Synthetic measures of taxes and benefits show the share of informal income that is lost when workers are formalized. They help quantify disincentives to formalization.
The tax wedge depicts certain costs in income forgone as a result of formal work, such as taxes and social security contributions.
The marginal effective tax rate is better than the tax wedge at capturing the relevant costs of formal work.
The formalization tax rate combines both the tax wedge and the marginal effective tax rate.
To increase formal work, policymakers can use synthetic measures to improve taxation at lower wage levels or reform benefit design.
Synthetic measures are purely based on legal obligations and claims for formal work.
Presently, entitlements of formalization cannot be properly valuated and included in disincentive measures.
Studies of tax and benefit systems currently focus on legal obligations and programs only at the national level.
Country comparisons often present the tax wedge for average-wage earners. However, accounting for low-wage earners may be better suited for developing countries with high rates of informal employment.
Disincentives to accepting a formal job often outweigh the incentives. Evidence from transition economies shows a significant positive correlation between measures of disincentives for formal work and the incidence of being informal. The formalization tax rate and the marginal effective tax rate are useful measures. The higher these measures are, the more likely especially low-wage workers will be informal. The tax wedge is an alternative measure; however it fails to adequately capture disincentives. To design policies that encourage formalization, policymakers need measures that help them understand the disincentives associated with formal work.
Informal work is an integral part of the world of labor. In developing countries, it is often a substantial source of employment, production, and income. However, it comes with several undesired economic and social outcomes. In informal work, economic activities are undeclared; this lowers competitiveness and growth, renders incomplete the coverage of labor regulations and programs, weakens social cohesion, and is fiscally detrimental. These disadvantages may outweigh informal employment's prospective positive contributions to job creation and poverty reduction.
Defining informal employment is complex. The detailed international statistical definition ,  describes it as "the total number of informal jobs, whether carried out in formal or informal sector enterprises, or households, during a given reference period." The definition comprises own-account workers, employers who own informal-sector enterprises, contributing family workers, members of informal producers' cooperatives, or employees in informal jobs. From a legal perspective, these workers do not report their labor income or remit social security payments and personal income taxes.
Due to data limitations, this international definition cannot be used to identify informal self-employment in analytical work. Instead, a definition that relies on productivity (output in goods and services, per hour, per unit of labor) can be applied, although it is less precise. According to this definition , all employers who are not in formal professions (i.e. law, finance, engineering, architecture, etc.) and employ up to five or even no workers are considered informal. As a consequence, estimates of informality rates can be higher, particularly for the self-employed. However, analyzing subsamples of employment with and without the self-emloyed shows no particular difference . The definition used to identify informal self-employment for synthetic measurements, therefore, does not conflict with the results of the internationally accepted definition for employees.
Labor taxation and the design of social benefits have received increased attention. Synthetic measurement approaches can be used to assess taxation and social benefits as both incentives and disincentives for informal workers to transit to formal employment. These measurements include the tax wedge, which measures the total labor costs that are taxed away when a worker or employer moves from informal to formal work; the marginal effective tax rate (METR), which measures the share of any increment in formal income that is taxed (changes in personal income tax, social security contributions, and benefit withdrawal); and the formalization tax rate (FTR) which measures the total costs associated with transiting from informal to formal work, including lost social security payments and family and housing benefits. Different work transitions and associated incentives and disincentives matter to varying degrees, depending on the labor market and country context. The research presented here focuses on transitions from informal to formal employment. It shows how measurement approaches can be used to identify incentive and disincentive effects of tax and benefit systems.
Workers or employers might decide to not register their activities for several reasons. Regulations in the product and labor market, such as product licensing, employment protection legislation, and minimum wages, might be too stringent. Certain administrative procedures related to paying taxes, keeping accounts, and completing statistical questionnaires might deter people from operating in the formal sector. Workers and employers might want to avoid paying taxes on revenues, income, profits, or property, and social security contributions. Formal income might lead to a withdrawal of social benefits, such as social assistance or unemployment benefits, so that people might prefer informal, or no work, over formal work. Finally, weak enforcement of existing legislation on regulations and taxation might lower the risk of getting caught when circumventing these obligations .
Measurement approaches of the incentives and disincentives posed by labor taxation and social benefit design shed light on the question of whether it is actually prudent for the working-age population to engage in formal employment, register their activities, and pay taxes and contributions on income generated. This question is particularly relevant for policymakers who want to increase work formalization and quantify the disincentives workers face in this process. Measurements of incentives and disincentives can help the design of taxation and benefit systems, identify constraints, and lead to an understanding of whether these constraints are binding. In contrast, disregarding the issue of measurement will likely result in failed formalization policies because policymakers would not know whether formal work actually pays off, particularly at the lower end of the wage spectrum.
A first approach to this measurement issue would be to estimate the income forgone (or the disincentives) due to transiting from informal to formal work. Given the complexity of tax and benefit systems and the lack of direct measures, synthetic measures could be the preferred solution. The METR, the FTR, and the tax wedge are called synthetic because there is no straightforward way of measuring these concepts of work incentives and disincentives. These measures indicate what individuals are legally required to pay in taxes and social security contributions, and disregard the actual payments made. That is, these approaches look at taxes and benefits ,  and can indicate the share of informal income that would be taxed away from individuals when being formalized, making it possible to estimate incentives and disincentives of formalization policies for workers and closely examining certain target groups, such as low-wage workers.
Each of the three measurements offer different approaches to quantifying disincentive effects. The tax wedge focuses on taxation; the FTR incorporates a broader set of reasons to forgo income; and the METR concentrates on the effect on income increments while also considering a wider set of reasons to forgo income.
The tax wedge is the difference between the worker's net pay (gross pay, minus deductions for taxes and social security contributions) and the employer's total labor costs (employee's wages plus the employer's share of remittances for social security contributions). The tax wedge is zero in an informal work arrangement because neither the worker nor the employer pay taxes or contribute to social security. The income the worker receives for his or her labor is then equal to the employer's total labor costs. Governments receive no payments.
The tax wedge is an approximate measure of total labor costs; it is often used to understand the incentives for informal employment. It expresses the monetary benefit of informal work for both workers and employers. That is, it shows how much more income informal workers earn and how much less informal employers pay for their labor than they would in formal employment. While it does not provide any indication on how this benefit is shared between workers and employers, it helps quantify the income forgone in formal work arrangements.
Social benefits are an important component of the income forgone from transiting to formal work. The threat of a withdrawal of these benefits may have a major influence on the decision between formal and informal work, particularly among individuals with lower earnings potential. Imagine an informal worker who receives a certain informal wage; employed in a formal work arrangement, the same worker and his employer would be subject to different types of costs that would be calculated as income forgone. Let us assume that labor in either type of work is equally productive, and, therefore, the total labor costs of both types of worker are identical. For the informal worker, the informal wage corresponds to the total labor costs. Were the same individual to be a formal worker, the total labor costs would be the sum of the net wage, the personal income tax, and the social security contributions paid by both the worker and the employer—in other words, the net wage plus the tax wedge. A comparison between the worker's informal and formal wage shows that the tax wedge constitutes the cost of the formal work arrangement for both the worker and the employer, i.e. it is the amount of income the informal worker would give up by working at the same job for the same pay and the added cost the informal employer would incur by registering in the formal sector.
The tax wedge accounts for only part of the income forgone due to work formalization; also at risk is the withdrawal of income-tested benefits, particularly those related to housing and family or social assistance. When a worker accepts a formal job offer, these benefits can be fully or partially withdrawn. Thus, withdrawn benefits also need to be included in the calculation of the forgone income from work formalization .
The loss of entitlements is another cost of transiting to formal work. Unlike taxation and the withdrawal of social benefits, entitlements can be a strong factor that favors formal work in the decision-making process. When accepting a formal job, workers often obtain immediate or future rights to different types of entitlement, ranging from health, disability, and unemployment insurance, to old-age pension entitlements or other particular compensations. These benefits may need to be fully, partially, or not at all accounted for in the forgone income, depending on whether they are equally accessible to informal workers , .
Health insurance and old-age pensions are the most prominent of these entitlements. However, their valuation is often strongly discounted due to time-related factors, such as having to reach a certain age before receiving them. This phenomenon seems to be particularly pronounced among low-wage earners, a group traditionally more prone to accepting informal work and the lack of benefits this entails . Workers at the lower end of the income distribution—especially the poor—tend to discount future payouts more as their situations compel them to focus on the challenges of day-to-day living. Furthermore, means-tested payments such as social pensions may additionally reduce the valuation of an entitlement to an old-age pension. Likewise, in developing economies, where institutions are often unstable and trust is low, people will reduce the valuation of prospective future payouts because they cannot necessarily count on receiving them. Also, the usually highly valued access to health insurance, in the case of formal work, is often free in transition economies, which further reduces the entitlement valuation.
At this juncture, there exists no viable measurement concept that appropriately quantifies the value workers assign to these entitlements. This applies to both immediate- and long-term social security benefits and less tangible entitlements, such as those related to employment protection legislation . This finding points to an important deficiency that must be taken into consideration when measuring disincentives for formal work.
For an informal worker, the value of potential gains from accepting a formal job must surpass the income forgone due to formalization. When workers place greater value on the prospective social security benefit claims or employment protection over the costs involved in transiting from informal to formal employment, this gain can be seen as the positive residual after accounting for the costs. The FTR approximates this implicit cost of formalization to the informal worker. It constitutes a share of the worker's informal income and measures the difference between the total informal income and the formal income net of deductions. The total informal income comprises the informal wage, and the social assistance and family and housing benefits that are received when no formal wage is declared. The formal income net of deductions includes the net formal wage, in-work benefits , social assistance, and family and housing benefits at the respective formal (qualifying) wage . At some wage level, workers will not qualify for some or all of these social benefits.
Figure 1 illustrates the FTRs in Bulgaria and Romania, two transition economies, and contrasts these with the FTRs in Australia and the US, two high-income economies. The figure shows that the FTR is higher at lower wages in the transition economies than in the two high-income countries. For an individual who lives in a single household, and has no children, the FTR reaches its peak at about 60% in Romania and 70% in Bulgaria. Following these results, the FTR derived for Romania shows that an informal worker, with no children, living in a single household, and earning slightly below 10% of the average wage would have to forgo about 60% of his or her informal wage in the case of work formalization. The FTR reaches its peak at about 10% of the average wage for these two countries. In Australia and the US, by contrast, the highest FTRs are at about 40% and 30%, respectively. Furthermore, these values are reached at higher wage levels than in the case of the two transition economies. They peak at about 45% and 30% of the average wage for the two high-income countries.
The FTR is also a synthetic measurement that rests on legal provisions for taxes and social benefits. It compares the change in the net income of an informal worker and the formal income the same individual would be theoretically earning in formal employment. The implied challenge to this approach is to derive the net formal income of the originally informal worker or his or her formal work twin. From the employer's perspective, the two workers are not equal because of their equal gross wage, rather, because their total labor costs are equal. This implies that the output from each unit of their labor is the same. Thus, the comparison should be between the informal worker's wage and the formal worker's total labor cost rather than the (gross) wage. Therefore the net income of the formal worker must be net of the income tax and social security contributions both the worker and the employer pay but include the benefits the formal worker could claim (based on the formal gross wage).
The interpretation of the FTR is then as follows. The employer presents the informal worker with the possibility of formal employment. So far, the worker has claimed benefits under the assumption of "no income," due to the informal work arrangement. Next, the employer and worker discuss the future income net of taxes and social security contributions; they also bear in mind the prospective changes in terms of benefits received. The FTR captures all of these considerations: It measures to what extent the payout to this individual worker would vary in the case of formalization, incorporating personal income taxes, social security contributions, and net (loss or gain in) benefits.
The METR is a related synthetic measure that can lend to an understanding of disincentives to formal work. It describes at any given wage the share of any increment in formal earnings that is taxed; this incorporates changes in the personal income tax, social security contributions, or benefit withdrawal. As a measure, the METR captures to what extent it pays to earn more formal gross income through either earning higher wages or working more hours . As with the other two synthetic measures, the METR is founded on the legal provisions of employment earnings and not on actual data on personal income taxes or benefits received.
Figure 2 shows a comparison between the METR for the Czech Republic and Slovenia, and Portugal and the US. As in many other countries, in the Czech Republic and Slovenia every wage increment is fully deducted from potential social assistance claims at lower levels of labor income. This leads to an METR of 100% and can be observed, on the left panel of the figure, at about 20% of the average wage. In contrast, in Portugal the potential claim is reduced by only 50% for every wage increment at this low-wage level, while the US has an even lower METR. Thus, as measured by the METR, the disincentives for formal work are much higher in the Czech Republic and Slovenia than in Portugal and the US. In the US this is largely due to tax credits and in-work benefits for low-wage earners.
Both the FTR and METR can be used to indicate disincentive effects of labor market transitions from informal to formal employment. The METR can also indicate the effects of adding more working hours, i.e. moving from part-time to full-time work, as it measures the share of the additional gross income that is taxed. The average effective tax rate (AETR) and the net replacement rate (NRR) are two further synthetic indicators that help to understand the incentives for workers to transit to or from formal employment. The AETR measures the share of the formal gross income, including in-work benefits, that is taxed or the benefits forgone in the case of a formal job acceptance. Forgone benefits include social assistance, and family, housing, or unemployment benefits. Knowing their amounts can shed light on the incentives and disincentives of moving from unemployment or inactivity to formal employment. In turn, the NRR expresses the share of net income that is replaced by benefits when a worker loses or ends formal employment. Therefore, the NRR can be used as an indicator for the incentive and disincentive effects of transiting from formal employment to unemployment or inactivity.
Synthetic measures in practice—Do they actually matter?
In many European transition economies, taxes on labor income are relatively high at lower wage levels. This may already be hinted at in country comparisons where the tax wedge is used. Nevertheless, it remains an incomplete measure. While it expresses taxes, social security benefits, and the income forgone from formal work, it fails to capture other financial losses, namely the loss of income-tested social benefits, such as social assistance, and housing and family benefits. This shows that it is not precise enough. Synthetic measures also need to take the withdrawal of benefits into account. The FTR and the METR compensate for this shortcoming and are thus better disincentive measures. They are also positively correlated with informal employment in transition economies, particularly at lower wage levels where informality rates are highest .
The Illustration shows that workers in many transition economies face high disincentives for accepting formal work and these disincentives are highest for low-wage workers (e.g. those earning below 30% of the average wage), and particularly for those in low-paying, part-time work. For transition countries, such as Bulgaria, Hungary, and Romania, the maximum FTR values are exceptionally high, indicating that, as in many transition economies, for formal work to pay off, non-wage gains from formal employment (e.g. employment protection, social security benefits) would need to be very high. Figure 2 shows a similar analysis, using the METR, which also suggests formal work does not pay at lower wage levels . This can be seen as an indicator that the measured disincentives for formal work actually matter.
Synthetic measures, such as the tax wedge, the FTR, or the METR, are limited in their approaches because they are purely based on formal workers' legal obligations to pay taxes and remit to entitlement programs. In practice, other constraints apply, for example, institutional capacity constraints. These may affect the enforcement or awareness of obligations and entitlements within or between countries. Furthermore, limitations apply to programs that are not coordinated on a national level, e.g. locally administered social assistance. As studies focus on national data, taxes and benefits at sub-national levels are not included in synthetic measurements.
An underlying implication of using these measurements is that the worker decides between formal and informal employment, a decision driven by the financial disincentives of the tax and benefit systems. However, this definition excludes other factors that may also influence the decision on the type of employment. Examples include time preferences or the value workers attach to social security, employment protection, or different types of risks. Given the data limitations, measurements for such preferences could not be used . Further restrictions apply due to the lack of data or measurement concepts for taking into account the role firms play in the decision-making process, the relative incremental increase in labor productivity when workers move to formal employment, and the potential restrictions to switching from informal to formal work in labor markets that are often segmented. However, for the purpose of measuring the disincentives of formal work for workers, the concepts presented are sufficient for a meaningful analysis.
Policies that aim to formalize low-wage workers in transition economies can benefit from synthetic measurements, such as the FTR and METR. These measurements investigate whether formal work pays in the face of taxes and benefits. The FTR and METR provide measures on incentives and disincentives of transiting from informal to formal work and can help policymakers devise reforms for tax and benefit systems. Research has substantiated the claim that measuring disincentives matters as there is a strong correlation between the FTR and the METR and the incidence of being informal. Controlling for the characteristics of both the job and the worker, the higher the disincentive measures for formal work, such as the FTR or the METR, the more likely the worker will opt to be informal. The tax wedge—another common measurement approach—does not yield the above results and cannot be used to adequately measure the disincentive effects of formal work across wage levels .
The FTR and the METR also allow for comparisons between countries and over time. In the past, the tax wedge has often been used in country comparisons of average-wage earners. However, for developing countries with typically higher informality rates and wage inequality, a tax wedge that is representative of average-wage earners does not seem to be appropriate. In the absence of the FTR or METR, a second best solution could be to calculate a tax wedge at only 33% of the average wage to better express the situation faced by the majority of low-wage workers. Evidence from the FTR suggests that this group suffers from high disincentives to accepting formal jobs and this is particularly true for low-paying part-time work . This calls for policy reforms, as formal work does not seem to pay, particularly in this segment of the labor market. Policymakers can use the FTR or METR to help identify shortcomings in a country's labor tax code and social benefit design. They can also test and compare reform options for the purpose of reducing disincentives to formal work.
The author thanks two anonymous referees and the IZA World of Labor editors for many helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. Previous work of the author contains a larger number of background references for the material presented here and has been extensively used in all major parts of this article . Special thanks goes to Johannes Koettl.
Frölich, M., Kaplan, D., Pagés, C., Rigolini, J., Robalino, D. (eds). Social Insurance, Informality, and Labor Markets: How to Protect Workers While Creating Good Jobs. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014.
Lehmann, H., Tatsiramos, K. (eds). Informal Employment in Emerging and Transition Economies. Research in Labor Economics, Vol. 34. Bingley, UK: Emerald, 2012.
Koettl, J., Weber, M. "Does formal work pay? The role of labor taxation and social benefit design in the new EU member states" In: Lehmann, H., Tatsiramos, K. (eds). Informal Employment in Emerging and Transition Economies. Research in Labor Economics, Vol. 34. Bingley, UK: Emerald, 2012.
ILO General Report of the Seventeenth International Conference of Labour Statisticians. Geneva: ILO, 2003-11-24.
Hussmanns, R. Statistical Definition of Informal Employment: Guidelines Endorsed by the Seventeenth International Conference of Labour Statisticians (2003). Geneva: International Labour Office, 2004.
Hazans, M. Informal Workers across Europe: Evidence from 30 European Countries IZA Discussion Paper No.5871, 2011.
OECD The OECD Tax-Benefit Model. Paris: OECD, 2012.
Immervoll, H. "The OECD tax-benefit model and policy database" In: Gupta, A., Harding, A. (eds). Modelling Our Future: Population Ageing, Health and Aged Care. International Symposia in Economic Theory and Econometrics 16. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2007.
Levy, S. Good Intentions, Bad Outcomes: Social Policy, Informality, and Economic Growth in Mexico. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008.
Lehmann, H. Policies to Combat Informality and to Broaden the Tax Base: Lessons for Transition Countries World Bank Background Paper, 2010.
Lawrance, E. C. "Poverty and the rate of time preference: Evidence from panel data" Journal of Political Economy 99:1 (1991): 54–77.
Immervoll, H., Pearson, M. A Good Time for Making Work Pay? Taking Stock of In-Work Benefits and Related Measures across the OECD IZA Policy Paper No.3, 2009.
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Maloney, W. F. "Does informality imply segmentation in urban labor markets? Evidence from sectoral transitions in Mexico" World Bank Economic Review 13:2 (1999): 275-302.
Maloney, W. F. "Informality revisited" World Development 32:7 (2004): 1159-1178.
Schneider, F., Enste, D. H. "Shadow economies: Size, causes, and consequences" The Journal of Economic Literature 38:1 (2000): 77-114.
Schneider, F., Klingelmair, R. Shadow Economies around the World: What Do We Know? IZA Discussion Paper No.1043, 2004.


Eliot P. Ness (April 19, 1903 – May 16, 1957) was an American Prohibition agent, famous for his efforts to enforce Prohibition in Chicago, Illinois as the leader of a legendary team nicknamed The Untouchables.
In 1926, his sister's husband, Alexander Jamie, a Bureau of Investigation agent (this became the FBI in 1935), influenced him to enter law enforcement. He joined the Treasury Department in 1927, working with the 300-strong Bureau of Prohibition in Chicago.
Following the election of President Herbert Hoover, Andrew Mellon was specifically charged with bringing down Alphonse Capone. The federal government approached the problem from two directions: income tax evasion and the Volstead Act. Ness was chosen to head the operations under the Volstead Act, targeting the illegal breweries and supply routes of Capone.
With Cleveland's corrupted law-enforcement agents endemic, Ness went through the records of all the treasury agents to create a reliable team, initially of fifty, later reduced to fifteen and finally to just eleven men. Raids against stills and breweries began immediately; within six months Ness claimed to have seized breweries worth over one million dollars. The main source of information for the raids was an extensive wire-tapping operation.
An attempt by Capone to bribe Ness's agents was seized on by Ness for publicity, leading to the media nickname "The Untouchables". There were a number of assassination attempts on Ness, and one close friend of his was killed.
The efforts of Ness and his team had a serious impact on Capone's operations, but it was the income tax evasion which was the key weapon. In a number of federal grand jury cases in 1931, Capone was charged with 22 counts of tax evasion and also 5,000 violations of the Volstead Act. On October 17, 1931, Capone was sentenced to eleven years, and following a failed appeal, he began his sentence in 1932.
This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Eliot Ness".


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A decisive victory over Ivy rival Yale ensured that the Red's 2019 record would at least match that of 2018.
Women's Lacrosse Takes Decisive Victory, Bests 2018 Conference Record
By Gracie Todd | April 8, 2019
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On Saturday, women's lacrosse tied its wins from the 2018 season and surpassed last year's total number of conference wins. And there are still four regular-season games yet to be played.
The 18-12 win over Yale (4-6, 0-4 Ivy League) marked the Red's (7-4, 3-1 Ivy League) twelfth consecutive takedown of the Bulldogs.
Cornell didn't wait even three minutes before getting on the board with a goal by sophomore Ellie Walsh. The Red went on to extend its lead to 3-0 with goals by senior Tomasina Leska and junior Caroline Allen before Yale scored its first point.
But the Red answered with three more of its own by Walsh, freshman Shannon Brazier and senior Shannon Bertscha.
The scoring was more back-and-forth for the remainder of the half. Yale scored five more, but the Red matched it with Allen, sophomore Grace Paletta, freshman Genevieve DeWinter and senior Sarah Phillips all putting one in the net. Walsh scored with 14 seconds left in the half to secure herself a hat trick.
The Red would lead, 11-6, going into the second half.
Less than four minutes after the break, Leska scored her second goal of the day with a free position goal. Yale responded with a goal of its own but the Red then countered as DeWinter scored for her second goal of the day.
The Bulldogs went on a 4-0 run to shrink the lead to 13-11. This would be the closest the game would come before its finale, as the Red then went on its third 3-0 run of the game. Paletta scored one of those goals, and Allen put the other two on the board.
The Bulldogs scored once more before the contest was over, but the Red scored twice, with goals by Paletta and Bertscha, to take a decisive win.
Allen, Walsh and Paletta each had hat tricks in the victory.
Notably, the Red was 15-17 in draw controls against Yale, which has one of the nation's top draw controllers in Izzy Nixon. Paletta controlled 6 of those draws for the Red.
This was the third consecutive game that the Red won by six or more points.
Cornell will aim to continue its dominance next Saturday when it faces Brown at home at 1 p.m.
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Women's Lacrosse Barely Falls to No. 5 Syracuse
By Zora Hahn April 17, 2019
Cornell nearly pulled off an upset of the ACC powerhouse Syracuse.
Tied for 1st Place Atop Ivy League, Women's Lacrosse Uses Stingy Defense to Beat Brown
By Gracie Todd April 14, 2019
Cornell's defense — without some key contributors — shut down Brown for a key Ivy League victory.
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We are back and found some old footage of a nice northern pike that we caught on Leech Lake, MN.
Check it out and lemme know what you all think.
couldnt agree more about the music in videos. Just the sounds of the catch are the best to me.
I just feel like everyone is doing music and its just annoying. The music is just to much IMO.
Thanks I am working on a bass fishing video right now and I'm not going to use music.
Great job on the net assist, I dream of having someone that quick on the net but I mostly have family in the boat so I can't get on them too much but my 14 year old daughter did cost me a nice one on Cass lake last year.Nice eating size there. I was catching them that size when I was up on Leech a few years back too and the kicker was the resort would clean the fish for 25 cents a pop, definitely a bargain for a northern.
Yeah our resort cleaned them too and they just wanted a tip.
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Wright-Patt hosting fireworks Friday night
Barrie Barber, Staff Writer
WRIGHT-PATTERSON AIR FORCE BASE —
Sequestration budget cuts cancelled the yearly Freedom's Call Tattoo celebration this year, but a fireworks display will light up the night sky Friday at the National Museum of the U.S. Air Force, organizers say.
"We still wanted to celebrate the Fourth of July in the way that we have in years past," said Wright-Patterson spokesman Daryl Mayer. "The thought was if we can do this without spending any money, if we can do this in a way that would be safe and fun, then we should do it. It's our way of saying thanks to the Miami Valley for all the support they give us."
The 18-minute grand finale-style show, free to the public, is set to begin around 10 p.m. K99.1 FM will simulcast music during the fireworks display.
"It's going to be a big bang for your buck," said David Egner, Wright-Patterson director of special operations.
This year, the $30,000 fireworks display will be paid for out of money gleaned from sales at base locations such as the commissary, Egner said.
Spectators should bring lawn chairs and blankets to set out near their vehicles. No food will be sold on site.
Gates to the free show open at 7 p.m. Attendees may enter through one of three gates:
* Springfield Pike in front of the Air Force museum.
* Spinning Road gate at the intersection of Spinning and Airway Road.
* Armory Gate, on Harshman Road between Springfield Pike and Airway Road.
People with base identification may enter through Gate 19B off National Road or Gate 22B off Colonel Glenn Highway.
Wright-Patterson says fireworks attendees may not bring: glass bottles of any kind; charcoal, gas or hibachi grills; pets or illegal substances. The Air Force has banned knives or weapons of any kind on the grounds, including pepper spray and guns. If someone has a permit to carry a concealed weapon, the weapon isn't allowed on a federal installation, Mayer said.


Another Great Post from Melissa!
We are all looking a little beleaguered at the moment, in need of some refreshment, some re-energizing, some strength. I have to agree with the others, man, you don't realize how powerful you are, how unbelievably magnificent the truth of your Being actually is. Take a deep breath. I mean it. Take a really deep breath and lean into your astounding presence. So Divine, so much Love, so much tenacity. Each and every being, a fountain of majestic Creation, of Golden Bright Light infusing all it touches. It might be hard to imagine, but it is more real than the banana sitting on your counter.


The number 1 in Europe!
The new AKS™ 3004 featuring outstanding design and improved ergonomics noticeably suppresses snaking and pitching movements, for a safe and relaxed journey. The unique stabiliser coupling with 4 friction pads is suitable for use with trailers up with a total weight of up to 3,000 kg.
Our tip: To protect the AKS™ we recommend the weatherproof, breathable and colourfast weather guard.
Does the AKS™ 3004 fit my caravan?
The AKS™ 3004 fits almost all caravans. Please check the dimensions shown in the diagram in the technical data. Permitted total weight: 3,000 kg.
Can I continue to use the AKS™ 3004 if I sell the caravan?
The AKS™ 3004 can easily be re-used on your next caravan (please note the permitted total weight of 3,000 kg). In this case re-attach the existing coupling.
There is paint in the friction linings of my AKS™ 3004. Where does this come from?
In some vehicles the towbar is coated with protective paint when new. Please remove the protective paint from the towball (e.g. emery cloth + brake cleaner) before attaching the AKS™ for the first time.
Can I clean the friction linings if they are accidentally soiled with grease or paint?
No. The friction linings are made of a special material that cannot be cleaned. In this case replace the linings.
My AKS™ 3004 squeaks and creaks. Is it faulty? Can I do anything about it?
The AKS™ 3004 is not faulty and can still be used without problem. To reduce the noise, please contact your dealer who will gladly help you.


This Web Seminar took place on February 16, 2011 from 8:15 p.m. to 9:45 p.m. Eastern Time. Presenting was Flavio Mendez, Senior Director NSTA Learning Center and Leisa Clark, Director of e-Learning Production. In this Seminar, Mr. Mendez focused the presentation on the new Learning Center resources and tools including the new 'badge' system and live, online help. Ms Clark added details about the new SciPacks and Science Objects.
Flavio Mendez talked about new tools in the NSTA Learning Center, focusing on how the resources could be used to enhance teacher's professional development. The site has over 6,000 resources available. Ms. Clark led the audience through one of the new simulations from the Cell Division and Differentiation SciPack. The audience members were asked to create Learning Center profiles, add items to their Learning Center libraries, and view their 'points'. Mr. Mendez also talked about the new tools, including the live, online, Learning Center support as well as the new 'badge' system and Community Forums.
Forty (40) participants were present at the live Web Seminar in addition to the presenter and NSTA staff. Participating educators represented the states of Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Kansas, Maine, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia and Wisconsin.
Seminar participants received a one year subscription to one of the NSTA SciPacks of their choice. A certificate of attendance was deposited into participants My PD Record and Certificate area in the NSTA Learning Center for completing the evaluation form at the end of the program.


Fixing a broken headlight used to be as cheap as $10 for a new bulb, but break one of the fancy LED headlights on the new Toyota Corolla compact and it will set you back $737 to replace.
Break the outside rear-view mirror on the Nissan Versa Note subcompact, not rare in cities where it is likely to be sold, and just for the parts can run $595. That's because if the car has the optional safety and parking system the pod has a camera in it.
These are just some of common auto parts susceptible to damage or wear that used to cost more than $100 to fix — and now can cost hundreds, even thousands. "Obviously, there's sticker shock," says Bob Keith, senior training director for Carstar, a chain of franchised auto body shops.
It's because automakers are packing more technology into even mundane parts and car buyers want even more. Even an ordinary part now may contain sensors, computer chips or other whiz-bang features. The result a lot more safety and convenience, but with risk of backlash for automakers or their dealers risk when it's time to replace or fix parts.
•Headlights. The beams now are halogen, xenon or, increasingly, costly LEDs. Fisher says the LED low-beams on the 2014 Corolla are among the best CR has tested for their light and LEDs last far longer than other lights. But if it goes bad or you bump something and break it, the fix is costly.
•Tires. The humble tire now is, in some cases, a high-tech wonder. More automakers are turning to run-flat tires to eliminate the weight of a spare and raise gas mileage. Goodyear says a single run-flat Eagle NCT 5EMT, standard on some performance cars, lists for $296. But even some less sporty vehicles, such as the Toyota Sienna minivan with all-wheel drive, also come with standard run-flats.
•Batteries. Replacing a dead lead-acid starter battery used to mean $80. Now more new cars have hybrid-assist systems with sophisticated battery packs. The batteries last many years, but should you have to replace one on, say, a 2000 to 2005 Toyota Prius, the list price is $3,649, according to Toyota.
•Mirrors. Outside mirrors, which get broken off in everyday mishaps or by vandals, now often contain electronic blind-spot warnings, cameras or other features. Costs can vary, even on the same car. A left-side mirror on a Honda Accord EX is $250 to replace; the right-side, which has a camera for Honda's LaneWatch blind-spot system is $341.
That's a bargain, though. compared to the outside mirrors on a 2013 Ford F-250 Super Duty pickup. The fanciest replacements cost $1,260 on the Ford Parts site. They are power-adjusted, heated, have a built in turn signal and have two panes to aid towing, Ford spokesman Mike Levine says.
Inside mirrors, which can bust if you bump one, can be pricey, too. The mirror in a 2013 Ford Fusion may have an embedded sensor that turns on the wipers when it detects rain on the windshield. A replacement costs $1,196 at Ford Parts.
Increasingly sophisticated car engines, meanwhile, may have multiple computers. Replacing just one can run to $2,000, says Will Jones of car repair advice website CarMD.com.
The only way to avoid the high prices is to skip the latest gadgets. "The more technology you have, the more there is to break," Fisher says.


Maroondah Council has been busy brochure printing to ensure the latest copy of Parks and Paths in Maroondah is out in time for residents to explore the great outdoors during the summer.
Heathmont residents are invited to attend the Australia Day celebrations being held at Ringwood Lake Park.
Ripples in the Open, an art exhibition by Louise Jennison and Gracia Haby is now open at ArtSpace at Realm.
The Maroondah Festival is set to return to Croydon Park in November.
The City of Maroondah, which incorporates the suburb of Heathmont, has revealed plans to relocate the Town Square at Ringwood to its new $24 million council hub, which it has named REALM.
The Maroondah City Council allocated $16.5m in its 2018/19 budget for the operational readiness planning, and construction of the HE Parker Multi-Sports Complex. Funding grants pledged from the State and Federal governments for the project amount to a total of $13.5m.
Lovers of local produce can look forward to the upcoming Great Ryrie Primary School hosts the Heathmont Farmers Market.
Recent research highlights that childcare within Heathmont is costlier than in some neighbouring areas.


text:
Men's Tour Down Under
Women's Tour Down Under
Amstel Gold Race to go ahead on closed circuit
By Cyclingnews
17km loop and no spectators for Dutch race
(Image credit: Getty Images Sport)
After being first postponed and then cancelled in 2020 because of the coronavirus pandemic, the Amstel Gold Race men's and women's WorldTour events will go on as planned on April 18 but on a 17-kilometre circuit that will be closed to the public, the race organisers announced on Monday.
The races typically start in Maastricht and wind through the hills of the Limburg province before finishing just after the crest of the Cauberg in Berg en Terblijt. Katarzyna Niewiadoma (Canyon-SRAM) and Mathieu van der Poel (Alpecin-Fenix) won the last editions of the race in 2019.
This year's modified circuit will pass through Valkenburg aan de Geul, Maastricht, and Eijsden-Margraten but organisers have not given exact details of the course as they urge the public to watch on television and not travel to Limburg to watch in person.
The elite women begin at 8:30am and will race seven laps, while the men start just after the women's finish at 12:15pm and complete 13 laps. Each lap will include climbs of the Geulhemmerberg, the Bemelerberg and the Cauberg, with the final circuit of the men's race omitting the Cauberg.
To make up for the lack of in-person viewing, the Amstel Gold Race will be broadcast live for an extended time this year with full start-to-finish coverage of both events live on NOS.nl and NPO1.
"We are very happy with the permission from the authorities the Amstel Gold Race and the Amstel Gold Race Ladies Edition can take place on Sunday April 18th," Race director Leo van Vliet said. "Since the cancellation in October 2020, we have been busy. We have remained in close connection with governments and have been able to work out detailed plans in order for the races to take place. We are aware that much can still change in preparation for April 18th, but we thank the national and regional authorities for their support in this process. Together we are now looking positively ahead at the final plans in the run-up to the race."
The region is under COVID-19 restrictions but the mayors of the host cities have decided to allow the race to go on under strict conditions to close the entire area around the circuit to tourists and the cycling public. No spectators will be allowed on the roadsides.
While last year when the Amstel Gold Race was to be held in October, surging COVID-19 cases in the Netherlands made organising the race impossible, this year it will take place as part of a temporary top sport exemption.
UCI President David Lappartient expressed his satisfaction on hearing the race would go forward. "On behalf of the Union Cycliste Internationale (UCI), I would like to say how pleased we are that the Amstel Gold Race and the Amstel Gold Race Ladies are being maintained this year, after their cancellation in 2020. I would like to thank the competent Dutch authorities for their support and for finding a solution with this 17 km circuit.
"It is very important that the races on our UCI International Road Calendar, and in particular the UCI WorldTour and the UCI Women's WorldTour, take place, with of course all the adaptations made necessary by the current pandemic context. This excellent news confirms that our sport knows how to find solutions, thanks to the collaboration of all its stakeholders, despite the difficult circumstances of the health crisis. Congratulations to Leo van Vliet and the entire organization team of the men's and women's Amstel Gold Race!'"
Cyclingnews is the world's leader in English-language coverage of professional cycling. Started in 1995 by University of Newcastle professor Bill Mitchell, the site was one of the first to provide breaking news and results over the internet in English. The site was purchased by Knapp Communications in 1999, and owner Gerard Knapp built it into the definitive voice of pro cycling. Since then, major publishing house Future PLC has owned the site and expanded it to include top features, news, results, photos and tech reporting. The site continues to be the most comprehensive and authoritative English voice in professional cycling.


I was responding to the option there that wasn't a joke. My wife and I aren't teachers, and the idea of either one of us quitting our day job to play FAKE teacher at home is neither sustainable or realistic... but certainly not an option of any kind.
Yeah horrible things have always happen. But I don't think more people becoming aware of all these horrible things is bad.
I think this is bad, because, it instills paranoia and depression in people.
I am not saying news sites should keep quite if something bad happens, but the problem is that news agencies LOVE to show primarily bad news, because, they make ratings.
And more people consume bad news the more paranoid and depressed they become. And more divided. In many ways current situation has originated, because of constant fear-mongering and paranoia, instilled by news.
As a mentally ill person I am more than a bit tired for me and mine being blamed for the faux entitlement of others.
Oh, yes, as always, PC finds a way to make another "tearful" argument about herself.
You probably should finally learn that when people speak about someone, they don't mean literally you. Which is a common sentiment among "internet-lefties".
Oh I wasn't joking. I know people who've homeschooled for reasons far less severe than being actively concerned for the physical safety of their children.
Consider reaching out to your local community. They can probably help with subjects you and your wife feel like you'd need help with.
The criminals don't follow the law argument conveniently neglects the fact that laws give a wronged party avenues for redress.
The speed limit's not going to keep most people from speeding, but guess who's going to be at fault should the speeder get into an accident and harm another person.
If you don't like no gun zones, I would highly suggest not going to them.
And I'll be honest, I don't think the people who pull these Mass school shootings are mentally ill, I think they're entitled.
The one that no one talked about where the guy came in and shot his ex-girlfriend, that's not mental illness that's entitlement.
Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD) Could possibly work. And maybe some of the shooters also have co-occuring disorders such as a personality disorder and substance use disorder.
Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD) Could possibly work.
But we'd need them to be seen by a shrink to be certain.
Very difficult to see a professional considering they are deceased. Perhaps science can advance enough that postmortem brain scans could be used to determine if mental illness was present. But what does it really matter because it would not help the victims breathe air again.
Ha, well yeah...there is that.
I'm actually kind of curious whether some forms of mental illness are detectable in solely the gross anatomy. I mean, so many of them are the result of non-neurotypical neurotransmitter generation/release/function, that I'd be curious to know if straight up histology would be enough for a postmortem.
Sadly, more Medical Neurology isn't on the docket this semester.
Only time will tell but I'm sure people are working on it. Just google PTSD and brain scans or mental illness brain scans. Info for days.
And more people consume bad news the more paranoid and depressed they become.
People need not react negatively to bad news. Could motivate some to join red cross or something.
People react differently to bad news. It may contribute to some people's paranoia and depression. But not everyone. Some may just become desensitized. Or remain unaffected. It may take one news story for some while others it takes repeated exposure. Or nothing happens from watching the news except maybe starting a foundation or charity.
If you have nothing, but bad news surrounding you 24/7 - than it is a sure way to paranoia. And since TV and Internet care about ratings they try to bring as much bad news news as possible.
Yes, for some people it might be a motivation to do something, but for most people - it's just source of irritation and depression, because, most people are busy with daily lives to join Red Cross or whatever.
I've experienced this effect on myself several years ago, so I know what I am talking about.
And I am not talking about you - don't become second PC, please.
I remember during undergrad a social psych paper that studied violence in children. What they found was that children who modeled their behavior on violent media were less violent when they were exposed to a grounding adult presence. Basically, if parents talked to their kids about what they were watching they were less likely to model the violent behavior were consuming from the media.
It's less the media, and more what we do before/during/after we consume it.
Who knows, maybe a stronger, more cohesive and less nihilistic community could have helped the kid who went looking to kill his ex-girlfriend.
I never said you were talking about me. I used myself as an example that not everyone becomes depressed or paranoid. The same way you are using yourself as an example that some people do. I don't think we can say either way how most people are affected or how they react. We only know about how ourselves and maybe people in our daily lives react. We do not know all the people who consume media and the mood it may or may not put them in after consuming said media.
Yeah, I can buy into that.
Actually, it is more or less proven fact that bad news can contribute to development of anxiety and depression.
This is the same reason why propaganda is a thing.
I know, it is probably not the best source, but still.
Saying that something has been more or less proven does not sound very convincing. But I agree that bad news could contribute to depression and anxiety. Obviously your hear sad news your going to feel a little empathetic. But I don't necessarily agree that most people become paranoid and depressed from watching the evening news. Some, yes. Most, no. Probably comes down to the dosage and tolerance. And the persons predisposition to depression. Everyone is different.
Only evening news, yes, obviously you won't caught depression.
But some people more or less always in the informational stream via tablets and smartphones. Now that's what I mean.
Specifically to the bold point, the Post Office is a gun free zone. Its far worse for me to leave my gun in my car for 5 minutes when I go to mail an item than it is for it to stay holstered on my hip for those same five minutes.
Mentally ill people already aren't allowed guns. Criminals are already not supposed to own or have in their possession guns. Dishonorable discharge from any branch of the military means no guns. The problem isn't guns, its more of teaching people how to deal with rejection, being told no and consequences of their actions. Kid screws off in class and there is no repercussion.... I survived HS with guns on the property... pretty sure they weren't supposed to be there even in the late 90s but no one had them inside the building... just the guys that hunted had a rifle or two in their trucks... lol.


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Community Research Advisory Council (C-RAC)
Community Collaboration Core | Community Engagement in Research
The Community Research Advisory Council (C-RAC) leads our efforts to promote trust, understanding, and involvement in the Greater Baltimore Region in research activities and community priorities.
Organized in 2009, the C-RAC was created to inform Johns Hopkins University leadership about the health and research priorities of patients and local residents. The ICTR believed that establishing a group of patients and local residents seeking to become more involved in clinical research would be the best way to receive community input in the research process. For over 10 years, the council has connected researchers and community members to work together to improve community health awareness.
Facilitate the inclusion of community voices in healthcare research
Increase community access to available health resources
Promote patient-centered research and engagement
What We Are Working Towards
We aim to build and empower healthy communities to serve as partners in the research process by ensuring that local residents are consulted and informed about research priorities. We strive to make sure that all stakeholders are respected, valued and rewarded for their time and expertise. By collaborating with researchers to disseminate and interpret research findings, we hope to increase public trust and support for research.
Community Engagement Consulting Service
We offer consultations to study teams where we identify issues and concerns from the community perspective. We are available to provide feedback to research teams prior to conducting a study as well as guidance on how to disseminate their findings back to the community.
We are open to individuals who live, work and serve in the Baltimore area who are interested in health research & want to serve the community.
Meetings are held on the 2nd Monday of each month.
Browse Topics: C-RAC
Crystal Evans, MS
Community Relations Coordinator
| cevans20@jh.edu