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The Ku Klux Movement
"We know enough of its extent, its composition, and the various forms it took, to feel sure that it was neither an accident nor a scheme. It was no man's contrivance, but an historical development."
William Garrott Brown
Whoever can remember Mr. Edwin Booth in the character of Richelieu will doubtless recall his expression of the sudden change which comes over the melodramatic cardinal toward the end of the scene in which his house is invaded by the conspirators. While is ignorant of his danger, his helplessness in the grasp of his swarming enemies, Richelieu is all majesty, all tragedy. But when he learns that every avenue of escape is barred, that even Huguet is false, that no open force will avail him, his towering mood gives place, not indeed to any cringing fear, but to subtlety and swift contriving. His eyes no longer blaze, but twinkle; his finger is at his chin; there is a semblance of a grin about his lips.
"All? Then the lion's skin's too short to-night, —
Now for the fox's."
The simulated deathbed follows. The enemy, too powerful to be resisted, is outwitted and befooled.
Twenty-five years ago, when a negro inquired of his former master about "dem Ku Kluxes," the response he got was awe-inspiring. If a child of the household made the same inquiry of his elders, his question was put away with an unsatisfying answer and a look like Mr. Booth's in the play. Had the great cardinal lived south of Mason and Dixon's line in the late sixties, I fancy he would have found the Ku Klux Klan an instrument altogether to his liking.
The Southern child who, not content with the grin and the evasive answer of his father or his elder brother, sought further enlightenment from his fast friends of the kitchen and the quarters, heard such stories of the mysterious, sheeted brotherhood as eclipsed in his young fancy even the entrancing rivalry of Brer Fox and Brer Rabbit, and made the journey back to the "big house" at bedtime a terrifying experience. Uncle Lewis would tell of a shrouded horseman who rode silently up to his door at midnight, begged a drink of water, and tossed off a whole bucketful at a draught. Uncle Lewis was sure he could hear it sizzling as it flowed down that monstrous gullet, and readily accepted the stranger's explanation that it was the first drop he had tasted since he was killed at Shiloh. Aunt Lou, coming home from the house of a neighboring auntie who was ill, and crossing a lonesome stretch near the graveyard, had distinctly seen a group of horsemen, motionless by the roadside, each with his head in his hand. Alec, a young mulatto who had once shown much interest in politics, had been shopped in his way from a meeting of his "'ciety" by a masked horseman, at least eight feet tall, who insisted upon shaking hands; and when Alec grasped his hand, it was the hand of a skeleton. Darkies who, unlike Uncle Lewis and Aunt Lou and Alec, had turned against their own white people and taken up with the Yankees, had been more roughly handled.
Somehow, in one such Southern boy's memories there is always a dim association of these Ku Klux stories with other stories of the older negroes about "patterrollers." Through all of them all there jingles the refrain, —
Run, nigger, run!
De patterrolers ketch you.
When that boy went to college and joined a society that had initiations, the mystery and horror of the Ku Klux stories waned; but it was not until he read an account of the patrol system of slavery times that he saw the connection between Ku Klux and "patterrollers."
An organization that could so mystify all but the grown-up white men of a Southern household certainly lost none of its mystery in the confused accounts that filled the newspapers of that day, and citizens of the Northern states, already tired of the everlasting Southern question, could not be expected to understand it. Congress, when it undertook to enlighten them, swelled its records with much impassioned oratory, and through its committees of investigation put into print first one and then thirteen bulky volumes, from which he who lives long enough to read it all may learn much that is true but not particularly important, much that is important if true, and somewhat that is both true and important. From the mass of it the Republican majority got matter sufficient to sustain one set of conclusions, leaving unused enough to sustain quite as strongly the entirely different conclusions at which the minority arrived. There remained much upon which American novelists, whether humorously or sensationally inclined, have drawn, and may continue to draw. Dr. Conan Doyle, seeking to "paint a horror skillfully," found the Klan a good nerve-racker, though it is to be hoped he did not attempt to digest the reports. Voluminous as they are, they need to be supplemented with material of a different sort—with such memories as the child of reconstruction times can summon up, with such written memoranda and cautious talk as an be won from Southerners of an older generation, with such insight as one can get into Southern character and habits of thought and life—before one can begin to understand what the Klan was, or how it came into existence, or what its part was in that great confusion officially styled the Reconstruction of the Southern states.
Without attempting any elaborate argument, we may, I think, take it for granted that the Ku Klux movement was an outcome of the conditions that prevailed in the Southern states after the war. It was too widespread, too spontaneous, too clearly a popular movement, to be attributed to any one man or to any conspiracy of a few men. Had it existed only in one corner of the South, or drawn its membership from a small and sharply defined class, some such explanation might serve. But we know enough of its extent, its composition, and the various forms it took, to feel sure that it was neither an accident nor a scheme. It was no man's contrivance, but an historical development. As such, it must be studied against its proper background of a disordered society and a bewildered people. Various elements of the disorder and causes of the bewilderment have been set forth in the previous papers of this series. It will be necessary here to emphasize only one feature of the general misgovernment; namely, that the evil was by no means confined to the state governments, where the bolder adventurers and the more stupendous blunderers were at work. The itching and galling of the yoke was worst in the lesser communities, where government touches the lives of individual men and women most intimately.
The mismanagement—to use the mildest word—of state finances can be shown in figures with reasonable clearness. The oppression of counties and towns and school districts is less easily exhibited, though it was in this way the heaviest burdens of taxation were imposed. The total increase in the indebtedness of the smaller political units under carpet-bag rule was, as a matter of fact, even greater than in the case of the state governments; and the wrong was done in plainer view of the taxpayer, by acts more openly and vulgarly tyrannical. So far as the taxpayer's feelings were concerned, piling up state debts had the effect which the mismanagement of a bank has on the stockholders. The piling up of county and town and school taxes was like thrusting hands visibly and forcibly into his pockets. It is doubtful, however, if even the injury to his fortunes had so much to do with his state of mind as the countless humiliations and irritations which the rule of the freedman and the stranger brought upon the most imperious, proud, and sensitive branch of the English race.
If the white man of the lately dominant class in the South were permitted to vote at all, he might have literally to pass under bayonets to reach the polls. He saw freedmen organized in militia companies, expensively armed and gayly caparisoned. If he offered his own military services, they were sure to be rejected. He saw his former slaves repeating at elections, but he learned that he had no right of challenge, and that there was no penalty fixed by law for the crime. In the local courts of justice, he saw his friends brought, by an odious system of informers, before judges who were not merely incompetent or unfair, like many of those who sat in the higher courts, but often grotesquely ignorant as well, and who intrusted the execution of their instruments to officials who in many cases could not write an intelligible return. In the schools which he was so heavily taxed to support, he saw the children of his slaves getting the book-learning which he himself thought it unwise to give them from strangers who would be sure to train them into discontent with the only lot he thought them fit for, and the only sort of work which, in the world he knew, they ever had a chance to do. He saw the Freedmen's Bureau deliberately trying to substitute its alien machinery for that patriarchal relation between white employers and black workmen which had seemed to him right and inevitable. He saw the Loyal League urging freedmen to take up those citizenly powers and duties which he had never understood emancipation to imply, when he gave up his sword. In every boisterous shout of a drunken negro before his gate, in every insolent glance from a group of idle negroes on the streets of the county seat, in the reports of fisticuffs with little darkies which his children brought home after school, in the noises of the night and the glare of occasional conflagrations, he saw the hand or heard the harshly accented voice of the stranger in the land. The biographer of the late Justice Lamar makes a picture which might convey to the reader some idea of the inevitable effect of these things on such men as the Southerners of those days were. It is a picture of the distinguished orator leaning over the ruinous fence in front of his home in a little Mississippi town, hatless, coatless, the great mass of his hair and beard neglected, returning with a surly nod the greetings of his acquaintance.
It seems astounding, nowadays, that the congressional leaders in reconstruction did not foresee that men of their own stock, so circumstanced, would resist, and would find some means to make their resistance effective. When they did make up their minds to resist, — not collectively or through any representative body, but singly and by neighborhoods, — they found an instrument ready to their hands.
When the Civil War ended, the little town of Pulaski, Tennessee, welcomed home a band of young men who, though they were veterans of hard-fought fields, were for the most part no older than the mass of college students. In the general poverty, the exhaustion, the lack of heart, naturally prevalent throughout the beaten South, young men had more leisure than was good for them. A Southern country town, even in the halcyon days before the war, was not a particularly lively place; and Pulaski in 1866 was doubtless rather tame to fellows who had seen Pickett charge at Gettysburg or galloped over the country with Morgan and Wheeler. A group of them, assembled in a law office one evening in May, 1866, were discussing ways and means of having a livelier time. Some one suggested a club or society. An organization with no very definite aims was effected; and at a second meeting, a week later, names were proposed and discussed. Some one pronounced the Greek word "Kuklos," meaning a circle. From "Kuklos" to "Ku Klux" was an easy transition, — whoever consults a glossary of college boys' slang will not find it strange, — and "Klan" followed "Ku Klux" as naturally as "dumpty" follows "humpty." That the name meant nothing whatever was a recommendation; and one can fancy what sort of badinage would have greeted a suggestion that in six years a committee of Congress would devote thirteen volumes to the history of the movement that began in a Pulaski law office, and migrated later to a deserted and half-ruined house on the outskirts of the village.
In the beginning it was, in fact, no "movement" at all. It was a scheme for having fun, more like a college secret society than anything else. Its members were not "lewd fellows of the baser sort," but young men of standing in the community, who a few years earlier would also have been men of wealth. The main source of amusement was at first the initiation of new members, but later the puzzling of outsiders. The only important clause in the oath of membership was a promise of absolute secrecy. The disguise was a white mask, a tall cardboard hat, a gown or robe that covered the whole person, and, when the Klan went mounted, a cover for the horses' bodies and some sort of muffling for their feet. The chief officers were a Grand Cyclops, or president; a Grand Magi, or vice president; a Grand Turk, or marshal; a Grand Exchequer, or treasurer; and two Lictors. While the club adhered to its original aim and character, only men of known good morals were admitted. Born of the same instinct and conditions that gave birth to the "snipe hunt" and other hazing devices of Southern country towns, it was probably as harmless and as unimportant a piece of fooling as any to be found inside or outside of colleges.
The Klan was eminently successful. It got all the notoriety it wished, and very soon the youth of neighboring communities began to organize "dens" of their own. The mysterious features of the Klan were most impressive in rural neighborhoods. It spread rapidly in country districts. Probably it would have become a permanent secret society, not unlike the better known of the unserious secret societies now existing, but for the state of Southern politics and the progress of reconstruction. These things, however, soon gave a tremendous importance to the Klan's inevitable discovery that mystery and fear have over the African mind twice the power they have over the mid of a white man. It was not the first time in history that what began in mere purposeless fooling ended in the most serious way. By the time Congress had thrown aside the gentle and kindly plan of reconstruction, which Lincoln conceived and Johnson could not carry out, the Ku Klux had taught the white men of Tennessee and neighboring states the power of secrecy over the credulous race which Congress was bent on intrusting with the most difficult tasks of citizenship. When Southern society, turned upside down, groped about for some means of righting itself, it grasped the Pulaski idea.
As it happened, Tennessee, the original home of the Klan, was the very state in which reconstruction began earliest; and though the process there was somewhat different from the experience of the cotton states, it was also the first state to find its social and governmental systems upside down. Tennessee was notable for its large Unionist population. The Unionists were strongest in the mountainous eastern half of the state, while the western half, dominant before the war, was strongly secessionist. The first step in reconstruction was to put the east Tennesseans into power; and the leader of the east Tennessee Unionists was "Parson" Brownlow. Except for his Unionism, Brownlow is generally conceded to have been an extremely unfit man for great public responsibilities, and when he became governor the secessionists of Tennessee had to endure much the same sort of misgovernment which in other states was attributable to carpet-bag officials. By the time it was a year old the Klan had gradually developed into a society of regulators, using its accidental machinery and its accidentally discovered power chiefly to suppress the lawlessness into which white men of Brownlow's following were sometimes led by their long-nourished grudge against their former rulers, and into which freedmen fell so inevitably that no fair-minded historian can mete out to them the full measure of censure for it. In the Union League the Klan found its natural enemy; and it is quite probably true that, during the early period of their rivalry for control, more inexcusable violence proceeded from the League than from the Klan.
However, a survivor and historian of the Klan does not deny that even thus early the abuses inseparable from secrecy existed in the order. To suppress them, and to adapt the order to its new and serious work, a convention was held at Nashville early in 1867. The Klan, up to that time bound together only by a general deference to the Grand Cyclops of the Pulaski "Den," was organized into the "Invisible Empire of the South," ruled by a Grand Wizard of the whole Empire, a Grand Dragon of each Realm, or state, a Grand Titan of each Dominion (Province), or county, a Grand Cyclops of each Den, and staff officers with names equally terrifying. The objects of the Klan, now that it had serious objects, were defined: they were to protect the people from indignities and wrongs; to succor the suffering, particularly the families of dead Confederate soldiers; to defend "the Constitution of the United States, and all laws passed in conformity thereto," and of the states also; and to aid in executing all constitutional laws, and protect the people form unlawful seizures and from trial otherwise than by jury. Acts of the Brownlow legislature reviving the alien and sedition laws were particularly held in mind.
From this time the Klan put itself more clearly in evidence, generally adhering to its original devices of mystery and silence, but not always successfully resisting the temptation to add to these violence. On the night of July 4, by well-heralded parades, it exhibited itself throughout Tennessee, and perhaps in other states, more impressively than ever before. In Pulaski, some four hundred disguised horsemen marched and countermarched silently through the streets before thousands of spectators, and not a single disguise was penetrated. The effect of mystery even on intelligent minds was well illustrated in the estimate, made by "reputable citizens," that the number was not less than three thousand. Members who lived in the town averted suspicion from themselves by appearing undisguised among the spectators. A gentleman who prided himself on knowing every horse in the county attempted to identify one by lifting its robe, and discovered that the animal and the saddle were his own!
The remaining facts in the history of the Ku Klux proper need no lengthy recital. The effectiveness of the order was shown wherever, by its original methods, it exerted itself to quiet disturbed communities. Wherever freedmen grew unruly, disguised horsemen appeared by night; and thereafter the darkies of the neighborhood inclined to stay under cover after daylight failed. But the order had grown too large, it was too widespread, the central authority was too remote from the local "dens," and the general scheme was too easily grasped and copied, to permit of the rigid exclusion from membership of such men as would incline to use violence, or to cover with the mantle of secrecy enterprises of a doubtful or even criminal cast. In Tennessee, the Brownlow government was bitterly hostile, and in September, 1868, the legislature passed a statute, aimed entirely at the Ku Klux, which went beyond the later congressional statutes in the penalties it prescribed for every act that could possibly imply complicity in the "conspiracy," and in the extraordinary powers conferred upon officers and all others who should aid in detecting or arresting Ku Klux. The members of the order were practically outlawed, and naturally felt bound in self-defense to resort to methods which the central officers could not approve. In February, 1869, Governor Brownlow proclaimed martial law in several Tennessee counties, and the next day he ceased to be governor. The growing evils within the order, as well as the dangers which threatened it, doubtless made the wiser heads of the Klan readier to conclude that with the repeal of the alien and sedition laws and Brownlow's departure for the United States Senate its work in Tennessee was done. So, a few weeks later, by an order of the Grand Wizard, the Klan was formally disbanded, not only in Tennessee, but everywhere. It is generally understood that the Grand Wizard who issued that order was no less a person than Nathan Bedford Forrest. How many dens received the order at all, and how many of those that received it also obeyed it, will never be known, any more than it will be known how many dens there were, or how many members. However, the early spring of 1869 may be taken as the date when the Ku Klux Klan, which gave its name and its idea to the secret movement which began the undoing of reconstruction, ceased to exist as an organized body.
But the history of the original Ku Klux Klan is only a part—and perhaps not the most important part—of the movement which in the North was called the Ku Klux conspiracy, and which in the South is to this day regarded, with a truer sense of its historical importance, whatever one may think of the moral question, as comparable to that secret movement by which, under the very noses of French garrisons, Stein and Scharnhorst organized the great German struggle for liberty. Of the disguised bands which appeared and disappeared throughout the South so long as the carpet-baggers controlled the state governments, it is probably that not one half were veritable Ku Klux. Some were members of other orders, founded in imitation of the Ku Klux and using similar methods. Others were probably neighborhood affairs only. Yet others were simply bands of ruffians, operating in the night-time, and availing themselves of Ku Klux methods to attain personal ends which, whether criminal or not, were in no wise approved by the leaders in the Ku Klux and other similar organizations. How large a proportion of the violence and crime attributed to these lawless bands it is, of course, impossible to say; but it is certain that a number of those taken in disguise proved to be men of such antecedents, so clearly identified with the radical party, that they could not possibly have been members of the Ku Klux, the Knights of the White Camellia, or any other of the orders whose raison d'être was the revolt against radical rule.
The Knights of the White Camellia was probably the largest and most important of the orders, — larger even than the true Ku Klux Klan. It was founded at New Orleans late in 1867 or early in 1868, and spread rapidly through the states lying east and west, from Texas to the Carolinas. A constitution adopted at New Orleans in June, 1868, provided for an elaborate organization by states, counties, and smaller communities, the affairs of the whole order being committed to a supreme council at New Orleans. The recollection of members, however, is to the effect that very little authority was really exercised by the supreme council or even by the state councils, that the county organizations were reasonably well maintained, and that in most respects each circle acted independently. The constitution and the oath and ceremonial of initiation commit the order to a very clear and decided position on the chief question of the day. Only white men, eighteen years of age or older, were admitted, and the initiate promised not merely to be secret and obedient, but "to maintain and defend the social and political superiority of the white race on this continent." The charge or lecture to the initiate set forth historical evidences of the superiority of the white race, made an argument for white supremacy, and painted the horrors of miscegenation. It enjoined fairness to negroes, and the concession to them of "the fullest measure of those rights which we recognize as theirs." The association, so the charge explained, was not a political party, and had no connection with any. The constitution, moreover, restricted the order from nominating or supporting candidates for office.
The "Pale Faces," the "Constitutional Union Guards," the "White Brotherhood," were other names borne by bands of men who did Ku Klux work. The majority of the congressional committee somehow got the idea that these were the real names, at different periods, of the one order which pervaded the entire South, and that "Ku Klux" was a name foisted upon the public, so that a member, when put upon the witness stand in a law court, might deny all knowledge of the organization. But the evidence of the existence of the true Ku Klux Klan, of its priority to all similar organizations of any importance, and of the existence of other orders with different names, is now too strong to permit of any doubt. The comparative strength of the various associations; the connection, if any there was, between them; their membership; the differences in their characters, aims, and methods, — on these things it is not probable that any clear light will ever be thrown. Surviving members are themselves somewhat hazy on such questions. And indeed it is not of the first importance that they should be answered; for we have enough to show how the Ku Klux idea worked itself out, and with what results.
The working of the plan is exhibited more authoritatively than I could portray it in the memoranda of a gentle and kindly man, albeit a resolute wearer of a Confederate button, who, thirty years ago, was the absolute chief of the Knights of the White Camellia in a certain county in the heart of the Black Belt. Speaking of the county organization merely, he says: —
"The authority of the commander (this office I held) was absolute. All were sworn to obey his orders. There was an inner circle in each circle, to which was committed any particular work: its movements were not known to other members of the order. This was necessary, because, in our neighborhood, almost every Southern man was a member. At meetings of the full circle there was but little consideration as to work. The topic generally was law and order, and the necessity for organization. In fact, almost every meeting might have been public, so far as the discussions were concerned.
"For the methods employed: in some cases they were severe, even extreme, but I believe they were necessary, although there was much wrong done when commanders were not the right men. There was too good an opportunity for individuals to take vengeance for personal grievances. A man, black or white, found dead in the road would furnish undisputed evidence that the Ku Klux Klan had been abroad. The officers of the law, even judges, were members; a jury could not be drawn without a majority of our men. In this county, no act of violence was committed by our circle. We operated on the terror inspired by the knowledge that we were organized. The carpet-baggers lived in constant dread of a visit, and were in great measure controlled through their fears. At one time, if one of our people threatened or abused a carpet-bagger, his house or stable would be fired that night.1 … This occurred so often that it was impossible to separate the two events. Word was accordingly sent to a prominent carpet-bagger that if the thing happened again we would take him out at midday and hang him. There were no more fires.
"The negroes had meetings at some point every night, in obedience to the orders of the carpet-baggers, who kept them organized in this way. So long as their meetings were orderly we did not interfere; but when I got information that they were becoming disorderly and offensive, I ordered out a body of horsemen, who divided into squads, and stationed themselves where the negroes would pass on their way home. They were permitted to dress themselves in any fashion their fancies might dictate, but their orders were positive not to utter a word or molest a negro in any manner. I rarely had to send twice to the same neighborhood. Occasionally a large body was sent out to ride about all night, with the same instructions as to silence. While the law against illegal voting had no penalty for the offense (no doubt an intentional omission) negroes often voted more than once at the same election. They assembled in such crowds at the polls that one had almost to fight one's way to deposit a ballot. A body of our men was detailed on election day to go early and take possession, with the usual order for silence. Few negroes voted that day; none twice. No violence.
"We put up with carpet-bag rule as long as we could stand it. Then a messenger was sent to each of them—they were filling all the county offices—to tell them we had decided they must leave. This was all that was needed. They had been expecting it, they said, and they left without making any resistance. Owing to some local circumstances, the circle at —— was disbanded about the time of President Grant's proclamation, but we were not influenced by it in any degree. I think there were few cases of the disbandment of circles. The necessity for their existence expired with the exodus of the carpet-baggers."
That was the modus operandi, under a cautious and intelligent commander, in a neighborhood largely inhabited by men of birth and education. As it happens, the recollections of the commander are corroborated by one of the young men who obeyed his orders, now attorney general of the state, who adds that the proportion of "tomfoolery" to violence was about 1000 to 1. But even this straightforward recital of the successful performance of an apparently commendable work must make plain to any thoughtful reader the danger inseparable from the power of such an organization. In communities less intelligent, or where no such fit leader was chosen, the story was far different.
That violence was often used cannot be denied. Negroes were often whipped, and so were carpet-baggers. The incidents related in such stories as Tourgee's A Fool's Errand all have their counterparts in the testimony before congressional committees and courts of law. In some cases, after repeated warnings, men were dragged from their beds and slain by persons in disguise, and the courts were unable to find or to convict the murderers. Survivors of the orders affirm that such work was done, in most cases, by persons not connected with them or acting under their authority. It is impossible to prove or to disprove their statements. When such outrages were committed, not on worthless adventurers, who had no station in Northern communities from which they came, but on cultivated persons who had gone South from genuinely philanthropic motives, — no matter how unwisely or tactlessly they went about their work, — the effect was naturally to horrify and enrage the North.
The white teachers in the negro schools were probably the class which suffered most innocently, not ordinarily from violence, but from the countless other ways in which Southern society made them aware that they were unwelcome and that their mission was disapproved. They themselves, in too many instances, disregarded the boundary lines between different social classes, as rigid and cruel in democracies as anywhere else, and by associating themselves with freedmen made it unreasonable for them to expect any kindly recognition from men and women who, under other conditions, might have been their friends. They too often not merely disregarded, but even criticised and attacked, those usages and traditions which gave to Southern life a charm and distinction not elsewhere found in America. A wiser and more candid study of the conditions under which their work must be done, an avoidance of all hostility to whatever they might leave alone without sacrifice of principle, would perhaps have tempered the bitterness of Southern resentment at their presence. We may also admit that the sort of education they at first offered the freedmen was useless, or worse than useless, — that theirs was a fool's errand. But they should never have been confounded with the creatures who came, not to help the negro, but to use him. The worst work the Ku Klux ever did was its opposition to negro schools, and the occasional expulsion or even violent handling of teachers. There were adventurers in the schoolhouses, and probably there were honest men in the legislatures, the courts, the executive offices; but as a class the teachers were far better than the others. The failure to discriminate in their favor doubtless did more than anything else to confirm the minds of honest and well-meaning people of the North in the belief that it was the baser elements of Southern society, and not its intelligent and responsible men, who had set to work to overthrow the carpet-bag régime.
The Ku Klux movement was not entirely underground. Sheeted horsemen riding about in the night-time were not its only forces. Secrecy and silence were indeed its main devices, but others were employed. The life of the carpet-bagger was made wretched otherwise than by dragging him from his bed and flogging him. The scorn in which he was held was made plain to him by averted faces or contemptuous glances on the street, by the obstacles he encountered in business, by the empty pews in his neighborhood when he went to church. If his children went to school, they were not asked to join in the play of other children, and must perforce fall back upon the companionship of little darkies. He himself, if he took the Southern view of "difficulties," and held himself ready to answer an insult with a blow, was sure to be accommodated whenever he felt belligerent. Probably not one in ten of his neighbors had given up the creed of the duello, though its ceremonial was not often observed. As for the "scalawag," — the Southerner who went over to the radicals, — there was reserved for him a deeper hatred, a loftier contempt, than even the carpet-bagger got for his portion. No alien enemy, however despicable, is ever so loathed as a renegade.
But the Invisible Empire, however its sway was exercised, was everywhere a real empire. Wisely and humanely, or roughly and cruelly, the work was done. The state governments, under radical control, made little headway with their freedmen's militia against the silent representatives of the white mans will to rule. After 1870, even the blindest of the reconstruction leaders in Congress were made to see that they had built their house upon the sands. During the winter of 1870-71, Southern outrages were the subject of congressional debates and presidential messages. In March, a Senate committee presented majority and minority reports on the result of its investigation in North Carolina. The majority found that there was an unjustifiable conspiracy, of a distinctly political nature, against the laws and against colored citizens. The minority found that the misgovernment and criminal exploiting of the Southern states by radical leaders had provoked a natural resistance and led to disorder and violence. In April, the first Ku Klux bill, "to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment," was passed; the President was empowered to use the troops, and even to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. In May, the second Ku Klux bill, "to enforce the right of citizens of the United States to vote," was passed. In October the President issued his proclamation. Troops were freely employed wherever there was an opportunity to use them, and the writ was suspended in nine counties of South Carolina. Hundreds of men were brought to trial before United States courts, under the two laws, and a number were convicted; but the leading men in the great orders were never reached. Northern writers have expressed the opinion that by the beginning of 1872 the "conspiracy" was overthrown. Nevertheless, the joint committee proceeded with its labors, and in February presented its great report on The Condition of Affairs in the Late Insurrectionary States. Majority and minority differed, as before; but the volume of reports and the twelve volumes of testimony enabled the minority to set forth with more convincing fullness the true nature of carpet-bag rule. In May, a bill extending the President's extraordinary powers over the next session of Congress passed the Senate, but was lost in the House. How much the action of Congress and the President had to do with the disappearance of the Ku Klux it is impossible to say. But after 1872 the Ku Klux did, for the most part, disappear; and so, in one state after another, did the carpet-bagger and the scalawag. The fox's skin had served its turn before it was cast aside.
Such, in brief outline, was the Ku Klux conspiracy according to the Northern view, the revolt against tyranny according to the Southern view, which was the beginning of the end of reconstruction. It was the unexpected outcome of a situation unexampled, and not even closely paralleled, in history. To many minds it seems to nullify the war, the Emancipation Proclamation, and the constitutional amendments which were meant to seal forever the victory of the North over the South, and of liberty over slavery. To minds just as honest it seemed to reassert the great principles of the American Revolution. The majority of the congressional committee conducted their investigations after the manner of prosecuting attorneys dealing with ordinary criminals. The minority felt themselves bound to consider whether "an indictment against a whole people" would lie. To the majority "Ku Klux" meant simply outlaws; the minority thought that the first Ku Klux in history were the disguised men who, against the law, threw the tea overboard in Boston harbor.
The two views of the movement, like the movement itself and all that led up to it, are part and parcel of that division which was marked by Mason and Dixon's line. It was a division of institutions; it was a division of interests; it was and still is a division of character and habits of thought. Northern men had one idea of the strife, and Southern men an entirely different idea. The Southerners did not and could not regard themselves as rebels forced to be loyal. They knew they were beaten, and they gave up the fight; but they did not understand that they were bound to cooperate in any further plans of their conquerors. President Lincoln had made it plain that if the Union arms prevailed slavery must go, and the Southerners, in their state conventions of 1865, formally abolished it. Secession had been tried, and had failed as a policy; they declared that they would not try it again. Left for a moment to themselves, they set to work on an arrangement that would enable them to use under freedom the same sort of labor they had used under slavery, and made a place in the new order for the blacks, whom they could not reduce to slavery again, but whom they felt to be unfit for citizenship. Then Congress interfered and undid their work, and they stood passive until they could see what the congressional scheme would be like. They found it bad, oppressive, unwise, impossible. They bore it awhile in silence. Then in silence they made up their minds to resist. What form could their resistance take? It must be revolutionary, for they had formally renounced the right of secession. It could not be open war, for they were powerless to fight. So they made a secret revolution. Their rebellion could not raise its head, so it went underground.
If one asks of the movement, "Was it necessary?" this much, at least, may be answered: that no other plan of resistance would have served so well. If one asks, "Was it successful?" the answer is plain. No open revolt ever succeeded more completely. If one asks, "Was it justifiable?" the "yes" or "no" is harder to say. There must be much defining of terms, much patient separating of the accidental from the essential, much inquiry into motives. Describe the movement broadly as a secret movement, operating by terror and violence to nullify laws, and one readily condemns it. Paint all the conditions, enter into the minds and hearts of the men who lived under them, look at them through their eyes, suffer with their angry pain, and one revolts as their pride revolted. Weigh the broad rule, which is less a "light to guide" than a "rod to check," against the human impulse, and the balance trembles. One is ready to declare, not, perhaps, that the end justified the means, but that never before was an end so clearly worth fighting for made so clearly unattainable by any good means.
Nor does our hindsight much avail us. The end attained was mainly good. Southern society was righted. But the method of it survives in too many habits of the Southern mind, in too many short-comings of southern civilization, in too many characteristics of Southern life. The Southern whites, solidified in resistance to carpet-bag rule, have kept their solidarity unimpaired by any healthful division on public questions. Having learned a lesson, they cannot forget it. Seeing forms of law used to cloak oppression, and liberty invoked to countenance a tyranny, they learned to set men above political principles, and good government above freedom of thought. For thirty years they have continued to set one question above all others, and thus debarred themselves from full participation in the political life of the country. As they rule by fear, so by fear are they ruled. It is they themselves who are now befooled, and robbed of the nobler part of their own political birthright. They outdid their conquerors, yet they are not free.
Here he refers to the oiling and firing of the stables of that particular Southern household in which the boyish inquiries I have referred to made a beginning of the investigations on which this paper is based. ↩


text:
Der Duero [] (portugiesischer Name Douro []) ist der drittlängste Fluss der iberischen Halbinsel. Er entspringt in der spanischen Provinz Soria, durchfließt Nordspanien und Nordportugal und mündet bei Porto in den Atlantischen Ozean. Er ist etwa 897 Kilometer lang.

Geographie

Der Duero entspringt in den Picos de Urbión in der nordspanischen Provinz Soria auf 2080 Meter Höhe. Er durchfließt die autonome Gemeinschaft Kastilien und León entlang der Städte Soria, Almazán, Aranda de Duero, Tordesillas und Zamora. Auf 112 km Länge bildet er die spanisch-portugiesische Grenze, an der die Flusslandschaft auf beiden Seiten in geschützten Naturparks liegt: Arribes del Duero und Douro Internacional. Von hier aus fließt er 213 km in Portugal, passiert dabei die Städte Miranda do Douro, Pinhão und Peso da Régua sowie das Weinbaugebiet Alto Douro. Bei Porto und Vila Nova de Gaia mündet der Duero in den Atlantik.

Nördlich seines Mittellaufes liegt in Portugal das Hochplateau der Serra de Aboboreira mit der Megalithanlage Chã da Parada. Im Neolithikum war das gesamte Gebiet nördlich des Duero einschließlich Galiciens ein einheitlicher Kulturraum.

Die wichtigsten rechten Zuflüsse sind in Spanien Esla, Valderaduey und Pisuerga, in Portugal der aus Galicien kommende Tâmega, der Tua und der Corgo.
Linke Zuflüsse sind Águeda, Yeltes und Tormes.
Dazu kommen eine Reihe von Flüssen mit sehr geringer Wasserführung wie der Riaza, der Duratón, der Cega, der Adaja, der Zapardiel, der Guareña und der Trabancos.

Anthropogene Belastung
Die Belastung durch Mikroplastik im Duero ist bedenklich. In einer Studie wurden mehr MP-Partikel als Fischlarven gefunden.

Geschichte
Der antike Name des Duero lautete Durius; Numantia war die bedeutendste Stadt an seinem Ufer.

Der Duero markierte in der frühen Phase der Reconquista bis etwa zur Auflösung des Kalifats von Córdoba (1031) das Grenzgebiet zwischen dem christlichen Norden Spaniens (Königreich Asturien/Königreich León) und al-Andalus im Süden. Hinweise auf diese ehemalige Grenze geben einige noch erhaltene maurische Wachtürme (atalayas) in der spanischen Provinz Soria sowie die Burg Peñafiel im Norden der Provinz Valladolid.

Verkehr
Zwischen Porto und Pocinho verkehrt die portugiesische Eisenbahn auf der Linha do Douro größtenteils entlang des Flussufers. Von der Quelle bis zur Mündung verläuft außerdem der internationale Fernwanderweg GR 14 Senda del Duero.

Es gibt Belege für die Nutzung des Duero als Schifffahrtsweg bis in die Zeit der römischen Besatzung. Heute ist der Duero fast nur auf portugiesischem Gebiet schiffbar. Von seiner Mündung bis zur Grenzregion bei Vega Terrón ist er auf 210 Flusskilometern durch fünf Schleusen mit Fahrzeugen bis 83 m Länge, bis 11,40 m Breite und einem Tiefgang von bis zu 3,80 m befahrbar.

Wirtschaft

Weinbau
Von der spanisch-portugiesischen Grenze bis Mesão Frio bildet die Gegend um den Duero die Weinregion Alto Douro, das streng abgegrenzte Anbaugebiet des Portweins. In früheren Zeiten wurden die Fässer aus dieser Region und ihrem historischen Zentrum Peso da Régua auf Booten bis in die Portweinkellereien in Vila Nova de Gaia und Porto verschifft. Alto Douro wurde 1756 das weltweit erste geschützte Weinbaugebiet und zählt seit 2001 zum Weltkulturerbe der UNESCO. Neben dem Portwein sind hier auch die Rotweine von Bedeutung.

Auf spanischer Seite liegt bei Aranda de Duero das Weinbaugebiet Ribera del Duero, in dem vor allem Tempranillo-Rotwein angebaut wird.

Kraftwerke und Stauseen
Flussabwärts gesehen wird der Duero für die folgenden Kraftwerke zu den gleichnamigen Stauseen aufgestaut:

Fotos

Orte am portugiesischen Douro-Abschnitt

 Miranda do Douro
 Vila Nova de Foz Côa
 São João da Pesqueira
 Lamego
 Peso da Régua
 Pinhão
 Gondomar
 Vila Nova de Gaia
 Porto

Siehe auch
 Liste der Flüsse in Spanien
 Liste von Flüssen in Portugal

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Fluss in Kastilien und León
Grenzfluss
Weinregion Alto Douro

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
info@tagfoundation.co.za
NPO: 075-269-NPO
TAG FOUNDATION
THABANG MPHAFI
'Mr Van Vuuren spoke to me at the Craven Week and told me that I could be given an opportunity to develop at a school like KES. "
Thabang Mphafi misses his grandmother. He was living with her in Welkom before he came across to King Edward VII School in the second term this year, and he enjoyed the way she used to fuss over him.
"I'm going to see her in the holidays and I'm looking forward to that," he said. Other than that, there is nothing he regrets about his decision to come to the school, and he says he is very thankful to the TAG Foundation for making it possible for him.
He was spotted last year while at Dagbreek Primary School in Welkom, playing for the Griffons in the Primary Schools Craven Week, and at the SA Primary School athletics championships where he participated in the long jump and hurdles.
'Mr Van Vuuren spoke to me at the Craven Week and told me that I could be given an opportunity to develop at a school like KES. I have to admit that I had never heard of the school, but my mother did some research and it looked great."
Before he could make up his mind, however, he was forced to go to Welkom Gymnasium instead. He was not happy there and his mother inquired about still coming to KES and, to cut a long story short, he is here now settling in to his new surroundings and playing for the under-14A rugby team as a number 8.
"I found the work ethic was poor at Welkom and the kids were not disciplined. I didn't enjoy the kind of rugby the coaches were getting us to play. They were, however, happy for me that I was going to a top rugby school where I would be getting good opportunities."
Thabang is in School House and he is loving it. "It's definitely helping me with my school work as we are forced to spend time studying and that's been good for me," he said. "We are well looked after there, and we are taught to be respectful."
Rugby is taken seriously at the school, he says, and that suits him. "The under-14A team has done quite well. We lost narrowly to Waterkloof and Affies, but apart from that we have won all our games so far," he said. "I think that once we all get to know each other better we are going to develop into a very good team."
He is looking forward to next term and the athletics season when, no doubt, he is going to make a big contribution to the school. After that, his dreams are to make the Grant Khomo team as an under-16 and, of course, to play for the Reds one day.
MEET THE TAG FOUNDATION
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TAG House, 7 Albury Business Park, Cnr Jan Smuts Ave & Albury Rd, Dunkeld
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text:
All articles filed in Austria
Artist Profiles: Nathan Trent
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Arius maculatus is een straalvinnige vissensoort uit de familie van christusvissen (Ariidae). De wetenschappelijke naam van de soort is voor het eerst geldig gepubliceerd in 1792 door Carl Peter Thunberg.

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Celeste Alexander, MS, OTR/L, joined the Brenau faculty in August 2014. She holds a combination Bachelor and Master of Science Degree in Occupational Therapy from Brenau. She is proud to be a member of the inaugural class of 1999. Celeste also holds a Bachelor of Music Education degree from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and an Associate of Science degree in Occupational Therapy from Georgia Regents University (formerly Medical College of Georgia). Since joining the Brenau faculty, Celeste has served in the various roles of instructor, clinical fieldwork educator and most recently, as an academic fieldwork coordinator.
Her work as a pediatric occupational therapist has included hospital, clinic, home and school settings. Celeste has extensive experience in recruitment, management and mentoring of school based occupational therapists and occupational therapist assistants throughout the Southeastern United States. Through her clinical work in school based intervention, she designed training programs to promote expanded knowledge and clinical excellence in the arena of school based occupational therapy intervention. In addition, she has collaborated with Brenau University and Kennesaw State University's Career Services programs to promote occupational therapy careers to undergraduate and pre-allied health students. Her clinical interests include sensory processing disorders in children and adults, functional vision in school aged children and executive function skills in the learning disabled child.
Celeste is a native of Charlotte, North Carolina. Georgia became her home in 1994 when she met and later married her husband Stephen. Together, they enjoy raising their son Ian, spending time on the beach, and playing with their dog, Riley.


text:
From Leningrad to St. Petersburg : democratization in a Russian city, Robert W. Orttung
The Resource From Leningrad to St. Petersburg : democratization in a Russian city, Robert W. Orttung
The item From Leningrad to St. Petersburg : democratization in a Russian city, Robert W. Orttung represents a specific, individual, material embodiment of a distinct intellectual or artistic creation found in Boston University Libraries.
Orttung, Robert W
From Leningrad to St. Petersburg describes the evolution of local democratic institutions from 1987 to 1994 in Russia's most important city outside Moscow. Once the birthplace of the Bolshevik revolution, St. Petersburg now plays a central role in the struggle to overcome the communist legacy and establish democracy in Russia. This invaluable book is the first to recount the full sweep of events in this dramatic period. Professor Orttung describes the battles within the local branch of the Communist Party, its alliances with nationalist groups as it attempted to preserve its power before the 1991 putsch, and the evolution of the groups that eventually overthrew it. He goes on to describe the difficulties encountered by those groups in setting up a democratic government and pays particular attention to how their institutional choices have shaped the progress toward democratic consolidation. The book also traces the emergence of various opposition parties in the post-communist era, including the still-thriving nationalist and communist opponents of reform
New York, St. Martin's Press, 1995
xiii, 332 pages
Originally presented as the author's thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA
From Leningrad to St. Petersburg : democratization in a Russian city
From Leningrad to St. Petersburg
democratization in a Russian city
Robert W. Orttung
From Leningrad to Saint Petersburg
Saint Petersburg (Russia) -- Politics and government
Post-communism -- Russia (Federation) | Saint Petersburg
Demokratisierung
Democratisering
Democracy -- Russia (Federation) | Saint Petersburg
Democratization -- Russia (Federation) | Saint Petersbug
Local elections -- Russia (Federation) | Saint Petersburg -- History
.O77 1995
Saint Petersburg (Russia)
illustrations, maps

 Data from From Leningrad to St. Petersburg : democratization in a Russian city, Robert W. Orttung - Boston University Libraries

Data Citation of the Item From Leningrad to St. Petersburg : democratization in a Russian city, Robert W. Orttung
http://link.bu.edu/portal/From-Leningrad-to-St.-Petersburg-/OJyCE3_kv-M/
http://library.link/portal/From-Leningrad-to-St.-Petersburg-/OJyCE3_kv-M/


text:
Lighthouses of Japan: Okayama
The nation of Japan, known in Japanese as Nihon or Nippon (日本), is divided into 47 prefectures. This page lists lighthouses of the prefecture of Okayama, located near the southwestern end of the main island of Honshū west of Kōbe. Okayama faces south on the Seto Inland Sea (Seto Naikai), a network of sounds and channels separating Honshū from Shikoku.
In Japanese the word for a lighthouse is tōdai or toudai (灯台). The words saki and misaki are for capes and headlands, hana ("nose") is a promontory, hantō is a peninsula, shima (also spelled sima or jima) is an island, bae is a reef, iwa or shi is a rocky reef, amase or se is a shoal, wan is a bay, nada is a sound or basin, kaikyō is a strait, kawa is a river, and kō or minato is a harbor.
Lighthouses in Japan are operated and maintained by the Japanese Coast Guard's Maritime Safety Agency. On Honshū there is at least one Coast Guard Section Office in each prefecture, often two or more. Okayama has two offices, at Tamano and Mizushima (Kurashiki).
ARLHS numbers are from the ARLHS World List of Lights. JCG numbers are the Japanese Coast Guard's light list numbers. Admiralty numbers are from volume M of the Admiralty List of Lights & Fog Signals. U.S. NGA List numbers are from Publication 112.
General Sources
Lighthouses in Japan - Okayama
This site covers major lighthouses throughout the country.
Lighthouse-Japan.com - Okayama
A large site with photos and notes from recent visits.
Kiso's Lighthouses
This site has many excellent photos of Japanese lighthouses. Link #4 leads to lighthouses of Okayama and Kagawa Prefectures.
Form of a Lighthouse - Okayama
A large and growing web site based on recent visits; cited below as FOAL.
Tamano Coast Guard Beacons
Information and photos for all the lights of the Tamano Coast Guard District.
Lighthouses in Okayama Prefecture
Photos by various photographers available from Wikimedia.
Online List of Lights - Japan
Photos by Alexander Trabas.
Japan: Modern Lighthouses
Historic postcard views posted by Michel Forand.
Navionics Charts
Navigation chart for the Inland Sea.
Mu Shima Light, Kasaoka
Japanese Coast Guard photo
Tamano Coast Guard District Lighthouses
Bizen City Lighthouses
Unoisi Hana
1964. Active; focal plane 24 m (79 ft); three white flashes every 14 s. 8.5 m (28 ft) round cylindrical concrete white tower. Trabas has a photo, FOAL has a view from the sea (bottom of the page), a 2021 drone view is available, and Google has a satellite view. Located on a promontory at the southeastern tip of Kakui Shima, an island just off the coast south of Bizen. Site status unknown. ARLHS JPN-716; JCG-3899; Admiralty M5755.3; NGA 7816.
Hinase Kō
1961. Active; focal plane 12 m (39 ft); red flash every 3 s. 8.5 m (28 ft) concrete post rising from a square 1-story concrete equipment room. Entire lighthouse is red. Trabas has a closeup photo, the Coast Guard has a page for the lighthouse, FOAL's page has photos, and Google has a sea view and a satellite view. Located at the end of a detached breakwater protecting the entrance to Hinase harbor in Bizen. Accessible only by boat. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1883; JCG-3900; Admiralty M5755; NGA 7820.
Ōtsabu (Ōtabu) Shima
1994. Active; focal plane 31 m (102 ft); white light, 3 s on, 3 s off. 11 m (36 ft) white concrete tower with gallery. The tower also has a spotlight (JCG-3901.2, Admiralty M5754.8) illuminating a nearby shoal. A Coast Guard photo is at right, Lighthouse-Japan.com has good photos, FOAL's page has photos, Gothloli Miku has a 2018 closeup, Trabas has a distant view, and Google has a satellite view. Located on a small island in the northwest corner of Harima Bay about 10 km (6 mi) southwest of Ako. Accessible only by boat. Site status unknown. ARLHS JPN-467; JCG-3901.1; Admiralty M5754.85; NGA 7826.
Takagono Sho (Syo)
1960. Active; focal plane 11 m (36 ft); two white flashes every 5 s. 11 m (36 ft) concrete post rising from one end of an elliptical 1-story concrete equipment shelter. Lighthouse painted black with one red horizontal band. Trabas has a good photo, the Coast Guard has a page for the lighthouse, and Google has a satellite view. Located on a dangerous rock in Bizen harbor. Accessible only by boat. Site open, tower closed. JCG-3913; Admiralty M5754; NGA 7828.
Setouchi City Lighthouses
Kamiikada (Kami Ikada)
1950. Active; focal plane 10 m (33 ft); one short and one long green flash every 8 s. 8 m (26 ft) round cylindrical concrete tower mounted on a large concrete pier. Entire lighthouse is green. Trabas has a photo and Google has a satellite view. Located on the seaward side of a reef about 4 km (2.5 mi) northeast of Ushimado. Accessible only by boat. Site open, tower closed. JCG-3916; Admiralty M5752.4; NGA 7840.
Ōtsabu Shima Light, Bizen
Japanese Coast Guard Tamano Office photo
Ki Shima (Bizen Ki Shima, Kishima)
1971. Active; focal plane 17 m (56 ft); white flash every 4 s. 12 m (39 ft) round cylindrical white concrete tower, rising through a square platform. Kiso has a view from the sea and Google has a satellite view. Located on the southeast tip of O Shima, a small island about 3 km (2 mi) southeast of Ushimado. Accessible only by boat. Site status unknown. ARLHS JPN-1886; JCG-3917; Admiralty M5752.2; NGA 7844.
* Ushimado Kō
1971. Active; focal plane 13 m (43 ft); continuous white light with a more intense flash every 3 s. 11 m (36 ft) round white concrete tower with a small gallery. FOAL's page has photos (top half of the page), Trabas has a closeup, the Coast Guard's page has a good photo, Adam Stuart has a fuzzy photo, Kunio Muraoka has a 2021 drone view, and Google has a satellite view and a distant street view. Located on a rocky point on the northwest side of Maejima, the island sheltering the harbor of Ushimado, about 1 km (0.6 mi) east of the town's waterfront. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1903; JCG-3918; Admiralty M5751.8; NGA 7848.
* Ushimado
Date unknown. Inactive. Approx. 12 m (39 ft) square traditional wood tower with a pyramidal roof, mounted on a square stone pedestal. FOAL's page has photos (near the bottom of the page) and Google has a street view and a satellite view. A well-preserved historic lighthouse. Located on the waterfront at the entrance to Ushimado harbor. Site open, tower closed.
#Ushimado Kō Breakwater (1)
1950. Replaced. This was a 12 m (39 ft) white concrete post rising from a square 1-story concrete equipment room. Yuko Honda's sunset photo is at right, Lighthouse-Japan has a page with a photo, FOAL's page has photos (middle of the page), Trabas has a closeup, Reinhard & Ulrike Berns have a photo in which the light is seen in the upper left corner, and Google has a street view and a satellite view. The lighthouse has been replaced by a light (focal plane 12 m (39 ft); green flash every 3 s) on an 8 m (26 ft) white post. Located at the end of a detached breakwater at Ushimado, a small and very scenic port about 25 km (15 mi) east southeast of Okayama. Accessible only by boat. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1904. Active light: JCG-3919; Admiralty M5752; NGA 7852.
1950 Ushimado Kō Breakwater Light, Ushimado, April 2010
Flickr Creative Commons photo by Yuko Honda
Yomogi Saki (Yomogisaki)
1962. Active; focal plane 10 m (33 ft); white flash every 5 s. 8 m (26 ft) round cylindrical concrete tower with double gallery, mounted on a square concrete pier. Entire lighthouse is white. The Coast Guard has a page with a closeup photo, Trabas has a closeup photo, FOAL's page has good photos, Kiso has a photo, and Google has a satellite view. Located at the foot of a promontory about 4 km (2.5 mi) southwest of Ushimado. The author of Lighthouse-Japan.com reached the lighthouse on foot but found the going difficult. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1905; JCG-3921; Admiralty M5751.6; NGA 7856.
Okayama City Lighthouses
Inu Shima Shiraishi (Inujima Siroisi)
1964. Active; focal plane 10 m (33 ft); three quick white flashes every 10 s. 10 m (33 ft) round cylindrical concrete tower mounted on a concrete pier. Lighthouse painted black with one yellow horizontal band. The photo from the Coast Guard's page is at right, FOAL has distant views (3/4 the way down the page), Trabas also has a distant view, and Google has a satellite view. Inu Shima is a small, inhabited island about 6 km (4 mi) southeast of the entrance to Okayama harbor. Located on a reef off the east coast of Inu Shima. Accessible only by boat. Site open, tower closed. JCG-4008; Admiralty M5751.4; NGA 8036.
* Saidaiji (Saidaizi) Kō
1943. Active; focal plane 13 m (43 ft); red light, 3 s on, 3 s off. 9.5 m (31 ft) round cylindrical concrete tower. Entire lighthouse is red. Trabas has a closeup photo, FOAL has photos (fifth row on the page), and Google has a street view and a satellite view. Located at the end of the east breakwater of a small boat harbor in Okayama. Accessible by walking the pier. Site open, tower closed. JCG-4011; Admiralty M5749; NGA 8048.
Tsubushisho (Tubusi Syo)
1958. Active; focal plane 11 m (36 ft); two red flashes, one short and one long, every 8 s. 11 m (36 ft) round concrete tower with gallery, mounted on a round concrete pier. Tower painted red. The Coast Guard's page has a closeup photo, FOAL has photos (fourth and fifth row on the page), Trabas has a closeup, and Google has a satellite view and a distant street view. Located on a shoal in Okayama harbor. Accessible only by boat. Site and tower closed. JCG-4012; Admiralty M5751; NGA 8052.
Kome Saki (Komesaki)
1966. Active; focal plane 25 m (82 ft); white light, 3 s on, 3 s off. 10 m (30 ft) round white concrete tower. FOAL has two photos (halfway down the page), Trabas has a photo, the Coast Guard's page has a photo, and Google has a satellite view. Located on the promontory on the west side of the entrance to the well-protected harbor of Okayama. Site status unknown. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-284; JCG-4009; Admiralty M5748.6; NGA 8040.
Tamano City Lighthouses
Ohiru Shima
1938. Active; focal plane 35 m (115 ft); white flash every 5 s. 14 m (46 ft) 2-stage round concrete tower with gallery. The lower stage appears to be a 5 m (16 ft) round concrete lighthouse; the lantern was removed and replaced with a 9 m (30 ft) round cylindrical stage. Entire lighthouse is white. Trabas has a photo, Kiso has a photo, and Google has a satellite view. Located on a small island in a narrow passage about 16 km (10 mi) south of Okayama. Accessible only by boat. Site and tower closed. JCG-4026; Admiralty M5748; NGA 8070.
Inu Shima Shiraishi Light, Okayama
Uno Kō
1911. Active; focal plane 11 m (36 ft); white flash every 3 s. 9 m (30 ft) round strongly conical tower, painted white and mounted on a rectangular concrete pier. There is an equipment closet in the base, but access to the light is by an external ladder. The photo from the Coast Guard page at right, FOAL has a closeup photo (bottom of the page), Trabas also has a closeup, Kenichiro Asai has a 2022 photo, and Google has a sea view and a satellite view. This small lighthouse is a rare example of an early Japanese harbor light. Located on a shoal in Uno harbor in Tamano, off the northeast coast of Naoshima. Accessible only by boat. Site and tower closed. ARLHS JPN-2481; JCG-4037; Admiralty M5740; NGA 8082.
Inumodori Hana (2?)
Date unknown (station established 1927). Active; focal plane 13 m (43 ft); one long and two short green flashes every 13 s. 13 m (43 ft) concrete post centered on a square 1-story equipment shelter, all mounted on a round stone pier. Entire lighthouse is green. Trabas has a closeup photo, the Coast Guard page has a good photo, and Google has a sea view and a satellite view. It seems likely that the stone pier originally carried a smaller light. Located about 30 m (100 ft) off a promontory between the Uno and Hibi harbors of Tamano. Accessible only by boat. Site and tower closed. JCG-4045; Admiralty M5738; NGA 8098.
* Hibi Kō East Breakwater
1971. Active; focal plane 13 m (43 ft); red flash every 3 s. 9.5 m (31 ft) concrete post rising from a square 1-story concrete equipment room. Entire lighthouse is red. FOAL's page has photos, Trabas has a closeup, the Coast Guard has a page for the lighthouse, and Google has a satellite view. Located at the end of the east breakwater of Hibi harbor in Tamano. Accessible by walking the pier. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1881; JCG-4046; Admiralty M5737.7; NGA 8102.
Uno Kō Light, Tamano
Mizushima Coast Guard District Lighthouses
Kurashiki City Lighthouses
* Kotoura Kō East Breakwater
1954. Active; focal plane 11 m (36 ft); red light, 3 s on, 3 s off. 9 m (30 ft) concrete post rising from a square 1-story concrete equipment room. Entire lighthouse is red. FOAL's page has photos, Trabas has a closeup, and Google has a street view and a satellite view. Located at the end of the east breakwater of Kotoura harbor in Kurashiki. Accessible by walking the pier. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1889; JCG-4053; Admiralty M5737.5; NGA 8110.
Kusumi (Kusume) Hana
1942. Active; focal plane 12 m (39 ft); one short and one long green flash every 11 s. 11 m (36 ft) round concrete tower, flared at the top, with gallery. Entire lighthouse painted green. FOAL's page has photos, Trabas has a closeup, additional photos are available, and Google has a satellite view. Seen in the background of the several of the photos is the Shimotsui-Seto Bridge, the northernmost in a chain of six bridges on the Seto-Chuo Expressway connecting Honshū and Shikoku. The lighthouse is located just off the end of a sharp promonotory about 1.6 km (1 mi) east of the north end of the bridge. Site status unknown. ARLHS JPN-317; JCG-4056; Admiralty M5737; NGA 8114.
#Shimotsui Kō (1)
Date unknown. Active; focal plane 10 m (33 ft); continuous red light with two more intense flashes every 8 s. This was an 8.5 m (28 ft) round concrete tower with gallery, attached to a square 1-story equipment room. Lighthouse painted red. Yoshizumi Endo's photo is at right. This light was replaced in March 2016 with a simple red post. FOAL's page has April 2017 photos of the new light, Trabas also has a photo, and Google has a satellite view. Located at the end of the breakwater mole at Shimotsui, a short distance west of the north end of the Shimotsui-Seto Bridge. Site and tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1899; JCG-4058; Admiralty M5735; NGA 8118.
Mizushima Kō West Breakwater
Date unknown. Active; focal plane 13 m (43 ft); two green flashes every 5 s. 10 m (33 ft) round hourglass-shaped concrete tower attached to a small equipment shelter. Entire lighthouse is white. Trabas has a photo and Google has a satellite view. Located on a breakwater on the west side of the main entrance to Mizushima harbor. Site status unknown. JCG-4275; Admiralty M5733; NGA 8272.
Tamashima (Tamasima) Outer Breakwater
1993. Active; focal plane 12 m (39 ft); green flash every 3 s. 9 m (30 ft) round concrete tower, flared at the top, attached to a small equipment shelter. Entire lighthouse is white. Trabas has a closeup photo, FOAL has a photo (fourth row, right), and Google has a satellite view and a distant street view. Located at the southeast end of a detached breakwater at Mizushima. Accessible only by boat. Site status unknown. ARLHS JPN-1901; JCG-4288; Admiralty M5732.3; NGA 8280.
Shimotsui Kō Light, Kurashiki, January 2009
Flickr Creative Commons photo by Yoshizumi Endo
Kasaoka City (Kasaoka Islands) Lighthouses
The city of Kasaoka includes a chain of islands, known as the Kasaoka Islands, stretching south southeast across the Inland Sea.
Hyaken (Hyakken)
Date unknown. Active; focal plane 13m (43 ft); one short and one long green flash every 8 s. 10 m (33 ft) round concrete tower with gallery, mounted on a round concrete pier. Entire lighthouse painted green. A Coast Guard photo is at right, Trabas has a distant view and Google has a satellite view and a distant sea view. Not to be confused with the Hyaken Shima Light in Hiroshima Prefecture, this is one of several lights guiding ships through a particularly difficult and narrow passage in the Inland Sea. Located about 400 m (1/4 mi) northwest of the Shiraishi light. Accessible only by boat. Site and tower closed. JCG-4293; Admiralty M5731.9; NGA 8304.
Shiraishi (Okinosiraisi)
1938. Active; focal plane 15 m (49 ft); white flash every 3 s. 15 m (49 ft) psot rising from a 1-story equipment shelter. Entire lighthouse is white. Kenichiro Asai has a distant view and Google has a satellite view and a closeup street view. This is one of several lights guiding ships through a particularly difficult and narrow passage between the islands of Taka Shima and Shiraishi Shima. The post was added in 2017 to raise the height of the light. Located on a skerry obstructing the narrow channel, about 8 km (5 mi) south of Kasaoka. Accessible only by boat. Site and tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1896; JCG-4292; Admiralty M5732; NGA 8300.
* Shiraisishima Kō
Date unknown. Active; focal plane 12 m (39 ft); continuous red light with a more intense flash every 5 s. 8.5 m (28 ft) concrete post rising from a square 1-story concrete equipment room. Entire lighthouse is red. Google has a satellite view and a closeup sea view. Located at the end of the main breakwater of Shiraisi Shima. Accessible by walking the pier. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1900; JCG-4291; Admiralty M5732.02; NGA 8296.
Hyaken Light, Kasaoka
* Manabeshima Kō
1982. Active; focal plane 13 m (43 ft); continuous red light with a more intense flash every 6 s. 9.5 m (31 ft) concrete post rising from a square 1-story concrete equipment room. Entire lighthouse is red. Google has a sea view and a satellite view. Located at the end of the main breakwater of Manabe Shima. Accessible by walking the pier. Site open, tower closed. ARLHS JPN-1890; JCG-4289; Admiralty M5732.15; NGA 8284.
Mu Shima (Mushima)
1922. Active; focal plane 70 m (230 ft); white light, 3 s on, 3 s off. 13 m (43 ft) round cylindrical concrete tower with lantern and gallery, rising from a 1-story concrete keeper's house. Entire lighthouse is white. The Coast Guard's photo appears at the top of this page, Lighthouse-Japan.com has a page with good photos, a 2012 closeup photo is available, Kiso has a photo, Trabas has a photo, and Google has a satellite view. This lighthouse stands at the eastern entrance to Hiiuchi Bay, one of the wider sections of the Inland Sea. Located on an island about 6 km (3.5 mi) northwest of Hako Saki on Shikoku. Accessible only by boat. Site status unknown. . ARLHS JPN-375; JCG-4401; Admiralty M5500; NGA 8380.
Information available on lost lighthouses:
Notable faux lighthouses:
Adjoining pages: East: Himeji Area | South: Kagawa | West: Onomichi Area
Return to the Lighthouse Directory index | Ratings key
Posted January 25, 2007. Checked and revised June 22, 2022. Lighthouses: 28. Site copyright 2022 Russ Rowlett and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.


text:
<?php

class AdminContactsControllerCore extends AdminController
{
	public function __construct()
	{
		$this->bootstrap = true;
	 	$this->table = 'contact';
	 	$this->className = 'Contact';
	 	$this->lang = true;
		$this->addRowAction('edit');
		$this->addRowAction('delete');
		$this->bulk_actions = array(
			'delete' => array(
				'text' => $this->l('Delete selected'),
				'confirm' => $this->l('Delete selected items?'),
				'icon' => 'icon-trash'
			)
		);

		$this->fields_list = array(
			'id_contact' => array('title' => $this->l('ID'), 'align' => 'center', 'class' => 'fixed-width-xs'),
			'name' => array('title' => $this->l('Title')),
			'email' => array('title' => $this->l('Email address')),
			'description' => array('title' => $this->l('Description')),
		);

		parent::__construct();
	}

	public function renderForm()
	{
		$this->fields_form = array(
			'legend' => array(
				'title' => $this->l('Contacts'),
				'icon' => 'icon-envelope-alt'
			),
			'input' => array(
				array(
					'type' => 'text',
					'label' => $this->l('Title'),
					'name' => 'name',
					'required' => true,
					'lang' => true,
					'col' => 4,
					'hint' => $this->l('Contact name (e.g. Customer Support).'),
				),
				array(
					'type' => 'text',
					'label' => $this->l('Email address'),
					'name' => 'email',
					'required' => false,
					'col' => 4,
					'hint' => $this->l('Emails will be sent to this address.'),
				),
				array(
					'type' => 'switch',
					'label' => $this->l('Save messages?'),
					'name' => 'customer_service',
					'required' => false,
					'class' => 't',
					'is_bool' => true,
					'hint' => $this->l('If enabled, all messages will be saved in the "Customer Service" page under the "Customer" menu.'),
					'values' => array(
						array(
							'id' => 'customer_service_on',
							'value' => 1,
							'label' => $this->l('Enabled')
						),
						array(
							'id' => 'customer_service_off',
							'value' => 0,
							'label' => $this->l('Disabled')
						)
					),
				),
				array(
					'type' => 'textarea',
					'label' => $this->l('Description'),
					'name' => 'description',
					'required' => false,
					'lang' => true,
					'col' => 6,
					'hint' => $this->l('Further information regarding this contact.'),
				),
			),
			'submit' => array(
				'title' => $this->l('Save'),
			)
		);

		if (Shop::isFeatureActive())
		{
			$this->fields_form['input'][] = array(
				'type' => 'shop',
				'label' => $this->l('Shop association'),
				'name' => 'checkBoxShopAsso',
			);
		}

		return parent::renderForm();
	}

	public function initPageHeaderToolbar()
	{
		$this->initToolbar();
		if(empty($this->display))
			$this->page_header_toolbar_btn['new_contact'] = array(
				'href' => self::$currentIndex.'&addcontact&token='.$this->token,
				'desc' => $this->l('Add new contact', null, null, false),
				'icon' => 'process-icon-new'
			);

		parent::initPageHeaderToolbar();
	}

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


The students are going to receive training in Sidi Kerir Petrochemicals Company (SIDPEC).
– A bus, afforded by Pharos University, will collect the students from Abu Qeer Street, in front of the building of the faculty of Sciences at 9 a.m. to get them to SIDPEC. Students will be transported back to the faculty of Sciences at 2 p.m. after finishing their training.
For the training program,Click here.


There are 50 quotes by Katie Price at 95quotes.com. Find your favorite quotations and top quotes by Katie Price from this hand-picked collection about life, time. Feel free to share these quotes and sayings on Facebook, Pinterest, Tumblr & Twitter or any of your favorite social networking sites.
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text:
ROYAL NAVY ENGINEERS SUPPORT BRISTOL AND BATH DISABLED SAILORS
May 27, 2014 Expired, News
The Bristol and Bath branches of the Royal Naval Engineers Quart Club, a Naval social and charitable organisation, recently donated £800 to the Chew Valley Lake Association for Disabled Sailors.
The Bristol and Bath branches of the Royal Naval Engineers Quart Club (RNEQC) recently made a donation of £800 to the Chew Valley Lake Association for Disabled Sailors (CLADS). The money had been raised by RNEQC activities in 2013 and, having donated money to CLADS in previous years, reaffirmed the strong links between the 2 organisations; one of the CLADS boats being named 'The Mighty Quart'. The donation was made by the Bath RNEQC Secretary Lieutenant Commander Adrian Kerr, based at Ministry of Defence, Abbey Wood, and also a member of Chew Valley Lake Sailing Club, to CLADS Chairman, Steve Nash.
Royal Naval Engineers Quart Club. The RNEQC is a social and charitable organisation open to all Royal Navy engineer officers, both serving and retired. The club was started in the 1930s and has branches across the UK and overseas. The only stipulation is that members drink real ale out of a quart tankard at meetings. The Bath branch meets monthly at The Pulteney Arms with the Bristol branch moving between different pubs each month.
Chew Valley Lake Association for Disabled Sailors.CLADS has been in existence since 1991 and was started by two very enthusiastic sailors from the Chew Valley Lake Sailing Club, Bristol. Still as active as ever, CLADS meets every Saturday and has a variety of sailing craft specially adapted for use by disabled sailors.
Contact: Adrian Kerr: AKerr@iee.org