You get me all excited talking politics.
*4,000 or so dead Americans.Tens of thousands maimed, PTSD'd, etc.
*American economy and the dollar destroyed.
*Constitution reduced to a piece of paper.
*An imperial executive branch that now goes unchecked by an impotent congress and castrated courts.
*Total neoconservative control of foreign policy (Carter, the first Bush, and Clinton were all able to keep them at bay), and the marginalization of realists.
*Possible strikes against Iran, which would lead to a broader, regional war.
*Inevitably a war with Pakistan, which cannot hold out as an American ally for much longer.
*Also, the worsening war in Afghanistan is requiring more and more resources and troops. The long war in Afghanistan, you'll recall, was the undoing of the Soviet empire.
I'm thinking about reestablishing the America First Committee. Care to join? Most people live abroad and become cosmopolitan internationalists. I left the country and became an American nationalist.
Josh Lander sends me this Professor Alexander Gelley's lecture on "Walter Benjamin's Arcade Project," in which he discusses Benjamin's writings on Judaism, theology, "the messianic idea," assimilation, Zionism, etc. Thank you Mr. Josh.


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ACS > ACS Blogs > Expert Forum
Law and Policy Analysis
The sham of judiciary nomination hearings
by Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, (D-R.I.)
*These remarks were given by Senator Whitehouse during a Senate Judiciary Committee Nomination Hearing on November 1, 2017
Our Senate Judiciary nominations hearings, I believe, have become something of a joke. Nominees come to us readied for our hearings by "murder boards" that taught them how to withstand all five minutes of questioning by Senators. Nominees are often packed into panels, so a Senator's five minutes get spread across multiple nominees. The questioning of nominees is often simple and rote. A fundamental premise in the proceedings is that there is inevitably "law" that can be impartially applied to "facts," and there endeth the lesson.
The falsity of this premise can be shown in two words: Merrick Garland. If judging were all about impartial application of law to facts, why the desperate effort to stop the most qualified judge to be nominated to the Supreme Court in our lifetimes? Why does the Supreme Court majority of five Republican appointees rule so predictably on so many issues important to big Republican interests? Why did candidate Trump need to make a list of whom he'd appoint to the Court to get conservative backing? Why are gobs of political dark money spent by special interests to push for the confirmation of judicial nominees? All of this political behavior around judicial appointments belies the notion that it's just about impartially applying law to facts. Yet we're supposed to accept the pretense.
The pretense is belied not just by political behavior, but also by what practicing lawyers experience day to day. Of many possible examples, here are particularly obvious ones.
Trial judges have virtually unlimited discretion to decide on the credibility of witnesses, and if they are predisposed against black people or police officers, that will affect credibility determinations in, for instance, police brutality cases. A case is not made up of "facts," but of a cloud of often contradictory evidence from which "facts" must be drawn – usually through the prism of a witness's credibility. Judicial bias can affect credibility determinations, and thus case outcomes.
Procedural matters such as discovery rulings and case scheduling can allow favoritism or predisposition to creep in and affect a case. A court can allow a well-heeled defendant to batter a plaintiff into submission with endless motions and discovery – the "paper blizzard" defense. Jury instructions can be given in ways that lean one way or the other (but still survive appellate review).
Judges sometimes throw out jury verdicts because, well, they're just too big, or too disruptive of the status quo. Cases often require judges to consider multiple factors, and how the different factors are weighted falls within the discretion of the judge – at least until the weighting becomes so slanted that it tips the very generous "abuse of discretion" standard of review. (If it were not clear enough that discretion is involved in all these decisions, the name of the "abuse of discretion" standard ought to settle that question.) Judges can even refuse to apply the law as written, if it would lead to an "absurd" result.
In practice, there's simply no way to prevent a judge's unconscious biases, life experiences, and personal beliefs from influencing his or her decision-making. Indeed, the law routinely asks judges to give tangible meaning to vague and general terms like "due process" and "liberty"; and to decide whether searches or seizures are "reasonable," whether a particular governmental purpose is "compelling," whether a given punishment is "cruel and unusual," or whether a governmental act or omission "shocks the conscience."
Judges on appeal are customarily asked to consider the consequences of their decisions by litigants anxious to steer a court away from an undesirable decision. Consequence-based advocacy fills amicus curiae briefs in the United States Supreme Court. There is no question of law in a judge's evaluation of the likelihood, or the merits and demerits, of those suggested consequences. If all that were going on was a simple application of facts to law, consequences would have no place, and well-heeled amici would not waste their money on those briefs.
These life experiences of practicing lawyers are echoed by learned scholars and judges. The judgment calls made by judges, as one scholar wrote, "inescapably are influenced by – if not based on – a judge's own views and experiences."
One prominent aspect of the hearing charade is asking nominees to forswear "judicial activism." But as scholar Erwin Chemerinksy put it, "any first year law student knows that judges make law constantly." Our constitutional history is riddled with activism that moved constitutional understanding forward: consider the before-and-after of Brown v. Board of Education, or Loving v. Virginia, or Roe v. Wade, or recently, Obergefell v. Hodges.
In itself, "anti-activism" promotes its own bias: that the mores and social norms of two centuries ago should receive preference today in constitutional analysis. That preference for old days and old ways is itself a policy choice.
"We may try to see things as objectively as we please. None the less, we can never see them with any eyes except our own," wrote Judge Benjamin Cardozo in his seminal work, The Nature of Judicial Process. Cardozo rightly recognized that many cases are squarely controlled by precedent, where "the law and its application . . . are plain." He described these cases as an exercise in comparison, to match the colors of the case at hand "against the colors of many sample cases" in the jurisprudence. "It is when the colors do not match," Cardozo observed, "when the references in the index fail, when there is no decisive precedent, that the serious business of the judge begins."
Judge Theodore McKee, of the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, has reflected on Chief Justice Roberts's metaphor that a judge's role is merely to "call balls and strikes." While "noble" in principle, McKee explains, the "the ideal of objective adjudication is actually counterproductive because it assumes a reality that is based upon an abstract principle rather than our everyday reality." Like Cardozo, McKee acknowledges that in many cases, the facts and law are so clear that there is "little room for a judge's personal view to impact his or her decision." But he urges judges to "candidly admit that there are other instances where there is enough play in the factual or precedential joints to allow personal beliefs to affect our adjudication." Judges cannot just call "balls and strikes," because they may not share a common strike zone.
Judges – including lower court judges – do make law. The common law – our founding tradition – is judge-made law. Justice Felix Frankfurter put it well: "one of the evil features, a very evil one, about all this assumption that judges only find the law and don't make it, often becomes the evil of a lack of candor. By covering up the lawmaking function of judges, we miseducate the people and fail to bring out into the open the real responsibility of judges for what they do."
So let's be candid. What we want, I think, is judges who hold American democracy first in their heart; judges who understand that there is abundant scope for the influence of their bias, prejudice, and political, philosophical, or religious views yet will endeavor to be always fair notwithstanding; judges who are willing to make disruptive or uncomfortable rulings if justice requires rather than bow to power or convention; judges who understand that often the courtroom is the public's last defense when powerful political interests have overwhelmed the legislative and executive branches; and judges who can honestly guarantee that the big special interests who bring so much pressure to bear on the judicial nomination process will not receive favor.
Too often, we do not see this. And too often, the charade that Judiciary hearings have become never touches on these problems, and foments a Tooth Fairy view of adjudicating that is, as Justice Frankfurter said, a disservice to the nominees, the committee, to the public, and to the country.
Importance of the Courts, Judicial independence, Judicial Selection
acsblog
It is Time to Reform Federal Supervised Release
Dobbs and Trump Bring Focus to Prosecutorial Discretion
An Office You Cannot Afford to Ignore on Your Ballot

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Report: Jacques Martin is a top candidate for Sabres head coach
TSN's Darren Dreger reports that Martin could be in Buffalo's thoughts
By Melissa Burgess@_MelissaBurgess Apr 24, 2019, 12:18pm EDT
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According to TSN's Darren Dreger and a source, Jacques Martin may be a top candidate for the Buffalo Sabres head coaching position. The report came on WGR550 radio Wednesday morning during Dreger's segment.
TSN's Darren Dreger just said on @WGR550 that Jacques Martin is considered a top candidate for the head coaching job of the #Sabres.
— Brayton J. Wilson (@BJWilsonWGR) April 24, 2019
Martin, 66, has a storied NHL coaching career and has been coaching since 1980. He got his start in the Ontario Hockey League in the early 80s before becoming head coach of the St. Louis Blues in 1986. After two seasons there, he spent a few seasons as an assistant coach under Mike Keenan with the Chicago Blackhawks.
His journey then took him to Quebec, where he joined the Nordiques as an associate coach under Dave Chambers. Martin spent six years with that organization, amid their transition to becoming the Colorado Avalanche.
Martin then spent the next nine years, from 1995 to 2004, with the Ottawa Senators. Perhaps many Sabres fans will remember him behind the bench in 1997, when the Sabres and Senators faced a seven-game playoff series before Buffalo came out on top 1-0 in the final game.
Since then, he's spent time with Florida, Montreal, and since 2013, the Pittsburgh Penguins, including as an assistant coach and senior advisor of hockey operations. He currently serves as an assistant coach under Mike Sullivan. To date, Martin has coached over 1200 NHL games with 12 playoff appearances, four division championships and two Stanley Cups (both with Pittsburgh). His teams have made the playoffs 12 out of 17 years, and he won the Jack Adams award in 1999.
During his tenure as a head coach, he's helped lead multiple teams to first- or second-place finishes in their respective divisions. He last served as a head coach with Montreal in the 2011-12 season, when he was replaced just 34 games into the season.
Martin has also been involved with Hockey Canada, including as an assistant coach in the 2002 and 2006 Olympics and the 2004 World Cup of Hockey.
Here's the full quote from Dreger regarding the possibility of the Sabres hiring Martin:
Here is Dreger's quote: pic.twitter.com/RKEXVNl3kK
What do you think of Martin as the Sabres' next head coach? He's just one of a handful of potential candidates whose names are creeping up, including Todd Richards (as Dreger mentions above), Todd McLellan (now off the market), and even Lindy Ruff.


It sounds clichéd but our people really are our greatest strength.
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Tim is Product Director at InnerBalloons. He holds a degree in high-tech marketing and before joining InnerBalloons has held various roles in client services, business planning, reporting and analysis and (technical) product management for (local) search products. At InnerBalloons Tim is responsible for product management and product development. Tim looks after our product roadmap and makes sure our products meet client expectations.


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The Incorporated Council of Law Reporting for Ireland, a legal charity, publishes the Irish Reports, the Irish Digests and other legal publications. Find out more.
Courts of Law
Eamonn G. Hall
'Official' Law Reporting in Ireland
Important news: Now available online as soon as cases are reported.
Justis and The Incorporated Council of Law Reporting for Ireland (ICLR) have reached an agreement to make recent judgments available on Justis as soon as their editorial steps have been completed. This arrangement means that the most authoritative Irish cases will be accessible to practitioners, the courts and academics well before the availability of the cases in hard copy. Read more on our blog.
IRISH REPORTS & DIGESTS
The Irish Reports
The Irish Reports are cited authoritatively in courts and tribunals and constitute the most comprehensive series of law reports available.
The Irish Digests
A record of cases published in:
The Irish Reports, the Northern Ireland Reports, the Irish Law Times Reports and more.
Available in hard copy from the ICLR, online on the Justis legal library, and cross-referenced by the JustCite citator.
Four Courts: 200 years
A fascinating collection of original investigations into important aspects of Irish law and history.
C. Costello (Ed.)
Practice & Procedure in Administration & Mortgage Suits in Ireland
Covers the administration of solvent and insolvent estates, and next of kin inquiries.
J.W. Scanlon
Tuairiscí Éireann, The Irish Reports Special Reports 1980–1998
A bi-lingual collection of judgments decided in the superior courts of Ireland, with english translations.
S.Ó. Tuathail (Ed.)
Judgments of the Court of Criminal Appeal Volume 1. 1924–1978
Volume 2. 1979–1983
Edited by a former registrar of the High Court, the Judgments of the Court of Criminal Appeal is a multi-volume work, of benefit to academics and practitioners alike.
G.L. Frewen (Ed.)
The Law of Rent Restriction in the Republic of Ireland (3rd edition)
First published in 1944, this book considers aspects of the law of rent restriction in Ireland.
J.R. Coghlan
Publications Index | Order Form
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This beautiful couple is getting married! I am so excited to shoot their wedding this June. I drove up to Milwaukee this past weekend for their engagement shoot. They enjoyed beers at Lakefront Brewery and Sam even brought his motorcycle for some fun shots at the end. I can't wait for their big day!


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Matt Preira
Live: Bad Brains at Revolution, September 21
Matt Preira | September 22, 2011 | 8:17am
With Birdhand and Furious Dudes
Revolution, Fort Lauderdale
Better Than: Any of the Henry Rollins / Bad Brains collabos.
The Reunion Mania of the 2000s is a curious phenomenon. Sometimes (usually?) it's all a bunch of nostalgic, cash-in bullshit. Every now and then -- like, for example, in the case of Michael Gira's reinvigorated Swans, or the new era of Dinosaur Jr. -- a reunion manages to be a resumption of the band's work and not just a tribute to it. While our pre-show interview with Bad Brains founder Dr. Know has us firmly convinced the good doctor is a man-of-music, we couldn't help but feel that his legendary hardcore band's performance last night at Revolution was a little phoned-in.
The most succinct description of the evening's first set, from Miami's ultimate party band Furious Dudes would be: "very pro." Despite claims that they would be getting as high as humanly possible prior to their performance, their big-room friendly pairing of anthemic punk with bluesy bar rock rang out crystal clear. The Dudes were high energy on stage but were met with a yet to be warmed-up audience still trickling in. They performed their opening act duties with gracious aplomb.
Birdhand were next, but did little in the way of increasing the energy of the crowd. While County Grind appreciates eclectically booked tours featuring complimentary (but not redundant) openers, boring music is still boring music. Birdhand's technically sound but aesthetically torturous alterna-prog oscillated between faux-epic, comically emo, and overwritten to a point of unintended compositional incoherence.
After a long-broiling build-up -- resplendent with endless "Bad Brains!" chants and less structured screaming, both of which snowballed in intensity as Revolution's red curtain remained drawn -- Dr. Know and company finally took the stage. County Grind was surprised to see frontman H.R. behind a guitar, especially for opening number (and P.M.A. superclassic, "Attitude"). So much of the allure of live Bad Brains is the extraordinary showmanship of the group's lead vocalist, something like punk rock's archetypal miscreants (Iggy, Darby, G.G., and so on) minus the cartoonish petulance, and infused with savage primality.
Unfortunately, even when he wasn't behind a guitar, H.R. was relatively disengaged with his band, the audience, and, seemingly, himself. He sang/shouted relatively quiet the entire night, so much so that we paused to wonder if his mic was even on. There's a chance his low volume was a countermeasure against whatever he was rambling on the mic about in between songs. Like we said, the content was lost on us, but his body language and facial expressions -- both of which betrayed a sense of something manic afoot -- communicated his message just fine. Additionally we'd like to note he was wearing at least three visible layers of clothing including a green body suit.
The set itself was a matter-of-fact greatest hits run through that peaked with singalongs and code red mosh conditions whenever the group played notable hardcore numbers like "Right Brigade," "Banned In D.C.," and "Pay to Cum." The reggae songs put everyone to sleep, just like they've been doing for years. Though novel to see this legendary act on stage, the urgency that made them legends in the first place was absent.
The Crowd: Warped Tour diehards, old dudes, shirtless bros, overdressed girlfriend's holding shirts, one fan mohawk, numerous Bad Brains shirts.
Overheard In The Crowd: "I want my 30 dollars back."
Personal Bias: County Grind believes Bad Brains should get into dubstep.
Random Detail: The hot dogs at Revolution are cheaper and tastier than those at the Fillmore Miami Beach. Additionally, Revolution supplies Publix-brand relish.
Bad Brains Setlist
Right Bridage
Salin' On
Give Thanks And Praises
Universal Peace
F.V.K.
I & I Survive
Banned In D.C.
Soulcraft
I Luv I Jah
Re-Ignition
Pay To Cum
Follow County Grind on Facebook and Twitter: @CountyGrind.


A report recently released by the Arkansas Department of Education showing letter grades for Arkansas schools gave eight schools in Jefferson County, including Dollarway and Pine Bluff high schools, an "F" rating.
The grades are based on the Every Student Succeeds Act. Arkansas is among 34 states with an approved plan that complies with the law.
Arkansas Education Commissioner Johnny Key says the letter grades are intended to "generate conversations at the school and district level." He says they aren't meant to define a school or district.
The report comes after a National Assessment of Education Progress analysis found a disparity in reading and math scores between black and white students in fourth and eighth grades.
Jack Robey and Belair middle schools both received "D" ratings, along with W.T. Cheney Elementary.
In the Dollarway School District, Dollarway High School received an "F" rating, along with Matthews Elementary and Robert F. Moorehead Middle School.
"The school report card has 24 performance indicators relative to student achievement. A review of our report card shows that we've made progress in 17 of the 24 student performance indicators. I am proud to see that the literacy program we have implemented is showing a positive impact on student learning. Our teachers deserve the credit for the progress we've made over the last three years. They used student data extensively to drive classroom instruction which has proven to be the key to the gain in student achievement.
Dorothy Welch, White Hall School District assistant superintendent for curriculum and instruction, said of the report cards that "We are extremely proud of the grades our schools have received. We will continue to do what we have been doing, making sure we address the areas that need attention.
Pine Bluff School District Superintendent Michael Robinson and Barbara Warren, superintendent of the Dollarway School District, did not respond to questions before press time.


I had folded my pajamas and put them under my pillow. I don't know why my cabin steward did this to them.
I'd imagine there are women out there who would smile at seeing their pajamas organized to look like barbie clothes.
Hope you don't have to feed anyone to the sharks; I'm relocating to the west coast the week of July seventh.
LOL – ever read John Irving's Widow for a Year?
I thought the pajama thing was mildly creepy.
I don't think I will ever be a cool blogger—bloggatress? I did not get my whole msg in —-wondered if the pajamas were arranged in different shapes each night—now that would be creepy.
Hope you are enjoying sun and fun.


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Home > PS4 > Cyberpunk 2077 Game of the Year Edition Coming in 2023
Cyberpunk 2077 Game of the Year Edition Coming in 2023
Cyberpunk 2077 is GOTY (Game of the Year) material, according to CD Projekt RED. Apparently, the company has plans to release a GOTY edition for the game akin to what it released for The Witcher 3: Wild Hunt. It'll include the base game as well as the post-launch content alongside all the massive updates the game received to fix the plethora of issues it was plagued with at launch.
Cyberpunk 2077 GOTY edition will be fully priced
According to Polish site Stockwatch (via Insider Gaming), the GOTY edition will launch as a full-priced product in 2023, after the release of the Phantom Liberty DLC. Interestingly, CD Projekt RED previously confirmed that Phantom Liberty will only be available on current-gen platforms so it looks like Cyberpunk 2077's GOTY edition will only release on PS5, Xbox Series S/X, and PC. That's probably a good idea, though, considering the game was a hot mess on last-gen consoles.
"It's the natural order of things – it was the same with The Witcher, which after both expansions was finally released as a Game of the Year Edition and has been on the market that way ever since," CD Projekt RED's Adam Kiciński said. Perhaps, "Ultimate Edition" would have been a better title for this one, Adam.
The post Cyberpunk 2077 Game of the Year Edition Coming in 2023 appeared first on PlayStation LifeStyle.
Kojima Drops Potential Death Stranding 2 Hints With Logo Tease
The Callisto Protocol Dev Asks Players for Patience as Issues Are Fixed


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Until I understood what was happening.
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HypeVirals
A Loving 84 Year-Old Husband Learns How To Do Makeup For His Wife
There is nothing sweeter than having to witness your husband do his best efforts to make things easier for you, even if it has been forever since you got together.
Nowadays, divorce is almost a go-to remedy for broken marriages and we could barely see a couple that lasts a lifetime. Some file a divorce because of indifference while some decide to stay married but unhappy.
Whatever the cause of misunderstanding between a couple, this teaches us two things; everything changes. Love may fade and not all relationships last.
However, this elderly couple tells us otherwise.
This elderly couple proves that love is a decision.
Mona and Des have been married for fifty-six years. Being together for such a long time, you would think that they would just do the usual boring things elderlies do on a routine. Nothing exciting!
But this very adorable couple will turn your point of view around. Why? They still act like newly-weds! In fact, they said that they still feel married up to this time. How lovely!
Like most women, Mona loves to apply makeup even at her age. But due to her deteriorating eyesight, she can no longer apply makeup on her own.
Having witnessed his beloved wife struggle to make herself look pretty, Des had to find ways to learn to do her makeup so that Mona can still look and feel her best. There came a time when Des and Mone were supposed to attend a party so Mona decided to get her face made up.
According to Des, Mona's left eye is very bad, that when Mona does her right's eye makeup she can't see anything. So Des will do a little correction for her.
This is when they met Rosie O'Driscoll. A makeup artist in Waterford, Ireland. Des explains to her about her wife's situation and offers to try doing her wife's makeup on his own.
Kim Kardashian's makeup artist Mario Dedivanovic came through Des and Mona's Love Story and was touched by it. He then talked to his manager and told him that he wanted Des and Mona to be in his makeup masterclass in London.
Des was teary-eyed and says that there's no way he wanted his wife Mona to be slapped up with stuff.
Mona then sweetly said, 'He thinks I'm as lovely as I am'.
Watch the touching story here:
My 84-year-old husband now does my make-up
He learned to do make up for his wife and now I'm crying ?❤(via BBC Family & Education News)
Posted by BBC The Social on Wednesday, 6 June 2018
Loyal Dog waited at the same spot …
HypeVirals Copyright © 2023.


RollerMedia:Sonic1 MD US SonicJam manual.pdf, called Arma (アルマ) in the Japanese manualMedia:Sonic1 MD JP manual.pdf, is an armadillo-like Badnik found in Spring Yard Zone in the Sega Mega Drive version of the original Sonic the Hedgehog game. They are enemies which curl in a ball and attempt to run you down. They are invulnerable at this time and can't be attacked until they stop and unfold. If they are left alone they will roll up and move off the screen. If their path of travel is interrupted by a large gap they will jump over it. There is a common fan interpretation that they are the Badnik version of Sonic as they are a similar color and move as fast.
Rollers return in Mirage Saloon Zone from Sonic Mania, with a new yellow and red color palette, slightly resembling Mighty the Armadillo, and with a similar pattern to the original, however the player can bounce these Badniks when in Spin Jump form.
Roller in Sonic the Hedgehog.
This page was last edited on 28 September 2018, at 15:33.


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Robert Oscar Léon Falbisaner , né le  à Strasbourg et décédé dans cette même ville le , est un résistant en Alsace pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Il crée un groupe de résistants sous couvert de son club canin. Puis il l'intègre à l'organisation clandestine du docteur vétérinaire Charles Bareiss dont il devient l'adjoint.

Biographie
Robert Falbisaner est le fils d'Eugène Hermann Dominique Falbisaner (1854-1932) et de Marie Joséphine Elster (1859-1944).

Il épouse le  à Londres Ellie Rose Mary Freeman (1891-1982) de nationalité anglaise.

Il entre à la faculté de Droit de Strasbourg afin d'entreprendre une carrière bancaire. Puis finalement, le , il entre dans la compagnie d'assurance Rhin et Moselle. En  , il est agent général.

Il est président de « l'Airedal-Club » de Strasbourg.

Résistance sous le couvert des clubs canins
Au début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, il est réfugié à Périgueux. Malgré son mariage avec une citoyenne britannique, il est autorisé à revenir revient à Strasbourg le . Il a son logement et ses bureaux à l'angle de la rue de la Mésange et de la place Broglie. Refusant la nazification et l'annexion de fait de l'Alsace, Robert Falbisaner constitue un groupe de résistant au sein de « l'Airedal-Club », il a comme adjoint Louis Schott qui est membre du « Club des Bergers-Allemands » et son collègue Frédéric Schaelderlé comme agent de liaison. Les membres se réunissent à la Brasserie du Grand Kléber (Schutzenberger) où les clubs canins se réunissent. C'est dans ce cadre associatif qu'il rencontre en  Camille Ruff, président de « Boxer-Club », qui a lui aussi constitué un groupe de résistants. Les deux groupes coopèrent pour aider les prisonniers de guerre (PG) évadés.

Au sein de l'organisation clandestine du docteur Bareiss
Camille Ruff lui présente différentes personnes dont le docteur vétérinaire Charles Bareiss qui est revenu en  pour organiser la résistance en Alsace au profit des Services de Renseignements (SR) de Vichy. À son arrivée, il trouve une organisation clandestine déjà en place qui va lui servir de noyau pour fédérer les groupes de résistance alsaciens. Au sein de la nouvelle organisation clandestine du docteur Bareiss qui prendra, fin 1941, le nom de « Gaullistes d'Alsace et de Lorraine », Robert Falbisaner prend la responsabilité du secteur de Strasbourg-ville.

En , il assiste à la réunion organisée dans l'appartement de Charles Bareiss qui explique son plan d'action et demande aux groupes d'arrêter l'aide aux prisonniers de guerre trop risquée pour s'orienter vers la lutte contre la nazification par tracts et journaux ainsi qu'a la recherche de renseignements.

En , le Séquestre allemand demande à  Robert Falbisaner de se rendre à Périgueux pour entrer en contact avec la municipalité strasbourgeoise qui y est replié. Il doit récupérer des fonds et la liste des membres de la Société d'Incinération dont il est le vice-président. Il part le  avec Paul Freiss. Sur place, grâce à Edmond Néegelent, adjoint au maire de Strasbourg, il trouve une fausse excuse pour ne pas remplir sa mission. Il rencontre les autorités alsaciennes comme le préfet Wolf, le  maire Charles Frey et son adjoint Maechling. Il profite de son déplacement pour rencontrer le commandant d'Ornant qui lui confirme et précise les consignes déjà données par le docteur Charles Bareiss. Il rentre le , et  réunit à son domicile les chefs de secteur et le docteur Bariess pour leur rendre compte. Par la suite, son appartement devient le lieu de réunion hebdomadaire du groupe.

Entre-temps, le , Robert Falbisaner est convoqué par le Sicherheitsdienst (SD) allée de la Robertsau où des questions lui sont posées sur les nombreux mouvements à son logement qui lui sert aussi de bureau. Il met en avant son métier d'agent d'assurances. La convocation restera sans suite.

Vers le renseignement
Depuis son retour de zone libre, Robert Falbisaner se consacre plus particulièrement au renseignement. Il fait systématiquement filmer par Paul Freiss les manifestations et défilés des formations nazies afin d'informer les alliés sur la propagande allemande dans les pays annexés.

Le , il se rend à Cologne pour juger des dégâts causés par les bombardements alliés et transmet son rapport au réseau Kléber par Frédéric Schaelderlé et Charles Vuillard.

Au mois de , un membre de son groupe Pierre Schreckenberg obtient le rapport économique du maréchal Goering. Robert Falbisaner le copie et le distribue aux autres groupes de résistance et aux services de renseignements de Vichy et gaullistes.

Le , Robert Falbisaner est une nouvelle fois convoqué par la Gestapo rue Sellénick où les policiers l'accusèrent d'être le chef d'un parti travaillant contre les Allemands. Il est relâché, après un long interrogatoire, faute de preuves.

L'évasion
Le , Frédéric Schaelderlé trahit par Léon Barth est arrêté par la Gestapo. Dans les jours qui suivent, les arrestations des membres de l'organisation se succèdent. Le , la Gestapo se présente à son domicile, mais le couple Falbisaner feint d'être absent et se réfugie dans une chambre de bonne sous les toits. Les policiers se mettent en planque devant les entrées du bâtiment. Prévenu par une voisine du relâchement de la surveillance, le couple réussit à s'échapper par une des portes non surveillée. Ils se réfugient chez Albert Schoen à Mulhouse, ils y rencontrent le docteur Bareiss et Georges Henner qui doit leur fournir des faux papiers. Ce dernier les héberge et organise leur passage en Suisse. Le , M. Zurbach les conduit à Durlinsdorf  où un passeur leur fait passer à pied la frontière près de Bonfol (Suisse). À leur arrivée en Suisse, le couple est séparé. Madame Falbisaner est placée dans un couvent et son mari à la prison de Porrentruy où il rencontre Hans Greiner qui est en réalité le général Henri Giraud évadé, quelques jours plus tôt, d'Allemagne lors d'une opération réalisée par la Septième colonne d'Alsace (réseau Martial). Le , la famille Falbisaner est libérée et le , elle est à Lyon. Robert Falbisaner y rencontre d'autres résistants alsaciens en fuite. Le , il s'installe à Périgueux.

Caché en Dordogne
Loin d'abandonner le combat, Robert Falbisaner reste en contact régulier avec Paul Freiss qui le remplace à la tête du groupe à Strasbourg. Grâce aux facilités de déplacements de ce dernier, les deux hommes se rencontrent le   à Lyon.

Avec l'invasion de la zone libre le , Robert Falbisaner devient Paul Lacour et se réfugie au château de la Feuillade, près de Coursac. Pour échapper à la Gestapo, à partir du , il se cache à la cité-sanitaire de  Clairvivre à Salagnac au sein de l'hôpital des réfugiés tenu par des Alsaciens ayant refusé de revenir en Alsace. Il reste en contact avec le commandant d'Ormant et de nombreux évadés alsaciens.

Après-guerre
Il rentre à Strasbourg dès . Il reprend et fait prospérer son agence d'assurance. Il prend la présidence de la Société pour la propagation de l'incinération de Strasbourg, qu'il représente à de nombreux congrès internationaux. Il se présente aux élections municipales de 1945, mais échoue et se consacre alors totalement à ses activités professionnelles et associatives.

Décorations

 Chevalier de l'ordre du Mérite social

Notes et références

Note

Références

Voir aussi

Bibliographie

  DVD pédagogique

 .

Articles connexes

 Charles Bareiss
 Résistance en Alsace et en Moselle annexées
 Annexion de l'Alsace (1940)
 Liste de résistants alsaciens
 Chronologie de l'Alsace annexée (1939-1945)

Liens externes

Photos

Étudiant de l'université de Strasbourg
Résistant en Alsace
Histoire de Strasbourg pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale
Résistant alsacien
Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur
Titulaire de la médaille de la Résistance française avec rosette
Croix du combattant volontaire de la Résistance
Titulaire de la médaille des évadés
Chevalier du Mérite agricole
Naissance dans le district de Basse-Alsace
Naissance à Strasbourg
Naissance en août 1889
Décès en février 1957
Décès à Strasbourg
Décès à 67 ans

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The fundamental operation is pq-merge, which operates in two phases. A winding phase descends the tree, calling pq-merge recursively down the right spine of the tree. The unwinding phase calls a helper function to swap children as needed. Recursion ends when either of the priority queues being merged is empty.
You can run the assembled code at http://codepad.org/V8v6If7Z.
* we don't know that the left child is not NULL!
I struggled with the Python version quite a bit, on a conceptual level: couldn't get my head around what objects to define. I'd start writing the tree and its methods, and realise I needed the methods to sometimes work on the tree, and sometimes on the nodes, which were distinct objects.
I did find this approach a bit artificial though, and somehow find the C way of dealing with self-referencing data structures more natural and elegant. That said, re-reading my C code after I'd worked on the Python version, I find I'd do a number of things differently now. I've often read that learning other languages will make one a better programmer, but that's the first time I've experienced it first-hand in such an obvious way.


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text:
Bačko Novo Selo (kyrill. Бачко Ново Село, deutsch Neudorf a. d. Donau, ungarisch Bácsújlak) ist ein Dorf der Gemeinde Bač  mit etwa 1200 Einwohnern (2002) in der serbischen Süd-Batschka (Vojvodina). Der Ort liegt an der Donau, die hier die Grenze zu Kroatien bildet und befindet sich auf halber Strecke zwischen Novi Sad und Osijek. Nachbarorte sind Bukin und Plavna, sowie Sotin und Opatovac.

Geschichte

Gründung
Bačko Novo Selo wird erstmals 1554 mit drei steuerzahlenden Haushalten erwähnt. Damals war Neudorf noch unter türkischer Herrschaft. Nach den Türkenkriegen wird Neudorf im Jahr 1699 unter habsburgischer Herrschaft nur Puszta genannt. Im Jahr 1715 gab es schon sieben steuerzahlende Haushalte.

Besiedlung
Im Jahr 1731 wurde Neudorf dem Hofkammerherrn Baron Johann Markus von Zuana geschenkt. Dieser war gleichzeitig Kameral-Kommissar von Oberungarn und hatte die Aufgabe, die unbewohnten Gegenden Ungarns zu besiedeln. Der Baron ließ schwäbische Bauern anwerben und siedelte sie ab 1733 auf seinem Privatbesitz an. Er war bis 1746 Grundherr.
Weitere Grundherren waren Johann Adamovics und die Familie Cseh. Dieser Familie gehörte Neudorf bis ins 19. Jahrhundert.

Katastrophen
Im Jahr 1738 wurde ein großer Teil der Bevölkerung durch die Pest dahingerafft.
Ständige Überschwemmungen durch die Donau sorgten einerseits für fruchtbare Böden, vernichteten andererseits aber auch große Werte und oft Menschenleben. Eine besonders heftige Überschwemmung war im Jahr 1751.

Bevölkerung

Weblinks

Ortsfamilienbuch
  (englisch)

Einzelnachweise

Ort in der Opština Bač


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text:
HANSARD 1803–2005 → 1960s → 1966 → October 1966 → 18 October 1966 → Lords Sitting
PARLIAMENTARY RIGHTS OF PEERS IN THE CIVIL SERVICE
HL Deb 18 October 1966 vol 277 cc3-9 3
§ 2.38 p.m.
LORD NAPIER
My Lords, I beg leave to ask the Question which stands in my name on the Order Paper.
§ [The Question was as follows:
§ To ask Her Majesty's Government—
(a) why it is that Peers of Parliament who are civil servants may not take part in debate nor vote in your Lordships' House, whereas Peers who hold Commissions in the Armed Forces are permitted so to do—both categories, of course, being in the Service of the Crown;
(b) whether they would agree that the relevant Treasury ruling (Estacode Ka 46) which restricts the freedom of speech of Peers who are civil servants is too restrictive, and if they will now cause this whole matter to be reviewed.]
§ THE LORD PRIVY SEAL (THE EARL OF LONGFORD)
My Lords, all the civil servants are required to maintain a proper reserve in matters not only of Party political but also of general public controversy so that their impartialityis beyond suspicion. The Civil Service rule governing the Parliamentary conduct of Peers who are civil servants, though generally understood for many years before, was formalised in 1928. It reads as follows, and now I am quoting the rule of 1928: Civil servants who are Peers or Peeresses of Parliament may attend in their place in the House of Lords when their official duties permit, but may not take part in debate or vote until they have resigned or retired." (Estacode Ka 46). All members of the Armed Forces are similarly subject to a general rule that they should not indulge in political controversy, but on a few occasions Peers who are members of the Armed Forces have, with the permission of the Service authorities, taken part in debate in your Lordships' House. Her Majesty's Government do not agree that this rule, which has been in force under many successive Governments, is too restrictive.
My Lords, whilst I am obliged to the noble Earl the Leader of the House for that reply, I should like, if I may, to ask him two supplementaries. Is it not a fact that no one has the right 4 to debar a Peer of Parliament who is in possession of a Writ of Summons from addressing your Lordships' House, except your Lordships? Indeed, is it not the duty of a Peer summoned by the Sovereign to treat and give his counsel; and does not this restrictive ruling directly interfere with the freedom of speech of certain Peers? Might it not be that this ruling is, in effect, a breach of Parliamentary privilege, and is the Leader of the House prepared to have this matter referred to our Committee for Privileges for their opinion?
Secondly, are Her Majesty's Government aware that when the Masterman Report, which is Command 7718, was presented to Parliament in June, 1949—and this is the present authority in this field of activity—not only was there not one single Member of your Lordships' House on that Committee, but not one solitary noble Lord gave evidence before that Committee? Would it not therefore seem that the views of your Lordships at that time were not even considered?
§ THE EARL OF LONGFORD
My Lords, perhaps I can answer the second point first. It may well be, as the noble Lord says, that the Masterman Committee did not contain a noble Lord, but of course at that time it was open to noble Lords to offer their opinions. I think the fact that apparently no noble Lords took any exception to this, either before the Report was produced or afterwards, must be regarded as some indication that noble Lords accepted the general views of the Masterman Committee.
The noble Lord raises a rather more intricate point when he asks whether anyone has a right to forbid a noble Lord to come here and speak and vote. No doubt the question formulated by the noble Lord is correct, but of course a noble Lord who feels inhibited by the rules of his profession can resign from the Civil Service. That is the short answer to the noble Lord, Lord Napier.
§ THE EARL OF SWINTON
My Lords. I do not wish to express a view on the merits of this, but may I put to the Leader of the House the point raised by the noble Lord who asked the Question originally, whether it might not be a very good thing to put this matter to the Committee for Privileges? Being a member of that Committee, I certainly 5 would not wish to express any opinion upon the matter, but I think there is here a point of considerable importance—of practical importance and of constitutional importance—and it seems to me that that is exactly what the Committee for Privileges exist for. Would the Leader of the House consider whether it might not be a good thing to refer this question to the Committee for Privileges?
Certainly, anything that the noble Earl, Lord Swinton, asked me to consider would be considered by me with special care; that goes without saying; and after to-day I should be very happy to talk to him, or to the noble Lord, Lord Napier, or to any noble Lord who wished the matter to be discussed or considered in any way at all. But I must point out that this rule is officially of 38 years' standing. It was promulgated in the time of a Government which certainly was not a Government of my Government's complexion, so it is not an issue that brings in Party politics at all. It has been a rule which has been sustained by the wisdom of past Leaders of the House of all Parties. Therefore, one would not lightly wish to give the impression that there was any intention of changing the rule. But it is not for me to stand in the way of something going to the Committee for Privileges, and if there is a lot of feeling about it in the House I would say that I am at the disposal of noble Lords to have a preliminary discussion, at any rate, and then the House would have to decide what was done about it.
§ BARONESS HORSBRUGH
My Lords, would the noble Earl say by what authority the Civil Service decided to take away these rights from a citizen of this country?
My Lords, I am not sure that the noble Lady is speaking very wisely in talking about the removal of rights. It may be that if one went back far enough one could find some precedent for the existence of these rights. I believe that in 1869 Mr. Gladstone dragged back Lord Lyons, the Ambassador in Paris, and more or less compelled him to vote for the disestablishment of the Irish Church. In a sense, that would not happen now. 6 I am sure that when the noble Lord, Lord Harlech, inherited his title while he was still Ambassador, he could not have been brought back and forced to vote for the disestablishment of anything. So I think the position has changed in the last hundred years. But this rule goes back to 1928, and in practice a good deal further than that.
My Lords, I hope, if I may say so, that the noble Earl will not rest on that. I agree that this matter has nothing whatever to do with Party politics. On the other hand, it is of considerable constitutional importance, and is of interest to all of us, in all quarters of the House. It seems to me that it is exactly the kind of question, where no Party consideration is involved, which would be very properly considered by the Committee for Privileges. There, we could look at the whole position; and then, if the matter were raised again, the House, as it has so often done when it has had the Reports of its Committees before it, could express a final opinion after full consideration of the whole matter. I do hope the noble Earl the Leader of the House will very carefully consider that.
LORD SALTOUN
My Lords—
§ THEEARL OF LONGFORD
May I just answer the noble Earl, Lord Swinton? I repeat that anything of this character raised in the House would be considered by me, but with special care if it comes from the noble Earl, Lord Swinton, in view of his almost unique services to this House. There is just one point that should be made a little clearer. If one is going to argue that the Civil Service, for which the Government of the day ultimately take the responsibility, has no right to lay down any rules at all, that of course would prevent it from laying down any rules about intervention in debates of an extremely partisan character. I should imagine that almost everybody would agree that civil servants should not take part in what are called Party debates. The issue which is of interest to a number of noble Lords is simply the question of whether they should not be allowed to take part in debates of another kind. So I think one should not talk as though the Civil Service had no rights at all in a matter of this kind, and could not make any rules whatever affecting noble Lords.
THE EARL OF MANSFIELD
My Lords, I welcome the noble Earl's newfound conversion to traditionalism which we hope will be extended in other directions as well, but does he not consider that this difference between serving soldiers and members of the Civil Service is a complete anachronism and ridiculously invidious? Both are servants of the Crown, and surely both should receive equal treatment in and out of your Lordships' House.
My Lords, I think, if I may say so, with respect, that the noble Earl is perfectly entitled to make that point, but in the traditions of this House and of our country there has been a slight difference of emphasis here, and the noble Earl will appreciate that the last thing I am doing is introducing any change.
My Lords, slightly to alter the emphasis of my noble friend Lord Napier, may I ask the Government this question? Is not the case before us one in which the Civil Service has taken upon itself a rule to impede noble Lords from the execution of the duty laid upon them by the Crown in the Writ? That is how it appears to me.
I can only repeat to the noble Lord that in fact this rule is of very long standing; that very eminent Leaders of this House—noble Lords much more eminent than myself—have not taken that view; and that it would be a very revolutionary doctrine if the views which the noble Lord has just expressed prevailed.
§ LORD SEGAL
My Lords, would my noble friend not agree that strict observance of the Civil Service oath should take precedence over the duties of any noble Lord to this House?
§ LORD HARLECH
My Lords, I think the noble Earl the Leader of the House will recognise that there seems to be quite a lot of feeling about this matter in the House. I think it is a perfectly fair point that not only are we considering the rights of individuals and the rights of individual Members of this House, but this is a matter which quite clearly touches on the public interest as well. On the whole, over the years, successive Governments have found it necessary to support this particular rule. Nevertheless, 8 I think it is a fair point that, certainly under this Government, there is a certain growth in the Civil Service, and possibly the time has come to have this matter looked at again. As to whether the right answer would be to send it to the Committee for Privileges, I think that perhaps discussions could be held about that. An alternative, which I put to the noble Earl, is this. Does he think it at all possible that there could be some slight variation in the Treasury rules? If that could be considered, it might meet with the general support of the House.
My Lords, I certainly cannot commit the Government this afternoon to any variation whatever, and I should be giving a false impression if I implied that some change was likely. But I should be delighted to discuss these matters with the noble Lord opposite and other noble Lords who are specially interested. The only argument of the noble Lord I cannot accept is that in some way this problem is the result of the increase of the Civil Service under the present Government. There are, in fact, two noble Lords affected by this matter: both are members of the Foreign Service, of some years' standing. I cannot attribute the responsibility for this problem to the existing Administration.
§ VISCOUNT DILHORNE
My Lords, might I press the noble Earl the Leader of the House to refer this matter to the Committee for Privileges, and to no other body, because to my mind it involves the rights of Members of the House? I suggest to the noble Earl that we should not try to debate it now. The discussion that has taken place in the last few minutes, I would suggest to him, shows the need for further detailed consideration of this problem by the Committee for Privileges.
§ BARONESS SUMMERSKILL
My Lords, in view of the fact that this long debate concerns two people, might I ask my noble friend whether either has approached him and asked whether they should speak?
My Lords, one has certainly not; and one has voted in the past, with the permission of his superiors. I think it would be true to say that neither has approached me 9 directly, although I have been in communication with one of them.
In reply to the noble and learned Viscount, Lord Dilhorne, I can only say that this problem has been before this House for many years; and all the time that he was a distinguished member of the Government it never occurred to him to refer this matter to the Committee for Privileges. I do not think that this is something that should automatically go to the Committee for Privileges. I think that some informal discussions first would help us to recognise the position.
§ LORD FRASER OF LONSDALE
My Lords, does the noble Earl remember that the noble and gallant Viscount, Lord Montgomery of Alamein, is a serving soldier? It would be a great loss to this House if he were never heard.
My Lords, the Service rules apparently do not apply to those who reach the highest eminence.
§ LORD RATHCAVAN
My Lords, could the noble Earl say who are the two Peers concerned?
My Lords, I am perfectly prepared to tell the noble Lord privately—there is no secret about it; but it would perhaps be rather invidious to single them out this afternoon.
My Lords I thank the noble Earl the Leader of the House for those detailed replies. Perhaps we could pursue the matter further.
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