text:
ilford Postcodes
IlfordPostcode Map
Contains Ordnance Survey and Royal Mail data © Crown copyright and database right.
IlfordPOSTCODES
Ilford Outward Postcode (IG)
Click on an outward postal code below for more information about the area.
Each 'outward' postcode give you a comprehensive list of all postcodes within the outward code area (IG) and estimated address.
IG10
Click on an 'outward' code for more information. For example, the outward postcode page 'EC2M' will give you an alphabetical list covering all postcodes located in the region, from 'EC2M 1BB' through to 'EC2M 7YA'.
Though known as probably the most famous city in the world, most people don't realize that Greater London is actually classed as a county, and includes the City of London, the City of Westminster and the 32 surrounding London Boroughs.
It takes in a large number of villages, towns and open countryside and borders the home counties of Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Surrey and Kent in the south east, as well as Essex and Hertfordshire in the East. It has more history within its boundaries than many entire countries around the world, stretching back more than 2000 years, and is Britain's most visited area.
For history there are so many highlights but the most famous include Parliament and Parliament Square, as well as Big Ben, the Tower of London, Buckingham Palace, Westminster Abbey and St Paul's Cathedral, as well as miles and miles of incredible Victorian architecture and Georgian Squares and thousands of smaller gems like the John Soames Museum or the Old Operating Theatre Museum. For modern architecture have a look at 30 St Mary Axe, better known as 'the Gherkin', London's most famous skyscraper, or the new pedestrian bridge on the South Bank.
There are few better cities for museums and some of the highlights include the British Museum, the Imperial War Museum, the V & A, the Science Museum and the Natural History Museum as well as hundreds of smaller ones like the Cartoon or Sherlock Holmes museums. Similarly there are thousands of art galleries to see, including the famous Tate and Tate Modern Galleries, the National Portrait Gallery and the National Gallery as well as the Royal Academy.
Should you find yourself needing to stroll in some wide open spaces London has plenty, from the world famous Kew Botanic Gardens to Chelsea Physic Garden and from Hyde Park to Hampstead Heath. Lastly of course there is the entertainment itself, from the numerous sporting stadia, to thousands of incredible restaurants (London has more Michelin stars than Paris) or the world famous nightlife. England's most exciting city.
The Ilford postcode region (IG) contains 11 unique 'outward' codes. Ilford is the main postal town/district for this region, with all postcodes starting with the following outward codes.
This page contains a list of postcodes for Ilford area. Select a postcode to see the map location, demographics, house prices, local information, tourist guides and statistics:
Local demographics, guides and information
There's plenty of local information, guides and useful data to browse and explore, whether you're a Ilford resident or a visitor to the area.
Scroll down to discover all you need to know about the Ilford postcode area.
Local AuthoritiesIlford
The IG postcode includes the following local authorities:
Local News Essex
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Talks underway to re-open Claudius Gateway to the public
COUNCILLORS will work with the owners of a building housing one of the most remarkable Roman finds in Europe to reopen it to the public.
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From the Postcode Area blog
The BBC reports that despite councils' attempts to kurb them, the UK's high streets have seen a huge growth in fast food outlets. Could this mark the death knell for the Great British high street, and what can we do about it to halt its decline?
You really couldn't make it up, could you? Some of the country's most vulnerable people are missing out on their weekly £25 Cold Weather Payment, just because the system that's in operation is discriminating against them because payments are based on postcode, rather than geographic location.
Well, the current website was absolutely in dire need of a good redesign - from the ground up. So I set out to pull it all apart and get it up and running again to become the most comprehensive guide to every postcode in the UK. And it's been a long, tough job from start to finish - and quite possibly the biggest project I've ever undertaken.
No wonder the younger generation are getting more and more frustrated with money - new research has revealed that even with a 10% deposit, 25-34 year olds are struggling to afford even the CHEAPEST houses on the market. Is there a solution to the 'impossible challenge'?


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Eavesdropping comes naturally to young song sparrows
Long before the National Security Agency began eavesdropping on the phone calls of Americans, young song sparrows were listening to and learning the tunes sung by their neighbors.
University of Washington researchers exploring how male song sparrows (Melospiza melodia) acquire their song repertoires have found the first evidence that young birds choose many of their songs by eavesdropping on the tuneful interactions between other sparrows.
In laboratory experiments, the young sparrows were exposed to two adult "tutors," one of which they directly interacted with vocally and a second one that they only overheard singing with another young bird. Even though they learned from both tutors, the young birds acquired more than twice as many songs from the tutor on which they eavesdropped, said Michael Beecher, lead author of the study and a UW psychology and biology professor.
Scientists study song learning in songbirds in part because it has a number of parallels with human language learning, and Beecher thinks eavesdropping also could play a role in how infants learn language.
Sparrows in the wild are thought to learn their songs in two phases. The first phase occurs in their first summer, when they hear and memorize songs sung by adult birds. The following spring, when the young birds are establishing their own territory, they modify and prune their repertoire so their songs are more similar to their neighbors'. A song sparrow's repertoire crystallizes at around 10 to 11 months of age and does not change.
Beecher and his colleagues earlier proposed that eavesdropping and interactive singing are critical in song learning. However, they could not determine if the young birds learned more by direct interaction with a tutor or by eavesdropping.
To answer that question, the researchers collected and raised eight baby sparrows for a two-part experiment. When they were about 15 days old, the birds were exposed to four adult sparrows for two months. Song sparrows typically have repertoires of about 10 songs, and the tutors in the study had no song types in common. That meant the young birds heard 40 different songs. The young birds were rotated between two rooms, each of which housed two of the adult tutors. The young sparrows, which had not begun to sing, were exposed to the tutor for four days and then rotated to the other room where they heard the songs of the other two tutors for four days. At the end of two months the young birds were isolated from hearing one another or the tutors.
The second phase of the study began when the birds were about 8 months old. This time only two of the adult tutors were used. Each young bird was paired up with an adult in a large chamber and their vocal interactions were recorded and played to a second young bird in a separate chamber. The next day, the second young bird was paired with a second tutor and the first young sparrow, now in a separate chamber by himself, overhead their interactions.
The songs of all of the young sparrows were recorded when they were nearly a year old, as were the songs of the tutors. Analysis showed that 51 percent of the young birds' songs were learned from tutors they overheard interacting with another sparrow in the second phase of the study. Just 19 percent came from interacting directly with a tutor. The remaining 30 percent of songs were acquired when they were listening to tutors early in life.
Beecher thinks the young birds learn more by eavesdropping because it is less threatening than interacting face-to-face with an adult. In a parallel line of research, Beecher and his colleagues are tracking song sparrows by radio in the field. Preliminary analysis of the tracking data suggests that young birds don't have many direct interactions with adults, and so are likely to be learning their songs by eavesdropping.
When it comes to research about how babies learn language, most work has focused on interactions between a parent and an infant, but infants may learn language in part by eavesdropping on conversations between their parents or a sibling, Beecher said.
"Do kids learn from parents talking to them or from other people talking and interacting? We don't know. We do know that children's comprehension is much farther ahead than their language production ability, certainly in the first couple of years of life. They can't say very much, but they can understand a good deal," he added.
Co-authors of the National Science Foundation funded study are John Burt and Adrian O'Loghlen; UW research scientists, Christopher Templeton, a UW biology doctoral student; and Elizabeth Campbell, a research technician. The on-line edition of the journal Animal Behaviour published the paper. It will appear in the June print issue of the journal.
Source: University of Washington
The brains of birds synchronize when they sing duets
Citation: Eavesdropping comes naturally to young song sparrows (2007, May 29) retrieved 16 July 2019 from https://phys.org/news/2007-05-eavesdropping-naturally-young-song-sparrows.html
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


(January 14, 2018) Former Blackstreet vocalist Lenny Harold is stepping away from the shadows of his "No Diggity" crooning to put out more solo work. His latest single, taken from his recently-released LP Cosmic, may be his proudest moment yet. On "More," the New Jersey singer teases the ear with orgasmic falsetto as it encircles a midtempo radio-ready groove blessed with sleek piano trills and a contemporary R&B gloss reminiscent of a Donell Jones getaway.
Inside the lyrics, Harold promises to be the ultimate dreamlover to an already taken honey. "I'm the man you wished he'd be, baby," he proposes halfway into the presentation. Produced by Mandobeats (Busta Rhymes, Cam'ron), "More" echoes some of Blackstreet's urban glow, but does a satisfying job in highlighting the smooth textures of Harold's upper register, especially on the verses.
Although the song never finishes with the vehement Teddy Pendergrass climax it so richly deserves, Harold stays in his lane, preferring to stay cool while playing with his Ne-Yo-centric background. Overall, it's a big win for the young talent.
Check it out in this SoulTracks First Listen and let us know what you think.


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Q: Setting Default Parameter value for a multi-select text parameter in SSRS 2016 We have an issue trying to set a multi-select parameter in ssrs-2016 via the Manage->Parameters menu in ssrs-2016 itself.  parameter has available values, it works in the report normally. but when going into set some defaults via the ssrs website, the available listing is blank.  is there something that I am missing?

What I find interesting is that the rendering of the list in the report looks very much like it hasn't changed from ssrs-2008 r2.  I have tried creating a new report with just a single report parameter and I get the same thing.

A: You can type the default in, like with the other parameters by clicking in the location circled, typing it in, and hit enter.
If your looking to see all the drop down options, you will have to run the report to get those, and once you have one picked out, type it in, like described above.
Hope this helps.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Honeywell Thermostat Ct410a Wiring Diagram Honeywell Thermostat - Preserve your diagrams near-with the aid of. Youll need to refer to them regularly as you figure in your challenge. Twine colors: electric wiring diagrams which are in shade have an advantage over ones which can be black and white most effective. The wires could be coloured similar to the actual wires you may be the usage of. Commonly, the green twine is floor, white or off-white is impartial, and black, pink or different colorations imply the new cord. In some times, consisting of a few transfer legs, the function of the wires can be indicated through coloured electrical tape. Symbols: while looking at any residential wiring diagram, start with the aid of familiarizing yourself with the symbols which might be getting used. This is why you need to ensure which you have a diagram that you may use, but where do you get them from? There are some of websites on line that provide you schematics for making up those styles of cables, as said before it is not that hard, however you may want to ensure that you observe the instructions flawlessly if you are doing to have a fast connection to apply in your property or workplace. You'll locate that the cables have a completely distinct colour code to it. There are numerous exclusive colorations used in ethernet wiring, but maximum of the time the commonplace colorings are used all over the world. If you are going to discover the right setting for this type of aspect you'll want to ensure which you spend a touch time online. Welcome take this thermostat wiring honeywell as an/a instance of our aggregate of forms. You can practice thermostat wiring honeywell to submit it anywhere you desire or even encourage yourself for extra works. To be capable to benefit your self the thermostat wiring honeywell please take your a second to inspect what you could do with this thermostat wiring honeywell. Devise this thermostat wiring honeywell as a cause of a satisfying cause of your everyday challenges. This thermostat wiring honeywell is a chunk of a group of ideas with a purpose to increase your concept. A issue to understand: the fuse essentially is a defensive tool which opens the circuit. If the contemporary going for walks thru the fusible element could be very excessive, it burns and dies out. It also a component that is used to enroll in two portions of metallic together. The fuse container could have all of the fuses and circuit breakers. You need a diagram to locate the field. That is noted inside the owners guide to your vehicle. Generally, it is located beneath the right hand aspect of the device panel. Depending at the version of your vehicle and its manufacture, the variety of the fuse will be one-of-a-kind. The arrangement also differs in each car so you want to have the accurate representation to make sure safety and comfort.
Creative European 3 Phase Motor Wiring Diagram How To Reconnect Motor From 480 Volts Back To Original 230 Volts ?


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Turkish Coffee Club
A taste of Anatolia...
Contact us and subscribe
What's in a name...?
What's in a name that which we call coffee?
Coffee drinking was once the monopoly of the Arabian peninsula. Only from the 1400s onwards did it begin its spread around the world. Today it has become a global drink that is enjoyed in almost every country in the world.
In this post, we'll take a look at how the word "coffee" came to be and what does it actually mean?
We should quickly note here that "coffee" is a word used to represent the drink made by brewing beans, rather than the name of a coffee fruit or a coffee plant itself. For a comprehensive explanation of the coffee plant, please allow me to refer you to this wikipedia article.
So, let's kick off from the "beginning":
"Bun" - coffee, but not as we know it
c. 9th Century, Abyssinia
We start with the Galla tribe of Abyssinia, where our friend Kaldi, the goat-herder's tale originated. It was here where his goats became quite excited whenever they chewed the berries from a particular plant. Because these tribesmen were nomadic warriors, they were constantly on the move, so their method of consumption of these berries was not by roasting, brewing the beans and drinking. They didn't have time for that. Instead, they would mix the berries with animal fat and eat them, as a food, rather than a drink.
"Qahwa" - this sounds a little more familiar
c. 14th Century, Yemen
As we can see, there is no etymological relationship between the Abyssinian word "Bun" and the Yemenite term "Qahwa". So how come the change? Well, things aren't that simple in the world of coffee (plus it was quite a long time ago). There are five commonly accepted theories to the origins of the name. Feel free to take your pick. They're all probably true...
"Qahwa" is derived from the name of the region of Kaffa, in Abyssinia.
"Qahwa" came from the verb, "qahā" - meaning – "to lack hunger", in reference to the drinks' reputation as an appetite suppressant.
"Qahwa" is a derivative of the Arabic word "power" or "energy".
"Qahwa" was the Arabic word for "making something repugnant or lessening one's desire for something".
"Qahwa" was the name given to mean "the wine of something" – "qahhwat al-bun", meaning "wine of the bean."
From here on, the word coffee and its derivatives conquered the world and entered languages through adaptations of the original "Qahwa".
All those who adopted this exotic drink simply modified the Arabian word to suit the pronunciations of their own tongues, from "Kahve" to the Turks, "Caffe" to the Italians and "Coffee" in English.
But, did you know…
The mother plant for much of the arabica coffee in the world is kept in the Amsterdam Hortus Botanicus.
Now, there's an excuse to visit Amsterdam…
Alternative uses for Turkish coffee
How to speak the Turkish Coffee language (in Turkish)
Your fortune in a cup... The art of Turkish coffee cup reading
The London Coffee Festival 30 April - 3 May 2015
Give me grind, baby. Extra fine grind…!
10 Steps to make perfect Turkish Coffee
Turkish Coffee Culture
The History of Coffee
© 2015 Turkish Coffee Club | London. All Rights Reserved.


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Curbing off-field antics would be helpful at Rex Ryan's new ESPN gig on 'NFL Countdown'
By Bob Raissman
Jun 17, 2017 | 12:14 PM
Rex Ryan will be spending his Sunday mornings as an analyst in ESPN's "NFL Countdown" studio. (Gustavo Caballero/Getty Images for ESPN)
Can Rex Ryan get into trouble in Bristol, Conn. on a Saturday night?
The Free World will find out in a few months when Ryan begins spending his Sunday mornings as an analyst in ESPN's "NFL Countdown" studio. Considering the Ryan brothers' recent fandango, featuring minor scuffling and drink tossing in a Nashville bar, we wonder if the ESPN Faculty wishes it had put a Saturday night curfew clause in Rex's contract.
You may now be asking how can anyone get in trouble in a sleepy burg like Bristol. Considering his history, Ryan can find a way. Ryan and his mouth have a knack for attracting confrontation. Ironically, ESPN suits are paying Ryan for his ability to stir the pot. Yet it is the yap-flapping, mixed with a few cocktails, which has led to some uncomfortable moments (and that's being kind) for Ryan.
The buffoon/bully look is not a good one for Rex.
Considering its history of hiring former players and coaches with "questionable" pasts (like Ray Lewis, who warmed a seat in ESPN's NFL studio for a couple of years) hiring Ryan, an entertaining blowhard, is no biggie. Still, if the Faculty did not consider the (further) embarrassment Ryan could bring to the network they are in denial.
This is the first time in years, perhaps in his adult life, Ryan is not on the rigid schedule of a football coach. Ryan has time on his hands. That can't be a good thing. Unless ESPN has him cranking it out Monday-Friday (which is a distinct possibility) chances are someone with a smartphone will chronicle Ryan doing something goofy, something that will need to be reported on SportsCenter, or briefly discussed on the "Countdown" show.
This could severely impact Ryan's credibility as an analyst. If incidents like the Nashville dustup should become more frequent, Ryan will not be taken seriously. Already he's not the most popular guy for his ability to make himself the focus of the team he is coaching. He has made a habit of not cashing the checks his mouth writes.
While he's been hailed as a natural for TV, with the potential to become a star, TV won't be easy for him. Ryan must find a way to not lose his edge, not self-muzzle, while at the same time display a self-deprecating style, which will appeal to all the eyeballs watching him. He must be able to engage in verbal confrontation with his colleagues, without losing it or coming off judgmental.
Ryan must come off as everyman.
Staying out of trouble might be a lot easier.
FIGHT HYPE
It was no surprise Valley of the Stupid Gasbags were going gaga after the date was set for the Floyd Mayweather-Conor McGregor made-for-TV matchup. The first thing the promoters of this "rumble" were counting on was the free promotion the VOS would give it.
Although these brainiacs are predicting the encounter will break all PPV records, we're not so sure. Hardcore boxing fans have already been taken to the cleaners, paying a high fee only to see Mayweather waltz to a 12-round decision with little or no action. Unless you are a devotee of freak shows, why waste money on a "fight" that will likely be replayed for free on Showtime. So, it may be left to the casual fan, combined with the MMA crowd, to plunk down the moolah.
Yet there is already a big winner — UFC boss Dana White. He may have bit his tongue before giving control of the promotion to Mayweather's promotional company and Showtime, which also has the exclusive PPV distribution rights, but he won't have to be responsible for any of the backlash, or other headaches, that will come with a "fight" that has more chance of being a fiasco than a brilliant night of competitive boxing.
Rex Ryan and the Daily News back page
YANKS LOVE THE POPE
One brick in the road to Mike (Sports Pope) Francesa's alleged retirement from WFAN is pinstriped.
MLB sources say the Yankees are concerned with Francesa's departure because of his role as a long-time Bombers pom-pom waver. Simply put, WFAN is the radio home of the Yankees and Francesa, more than anyone else at the station, talks a lot of Yankee baseball.
The majority of other FAN Gasbags (including Joe Benigno, Evan Roberts, Norman Julius Esiason, Steve Somers) are Mets loyalists. And anecdotal evidence suggests there is more Mets talk than Yankees chatter on FAN.
With their partnership with FAN being worth millions, in terms of rights fee payments, it makes sense for Yankees suits to want the new afternoon drive host (if there is one) to have an allegiance to the Bombers or, at least, a Yankees sensibility. Without such a mouth, afternoon drive won't have the kind of Yankees filiblusters, or promotion, His Holiness produced.
Still, there is no way the Yankees suits can influence FAN's decision.
Or can they?
THE OBJ EFFECT
Only Odell Beckham Jr. could cause two buddies — Francesa (anti-OBJ) and NFL Network's Kimberly Jones (pro-OBJ) — to mix it up on the radio.
Nice stuff. Yet the bigger takeaway from OBJ's return to Jersey is his ability to provide cover for all his teammates and any budding controversy. Were there any reports concerning developments in Eli Manning's memorabilia scandal? Not when OBJ is using his sneakers to send his own message to the media.
Olivier Vernon? With OBJ providing cover, Vernon's absence from OTAs was not even an issue. Hey, the only Giant to break through the OBJ media machine was Ben McAdoo. And it wasn't anything he said, it was his new hairstyle.
Strange days (and haircut), indeed.
ALTERNATIVE BROADCASTING
Networks and other outlets covering baseball have come up with goo-gobs of technological innovations over the years. Yet, all the glitz and gizmos have never made it easier for the broadcasters to turn a blowout into an entertaining production.
SportsNet New York, in its early years, came up with a goodie when Keith Hernandez, Ron Darling and Gary Cohen took telephone calls from fans watching the game.
Odell Beckham, Jr. (Seth Wenig/AP)
Now SNY, courtesy of Gregg Picker, the Senior Coordinating Producer of Mets telecasts, has come up with another one used again Tuesday night during the Cubs' 14-3 rout of the Mets.
The broadcast crew dug under the desk and brought out a huge box of baseball cards. They randomly picked a card and discussed the player. So, among others, viewers got commentary on Skip Lockwood, Doug Rader, and Enzo Hernandez, whom Darling swore had something to do with "Enzo the Baker" of Godfather fame.
Congratulations to ESPN/ABC and the NBA for averaging 20.406 million viewers for the five-game Warriors-Cavs NBA Finals. The ESPN advertising sales department must be happy because it can base 2018 advertising rates on that number. And just think: Since the same two teams will be playing in the 2018 Finals they can use the same sales pitch. Good luck with that… Got to give Hernandez props for showing up in the SNY Mets booth so quickly after partial knee surgery. And he's hardly whined at all during the telecasts. Amazing! … Two Gasbags who clearly can't stand each other, Sal Licata and Pete McCarthy, will be teaming up again for extended pregame shows in the WOR Sports Zone while the Mets are on the West Coast this week. We can only hope their tension convention continues.
DUDE OF THE WEEK: HOWIE ROSE
To this point his signature call is the "Matteau….Matteau" riff he delivered when the Rangers eliminated New Jersey during the 1994 Stanley Cup playoffs. Yet Rose, the radio voice of the Mets, may have actually topped that moment by working the Yiddish word "Meshugas" (it means nonsense or crazy) into his Cubs-Mets descriptions last week. Rose referred to Yoenis Cespedes' body armor as "All the MESHUGAS Cespedes has going." With this linguistic feat now accomplished, perhaps Rose will voice his disapproval of a managerial move by calling said skipper a "mashugana."
DWEEB OF THE WEEK: YASIEL PUIG
Speaking of mashuganas, what's up with this cat? After ripping a two-run homer in the second inning Tuesday against Cleveland, Puig circled the bases, crossed the plate, and as he trotted towards the dugout flipped double middle fingers to the crowd. Lovely. Was Puig taking a page from the book of Mr. Met? Was he channeling his inner Jack McDowell, who shot the bird to Yankees fans after being pulled from the mound? Doubt it on both counts. This was just Puig being Puig—again.
DOUBLE TALK
What Todd Bowles said: "Even when you go to kindergarten, somebody's got to be the teacher."
What Todd Bowles meant to say: "If things get really bad I can always rollout the milk & cookies."
rex ryan
Latest Jets
Jets Mailbag: Should Joe Douglas worry about Christopher Johnson interfering in personnel decisions?


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DEFAULT_CTOR_1(sf::CircleShape,float,NO_POINTER)

IMPLEMENT_LUA_CLASS(sfCircleShape,sf::CircleShape)

#define FUNCTION_TO_BIND \
    X1(setPointCount       , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setPointCount       , unsigned int , NO_POINTER )\
    X1(setOutlineThickness , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setOutlineThickness , float        , NO_POINTER )\
    X1(setRadius           , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setRadius           , float        , NO_POINTER )\
    X1(setFillColor        , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setFillColor        , sf::Color    , IS_POINTER )\
    X1(setOutlineColor     , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setOutlineColor     , sf::Color    , IS_POINTER )\
    X1(setTextureRect      , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setTextureRect      , sf::IntRect  , IS_POINTER )\
    X0(getPointCount       , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(unsigned int ) , getPointCount       )\
    X0(getOutlineThickness , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(float        ) , getOutlineThickness )\
    X0(getRadius           , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(float        ) , getRadius           )\
    X0(getFillColor        , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::Color    ) , getFillColor        )\
    X0(getOutlineColor     , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::Color    ) , getOutlineColor     )\
    X0(getTextureRect      , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::IntRect  ) , getTextureRect      )\
    X0(getLocalBounds      , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::FloatRect) , getLocalBounds      )\
    X0(getGlobalBounds     , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::FloatRect) , getGlobalBounds     )\
    \
    \
    X0(getPosition , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::Vector2f)  , getPosition   )\
    X0(getRotation , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(       float)  , getRotation   )\
    X0(getScale    , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::Vector2f)  , getScale      )\
    X0(getOrigin   , METHOD   ,HAS_RETURN , RET_TYPE(sf::Vector2f)  , getOrigin     )\
    X1(setPosition , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setPosition   , sf::Vector2f , IS_POINTER )\
    X1(setRotation , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setRotation   , float        , NO_POINTER )\
    X1(setScale    , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setScale      , sf::Vector2f , IS_POINTER )\
    X1(setOrigin   , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , setOrigin     , sf::Vector2f , IS_POINTER )\
    X1(move        , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , move          , sf::Vector2f , IS_POINTER )\
    X1(scale       , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , scale         , sf::Vector2f , IS_POINTER )\
    X1(rotate      , METHOD   , NO_RETURN , RET_NONE                , rotate        , float        , IS_POINTER )\

#define __GO_FOR_IMPLEMENTATION__
#include "../../bindingHelper/macro2.hpp"

FUNCTION_TO_BIND

#undef __GO_FOR_IMPLEMENTATION__
#include "../../bindingHelper/macro2.hpp"

luaL_Reg sfCircleShape_regs[] =
{
    LUA_DEFAULT_CLASS_FUNC(sfCircleShape)
    FUNCTION_TO_BIND
    { NULL, NULL }
};

LUA_BEGIN_REGISTER_CLASS(sfCircleShape)
register_drawableType(metaTableName<sf::CircleShape>());
LUA_END_REGISTER_CLASS

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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Jimmy Buffett & The Coral Reefers - Aug 4, 2020
Jimmy Buffett and the Coral Reefer Band will lead the annual Parrothead pilgrimage to Jones Beach Theater for their Slack Tide 2020 tour on Tue, Aug 4, 2020! tix: http://BUFFETT.jonesbeach.com .
Buffett will likely sail down from his Sag Harbor home to Jones Beach. "I can't think of a better way to celebrate summer than by seeing Jimmy Buffett at the Beach," said Jason Miller, president of Live Nation New York. "We look forward to welcoming Jimmy and all Parrotheads back to Jones Beach for another incredible night of music on Long Island."
Parrotheads can expect Buffett to dig deep into his catalog for favorites like "Volcano," "Cheeseburger in Paradise" and "Changes in Attitude, Changes in Latitude." The prolific 73-year-old -songwriter recently has seen the launch of a national tour of "Escape to Margaritaville," a musical featuring his songs and based on a book by Greg Garcia and Mike O'Malley. In addition to creating and playing "island escape" music, Buffett is a best-selling author, actor, supporter of environmental causes and businessman involved in two restaurant chains named after his songs — he owns the Margaritaville Cafe restaurant chain and co-developed the Cheeseburger in Paradise restaurant chain.


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Enjoy all content To enjoy all our content
The End of Ethno-centric Elite Rule in Malaysia
Author: Ooi Kok Hin
Bahasa Melayu/Malaysia
The May 1969 clashes…again reaffirmed the UMNO-MCA-MIC "historic bargain" as the cornerstone of the new Malaysian nation. Whether the "bargain" will continue to form the basis of Malaysian politics and society indefinitely in the future remains to be seen.
– Cheah Boon Kheng, Red Star Over Malaya
For over 60 years, Malaysians only knew one power-sharing formula: consociationalism, in which the elites from each ethnic group in a plural society are presumed to represent that ethnic group, and form a government by consensus-building. Writing in 1969 – the year Malaysia had a bloody ethnic riot – political scientist Arend Lijphart described consociational democracy as "government by elite cartel designed to turn a democracy with a fragmented political culture into a stable democracy".[1]
Lijphart identified four devices of consociational democracy: government by grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality, and segmental autonomy.[2] The elites form a grand coalition by gathering political cooperation from the various significant groups in a fragmented, plural society. This coalition forms the foundation of a consociational arrangement. Mutual veto ensures protection from and for each group. Proportionality is reflected in a group's representation in, or allocation of resources by, the government. And finally, segmental autonomy can be given to the variant groups either in terms of territorial governance or certain key areas of life (education, cultural identity, language, etc.). The grand coalition is the most important and distinguishable feature of consociational democracy, and the other three devices are supplementary.[3]
Barisan Nasional (BN) embodied consociationalism. It was a grand coalition formed chiefly of three parties – the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) – and it ruled the country with few serious threats to its hegemony. For the most part, each component political party in BN appealed to a specific electorate by ethnicity. For a long time, the grand coalition appeared to work. BN was the world's longest continuously elected government (63 years from 1955 to 2018, if we include its predecessor, the Alliance, and the first pre-Independence General Election), until the General Election of the 9 May 2018, known as GE14.
In GE14, BN lost all but two state governments (Pahang, smack in the middle of the Peninsular, and tiny Perlis). UMNO lost power, and its coalition partners were annihilated from Parliament. The collapse didn't stop at electoral setback: political parties gave up on the sinking ship, leaving the once 13-strong coalition with only three members. Departures included the once multiracial Gerakan and four Sarawak parties, the most significant being Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB).
The Secretary-General of UMNO, Annuar Musa, recently called for the suspension of the BN coalition to explore other political partnerships, most likely with the Islamist party, PAS.[4] MCA Deputy President (and its sole surviving Member of Parliament) Wee Ka Siong, said the Chinese party should no longer "live for others and bear the brunt [of criticism] for UMNO" and that "BN has ceased to exist except only in name".[5] UMNO Supreme Council member, Nazri Abdul Aziz, was more blunt. He declared that UMNO wished to go it alone and "BN is as good as gone".[6] UMNO President, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, admitted that BN will need to undergo "rebranding" after the "horrific defeat".[7]
Consociationalism as we know it is over. In this essay, I revisit this once seemingly irreplaceable "cornerstone" of Malaysian society to ask: what happened to consociationalism, how did it emerge and become the dominant power-sharing arrangement in Malaysia, and why did it collapse?
The emergence of consociationalism: Triumph of the elites
For a deeper examination of the historical context leading to the emergence and triumph of consociationalism in Malaysia, please refer to this accompanying article.
The Japanese Occupation (1942-45) set the stage for the birth of consociationalism. Ethnic relations were largely peaceful during the British colonial period. Despite growing native anxiety over rapid immigration, ethnic conflict were contained chiefly due to the colonial segregationist policies. The Japanese Occupation changed the nature of ethnic relations in Malaya and left a permanent scar in ethnic conflict.
The emergence and adoption, in the period after 1946, of a consensus-building, power-sharing formula that aimed at political stability, must be understood in the context of deadly ethnic conflict that had occurred in recent memory and left an indelible scar on ethnic relations.
At the same time the Japanese co-opted Malays into local administration and security forces, they committed massacres – murders, rapes, and brutality – towards the Chinese. This sets the stage for inter-ethnic clashes between the mostly Chinese '"resistance guerillas'" and the mostly Malay "co-opted collaborators."[8] In the political vacuum after the Japanese surrender, the social tension escalated into violent ethnic conflict. In terms of both scale (death tolls) and widespread (areas), the 1945-6 ethnic conflict was deadlier than than the May 13, 1969 ethnic riot.
Thus, the emergence and adoption, in the period after 1946, of a consensus-building, power-sharing formula that aimed at political stability, must be understood in the context of deadly ethnic conflict that had occurred in recent memory and left an indelible scar on ethnic relations.
Secondly, rivalries within the ethnic groups also contributed to the eventual adoption of the ethnic power-sharing formula. With the political victory of the elites in both major ethnic communities (Malay and Chinese), and their rivals repressed and isolated, the elites were able to claim legitimacy to represent their respective communities.
At the time, within each of the Malay and Chinese communities, political activity generally coalesced into two general opposing groups. In the Malay community, these were the traditional elite class of English-educated aristocrats on the one hand, and the leftist Malay nationalists on the other. Among the Chinese, they were the elite capitalist class of towkays(mostly merchants and financiers) on the one hand, and the resistance group Malayan Peoples' Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) on the other.
In both cases, the elites emerged triumphant to claim legitimacy for political leadership. Many young Chinese identified with MPAJA during the brutal Japanese Occupation, but it was disbanded after the war. The leading left-wing party, the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) was accused of working to overthrow the government; the British declared "Emergency" in response and crippled the party. The Chinese capitalist class was able to fill in the political vacuum through the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), whose creation had been encouraged by British to counter the influence of MCP. MCA brought together three strands of elite Chinese: the merchants, the Chinese school intelligentsia, educationalists, and the affluent English-speaking Straits Chinese.[9]
The Malay elites consisted of the traditional ruling class and aristocrats. Onn Jaafar, the founder of UMNO, was a scion of the most elite family in Johor. His father was the first Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of Johor and the family has close associations with the Johor palace. Onn Jaafar was educated in England and at the Malay College Kuala Kangsar (MCKK), widely regarded then as the best school in the country. The second and third UMNO Presidents, Tunku Abdul Rahman and Abdul Razak Hussein, were a prince from Kedah and a Pahang aristocrat respectively. To date, of UMNO's seven presidents, only two have come from an non-aristocratic background.[10]
This class of traditional elites seized political leadership of the Malay community, mobilising Malay opposition to the Malayan Union and negotiating independence. The alternatives to Malay political leadership were, like their Chinese counterparts, repressed by the British. The anti-colonialist Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM) aided the Japanese and gained stature as the de facto patron for the Malay community during the Japanese Occupation, but lost clout after the Japanese surrender. Some of their leaders went on to form Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM), composed and supported (according to historian Ahmat Adam) mostly by people with peasant, non-aristocratic backgrounds, in contrast to UMNO. Like the MCP, they faced a British crackdown during the Emergency, giving gave the traditional elite in UMNO a monopoly of Malay political leadership.
The triumph of the elites paved the way for elite-initiated cooperation between the two ethnic communities. Consociationalism began in earnest in the 1952 Kuala Lumpur municipal election and consolidated its position as the prefered power-sharing formula in the 1955 federal election. The ethnic-based Alliance coalition triumphed over the multiracial party led by Onn Jaafar (For details on this, see the accompanying article).
In the first half of the 1950s, consociationalism won the day over multiracial politics. The differences between the ethnic groups were preserved, and the electorate chose to be represented through the elites of their ethnic community.
Having survived the challenge from multiracialism in the 1950s, consociationalism had to contend with intense "outbidding" on ethnic issues in the late 1960s. For example, the 1967 legislation to make Malay the sole national language alienated non-Malay MCA supporters, who felt the Alliance was moving to the Malay right. Yet the Malay masses were frustrated by the Tunku administration's gradualist approach, rather than drastic state intervention, to improve their material well-being.
The legitimacy of the elites' claims to community leadership was seriously eroded by their performance. The Chinese party commanded only 13.5% of the total votes and 13 out of 33 contested seats.[11] UMNO too suffered;[12] the Alliance received only 54.2% of the Malay votes, down from 67.2% in 1964. This does not suggest less popularity among Malays than non-Malays, but the fact that the vote swing occurred within both communities indicated that Consociationalism was in crisis.
The second Prime Minister, Abdul Razak Hussein, diffused the crisis through carrots and sticks. He doubled down on the Alliance consociational coalition by co-opting several opposition parties, and also ethnic parties from Sabah and Sarawak, into a new coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN). His administration also passed a slew of legislation criminalising any act, speech or publication on fundamental issues such as Bumiputera special rights, non-Malay citizenship, the position of Islam and Malay as the sole national language, and affirmative action. By doing so, Razak curtailed the democratic rights of citizens and their elected representatives to debate and question government policies and legislation on these important political issues. Yet he was able to cement the ethnic elites' loosening grip on their political leadership over their community. His actions also shielded his radical affirmative action plan, the New Economic Plan (NEP), from critics.
The balance of power in BN's consociationalism after 1969 was tilted to UMNO as the dominant component party, in contrast to the Alliance's consociationalism where power was more evenly distributed. As an example, the powerful portfolio of Ministry of Finance was never again given to MCA after the second Razak cabinet. Another important development was that UMNO was no longer financially reliant on MCA for election operatives and expenses.
The "mutual veto" device identified by Lijphart was greatly eroded. The grand coalition, however, survived and expanded. Consociationalism continued a largely uninterrupted domination over Malaysian politics until 2008.
Cracks in the wall: 2008, 2013 and 2018
March 8, 2008 was a watershed moment in Malaysian history, at least equal to the 1969 election in significance. Barisan Nasional (BN) lost its two-thirds majority and ceded power in five states, including the two most industrialised and richest states, Selangor and Penang. There was some fear of rioting, which had marked the last political upheaval of this scale. But that was averted when the political parties wisely eschewed a victory parade and some elite leaders made a clear concession speech, including appeals for peaceful transition.
The 2008 election was a breakdown in the political order, but not tantamount to crisis as in 1969. There was no suspension of Parliament, no riot or emergency (such as that which had led to the formation of the National Operations Council in 1969), no new nationalist programme or consolidation of power through a new grand coalition (as with BN's formation in 1973). The wounded regime would drag on for another ten years. Many accounts of this election agree[13] that at the time, UMNO's dominance in BN had reached an unchecked level, allowing the party to get away with overt racism, their non-Malay allies notwithstanding. BN's consociationalism functioned less as equal power-sharing than as "an electoral one-party state".[14]
This dominance and aggression amplified the contradiction within the model of consociationalism. As the ethnic Malay party appealed to its base, it threatened the base of its non-Malay allies.
Nothing captured the folly of this arrogance more than the UMNO General Assembly in 2005. In the midst of fiery speeches by UMNO delegates defending "the Malay agenda", then BN and UMNO Youth Chief, Hishammuddin Hussein Onn, waved the kerisdagger (a symbol of Malay heritage) – an act captured by television and the infant blogosphere. While theoretically defensible as a proud display of heritage, in that context, during that period, it was a deeply political act, strengthening the perception that the non-Malay BN parties could not check the advance of an increasingly aggressive and rightward-turning UMNO. The mainstream media scurried to carry out damage control, and Hishammuddin later apologised. But it was too late. The image had deeply affected non-Malays.
Perhaps the 2004 General Election had given UMNO a feeling of invincibility. There, the party had won 110 seats (out of 219), enough to form a government by itself.[15] This dominance and aggression amplified the contradiction within the model of consociationalism. As the ethnic Malay party appealed to its base, it threatened the base of its non-Malay allies.
Thus, in 2008, the non-Malay electorate punished an aggressive UMNO by rejecting its non-Malay allies: MCA, Gerakan, and MIC. Except in some marginal seats, this would not hurt UMNO's base, only their allies. UMNO saw the continuous rejection of their non-Malay allies as an ungrateful abandonment by non-Malay voters who, despite receiving government concessions and goodies from the UMNO-led government, tried to vote them out of power in droves. This sentiment was further amplified by Najib Razak's failed overture to court the non-Malay votes from 2009 to 2013.
For three consecutive elections, MCA had a catastrophic showing. When elites fail to command legitimacy for political representation, consociationalism fell apart. MCA party workers and volunteers were noticeably older than their rivals.
When he took over the premiership in April 2009, Najib launched a national unity initiative, 1Malaysia. Various government departments and programmes were launched, including a full-fledged public relations campaign with its own logo, clips worn by all civil servants, salutations, and even an official song. For a while, the racial overtones that had begulfed BN seemed to be water under the bridge. To help MCA court Chinese voters, Najib visited Chinese radio stations and appeared in Chinese New Year videos. He briefly toyed with the idea of reviewing pro-Malay affirmative action and liberalising the Bumiputera quota. But these gestures ended on the night of the 13thGeneral Election in 2013.
After the result was announced, a visibly disappointed Najib told the media that it was a "Chinese tsunami".[16]The next day, the UMNO-owned Utusan daily charged on the front page: "Apa lagi Cina mahu?" ("What More Could The Chinese Want?")
Stung by what they perceived as a harsh rejection, UMNO changed tack. Najib no longer tried as hard to court non-Malay votes. Instead, he went to the conservative Malays, even dangling RUU 355 in front of the Islamist party PAS – this bill, if passed, would have allowed the Kelantan state government to implement hudud law, jeopardising Najib's non-Malay allies. He enacted a slew of pro-Bumiputera programmes, including a new dedicated unit to oversee a pro-Bumiputera agenda.[17]
Downward spiral and captive community
How can these events be understood in terms of the model of consociational democracy? This model emphasises the role of social (ethnic) elites. The events surrounding the 2008 election demonstrate what happened when one or more of the elites lost their legitimacy as representatives of their ethnic group.
First came a downward spiral of destruction from within. It started with the leadership of the dominant party failing to restrain the more militant and extremist elements in their party from overtly aggressive behaviours that alienated the bases of their allies. This caused the non-Malay parties in BN to lose electorally. Their resulting weakened representation and lack of legitimacy further reduced their bargaining power within the BN coalition – which in turn increased the perception of their inertia and meekness in the eyes of the non-Malay electorate. Finally, the dominant party ignored the fate of their minority allies, pursuing risky political behaviours that jeopardised the interests of their allies. This downward spiral might have also occurred in 1969, if not for Razak's crucial intervention after the riot, which presented him with the opportunity to consolidate power.
Second, the elites held their communities captive, subjecting them to threats of punitive material deprivation by the government. The historical May 13 riot was brandished as a warning of the potential consequences of destabilised consociationalism. The MCA under the leadership of Chua Soi Lek also threatened to refuse government appointments if the party did not win enough seats.[18] After MCA's dismal performance in the 2013 election, Chua followed up on this by refusing to take up any cabinet posts. For the first time, no ethnic Chinese from MCA was a member of the cabinet. (Only one minister, Paul Low, a senatorial appointment from Transparency International, was ethnically Chinese.)[19]
This demonstrated how, in consociationalism, an ethnic group is held captive by tying their fate with that of the elite's. Should they vote for any candidate other than the ethnic elites 'assigned' to represent them in the ruling coalition, they risk being left out of – and penalised by – that ruling coalition in government. Rather than treating elections as a performance evaluation for the rulers and an expression of popular will, consociationalism can penalise the community which shows its dissatisfaction with the elite rule.
A BN election campaign event in which lucky draws were held and goodies distributed to attract attendance. The crowd was mostly middle-aged. Perhaps a sign of the past – BN, ethnic-based parties, May 13 generation – desperately reaching out for relevance.
Without power to hold the coalition together – which it just about did after 2008, despite a crippling result – this may be the end of BN. In the 2018 election, BN lost almost the entire peninsular, and MCA won only one parliamentary seat, with a thin majority. All but three parties have abandoned the coalition. In the Balakong by-election, MCA announced a unilateral decision to contest under the party logo (not BN's) for the first time ever (and they still lost). If we have seen the last of BN, what might emerge in its place?
After consociationalism: deliberative democracy and new power-sharing
The end of BN rule is an end of an era. The new Pakatan Harapan (PH) government is made up of four parties – Bersatu, PKR, DAP, and Amanah – with an ally in Warisan in Sabah. But does PH represent a new form of power-sharing – hopefully, through deliberative democracy[20] – or merely a new form of consociationalism?
PH cannot be said to be consociationalist in the sense of power-sharing between elites from each major ethnic group. Three of its constituent parties are Malay-Muslim majority (one is exclusively Bumiputera, and another limits full membership rights to Muslims). Unlike BN, the four parties do not strictly split their electorate appeals according to an ethnic division of labour. They are not free from ethnic politics and elitism – identity politics still feature, and many of the leaders are elites splintered from the previous establishment. However, PH retains some elements of consociational democracy, such as a grand coalition (though not as encompassing as Barisan Nasional previously, which included local ethnic parties in East Malaysia) and proportionality (the non-Malay representation in PKR and DAP). But the significant breakthrough is that political representation in PH is not defined and allocated through ethnic elites.
How the opposition parties regroup in the new political landscape will determine the type and territories of contestation in the 15thGeneral Election, due by 2023. As always, Malay politics will be the centre of any coalitional politics. Even prior to PH, the various attempts to form coalitions between opposition parties – Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah in 1990 and Barisan Alternatif in 1999 – were also led by Malay parties. The current opposition in Parliament are likewise Malay-Muslims from UMNO and PAS. It seems probable that they will continue their cooperation, given their overlapping interests and the electoral incentives to ensure a straight fight in a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system.
The banner reads, "Return to Islam". The collapse of BN's consociationalism may pave the way for an UMNO-PAS cooperation as advocates for Malay Muslim nationalism.
This is likely to occasion what political scientist Dr Wong Chin Huat called Malay-Muslim Nationalism (MMN), a convergence of two strands of nationalism as championed by PAS (Muslim nationalism) and UMNO (Malay nationalism). If so, identity politics will dominate for the next five years. In the first three months of PH rule, this has already been the case, with major controversies including the appointments of a non-Malay Christian as Attorney General and the first non-Muslim Chief Justice, as well as a PH minister's remark that allegedly implied Malays too are "pendatang" (immigrants). The government's proposal to recognise the UEC (an examination system administered by private independent Chinese schools) caused the first student-led protest in post-BN rule. A week later, at a mass demonstration of several thousands, called Himpunan Kebangkitan Ummah (Gathering for Muslim Revival), organisers claimed that the interests of Malay-Muslims are in danger.[21]
The impact of MMN on coalitional politics is clear: Malay-Muslims must be the paramount political class, and any others relegated to a secondary class. PAS President, Hadi Awang, has articulated this most explicitly, saying that only people who adopt the national ideology and faith (Islam) shall decide national policies.[22] As any Non-Malay parties that join this opposition bloc will need to concede to these MMN-influenced demands, it is difficult to see how they can be popular with the non-Malay electorate.
Several factors affect whether this comes to pass. First, the fragile health of Hadi Awang. PAS under his leadership is unlikely to form a political pact with any parties that are in a political alliance with DAP, leaving only UMNO as the biggest potential partner. But if Hadi exits the political landscape before the next election, it may open up new possibilities of alliance.
Second, there are the positions of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim, the designated Prime Minister-in-waiting. Mahathir's age acts as a natural term-limit to the premiership. The impending transition of power will affect the position of Mahathir's party, the two-year-old Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM), which has only slightly more than a quarter of the seats in Parliament held by Anwar's party (13 against 50). PPBM's top two leaders, Mahathir and Muhyddin Yassin (who is recovering from an operation to remove a tumour and chemotherapy) are vulnerable and it has no obvious successor.
The current cabinet is quite evenly distributed among the four PH parties, but this may change when Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad gives way to Anwar. The head of the executive will then come from PKR, which also has the most legislative seats (by contrast, Mahathir's Bersatu has the second fewest among PH parties). PKR has made it clear that they should be granted more cabinet ministers too.
Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) is a multiracial party with the largest number of seats in Parliament. Led by Anwar Ibrahim, the designated Prime Minister-in-waiting, this party's positioning on identity politics reflect the temperature of the average voter and may determine the fate of the Pakatan Harapan government.
PKR is a multiracial party which relies on non-Malay support in mixed seats. If Anwar courts the Malay right to consolidate power, his party will suffer electorally. At the same time, Anwar needs to maintain a sufficient threshold of Malay support in the face of the MMN challenges. This delicate balance might deter the new government from implementing truly significant breakaways from the past – the reconstruction of New Economic Policy, university quotas and ethnic-based admission, a complete ban on child marriage, curtailing the power and size of an excessively large Islamic bureaucracy, and moral policing (in September, two women were publicly caned in Terengganu for "attempting to have lesbian sex").
In contrast to the overcrowding of political parties competing for Malay electorate, there is little viable challenge to DAP (and to a certain degree, PKR) for the non-Malay electorate. This unhealthy lack of competition may replicate the non-Malay dilemma under BN's consociationalism. This segment of the electorate may be unsatisfied with the government of the day, but find that any alternative party is aligned to the even more unattractive MMN. The return of local elections, promised by PH, is a welcome step to usher a healthy level of competition in a functioning democracy,[23] so that new political parties can emerge at the local level. The present barrier of entry is too high and smaller (local or regional) parties, like Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM), find it hard to survive and have any meaningful impact under the FPTP system. The proposed Electoral Reform Committee[24] is thus a welcome and crucial intervention.
The story of consociationalism is a story of Malaysia, a plural society forging paths ahead while dealing with ethnic differences. Consociationalism stabilised a plural society to render it governable and – with one or two exceptions – contained ethnic conflict from escalating into violent outbreak. But it is also closely tied to anti-democratic practices and consequences. The demise of Barisan Nasional's ethnic-elite consociationalism may be celebrated as an end to elite-based ethnic politics, but history and events elsewhere counsel caution in approaching the vacuum that has been created. The heralding of racial progress in America and Indonesia following the first African American president and the first ethnic Chinese governor of Jakarta respectively proved to be premature. Malaysia may have brought down the rule of an ethno-elite cartel, but the people of Malaysia must be vigilant to guard its democratic progress against potential backlash. They must also continue to demand accountability and transparency from their leaders to shape a Malaysia that is truly representative of the will of the people and which protects the basic democratic rights of its diverse citizenry.
[1] Lijphart, Arend. "Consociational democracy." World Politics 21, no. 2 (1969): 207-225.
[2] Lijphart, Arend. Democracy in plural societies: A comparative exploration. Yale University Press, 1977.
[3] Mauzy, Diane K. "Consociationalism and coalition politics in Malaysia." (1978). PhD thesis. The University of British Columbia. 1978.
[4] "BN needs to be suspended, says Umno." The Malaysian Insight. 10 August 2018. https://www.themalaysianinsight.com/s/86388
[5] "Ka Siong: MCA won't carry water for UMNO anymore, BN only alive in name." The Malay Mail. 2 June 2018. https://www.malaymail.com/s/1637626/ka-siong-mca-wont-carry-water-for-umno-anymore-bn-only-alive-in-name
[6] "Nazri: Umno better off alone, BN is a gone case."Malaysiakini. 13 June 2018. https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/429595
[7] "Umno and BN to undergo rebranding – Zahid." New Straits Times. 1 July 2018. https://www.nst.com.my/news/politics/2018/07/386137/umno-and-bn-undergo-rebranding-zahid
[8] Cheah, Boon Kheng. Red Star Over Malaya: Resistance and social conflict during and after the Japanese occupation, 1941-1946. NUS press, 2012.,P40.
[9] Koon, Heng Pek. "Chinese Responses to Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia 1957-96." Japanese Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, no. 3 (1996): 500-523.
[10] Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's family, while not related to the palace, is a privileged one. His grandfather was a prominent religious leader and nationalist, notably being a founding member of the Islamist party, PAS. Current UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi's family migrated from Indonesia, while former president and current Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's family was of common background (His father was a school headmaster).
[11] Vasil, R.K. The Malaysian general election of 1969. Oxford University Press, 1972., as quoted inHeng's article.
[12] Ratnam, K.J, and Milne, R.S. "The 1969 parliamentary election in West Malaysia." Pacific Affairs 43, no. 2 (1970): 203-226.
[13] Gomez, Edmund Terence. "Resisting the fall: the single dominant party, policies and elections in Malaysia." Journal of Contemporary Asia 46, no. 4 (2016): 570-590; Chin, James, and Wong Chin Huat. "Malaysia's electoral upheaval." Journal of Democracy 20, no. 3 (2009): 71-85.
[14] Wong, Chin-Huat, James Chin, and Norani Othman. "Malaysia–towards a topology of an electoral one-party state." Democratization 17, no. 5 (2010): 920-949.
[15] Ong, Kian Ming. "Malaysian political parties and coalitions." In Routledge handbook of contemporary Malaysia, pp. 44-57. Routledge, 2014.
[16] Grant, Jeremy. "Global Insight: Malaysia's 'Chinese tsunami' puts Najib in a bind". Financial Times.May 7, 2013.
[17] Naidu, Sumisha. "Najib places Bumiputera at centre of Malaysia growth plans as elections loom." Channel News Asia. 19 April 2017.
[18] "Sad day if no Chinese rep in new government: Najib". The Sun Daily. 27 April 2018; "Najib: Chinese will suffer from DAP's 'direct contest' strategy against MCA and Gerakan". The Star Online. 23 April 2018.
[19] After Liow Tiong Lai won the MCA presidency from Chua in 2014, there was a cabinet reshuffle in June 2014 to allow for the return of MCA into the cabinet. Liow was appointed Minister of Transport from then till GE14.
[20] Mohd Sani, Mohd Azizuddin. "The emergence of new politics in Malaysia from consociational to deliberative democracy." Taiwan Journal of Democracy 5, no. 2 (2009): 97-125.
[21] "Thousands, including Rais Yatim, attend KL rally to defend Malay rights." The Star Online. 28 July 2018.
[22] "Malaysia's Islamist party PAS says only Muslims will make policy should it come to power." The Straits Times. 2 February 2018.
[23] Cheng, Kenneth. "Restoring the People's "Third Vote"". New Naratif. 2 August 2018.
[24] https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/441183
Ooi Kok Hin
Ooi Kok Hin is Monbukagakusho scholar and research student at the Graduate School of Political Science, Waseda University and research affiliate at Penang Institute. He is New Naratif's Consulting Editor for Peninsular Malaysia. Reach him at kokhin.ooi@newnaratif.com


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South African Airways Still a 'Cool' and Relevant Brand
Tag: 11th Sunday Times Generation Next Survey Awards, c6752c, c8653c, coolest brands, Nico Bezuidenhout, SAA Acting CEO, South African Airways (SAA)
Airline given the green light by tomorrow's leaders
South African Airways (SAA), the leading airline on the African continent, has again been given the green light by the youth of the country, by being voted the "coolest" domestic airline at the 11th Sunday Times Generation Next Survey Awards. The ceremony took place at the Sandton Convention Centre on Friday, May 9. These awards recognize the best and the coolest brands in South Africa as indicated by South Africa's youth.
"Getting the thumbs up from our young people on the eve of 16 June when we celebrate Youth Day in South Africa, is heart-warming. It shows that we are making an impression on the leaders of the future and those who will become our customers as time goes by", said Nico Bezuidenhout, SAA Acting CEO.
South African Airways is an award winning airline and scoops a number of accolades every year. This is the ninth year in which SAA has been voted as one of the coolest brands in South Africa, making it almost a decade of wins.
With the latest selection of coolest brands, SAA finds itself in the company of personalities such as Cassper Nyovest who for the first time was awarded coolest music star; Nike (coolest overall brand); and Doritos (as the coolest snack).
The new winners this year include Mercedes Benz, which won the Coolest Motor Vehicle award; Cape Town, which was voted Coolest Holiday Destination; and KFC claimed Coolest Fast Food Place. Whatsapp remained the leading Coolest Social Media Platform and Coolest Cellphone Application amongst the youth.
The survey to establish what the next generation thinks, recognizes South Africa's most-loved brands, products and celebrities in 72 categories voted for by over 5,400 youth aged 8 to 23.
The long list of awards which SAA wins annually spans a spectrum of disciplines, from Best Airline in Africa and on-board catering to service delivery.
"Awards demonstrate that the airline can rightfully take its place as one of the leading airlines in the world, despite the challenges it faces. Awards also engender a sense of pride in the airline from customers and airline employees alike", SAA's acting CEO added.
Discover The World is the general sales agent (GSA) of SAA in Greece.
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The fairgrounds are a large gravel lot. FHU sites are along the fence to the east and backup to the track. Other sites cluster around power pole spots. The host can tell you which ones have 50amp available as most are 30amps.
Nice college town with a great history. Easy place for bike riding. Historically Hastings was one of the largest naval munitions manufacturing sites during WWII. The arsenal is east of town and stretches for 10 miles along US6. There are something like 800 storage bunkers and many are still used today by private owners and companies.
Verizon service rocked. 42.53mbps down and 17.07mbps up.


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Current students may choose from the following options depending on your current lesson length. These are only required if you: a) wish to reserve your current time slot for the 2014 - 2015 academic year and b) are a returning student wanting to waive the $50 annual registration fee.
Packages can be shared between students in the same family. There will be no refunds on summer packages, and all workshops and camp passes expire on July 31. However, summer lessons, once scheduled, can be rescheduled freely with a call to our office.
Please note that the workshop and camp packages below are available only to students enrolled in private lessons as of May 1, 2015.


text:
Эффект Гершеля — фотографический эффект, заключающийся в разрушении скрытого изображения в экспонированном светочувствительном материале под действием неактиничного излучения с длиной волны, превосходящей длину волны освещения при первой экспозиции. Наиболее интенсивно проявляется при засветке красным или инфракрасным излучением.

Обнаружен в 1840 году английским астрономом Джоном Гершелем.

Был применён в 1924 году советским физикохимиком Терениным А. Н. для получения линейчатых ИК спектров на материалах, нечувствительных к ИК лучам.

Суть явления
 Фотоматериал экспонируется равномерно актиничным светом.
 На фотоматериал проецируется изображение в неактиничных лучах.

После проявления выясняется, что плотность материала понижается в местах, где при втором экспонировании была больше экспозиция. Тем самым на фотоматериале возникает обращённое, позитивное изображение.

Причиной возникновения эффекта является поглощение квантов неактиничного излучения поверхностными центрами скрытого изображения, приводящее к отрыванию от них электронов. Тем самым число задействованных в последующем процессе проявления центров уменьшается.

Эффект Гершеля тем меньше, чем больше время между первым и вторым экспонированием, так как часть центров скрытого изображения успевает стабилизироваться.

Эффект Гершеля также лежит в основе получения изображения на рефлексной фотобумаге.

См. также
 Эффект Сабатье

Примечания

Литература

Фотография
Фотохимия
Появились в 1840 году

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
package org.caleydo.view.lineup.internal.model;

import java.text.NumberFormat;
import java.util.Locale;

import org.caleydo.core.data.perspective.variable.Perspective;
import org.caleydo.core.util.color.Color;
import org.caleydo.view.lineup.internal.model.data.IntDataAdapter;
import org.caleydo.vis.lineup.model.IntegerRankColumnModel;

/**
 * @author Samuel Gratzl
 *
 */
public class PerspectiveIntegerModel extends IntegerRankColumnModel implements IPerspectiveColumn {

	private final Perspective perspective;

	public PerspectiveIntegerModel(Perspective perspective, Color color) {
		super(new HeaderRenderer(perspective), new IntDataAdapter(perspective), color, new Color(.95f, .95f, .95f),
				NumberFormat
				.getInstance(Locale.ENGLISH));
		this.perspective = perspective;
	}

	public PerspectiveIntegerModel(PerspectiveIntegerModel copy) {
		super(copy);
		this.perspective = copy.perspective;
	}

	/**
	 * @return the perspective, see {@link #perspective}
	 */
	@Override
	public Perspective getPerspective() {
		return perspective;
	}

	@Override
	public PerspectiveIntegerModel clone() {
		return new PerspectiveIntegerModel(this);
	}
}