al. (2007) recently found considerable differences in how police in different Australian jurisdictions identified mentally disordered detainees—no jurisdiction that routinely screens detainees uses a standardised instrument. Given the findings of our study, such routine screening, followed by comprehensive psychological assessment and appropriate integrated treatment, seems well warranted. The challenge is to develop treatments that improve psychosocial functioning and reduce criminal behaviour (Drake et al. 2006). Considering that in many cases prison experiences are known to be criminogenic—putting people who are socially and mentally disadvantaged on a path to repeated recidivism (Baldry 2009)—well-targeted and appropriately integrated intervention at the point of police contact may provide opportunities to help break this cycle.
The authors acknowledge several limitations to the study. First, it may underestimate mental disorder among detainees, as detainees whose behaviour was violent or uncontrolled were not approached for participation. Second, while it can be assumed that the CMHS correctly identified detainees with mental disorders—its psychometric properties have been found to be very good for both men and women (Ford et al. 2009)—the instrument has yet to be validated in an Australian context. Third, information about specific diagnoses was based on self-report rather than actual diagnosis, making the data vulnerable to factors known to potentially influence self-report, including the sensitivity of the questions asked (Tourangeau & Yan 2007).
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Treloar C & Holt M 2008. Complex vulnerabilities as barriers to treatment for illicit drug users with high prevalence mental health co-morbidities.Mental Health and Substance Use: Dual Diagnosis 1(1): 84–95
Wallace C, Mullen P & Burgess P 2004. Criminal offending in schizophrenia over a 25-year period sparked by deinstitutionalization and increasing prevalence of comorbid substance use disorders. American Journal of Psychiatry 161: 716–727
Yee NYL, Large MM, Kemp R & Nielssen OB 2011. Severe non-lethal violence during psychotic illness. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry: 45(6): 466–72
Lubica Forsythe is a psychologist in a community mental health setting and was previously NSW DUMA Site Manager
Antonette Gaffney was a research officer at the Australian Institute of Criminology
Forsythe L & Gaffney A 2012. Mental disorder prevalence at the gateway to the criminal justice system. Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 438. Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. https://aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi438
Publications metadata
Last modified 13 March 2019 Australian Institute of Criminology
The identification of mental disorders in the criminal justice system
Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 334
James Ogloff, Michael Davis, George Rivers, Stuart Ross
Child sexual abuse and the criminal justice system
Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 99
Christine Eastwood, Wendy Patton, Helen Stacy
Mental health and drug dependency amongst police detainees
Crime facts info no. 102
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Currently, when a teacher assigns a word doc via the OneDrive assignment app, teacher and students may only work in 'edit in browser' If they click Open in Word (full version), the sync will break. This is very inconvenient if a teacher wants to work in the full version (to track changes for example). We would love if you could take a look at this feature.


In the new trailer for the film The Darkest Minds, the adaptation of Alexandra Bracken's YA novel sees Hunger Games star Amandla Stenberg stars as a teen with mysterious powers living in a dystopian future. There are many other teens with powers, and seeing them as a threat, the government rounds them up to be detained.
The trailer spotlights the romance between Stenberg's character Ruby and Liam (Harris Dickinson), another teen with powers.
Mistreated and caged in like animals, they imagine an alternate reality where everything is normal, and there are no super powers, as footage is shown of Ruby and the other teens being chased down, placed in camps and abused, and then finally collectively using their powers to escape their prison.
The Darkest Minds supporting cast includes Mandy Moore (This Is Us), Bradley Whitford (Get Out), and Gwendoline Christie (Game of Thrones).
The Darkest Minds arrives in theaters August 3.


text:
Home » Sports Cars
Pagenaud Wins With Late Pass
Jonathan Ingram | Senior Writer, RacinToday.com Saturday, April 17 2010
By Jonathan Ingram | Senior Writer
Simon Pagenaud took the lead from a sliding Adrian Fernandez on the last lap to win the American Le Mans Series race at Long Beach. The driver of the Acura ARX-01C chassis lost the lead to the Lola-Aston Martin of Fernandez six minutes before the finish of the one hour and forty-minute race, but when the Mexican driver hit a bump at Turn 5 on the final circuit, Pagenaud pounced.
With the aid of slower traffic at the end of the back straight and on the front straight, the Acura, officially known as an HPD (for Honda Performance Development), was able to hold off the Aston in the short run from the Hairpin to the checkers to win by 0.353 seconds.
"I keep telling Adrian he's too old for this," said Pagenaud. "I just kept putting pressure on him to see if something might happen and on the last lap it did."
The No. 007 Aston began losing its brakes during Primat's opening stint and that finally caught out Fernandez. "I almost spun and I almost hit the wall," he said. "I was lucky to keep going."
It was not the first battle between the entries of Highcroft Racing and Aston Martin Racing. At the one-hour mark, David Brabham dove inside the Aston of Harold Primat at Turn 8, knocking the Aston askew and into a tire wall. The Aston continued with left rear bodywork torn off and Brabham was brought into the pits for a stop-and-go penalty for avoidable contact, but maintained the lead lap.
When a full-course caution flew ten minutes later, the Highcroft team and Pagenaud got out of the pits first by not changing Michelin tires.The Frenchman held the lead until Fernandez, who had re-started third, was able to use the Aston's superior speed on the Shoreline Drive straight to get back into the lead scant minutes before the finish.
The race was the first where sanctioning body IMSA brought the LMP2 category cars into comparable specifications to the larger displacement LMP1's, which had their air restrictors reduced after the season-opening Sebring 12-hour. The 12-hour race was run under the official Le Mans 24-hour rules. The lighter LMP2 entries were also able to add 10 liters of fuel to their tanks to make pit strategy similar.
After a spectacular crash at Sebring, the Intersport Racing team of John Field rebounded to take a 20-second lead in the first hour after the incident between Brabham and Primat. But the team needed fresh Dunlops on its pit stop and later had to withdraw after a fuel leak. The Porsche RS Spyder of Greg Pickett and Klaus Graf took third, nine seconds behind the leaders, followed by the Lola-Mazda entry of Dyson Racing's Chris Dyson and Guy Smith, one second further back.
In the GT class, tires told the tale in a victory by Jorg Bergmeister and Patrick Long. The Rahal Letterman Racing team brought its No. 92 BMW M3 into the pits early on lap 24, switched drivers and took fuel but no fresh Dunlop tires. That put Tom Milner Jr. into the lead when the other GT contenders pitted at the one-hour mark under caution at lap 36.
Restarting third in class, Long was the first out of the pits on fresh tires in the Flying Lizard Porsche 911 GT3 RSR. He quickly passed the BMW of Joey Hand, then Long went to work on Milner. "He didn't take tires and we did," said Long, "so we had the better car. After I let him block me for six laps, I had to make something happen."
Long got underneath at the end of the back straight as Milner slid wide at the apex after defending the corner. The Corvette of Johnny O'Connell and Jan Magnussen, which also took tires, got by to finish second, four seconds behind the winning Porsche.
In the LMPC class for spec Oreca FLM09 chassis, Elton Julian and Gunnar Jeannette took top honors. In the GTC class for Porsche GT3 Cup entries, Sebring winners Roberto Gonzalez and Butch Leitzinger again won in an Alex Job Racing entry.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Find cheap Eindhoven Netherlands to Belgrade Serbia flights with our free search service. Compare all available fares for direct or connection flights from Eindhoven to Belgrade.
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Whenever we switch on our PlayStations, we suspend our disbelief to escape into the world that the developers have created for us – but sometimes, things just don't make sense. They wouldn't ever work in the real world. Over time, we have come to accept that some things just work, that they are what they are, but it's time to call them out for the insanity that they are. Without further ado, allow us to introduce "The Six: Game mechanics that just don't make any sense".
Getting shot by a swarm of alien scum? Just chow down on a burger to boost your health. A griffin tore some chunks out of you in The Witcher 3? Just eat a steak to heal. A Creeper take you by surprise in Minecraft? Just eat a cookie. How. Does this. Work. It seems like somewhere along the winding path of gaming history, some bright spark had to come up with a way to heal game characters without using medikits and decided to use food as an alternative. This stuck and now the majority of games offer food as a healing source and it just doesn't make sense.
Imagine walking into the Accident & Emergency room at a hospital with a broken leg and the doctor prescribing you with a Big Mac and fries? No. No sense at all.


Buzz is a lifelong resident of Gettysburg. He graduated from Gettysburg High School with his associates Bob Boehner and Anne Kern. Buzz is a 1979 graduate of Shippensburg University with a Bachelor of Science degree in Business Administration with a concentration in Accounting.
2015 will be Buzz's 35th tax season as a preparer of individual and corporate tax returns. The last 23 tax seasons were with Bob Boehner, CPA.
Buzz resides near Arendtsville with his wife of 28 years Diane, they have 4 daughters, 6 grandchildren and 1 great grandchild. He is a member of Centenary United Methodist Church in Biglerville where he serves on the Board of Trustees.
When not preparing tax returns, Buzz is helping his brother Dean and wife Diane with their family cleaning business MacDonald Cleaning Co or on the links golfing.


text:
ITKUltrasound
=============

.. image:: https://github.com/KitwareMedical/ITKUltrasound/workflows/Build,%20test,%20package/badge.svg

.. image:: https://img.shields.io/pypi/v/itk-ultrasound.svg
    :target: https://pypi.python.org/pypi/itk-ultrasound
    :alt: PyPI

.. image:: https://img.shields.io/badge/License-Apache%202.0-blue.svg
    :target: https://github.com/KitwareMedical/ITKUltrasound/blob/master/LICENSE)
    :alt: License

Purpose
=======

This module contains filters for use with the `Insight Toolkit (ITK)
<https://itk.org/>`_ that image formation and analysis of ultrasound
images.

Python Packages
===============

Python packages are available for Linux, macOS, and Windows. Install with::

  python -m pip install --upgrade pip
  python -m pip install itk-ultrasound

Build
=====

Build against ITK 5 or later. ITK should be configured with
*Module_SplitComponents*, *Module_Strain*, and *Module_BSplineGradient* set to *ON*.

References
==========

McCormick, M. An Open Source, Fast Ultrasound B-Mode Implementation for
Commodity Hardware. Insight Journal. 2010 January-June. URL:
http://hdl.handle.net/10380/3159

McCormick, M, Rubert, N and Varghese, T. Bayesian Regularization Applied to
Ultrasound Strain Imaging.  IEEE Transactions on Biomedical Engineering.
58 (6):1612-1620.  2011. PCMCID: PMC3092822.
https://doi.org/10.1109/TBME.2011.2106500
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3092822/

Aylward, S. R., McCormick, M. M., Kang H. J., Razzaque, S., R. Kwitt,
R., and M. Niethammer. Ultrasound spectroscopy. 2016 IEEE International
Symposium on Biomedical Imaging: From Nano to Macro, ISBI 2016 - Proceedings.
Prague, Czech Republic. 1013-1016. 2016.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ISBI.2016.7493437
https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/6bcd/1e7adbc24e15c928a7ad5af77bbd5da29c30.pdf

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
When Anne with an E Fans Waged War against Netflix
In their campaign to save the show, fans stopped behaving like an audience and started acting like owners
August 5, 2020 October 13, 2020 - by John SemleyJohn Semley Updated 15:08, Oct. 13, 2020 | Published 14:11, Aug. 5, 2020This article was published over a year ago. Some information may no longer be current.
Chris Reardon/CBC Media Centre
Early in Resistance through Rituals, an influential analysis of postwar British youth cultures, British Jamaican cultural theorist Stuart Hall and his co-editor describe the ways in which subcultures challenge the authority of the mainstream "parent culture" by "seek[ing] to modify, negotiate, resist or even overthrow its reign." In their conception, cultural production and consumption constituted a battleground in the age-old clash between classes. Approaching the bric-a-brac of popular culture with an intellectual seriousness it had rarely been afforded was itself an affront to what Hall described as authenticated and validated elite culture.
Listen to an audio version of this story
The Walrus · When Anne With An E Fans Waged War With Netflix
For more Walrus audio, subscribe to AMI-audio podcasts on iTunes.
Interpretations of this idea—that choosing to wear a certain style of boot or play guitar a certain way were not merely consumer choices but forms of ideological resistance—informed the academic sphere of cultural studies and shaped a grander conception of what's sometimes called "cultural politics": the idea that fashion, film, music, TV, and so forth are latent with political meaning. It's an appealing idea, in part because it elevates trifling entertainments to the level of political objects, in part because it shifts the work of politics away from the tedious labour of agitating and organizing and toward mulling what, precisely, we are talking about when we talk about Tony Soprano.
In the forty-five years since Resistance through Rituals offered a compelling template for culture-as-politics, such interventions have themselves become reabsorbed by the parent culture, which has successfully defanged any notion of cultural choices constituting a meaningful opposition to what Marx termed "the ruling ideas of the epoch." Instead of mounting an interrogation of authenticated culture, many current cultural-studies interventions seek to see pop culture authenticated. As Stuart Hall himself lamented later in his life: "I really cannot read another cultural-studies analysis of Madonna or The Sopranos." In lieu of a more straight-ahead, narrowly orthodox conception of politics, wearing Doc Martens or thinking about Game of Thrones becomes a form of direct action. Culture, and our endless fretting about it, has become not an allegory for or adjunct to politics but a replacement for it.
When Comic Book Fans Become Villains
What Anne of Green Gables Taught Me About Grief
This confusion currently animates one of popular culture's most curious sagas: the ongoing effort to revive Anne with an E, the latest small-screen adaptation chronicling the rural adventures of Lucy Maud Montgomery's spirited, braided orphan. This fictional character, a model of pluck the world over, now finds herself at the centre of a frenzy of fan activity, which offers an opportunity to rethink what exactly we mean by "cultural politics."
The campaign began last November, when CBC/Radio-Canada president and CEO Catherine Tait announced that the network would not be renewing Anne with an E. A statement announcing the series' cancellation read: "We hope fans of the show love this final season as much as we do, and that it brings a satisfying conclusion to Anne's journey." It was, in the words of Montgomery's feisty heroine, "another hope gone."
Within hours of Anne with an E's cancellation, the partisans across the globe unified. By the end of July, over 1 million fans had lent their enthusiasm and digital signatures to a change.org petition calling for CBC and Netflix to renew the series for a fourth season. "There is so much more we need answers to and want to see!" reads the petition's call to action. The Anne fans' last stand would see them fundraising to place flashy (and presumably very expensive) billboards at Manhattan's Times Square and Toronto's Yonge and Dundas intersection. The billboards—some of which featured a cartoon version of Anne pulling down a gag from around her mouth, her eyebrow slanted in the fashion of former pro wrestler The Rock, as if resisting censorship while also appearing very wry—asked anyone who gazed upon them if they were "Ready To Fight For What's Right?"
Fan-led campaigns to revive cancelled TV shows are not without precedent. The exemplar is the original Star Trek. NBC had planned to cancel the series following flagging ratings in the second season. A letter-writing campaign organized by an industrious sci-fi fan named Betty Jo Trimble convinced the network to renew the series for another season. Though Star Trek's third season would be its last, Trimble's campaign called attention to the show's dedicated fan base, which has sustained interest in the franchise for decades. Trimble's efforts—and, more importantly, the results they yielded—provided something of a template for similar campaigns, in which the peacocking of a fan base proved a franchise's continued viability.
In this process of resuscitation, another weird transference occurs. Fans come to see themselves not just as the audience for, or patrons of, a given "intellectual property" but (to paraphrase the old WestJet slogan) as owners too. This feeling of ownership is often vindicated by the franchises themselves, which deliberately pander to the hopes and expectations of their core audiences. (See: Star Wars: The Rise of Skywalker or the recent successful push by fans of director Zack Snyder to see a new cut of the maligned 2017 Justice League essentially willed into existence.) Fans are placed in the flattering position of being stakeholders of a franchise. Unlike traditional stakeholders, however, they receive no financial remuneration for such efforts—and, indeed, are responsible for shoring up the franchise's bottom line.
It's something of a hack cliché, in the words of American media scholar Henry Jenkins, to lambaste all fans as "brainless consumers who . . . devote their lives to the cultivation of worthless knowledge" and who "place inappropriate importance on devalued cultural material." But, as pop critic Jack Hamilton noted in a 2019 Slate essay, the "stan" (an obsessional enthusiast named after a psycho-stalker in rapper Eminem's song of the same name) has become the de facto unit of fandom, "a proud term of self-identification and aspiration." What's undeniable, these days, is the devotion, which now seems to occur only at the level of outright zealotry. Fan culture has flattened the relationship between enthusiasts and the people who create the objects of their enthusiasm. Fan conventions, social media, and even online petitions have created new channels of contact between consumers and creators, a levelling effect that is sometimes called democratization. This levelling is itself illusory, however. Cultural power still resides with the same elite brokers, no matter how approachable, relatable, down-to-earth, or "just like us" producers, stars, and even fictional characters like Anne Shirley appear to be.
To stans, a television show or movie franchise is no longer just a thing that exists to be consumed and enjoyed but something for them. That this process unfolds as actual media ownership is increasingly monopolized may seem like a bitter irony. But I take it as being an actual function of that monopolization: by investing fans with this false sense of ownership, by making them seem like active creators instead of passive consumers, the conditions of corporate hegemony are made to seem more tolerable, even pleasant. Fandom becomes ennobling, a manner of exerting authority, of self-actualizing, of making oneself feel as if they are meaningfully affecting the world. Emotional investment runs high.
It can even seem fully demented, as when Taylor Swift's fans sent veiled threats, and even "hexes," to critics who greeted her latest album, Folklore, with anything south of unqualified praise. Like the Anne stans, so-called "Swifties" seem especially remarkable because of the degree of their maniacal obsession. We're used to sports, arguably pageants of violence, inspiring some chest-puffing posturing. But folky pop singers? Red-headed Maritime girls? When participation in politics is reduced to cultural affiliation, or a series of consumer choices, a given singer or series or franchise is more than a mere entertainment or pleasant distraction. It becomes a nexus of self-knowledge, a form of identity, like gender, race, sexuality, or nationality. And so, cancellation—or even something as benign as a so-so review—is not just a boring matter of business efficiency but a personal grievance. Campaigns to revive these series become a way to redress such injustices.
Stuart Hall famously praised Miles Davis for conjuring, in his music, "the sound of what cannot be." It's a neat encapsulation of his view of culture and cultural studies, which conceives of spaces—whether real, physical spaces of congregation or more abstracted, aesthetic spaces of contemplation—where one can redraw relationships to the dominant, commercial culture. The current mess of entitled fandom seeks only to sustain that culture, demanding more and more of the same rote pleasures that tickle the fan's sense of familiarity. It's not about exploring what can be but demanding more of what they already like: the sprawling smorgasbord of possibility narrowed to a trough.
The sense of feeling slighted is at the fore of the Anne with an E fandom, which has waged its war against Netflix and the CBC with not only petitions and billboards but online activism and subterfuge as well, engaging in what the Guardian called "a digital, guerilla-style battle against the two companies." The show's acolytes have directed millions of tweets at the broadcasters, attempted to hijack a recent public broadcast of Netflix's earnings by swarming the comments section, and appear in droves should anyone merely tweet the name "Anne with an E." (I recently tested this theory and was met with hundreds of comments by fans from Canada, Mexico, Turkey, and elsewhere, attempting to conscript me into the campaign to #RenewAnneWithAnE.) For its part, the CBC has claimed that fans were using "bots" (that is, automated social media accounts) to push for Anne's renewal. (That the CBC's claim was published on its CBC Kids vertical seemed like a sly diss, presuming that the show's diehard fans are children.) In April, the broadcaster announced that it would be hiding "Anne-related comments" from its articles in an attempt to "keep our comment threads on their intended topics." Predictably, fans took this as a form of censorship and silencing.
What is perhaps most compelling about the current Anne fandom is its adoption of explicitly political speech. The program's fans deploy language around censorship, fighting for what's right, and (as one tweet from 2019 puts it) "the right to petition and assemble under the first amendment." This sense of empowerment is now being applied literally and directly to the "cause" of saving the show itself. A common refrain among the more enthusiastic tweeters rallying to renew the series is a belief that "Anne would want us to fight."
This creative leap between cultural appreciation and political action has long been an element of fandom. Mulling the wild reactions that greeted Hungarian composer Franz Liszt, the astute German poet and writer Heinrich Heine took the ecstasy sweeping European concert halls as "a sign of the want of political liberty" in society at large. Anticipating the work of Stuart Hall and the cultural-studies set, Heine regarded these pageants of excessive ardour—"a delirium unparalleled in the annals of furor!"—as expressions of a deeper need for a greater, more profound freedom.
The countervailing worry, and one that seems to play out in contemporary cultural manias, is that fandom does not only awaken this "furor" but satisfies it, dousing the very spark of passion it ignites. The politicization of fandom becomes, once again, a replacement for actual politics. This seems especially true when that fandom is, as Anne's is, organized around ideas of political empowerment. I am reminded, as I often am, of a favourite Simpsons gag, in which Marge bakes a fake birthday cake to distract Homer from ruining his daughter's real cake. Fandom is the fake cake. Qu'ils mangent.
Yet Heine recognized something else in the pan-European "Lisztomania" of the nineteenth century. The combination of the composer's music, the close quarters of the venues, and the ambience of stages deliberately cultivated an aura of worshipfulness: "The whole enchantment, as it seems to me, is that nobody in the world knows how to organize 'successes,' or rather their mise en scènes, so well as our Franz Liszt." The current, illusory democratization of cultural consumption strikes me as just another purposefully constructed mise en scène, encouraged by movie studios, TV producers, and music PR flacks in order to raise legions of loyal devotees. The present hubbub around Anne with an E may force such cultural stakeholders to reckon with the negative impacts of the same fan overinvestment they worked so diligently to develop.
As for the fans? One can only hope the vanity of their efforts proves, in some way, edifying: whether it be in illuminating the structural differences between those who own culture and those who consume it, or in offering the instructive, if bitter, lesson that, in the words of Anne Shirley, who is wise beyond her years, "life is a perfect graveyard of buried hopes."
John Semley
John Semley's latest book is Hater: On the Virtues of Utter Disagreeability. He grew up in the Niagara Region.
Taggedanne of green gablesfandominstagramlistenTelevision
Alone Is about Much More than Pure Survival
When Online Fandom Goes Too Far
The Griffin Poetry Prize Shakeup: New Rules, New Controversy
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Type: Opinion
Opinion: Advocates for ideas and draws conclusions based on the author/producer's interpretation of facts and data.


text:
Q: to be more responsive
I think we need to recognize leaders when they reverse course to be more responsive to what public-health authorities say is necessary to protect people.

Source: Nature   Chelsea Clinton urges global sharing of COVID vaccine technology
What is the subject of the sentence? Is "to be more responsive" the subject to the verb phrase "is necessary to protect people"?

A: The subject of the sentence is "I".
The structure of the sentence is "I[subject]  think [verb] "..." [Clausal complement of the verb 'think']
The subordinate clause "is necessary..." doesn't have an explicit subject.  Implicitly the subject is the pronoun "what".  Which refers, circularly to "the thing that is neccessary".

A: Sentences don't have subjects.   Clauses have subjects.   The sentence in question has several clauses.
I / think.   We / need.   They / reverse.   Authorities / say.   What / is.
Consider the following:

Public health authorities say what is necessary to protect people.

Even this sentence has two clauses.   The simple subject/verb pairing of the matrix clause is authorites/say.  The complete direct object of the verb say is the content clause what is necessary to protect people.
The simple subject/verb pairing of the content clause is what/is.   This "what" is sometimes labeled as a fused relative because we can substitute a combination of a substantive that and a relative which to achieve much the same effect: that which is necessary to protect people.

... responsive to what public-health authorities say is necessary to protect people

The same subject/verb pairings exist in this transformation.   Here, the fused relative "what" is the topic of the clause, brought forward to mark the entire clause (matrix included) as an available object for the preposition "to".   In turn, that prepositional phrase modifies the adjective "responsive".

The long and involved infinitive phrase "to be more responsive to what public-health authorities say is necessary to protect people" isn't the subject of anything, and it certainly isn't the subject of some clause which it itself contains.   Instead, it expresses the purpose or intent of reversing course.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Sm-Nd and C-isotope chemostratigraphy of Ordovician epeiric sea carbonates, midcontinent of North America
Fantonthesis2.pdf (887.7Kb)
Fanton, Kerrie C.
Interpreting and correlating epeiric sea sequences is key to understanding ancient marine environments. As a result, eNd, d13C and Sm/Nd profiles are developed as tools for interpreting epeiric sea carbonates. Previously, eNd and d13C profiles in epeiric sea carbonates have been used to study changes in the Nd isotope balance and C-cycle of adjacent ocean water. Instead, eNd, d13C and Sm/Nd profiles of Ordovician Midcontinent carbonates of North America demonstrate that fluctuations in sea level and depth are driving local changes in the eNd, d13C and Sm/Nd composition of epeiric seawater. Dissolved Nd derived from the Transcontinental Arch, Taconic Highlands and the Iapetus Ocean determine the eNd composition of Midcontinent seawater. As sea level fluctuated, submergence of the Arch and an influx of Iapetus ocean waters adjusted the Nd isotope balance of epeiric seawater. As a result, eNd profiles can be used to track the submergence history of the Late Ordovician Midcontinent. Comparison of stratigraphic variations in carbonate Sm/Nd ratios with sea level curves, conodont paleoecology, and the eNd profiles also suggests that variations in Sm/Nd ratios are related to changes in depth. However, processes effecting Sm/Nd ratios in epeiric seas may be varied and require further investigation. Sea level fluctuations and the waxing and waning of cool, nutrient rich, oxygen poor Iapetus waters onto the craton adjusted productivity and organic carbon burial rates on the Ordovician Midcontinent. Close to the Transcontinental Arch sea level rise caused an increase in organic carbon burial and productivity, while close to the Sebree Trough, and the influx of Iapetus waters, sea level rise caused a decrease in organic carbon burial and productivity. Differences in local C-cycling across a single epeiric sea encourage caution when using d13C profiles from epeiric sea carbonates to track changes in the C-cycle of adjacent oceans. Because of their connection to sea level fluctuations, variations in the eNd, d13C and Sm/Nd profiles can also used to correlate Ordovician Midcontinent carbonates. However, the ability to correlate coeval strata using these profiles is limited by changes in depositional environment across the craton, which cause excursions to be absent, dampened, or magnified.
Geological Sciences
Holmden, Chris
Sm/Nd
Midcontinent
epeiric


text:
Bufarik – miasto w Algierii, w prowincji Al-Bulajda. W 2008 roku liczyło 57 162 mieszkańców. Ośrodek regionu rolniczego.

Przypisy

Miasta w Algierii

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Luca Mazzitelli (Roma, Lacio, Italia, 15 de noviembre de 1995) es un futbolista italiano. Juega de centrocampista y su equipo es el Frosinone Calcio de la Serie B de Italia cedido por el A. C. Monza.

Trayectoria
Formado en las inferiores de la AS Roma, debutó en la Serie A el 18 de mayo de 2014 en la derrota de visita 1-0 ante el Genoa.

En julio de 2015 fue enviado a préstamo al Brescia.

El Sassuolo fichó a Mazzitelli el 17 de mayo de 2016 donde fue parte del primer equipo.

El 6 de julio de 2018 se fue a préstamo al Genoa, hasta junio de 2019 con la obligación de comprar al jugador.

El 15 de enero de 2020 el Virtus Entella hizo oficial su llegada como cedido hasta final de temporada con la obligación de compra si se cumplían algunas condiciones. Estos no se cumplieron y en septiembre fue prestado a la A. C. Pisa 1909.

El 9 de julio de 2021 se incorporó a la A. C. Monza con la que firmó hasta junio de 2025. Al año siguiente fue cedido al Frosinone Calcio con la obligación de comprarlo si se cumplían determinadas condiciones.

Selección nacional
Ha representado a Italia en categorías menores.

Estadísticas
 Actualizado al último partido disputado el 31 de julio de 2020.

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Luca Mazzitelli en el sitio web del Genoa CFC.
 Luca Mazzitelli en Soccerway.
 Luca Mazzitelli en TuttoCalciatori.net

Futbolistas de Italia
Futbolistas de la Associazione Sportiva Roma
Futbolistas del Fussball Club Südtirol
Futbolistas del Brescia Calcio
Futbolistas de la Unione Sportiva Sassuolo Calcio
Futbolistas del Genoa Cricket & Football Club en los años 2010
Futbolistas del Virtus Entella
Futbolistas del Pisa Sporting Club
Futbolistas de la Associazione Calcio Monza
Futbolistas del Frosinone Calcio
Futbolistas de la selección de fútbol sub-21 de Italia
Futbolistas de Roma


Villanova University (VU) of Pennsylvania, founded in 1842, has always had a reputation for academic excellence. The university is competitive, accepting approximately 10 percent of the applicants to its undergraduate programs. Villanova University offers programs in the liberal arts, business, engineering, law, and nursing. The College of Nursing offers programs at both the undergraduate and graduate level, all of which are accredited by the Commission on Collegiate Nursing Education.
The traditional, four-year Bachelor of Science in Nursing (BSN) program is designed for incoming freshmen. During the first two years, students mainly fulfill university general education requirements and nursing prerequisites, in addition to taking introductory nursing classes. The second half of the curriculum focuses on nursing classes and clinical rotations. In total, a student in the BSN program must earn 136 credits. Students have the option of spending their sophomore year at the University of Manchester in England, or they may study abroad at any one of Villanova's abroad sites in the summer. After graduation, a student is eligible to take the National Council Licensing Exam for Registered Nurses (NCLEX_RN) and begin his career as a Registered Nurse (RN).
While the standard BSN program is designed for incoming freshmen, Villanova welcomes adult learners who have already earned a bachelor's degree, as well as students who have some college credits, but not a full degree. Since these students may need more flexible learning options to accommodate work schedules or family commitments, Villanova has designed two different programs for second-degree students and transfer students: the BSNExpress and the Alternate Sequence Curriculum.
The BSNExpress program is designed for students who already have a bachelor's degree in a field other than nursing. If they have completed all the necessary prerequisites in the sciences, psychology, nutrition, statistics, and theology (a total of sixty-one credits), they are eligible to complete an intense fourteen-month nursing curriculum. The program begins each May, and students graduate the following August.
A student who already holds a bachelor's degree in a field other than nursing, or a transfer student who has completed most of the general education classes, may opt for a BSN program that has a slower pace than the BSNExpress. If she enrolls in the Alternate Sequence Curriculum, she will spend five semesters (including one summer) taking nursing classes. The program begins each August, and students graduate in August two years later.
An RN who is a graduate of an associate degree program or a diploma program may earn a full BSN degree and, if he wishes, transition directly into an MSN program. He can earn up to forty-four advanced placement credits toward the nursing portion of his BSN degree on the basis of his education and work experience; he needs to complete an additional twenty-four credits in addition to any general education courses or prerequisites that he is missing. Just the nursing courses require two semesters to complete on a full-time basis. If the incoming RN needs to complete additional general education courses or wishes to study part-time, the length of the program will be extended. The schedule of the classes is flexible, for working RNs. Some classes are available online, and many are offered in the evening. Once the RN is within eighteen credits of earning the BSN degree, he may apply to the Master of Science in Nursing (MSN) program and start taking graduate-level nursing classes. He will transition smoothly from the BSN portion of the program into his chosen MSN specialty.
A nurse who holds a BSN degree is eligible to enroll in Villanova's MSN program, working toward certification in one of six areas. Depending on the area of specialization selected, she must earn between thirty-nine and forty-nine credits. On a full-time basis, she can complete the MSN program in two years. If she opts to study part-time, she has up to five years to earn her MSN degree. The curriculum consists of core graduate nursing classes (which are available online), classes in the area of specialization, and clinical practice. The on-site classes are offered in the evenings. The MSN program begins each fall, spring, and summer. Students can work toward the following certifications: Adult Nurse Practitioner, Family Nurse Practitioner (FNP), Pediatric Nurse Practitioner, Nurse Anesthetist, Nurse Educator, or Nurse Administrator.
A nurse who has already earned an MSN degree in one area of specialization may return to school to work toward certification in another area. Since he has already completed a master's program, he does not need to take core graduate nursing classes again. He takes the classes in the chosen area of focus, and completes the clinical hours. Villanova offers post-master's certificates in the following areas: Adult Nurse Practitioner, Family Nurse Practitioner (FNP), Pediatric Nurse Practitioner, Nurse Anesthesia and Nursing Education.
The Doctor of Nursing Practice (DNP) program is designed to help advanced practice nurses to conduct research, become healthcare leaders, and learn the intricacies of healthcare administration. It is open to nurses who already hold advanced practice certification: Nurse Practitioners, Nurse Anesthetists, Clinical Nurse Specialists, and Nurse-Midwives. Students must enroll full-time. The curriculum takes four semesters to complete (including one summer), and starts in the fall. Some courses are offered online and others are offered on campus.
The Doctor of Philosophy in Nursing (PhD in Nursing) program trains future nurse educators and nurse researchers. It consists of fifty-one credits total, and includes a dissertation. The class schedule is designed to accommodate working nurses; classes during the fall and spring semesters are offered online. Students must spend the summer taking classes on campus. (Students may also opt to complete all classes on campus.) The program begins with a summer semester.
Villanova University's Continuing Education in Nursing and Health Care Program is committed to providing short courses and programs that help working nurses keep in touch with changes in the nursing field. Nurses can attend the programs either on campus or online.
An RN who still has an active license but has been out of the workforce for more than a year can refresh her skills and bring herself up-to-date with recent changes in the field through the four-part RN Refresher Certificate program. The program includes both classroom and clinical instruction, and a nurse will receive forty-six continuing education contact hours for completing the program.
The Nurse Manager Certificate Program is designed for nurses who wish to hone their management skills; it examines issues such as staffing, motivating, time management, among many others. A nurse who completes all modules of the program will receive thirty-four-and-a-half continuing education contact hours.
Working nurses may find it difficult to attend sessions on campus, so Villanova has put together an extensive list of online continuing education programs. There are several different series, each with its own modules. Nurses can opt to complete an entire series, or they can select modules of interest from the different series. The number of contact hours for each module varies. Modules are grouped into the following series: Advanced Pharmacology Series, Nurse Manager Series, Clinical Series, Basic Pharmacology Review Series, Psychology Series, Professional Educator Series, Oncology Series, Pediatric Update Series, and Legal Series.


Do you have a need for speed? With a Pentium III-550 sitting here connected to a cable-modem, it's hard to imagine that I'd ever need anything faster. But history has proven that to be a mistake. No matter how fast our current system is, a year or two from now, you'll wonder how you ever managed with such "slow" systems. Let's take a look at the evolution and future of data communications.
It wasn't that many years ago when I was ecstatic as I was able to replace my ancient 300-baud acoustic modem with a super-fast 1200-baud modem! This was back when owning your own telephone equipment was a no-no with the phone company, and they encouraged those weird-looking couplers because they could be easily removed. This speed demon was followed by 2400-, 4800-, and 9600-baud modems, all of which used the same technology.
Anyway, stacking two 64 Kb/s DSO's gives you 128 Kb/s, another standard data speed. And stacking 24 of them gives you what's called a "T-1" line, at 1.544 megabits/second (Mb/s); if you're a real stickler for terminology, this is also called DS1. [Please, no calls that T-1 actually offers only 23 DS0's, with the extra one for control.] T-1 lines are the most common links by Internet Service Providers to the Internet. And Universal Serial Bus (USB) currently tops out at 1.5 Mb/s, which is still 10 times faster than your standard serial (RS-232C) port, and can link up to 127 devices.
The next major jump from there is to Ethernet at 10 Mb/s, which is found on many Local Area Networks (LANs), and has served a generation of network users quite well. The Oceanic Cable RoadRunner cable modem on my desktop pumps data to my computer at up to 26.97 Mb/s, depending how many simultaneous users are on my node. Fast Ethernet at 100 Mb/s is becoming the current standard for LANs, allowing multimedia-based transmissions across a network.
The phone company likes to stack digital data streams for transmission, and stacking 32 DS1's gives a DS3 data-line at 44.736 Mb/s, also known as T-3, which is the pipeline between the Maui High Performance Computing Center and Oahu. For about $100,000 a month, you can move massive amounts of data from coast to coast. As we continue to stack, we reach the "Optical Character," or OC-series of data pipes. These range from OC-1 (44.736 Mb/s) through OC-384 (20 Gb/s). These are lines that are leased from major telecommunications providers, and are usually used by supercomputers. Oh, and, yes, they are full-duple (bi-directional), so you really have up to twice as much data being pumped through these massive pipes.
Somewhere between 133 Mb/s and 1.3 gigabits/second (Gb/s), we reach the maximum data-transfer rate of FireWire, also known as IEEE-1394. We're seeing FireWire becoming more common on new Windows 98 computers and the newest Macintoshes, and I expect it to become a high-speed standard that will replace slower serial and parallel interfaces in the near future. Watch for a lot more FireWire when Microsoft gets Windows 2000 up, running, and debugged.
We're starting to reach rarefied atmosphere now. At 1 Gb/s, Gigabit Ethernet is making a run for standardization, and we'll see more of it as fiber optics becomes more prevalent, both within the office and as the backbone for cable and utility companies. Most of the Next-Generation Internet (NGI) backbone will be running over a Synchronous Optical Network (SONET) link at around 2.4 Gb/s. Several of these SONET testbeds are currently being operated by the National Science Foundation (NSF) and the Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA). ARPA was the creator of the Internet back in the late 1960s (then called ARPANET).
So where do we go from here? First, have a look at the data chart to have a more graphical look at what we've been discussing. Then take a look back just a few years: remember when an international phone call could wreak havoc on your budget? Now it costs about a dollar. From this, we can easily say that the cost of bandwidth always approaches zero. The more bandwidth that becomes available, the cheaper it gets, the faster the demand increases, and then someone makes even more bandwidth. Every time you think you're winning the rat-race, they come up with faster rats! And I know of no one who is ever satisfied with the speed of their computer system...are you?
Don't forget to e-mail me at info@catii.com with your questions, complaints, and comments. See you next month.


text:
Q: How to detect page has changed on Twitter with browser extension? I'm building a chrome extension to help automate pieces of the Twitter website.  As you navigate around, for example load the home page, then click a trends/search link, no jQuery "ready" or DOMContentLoaded event fires. Looking at the network trace, it indicates that the html for the next page is being loaded via ajax. I'd like to detect when this happens, short of monitoring the document.location with a setInterval or something similar.
I have looked at the DOMNodeRemoved event, but it fires for any node removed, and is a possible solution, but clumsy as it is frequently firing, not just for page changes and there is not a clear indicator that the page has changed.
$("body").on("DOMNodeRemoved", function(evt) {
  console.log(evt.target, evt, this);
});

*

*I assume Twitter updates the location with pushState as the address bar does change. Is there an event when the location changes?  Or when it changes with pushState specifically?

*The ajax call is not mode with jQuery, so I can't hook that with jQuery global events. Is it possible to detect any XMLHttpRequest request?
What is a good way to capture the change of page?


text:
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Optimist Clubs around the world are headed into what may possibly be the busiest time of year.
We know that in the PNW District, Optimist Club members are busy hosting Santa breakfasts, taking children on shopping trips, selling Christmas trees, holding food drives and treating the community to free ice skating, among other things. We'd love to see and hear your stories.
Please send your pictures to the District webmaster and the District bulletin editor so that we can share them with others. Click on the links below to email. Thanks!
View the November 29, 2015 district bulletin here.
Students are invited to participate in the 2015-2016 Optimist International Essay Contest. The topic for the 2015-2016 school year is "Lead by Example: Reality or Fiction."
Students must be under the age of 18 as of October 1, 2015 and live in the United States, Canada or the Caribbean. In order to participate, they must contact a local Optimist Club. All contests begin at the local level and winning essays are then submitted to the District level where they are eligible for a $2,500 scholarship.
Students may download an Essay entry form here; however, the guidelines and schedule is determined by the club in their community. Click here to locate an Optimist Club in Alaska, Idaho, Oregon, Washington or British Columbia.
Optimist Clubs in the Pacific Northwest District must submit their winning essay to the District Essay Chair Emma Ball by February 28, 2016. For more information please contact Emma at 360.669.3386 or download the club planning guide here.


Hiding in Witness Protection after being assumed murdered by her father, Melanie secretly embarks on an affair with a teacher before returning to her former home to confront her would-be killer.
Seriously determined to rewrite her life, Lucy, leaving her job poring over the rare tomes of literature for the Harvard Library behind, arrives in the Outer Banks where she lands a librarian job at the lighthouse library that seems like a dream come true until theft and murder enter the picture.
A dress shop owner capable of stitching magic into her wares changes the lives of her customers by giving them the confidence to achieve their goals, but is sadly immune to her own handiwork.
After her plane crashes into a mountain lake, 19-year-old competitive college swimmer Avery Delacorte, one of only five survivors, must rely on her teammate Colin Shea in ways she never thought possible to survive sub-zero temperatures, minimal supplies and the dangerous wilderness.
Talked into a wilderness-survival course after her divorce, a 32-year-old woman embarks on a three-week stint in the Wyoming mountain wilderness, where she learns unexpected lessons about standing up for herself and confronting her fears.
A veterinarian must take care of her self-destructive mother after she is injured during a DUI and uncovers answers to painful family secrets as she tries to repair their relationship.
Frustrating career setbacks and a heartbreaking diagnosis challenge the lives of Ben and Caroline, who after starting over in a nostalgic new hometown encounter disconcerting secrets that threaten their survival.
Moving to a tiny Scottish island a year after one of their identical twin daughters, Lydia, dies in an accident, Angus and Sarah are shattered when their surviving daughter claims they have mistaken her identity and that she is actually the twin they believed dead.
Engaging in an intimate sharing of secrets with a mysterious woman on an airplane, an unhappily married businessman is tangled in a psychologically twisted game of cat-and-mouse involving a plot to kill the man's wife.
Forced into close quarters with her ex-husband when Judge Joe assigns her to one of his divorce cases, attorney Sally Baynard , who is appointed to represent a miniature schnauzer, questions her views on love and marriage when she meets a charming veterinarian named Tony.
After the BP oil spill devastates the Gulf Coast, the oddballs and lowlifes who live in the sleepy, working-class bayou town of Jeannette will do anything to reverse their fortunes, including Gus Lindquist, a pill-addicted, one-armed treasure hunter obsessed with finding the lost treasure of pirate Jean Lafitte.
Growing up in genteel poverty amidst the aging and crumbling Kampong Glam Palace, 17-year-old Agnes Hussein tries to help her eccentric relatives save their home in a fascinating tale set in Singapore during the 1920s.
British painter Maud Heighton, seduced by the elegance and luxury of Paris, is unknowingly caught in a web of deception and revenge at the height of La Belle Epoque.
Tells the story of how, with the help of two inspiring science teachers, four undocumented Mexican immigrants in Arizona put together an underwater robot from scavenged parts and went on to win the National Underwater Robotics Competition at UC Santa Barbara.
Recounts the murder of 50-year-old Michele MacNeill at the hands of her husband, a doctor, lawyer and Mormon bishop who, upon further investigation by his daughters, had multiple marital affairs, a past criminal record and conned his way into medical school.
Dying after being viciously beaten by a vagrant in a dark alley, Kepler discovers he can jump into another person's body with just a touch and ultimately sets out on a mission of vengeance when one of his bodies is brutally assassinated.
Book Annotat Jerry is adamant he killed a woman named Suzan, with a z. The problem is Suzan doesn't exist. She is the murdered victim from his first novel written under his pen name, Henry Cutter. At least that is what they tell him. Jerry was recently diagnosed with dementia. But, if he has only written about murder and not actually committed it, why is he found wandering in town 20 miles away from his care center home on the same day another woman was murdered? Even more curious, why does he have an unknown piece of jewelry with him when he returns?
Successful photographer Sophie Wells refuses the advances of a cute seaside hotel owner, Josh Strachan, but isn't above using his interest to secure a job for her best friend.