text:
Law Schools and Leftist Orthodoxy
How America's law schools enforce an anti-conservative ideological unanimity
by WALTER OLSON
The nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court of an identifiably conservative figure tends to set off a flurry of noisy opposition from the ranks of legal academia, and that of Judge Samuel Alito in 2005 was no exception. Rallies were set up, petitions circulated, and more than 500 law professors signed a letter urging the nominee's defeat. A particular hotbed of opposition emerged at Yale, where faculty organized something they called the Alito Project to furnish the nomination's opponents with ammunition. There was a bit of a human-interest angle on this last, because Alito, a 15-year veteran of the Third Circuit who had garnered the American Bar Association's highest recommendation, was himself a Yale Law graduate. For that matter, an earlier Court nominee who had also drawn frenetic opposition at Yale Law School, Clarence Thomas, had been a Yale grad, too.
On many campuses, a running campaign against the Supreme Court nominations of the institution's own alumni would have been considered an unthinkable lapse of school spirit. Not in New Haven, though. You might even say that by leading the charge against ideological turncoats and traitors, the professors were embodying Yale's own special kind of school spirit. The U.S. Senate, in any event, proceeded to ignore the profs' efforts, confirming Alito by a 58–42 margin, as it had earlier confirmed Thomas 52–48.
One moment in the affair did occasion a bit of eyebrow-raising, however. It came when renowned liberal professor Owen Fiss explained to the New York Times the link between the two nomination battles: "The one lesson for the law school [of the earlier fight] was that we didn't work hard enough to oppose [Thomas]."
"We"? A lesson "for the law school"? After some confusion, the Yale administration altered its website to distance itself a bit from the Alito Project and to clarify that Professor Fiss had not actually been speaking for the faculty as a whole; on the question of whether its alumnus should be confirmed to the Court, the school instead preserved a studied neutrality.
Not to say that Yale Law did not think of itself as an engaged sort of place. In a welcoming speech to incoming students a few months earlier, Dean Harold Koh (like Fiss, a famously liberal figure) recounted at length the school's courtroom fight against having to admit recruiters from the U.S. military as a condition of taking federal funds, a battle that later emerged as an issue in Elena Kagan's Supreme Court nomination. The long controversy illustrated, Koh said, how at Yale "the human rights tradition runs deep. . . . There is only one Yale Law School and it is us. We are not just a law school of professional excellence; we are an intellectual community of high moral purpose."
After that rhetorical wind-up came the not-un-self-congratulatory pitch: "Ladies and Gentlemen of the Yale Law School of 2008, Citizens of the republic of conscience, Welcome to the Yale Law School!"
Citizens of the republic of conscience. If the modern elite law school really counts as a republic of conscience, it is very nearly a one-party republic: Democrats at last count outnumbered Republicans 28 to 1 on the Stanford faculty, 23 to 1 at Columbia, while Harvard is said to have gone 30 years without hiring a single Republican (even as it formed a panel to fret about the need for more faculty diversity of other kinds). In 2008, law professors donated somewhere between 10 to 20 times as much to Democratic as to GOP White House contenders.
Reporting on a study with similar results—an 81 percent/15 percent Dem/Rep split among top law-school faculty—Adam Liptak of the New York Times noted that only the presence on the list of the University of Virginia, which had a relatively even balance, kept the figures from being even more lopsided, as they were at Harvard (91 percent D), Yale (92 percent), and Stanford (94 percent).
From time to time, this ideological imbalance occasions wider discussion, with some commentators within the academy perturbed about it, others not. Professor Peter Schuck of Yale Law, whose self-described "militant moderate" politics place him well on the right by the standards of fellow faculty members even if not by those of the nation generally, has written that while the schools invariably claim to "cherish robust debate, iconoclasm and arguing issues from all sides," the truth is that "they care much more about diversifying their skin colors, genders and surnames than about diversifying their points of view." Sloganeering about the need for a faculty that "looks like America" is at best inconsistently applied; a study by Northwestern's James Lindgren found that the most demographically underrepresented group on law faculties, relative to the pool of available legal talent from which faculty might be drawn, are white Republican women.
Of course, others have proposed that if conservatives do not fit well into modern academia, it's because—well, because they're not all that bright. "We try to hire the best, smartest, people available," Duke philosophy chair Robert Brandon said of similar findings at his institution. Brandon went on to cite John Stuart Mill (not quite accurately) for the proposition that "stupid people are generally conservative." Some voices in the legal academy take a Brandon-esque line. "Not all ideologies have merit," offers the left-leaning Chicago law professor Brian Leiter as a reason for the shortage of Republicans among his colleagues. Leiter has dismissed calls for wider ideological diversity as pleas for "affirmative action for conservatives who can't make it on the merits of their work."
The imbalance is especially strong in constitutional law. One might tour a dozen elite institutions without running into a single constitutional specialist well disposed toward, say, Rehnquist or Roberts Court jurisprudence. Opinion is scarcely more divided on such areas as employment or consumer law: pick 50 law-review articles at random, and you are unlikely to find one that argues for reducing as opposed to expanding the scope of liability. Environmentalism? Feminism? Disabled rights? Gay rights? Immigration? Topic after topic rouses lively controversy in the rest of the country but not in the legal academy.
Some fields are more open to a spectrum of views than others. Leiter, the Chicago law professor, has compiled lists of the most prominent law professors in various specialties, as measured (however imperfectly) by citation counts. They confirm the left's near-total dominance in constitutional law, where outspoken liberals occupy all the half-dozen top spots, and no well-known conservative appears until around position No. 18. International law, labor/employment, legal ethics/legal profession, environmental law, and procedure are others with strong liberal concentrations. A few areas—intellectual property law, tax, and inheritance—appear to lack much of a political charge one way or the other. In only two areas—business law and law and economics—does a noticeable concentration of conservative or free-market-oriented scholars appear, and in both cases it is as part of a decided mix of left and right voices.
Unsurprisingly, the range of permissible opinion is at its narrowest where identity politics is at stake, a set of topics often associated in private faculty conversation with terms like "minefield" and "career-ending." Many schools have launched law-and-race centers and projects, which without exception situate themselves very much to the left of center. Thus it is with the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Race, Ethnicity and Diversity at Berkeley, the C.H. Houston Institute for Race and Justice directed by Barack Obama's mentor Charles Ogletree Jr. at Harvard, Florida's Center for the Study of Race Relations (recent lecture topic: "Reactionary Colorblindness"), UCLA's Critical Race Studies Program, the Structural Racism Initiative at Ohio State, or the similar centers at Chapel Hill, Northeastern, and so on.
Many topics with no obvious identity-politics dimension, however, command almost as much consensus. Thus pretty much every labor-law specialist with a national profile favors expanding the distinctive legal powers of labor unions, all but a few land-use experts favor giving government more powers to regulate private landowners, and so forth. Where there is an exception, it is often named "Richard Epstein," the libertarian-leaning polymath called on to serve as a voice of near-lone dissent in a half-dozen or more far-flung areas.
To be sure, there is these days a haven and refuge for dissident students and faculty in the form of the declaredly conservative/libertarian Federalist Society. Successful as they are, however, the Federalists are by design an outsider's debating group, not a part of the institutional law school, and utterly unrepresentative of faculty opinion at most schools. Even more recently, a couple of schools have experimented with opening up more of an institutional home for right-of-center scholars, notably at the George Mason University School of Law, a state school in the Virginia suburbs of Washington, D.C.
But such programs are outnumbered 30-, 50-, or 100-to-1 by projects and programs of an opposite view, which often make no effort to conceal their ideological mission. Yale's Legislative Advocacy Clinic attempts to move the state of Connecticut toward "a more progressive agenda in taxing." Georgetown's course offerings include "Organizing for Social Change: Anti-Subordination Theory and Practice," incorporating "the strategies of professional organizers" in a class "designed for the lawyer as change agent." George Washington's program in animal-rights law "attempts to change attitudes about the relationship between human and non-human animals." Choices for students at Pace include the Social Justice Center ("Supported by a grant from the Ford Foundation, the Center is engaged with various communities in exposing police abuse of minorities and facilitating civilian oversight of the police") and the Energy Project, long engaged in the campaign to close a nuclear plant on which Westchester County relies heavily for its electric supply. Santa Clara's Center for Social Justice and Public Service "builds a community for students, faculty, lawyers, and others who share a commitment to marginalized, subordinated, or underrepresented clients and causes."
The farther shores of leftism are amply populated as well. Among the renowned career successes of the modern law school is that of the former Weather Underground terrorist Bernardine Dohrn at Chicago's Northwestern. Given her past as an FBI Most Wanted List long-timer, Dohrn couldn't practice law and had never held a teaching position, but that didn't stop Northwestern from hiring her to run what developed into a high-profile national clinical project in juvenile justice. Dohrn's presence on the faculty provoked some dissension—"I thought that what we were doing was participating in the laundering of evil," Professor Daniel Polsby, then on the faculty, told the Chicago Tribune—but the school's dean vigorously defended her.
Then there's the remarkably friendly reception accorded to Lynne Stewart, a New York lawyer from the farthest fringes of left-radicalism who was convicted and disbarred in a high-profile case for unlawfully helping one of her clients, the Islamic terrorist Abdel Rahman, pass messages out of the country to his followers. (Despite the ideological differences between the two, Stewart apparently admired the "Blind Sheik" Rahman as someone at war with the capitalist U.S. government.) Free while her appeal was pending, Stewart embarked on a tour of law schools and other campuses organized by admiring supporters. Others who've made the rounds on the radical law-school speaking circuit include Kathleen Cleaver, a former high official of the Black Panther Party and now a senior lecturer in law at Emory; the former Ten Most Wanted fugitive and terror acquittee Angela Davis, given a standing ovation at Harvard as part of the inaugural program of Professor Ogletree's new institute on race and law; and Laura Whitehorn, a member of a Weather Underground splinter that bombed the U.S. Capitol and seven other buildings.
The key to success on this particular speaking circuit is to come across as entirely unrepentant and even more radical than the audience dared hope. Stewart did not disappoint, explaining in one interview that yes, she did look favorably on violence when it was "directed at the institutions which perpetuate capitalism, racism, and sexism, and at the people who are the appointed guardians of those institutions, and accompanied by popular support." Her words on another occasion confirm that Stewart is no namby-pamby practitioner of let's-be-nice civil libertarianism: "I don't have any problem with Mao or Stalin or the Vietnamese leaders or certainly Fidel locking up people they see as dangerous. Because so often, dissidence has been used by the greater powers to undermine a people's revolution."
When Stewart's campus visits took place under the sponsorship of like-minded student organizations, as was mostly the case, they hardly registered as more than the screech of ideological background noise one gets used to hearing on campus. But people did notice when Stanford Law School, which vies with Yale as the most prestigious and competitive of them all, invited Stewart to serve as a "Visiting Public Interest Mentor." Even at Stanford, this was enough to touch off a furor, and Dean Kathleen Sullivan—much to the outrage of some in the school's "public interest" community—stepped in personally to see that the invitation was withdrawn.
Lesson learned? Maybe at Stanford itself, but not at New York's Hofstra Law School, which proceeded to invite Stewart to lecture on legal ethics as part of a major annual conference, on a program studded with vocal supporters of her case and bereft of vocal critics. This time the outcry was bigger and broke into the national press, at which point the school hurriedly revamped the program to ensure that critics of Stewart would have a conspicuous role as well. It also was obliged to drop continuing legal education (CLE) credit for Stewart's panel after it was pointed out that a New York law forbids the awarding of CLE credit for courses taught by convicted felons. Hofstra's administration seemed to be genuinely puzzled and surprised at the public outcry provoked by its invitation to Stewart; it really didn't seem to have anyone on hand who was enough in touch with national opinion to warn them.
Other academic disciplines such as sociology and political science show ideological imbalances similar to those of academic law. There is reason to believe that the barrier or deterrent to conservative entry is not so much in acquiring the requisite credentials (such as advanced degrees) but in converting them into a durable career in academia. At Minding the Campus, the economist Daniel Klein describes a study of scholarly association memberships:
We found that Republican-voting members of the scholarly associations were significantly more likely to have landed outside of academia. For example, in Anthropology/Sociology, 43% of the Republican scholars were working outside academia, compared with only 24% of Democrat scholars. In History, it was 47% versus 27%. In all six disciplines overall, it was 41% versus 25%. The individuals we are talking about here are members of the American Anthropological Association, the American Historical Association, and so on. Most had PhDs. So we find that Republican-voting members of such associations are consistently more likely to be working outside of academia—in government, private sector, independent research, or other.
In law, much more so than in anthropology or history, jobs outside academia (in private law firms, for example) offer many extremely attractive options for persons with the relevant qualifications. And in fact, the ranks of high-end practicing lawyers—many with stellar academic training in law—are far more balanced politically than those of legal academia. If promising young conservatives are disproportionately attracted to private practice, bias or discouragement alone might not fully explain what Richard Posner has called the "self-selection of leftward-leaning lawyers into academic law."
When conservatives do make the attempt, however, the clubbiness will be an obstacle. And the temptation will be to keep their heads down, suppress views known to be unpopular, and either stake out some topical specialty in which they happen to share in the liberal consensus, or one like securities or estate law that is mostly off the political radar screen.
To succeed in academic law, most younger scholars need to publish widely and network at conferences with like-minded colleagues in a position to advance each other's careers. Candidates with acceptable politics have an advantage on both fronts. Where to publish? Conservatives and libertarians looking for a like-minded outlet may choose between the Federalist Society's Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, the NYU Journal of Law and Liberty, the Texas Review of Law and Politics, and perhaps a few others. On the left, to start with Harvard alone, the array includes Unbound: Harvard Journal of the Legal Left, the Journal of Law & Gender, the Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review, the race-and-law Black Letter Law Journal, the Environmental Law Review, the Human Rights Journal, the Latino Law Review, and several others of similar nature, all aside from the Harvard Law Review itself.
And that's just one school. The broader menu of publishing options affords many dozens of choices in the race and gender categories alone, from the Iowa Journal of Gender, Race and Justice ("Feminist inquiry and critical race analysis are the touchstones of our endeavor. . . . We include all struggles against oppression within this conception") to the Georgetown Journal of Law & Modern Critical Race Perspectives (founded by students "inspired by their experiences with critical race theorists here at Georgetown and who saw the establishment of a race and identity law journal as a meaningful kind of activism"). Given this superabundance, a young scholar working in the correct vein will have very good chances of placing his or her output, all the more so since a well-executed article on gender, international human rights, or public-interest law is something the "regular" law reviews may be more than happy to publish.
When hiring time arrives, a key threshold question is what kind of hires the target school wishes to make. KC Johnson of Brooklyn College has observed that a school can utterly transform the political tenor of its history department simply by deciding to stop acquiring new scholars in military and diplomatic history, rightly or wrongly perceived as redoubts of conservatism, in favor of identity-history specialties. Similar effects are seen in academic law now that every forward-minded school needs a specialist in gender law and race-and-law. And if you want a reputation as diversity-friendly, why stop at one? Once you add in a few politically engaged exponents of education, health, consumer, police-misconduct, environmental, and housing law, the inevitable international-human-rights specialist, and especially clinicians, a critical mass quite likely begins to form that can set the tone on many issues, even aside from their co-thinkers among those who teach old-line legal subjects.
UCLA's Stephen Bainbridge, one of the higher-profile conservatives in legal academia, says conscious political opposition to right-leaning candidates is a less important factor in screening them out than shared assumptions, connections, and comfort levels. "In other disciplines, there are more objective standards for quality of work," one dean told the Times's Liptak. "Law schools are sort of organized in a club structure, where current members of the club pick future members of the club." "I think blacks want more blacks, women want more women, and leftists want more leftists," adds Harvard's Alan Dershowitz. "Everybody thinks diversification comes by getting more of themselves."
At least three kinds of pressure from the outside push the law school leftward. They are accreditation, fear of litigation, and—surprisingly or otherwise—donor influence.
The ongoing process of law-school accreditation is reliably rumored to have been a leading torment for law-school deans inclined to vary from prevailing left-friendly management formulas. Most schools of any stature find it unthinkable to do without a clean bill of health from the two major accreditation agencies for legal academia, the American Bar Association and the Association of American Law Schools. To pass muster, all law schools must submit to periodic site inspections and undertake what the ABA calls "self-study" (sometimes nicknamed "self-criticism"). For starters, self-study requires the school to confront the adequacy of its diversity efforts; tougher language adopted in 2006 provides that schools "shall demonstrate by concrete action" their commitment to this goal. Thus a sample question from the 2007 ABA site-evaluation questionnaire:
Describe and itemize how the law school has demonstrated by concrete action during the past two years a commitment to having a faculty and staff that are diverse with respect to gender, race and ethnicity.
In practice, even schools that have pursued diversity with much vigor often feel pressure from site inspectors to do more: it couldn't hurt, in satisfying them, to add yet another Latino law journal or feminist conference series to the mix. A professor at one well-known school in the Northeast, who has taken part in two reaccreditation self-studies, explains:
Like locusts, they come every seven years. The folks who accredit law schools are left-liberal academics in the service of the ABA, with an occasional member of the practicing bar thrown in. They not only threaten the accreditation status of schools that do not have clinics, but actually [demand] that clinical professors be integrated into the life of the law school on general terms of equality with the research faculty, leading to a left-tipping bloc in most faculty votes. And don't even get me started about "mission statements," each of which must be more self-abasing in terms of service to the underserved than the one before it.
Resisting the zeitgeist can also place a school at a disadvantage in lawsuits. Denials of tenure to feminist scholars have repeatedly led to high-profile discrimination claims, and more than one case has contended that an unwelcoming attitude toward feminist or minority-focused scholarship is part of the pattern or practice for which a school should be held accountable. One such lawsuit was filed against Oklahoma City University School of Law following a memo by four female professors complaining of harassment, unequal pay, "insensitivity," and "discriminatory attitudes and behavior that are harming and have harmed our professional careers and quality of life." Among the bill of particulars, according to one news report, was an all-male panel for a Constitution Day program in 2007: "The female professors also complained the OCU law school has no regular civil rights course, criminal law classes don't cover rape, and the landmark abortion case Roe v. Wade is only covered sporadically in constitutional law." Note that some of these complaints go to the heart of professors' discretion on how to teach their subjects, as with the constitutional-law professor who chose to cover Roe v. Wade "only . . . sporadically" rather than treat it as central and iconic.
One reason some academic careers outpace others is that some candidates are highly "fundable"—that is, have the backing of key grant makers outside the institution. Consider, for example, Bernardine Dohrn and how she got ensconced at Northwestern despite her lack of ordinarily expected teaching and practice experience. One factor that couldn't have hurt: both Dohrn's father-in-law and her former employer sat on the Northwestern board. But another was that her program reliably raked in major grants from the high-profile MacArthur Foundation and other grant makers. Observers say the grants were widely read as a vote of confidence in Dohrn personally and might not have been assured had the program been assigned to someone else.
But not every proposal can get past the university committee. "They won't take money just from anyone for anything," says Daniel Polsby, dean at George Mason and previously a Dohrn colleague at Northwestern. "There is a very ideological screen." Columbia, Duke, UCLA, and Stanford were among schools that accepted $7 million in grants from a foundation established by the TV personality Bob Barker to endow programs in animal-rights law; Harvard established the Bob Barker Endowment Fund for the Study of Animal Rights, while Georgetown launched a clinic that it said would give students credit for working with Humane Society litigators. Would the resulting projects pursue research findings and court action that might displease the followers of Barker, known as a passionate advocate of animal rights who intended for his foundation to advance that cause? It's hard to say for sure, but one can speculate whether the schools would have been as likely to accept millions to establish animal-law programs named after Fred the Furrier.
Some funders are pushier than others. Perhaps the most famously pushy of all is the Ford Foundation, which pioneered high-stakes law-school philanthropy in the 1950s and has remained a key donor since then. Among its constants has been the goal (to quote an early Ford-sponsored panel) of "developing the social conscience of law students and professors." Ford has also aggressively sought to introduce new topics to the law-school curriculum, beginning with a largely failed 60s effort to establish poverty law as a new subject, and later through generous patronage of women's studies, race studies, and other identity-based studies programs, which it also supports in other parts of the university. More recently, it has turned major attention to promoting international human-rights law.
Even by the standards of legal academia, Ford's left-tilting style of philanthropy is something special. For one thing, it is frank in emphasizing movement-building in contrast to a spirit of inquiry. Whatever their political leanings, most faculties pride themselves on the kind of regard for the life of the mind that values research for its own sake and for its potential to reveal unexpected things about the world that might call on us to revise our current thinking. Ford, on the other hand—as reflected in its policy document on legal philanthropy, Many Roads to Justice—hews to an official view of research as purely instrumental, providing ammunition for causes and crusades already settled on as desirable.
"Research can be a powerful tool for social change," it concedes. The resultant findings can "support policy and law reform, provide the factual basis for litigation," and, as it explains at another point, help grantees "galvanize public support for policy reform." But it goes on to caution in all sternness that research "does not constitute a stand-alone strategy." The mere elucidation of a social problem for purposes of understanding it more deeply, in other words, is not a good enough reason to open the foundation's ample checkbook. Which makes a sort of sense, on the assumption that they're not expecting the findings of new research to change their own minds about anything.
Frequently, the funding of a law-school project serves as a key strategic step in planning a longer-term campaign toward some desired breakthrough in the real-world courtroom. Thus generous foundation support enabled the founding of the Harvard Civil Rights Project in 1996 with the aim of laying the groundwork for the (successful) defense of racial preferences in university admissions before an ambivalent Supreme Court. Dohrn's juvenile-justice project at Northwestern "played an integral role," in its own words, in advancing the long campaign of legal and public advocacy that culminated in 2005's 5–4 Supreme Court decision in Roper v. Simmons, declaring the death penalty unconstitutional as applied to crimes committed before age 18.
In 1995 there was founded the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law, which was to serve as something of an overall academic headquarters for the Legal Left. Brennan, which bills itself "part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group," has roared to an $8 million budget in its short existence. (Supporters include George Soros, with more than $3 million in start-up grants, along with Carnegie, Ford, Pew, Joyce, Rockefeller, and so on.) To name just one of its many activities, its "Living Constitution Project" describes itself as "a comprehensive public education initiative" aimed at countering the "pinched and narrow view of the role of law, the Constitution, and government" purportedly held by conservative thinkers.
So, yes, as a counterweight to all of this, there is . . . the Federalist Society. It has been in existence twice as long as Brennan. And its budget is at a comparable level ($9 million nationally). But if the Federalists are expecting to be welcomed into a top-10 law school like NYU as part of its official university structure, the way the Brennan Center has—well, they are likely to wait a long time.
WALTER OLSON
Walter Olson is senior fellow at the Cato Institute and has written about the international human rights movement in Schools for Misrule (Encounter).
Meme Warriors and the Post-Trump Moment: Pugnacity vs. persuasion. -- https://t.co/Xs54seE4yA https://t.co/Zk4i7vLjgQ
Theater of the Absurd: An ego boost. -- https://t.co/jtfQ0TRKkN https://t.co/guXJnYqQSk
Theater of the Absurd:An ego boost. -- https://t.co/jtfQ0TRKkN https://t.co/taSZ9z9DYW
Theater of the Absurd: https://t.co/jtfQ0TRKkN "Would I have become President without Social Media?" President Tru… https://t.co/XIKKuIyzFy
https://t.co/jtfQ0TRKkN A host of progressive organizations use their ostensible Jewishness as cover or sanction fo… https://t.co/LofgwD1BOc
Why Did He Do It? WHY? -- The president decided to interrupt his rival party's self-immolation with a tweet calling… https://t.co/sRhc88X5eP
Will Amy McGrath Get the Celebrity Treatment? https://t.co/PCyYvw72vF https://t.co/yDzQ3MqjFJ
The Weight of a Feather https://t.co/hBo5ijLf2c https://t.co/OpemMpVsD4
Women's Soccer and the Equal Pay Canard https://t.co/E9NyPPysix https://t.co/FyyRPbadNo
The Monster Comes for Its Creators https://t.co/nYcfwBrECX https://t.co/oZm4LsyiuK


text:
download the kick it out app today
REPORT AN INCIDENT HERE!
Guidance Groups
Donate to Kick It Out
Professional game
LFE Life Skills
Equality Inspires
Players and managers
A.S.P.I.R.E.
E&D Awareness Course
Raise Your Game
Jobs in Football
Mentoring Newsletter
Activity Fund
Fans Fund
Why I Support
Asians in football
Disability in football
Faith in football
LGBT+ in football
Women in football
#RYG17 – Media and Communications Mentors
With this year's Raise Your Game National Conference less than a month away,...
#RYG17 – Community and Grassroots Mentors
Kick It Out is pleased to announce the individuals who have given their time up...
Premier League launches PL Primary Stars
The Premier League has launched its most ambitious community programme to date,...
FA seek BAME candidates for Elite Coach Mentee roles
The Football Association (The FA) is recruiting for four football coaches to be...
Essex Senior League to host weekend of dedicated fixtures
Kick It Out, football's equality and inclusion organisation, is teaming up...
Education Officer Hayley Bennett speaks to the Voice during Women's History Month
Hayley Bennett, Education Officer at Kick It Out, spoke to The Voice...
8372 Tournament to commemorate 22nd anniversary of Srebrenica genocide
The 8372 football tournament will commemorate the 22nd anniversary of the...
Students to host Call Full Time On Hate youth tournament
Two students from Sir Frank Whittle Studio School in Leicester will host a...
Lord Ouseley shares his frustrations at lack of BAME people in managerial & boardroom positions
The chairman of Kick It Out has warned that black players may need to go on...
BAME Coaches inspired at Raise Your Game coaching event
Kick It Out and the Premier League hosted a Raise Your Game coaching event at...
Kick It Out recognised at Football Black List celebration evening
Lord Herman Ouseley and Hayley Bennett were both recognised at the Football...
Britain's first black manager to be recognised with prestigious award at Football Black List Celebration
Tony Collins, Britain's first black manager, will be recognised by the...
FA to host Referee Diversity Networking Event
The Football Association (FA) and the Professional Game Match Officials Limited...
Kick It Out recruiting individual members for Professional Game Guidance Group
Kick It Out is seeking to recruit individual members to join its Professional...
WONDERKID film launched online
WONDERKID, a film depicting the turmoil facing a gay professional footballer,...
Kick It Out recruiting for Chair of Professional Game Guidance Group
Kick It Out is seeking to recruit an independent chair to manage its...
A.S.P.I.R.E. Monthly Blog - Ammarah Pandor
In February 2016, Kick It Out launched A.S.P.I.R.E. – Ambassadors Supporting...
CHANGE OF DATE: Kick It Out's Raise Your Game now on Monday 24 April 2017
Due to Arsenal's rescheduled Premier League fixture with Leicester City now...
< previous page 1 of 3 Next >
Report an incident of discrimination confidentiallymore >
"We have a responsibility as players to give something back and I'm really thankful to be part of this organisation because we can do a lot of good."
Jack Butland, 'Next 20' Ambassador
"A big part of my involvement with Kick It Out stems from my strong admiration for the organisation's commitment to fairness and equality."
Clive Tyldesley, football commentator
"It was Kick It Out that convinced the people in football that change was possible."
Greg Dyke, former FA chairman
"I wanted to thank the campaigners at Kick It Out for their work. I know first-hand how Kick It Out can help."
Yaya Toure, Manchester City midfielder
"It is important for me in my role as a Kick It Out 'Next 20' ambassador to teach young people how to handle discrimination and treat people with respect."
Romelu Lukaku, 'Next 20' Ambassador
"It is a massive honour for me to be an ambassador for such a great organisation. I think they do great work on and off the field."
Toni Duggan, 'Next 20' Ambassador
"It really helped me to see that other professional sports people were acknowledging their sexuality. I read about John Amaechi, Gareth Thomas and Tom Daley. They weren't footballers but the fact that they went public gave me the feeling that I was not alone."
Thomas Hitzlsperger, former Aston Villa midfielder
"There was no conflict between religion and the fact that I wanted to play football. I was brought up correctly and in the right way and my parents are very proud of the fact that I am a professional footballer."
Sadio Mané, Liverpool winger
"I think it's important to share success stories and realise that there are women operating in the game. If it's something you want to do, you can do it."
Ffion Eade, Hampshire FA referee
"I've had loads of negative comments from men, especially growing up. It's just boring and old. Times have changed, and they continue to change. Women play football, and they're good at it, and have been for a number of years."
Kelly Smith, England Women's record goalscorer
"Despite the progress, stereotypes still exist in football and until that is broken down it will be extremely difficult for a woman to manage a top level men's team."
Rachel Yankey, former Arsenal Ladies forward
"There's no hiding that there is sexism in sport. We have a lack of women right across all levels of management, playing and coaching. It shows the closed nature of sport in general and this includes the media. It's an indictment of sport as a whole."
Rimla Akhtar, Kick It Out trustee and Chair of the Muslim Women's Sports Foundation
"I'm proud to be a supporter of Kick It Out and particularly the work they are doing to combat antisemitism within football."
Joe Jacobson, Wycombe Wanderers midfielder
"With Kick It Out leading the way football is standing up and fighting against those who preach hatred and intolerance and we at Chelsea are proud to support their work."
Bruce Buck, Chelsea Football Club Chairman
Kick It Out, 20 Market Road, N7 9PW
T: 020 3967 8989 Email: info@kickitout.org
© Kick It Out 2016 Designed by Sherry Design Studios
Google, Google Play and YouTube are trademarks of Google Inc.
Kick It Out is sponsored by
drthsxh

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Soy has a bad rap, which has scared many folks into avoiding this plant-based protein altogether. Many believe that soy is linked to breast cancer. However, the truth is, it's just another myth that's raised fears about eating a healthful food. Here's a look into where this myth came from and the truth about soy and breast cancer.
The idea that soy can lead to breast cancer began with several animal studies conducted in the 1990s. These studies showed that the compound in soy (called isoflavones) stimulated the growth of tumors in mice implanted with estrogen-receptor positive breast cancer cells. It was then believed that women with an increased risk of developing breast cancer should avoid soy because it would increase their risk even more.
Unfortunately, the idea that phytoestrogens were the same as estrogens spread quickly through the media and over the internet. Today, many folks still strongly believe in this myth and avoid soy at all costs.
In addition, Messina says that there are animal studies in support of this hypothesis as well as four retrospective studies, two conducted in China and two in the United States although all four involved women of Asian ethnicity.
So How Much Soy Should You Have?
There is no official recommendation, although for cholesterol reduction, 25 grams per day of soy protein was set as the maximum intake by the FDA. Palmer recommends sources like soy milk, edamame, tofu, and tempeh and personally includes it in her diet 1 to 2 times per day. "It is the highest quality protein source among plants," explains Palmer. She also does not recommend highly concentrated sources of isolated soy, as in powders and bars.
Here is a run-down of the soy protein found in common soy-based foods.
There's plenty of evidence debunking the myth that connects soy to breast cancer, so you can start including soy in your healthy diet and feel good about it!


Life looked so perfect, I know not why.
Yes, I know now that I'm in love.
Yet time seems to have come to a standstill.
And waited patiently for her answer……..
Dejected, I turned to go.
I thought to myself-Why am I showing no feelings?
God said-For true love now my child you have to wait….


text:
Home » Website » National » Tamil Nadu Bypoll Contestant Declares Rs 4 Lakh Crore Loan, Rs 1.74 Lakh Crore Cash
Tamil Nadu Bypoll Contestant Declares Rs 4 Lakh Crore Loan, Rs 1.74 Lakh Crore Cash
The affidavit, a copy of which has been uploaded in the Election Commission's website, was filed by Jebamani Janata Party's J Mohanraj, a retired police inspector, along with his nomination for the by election on April 18.
Outlook Web Bureau	05 April 2019
Tamil Nadu bypoll contestant J Mohanraj
Facebook/J Mohanraj
Outlook Web Bureau	April 05, 2019 00:00 IST Tamil Nadu Bypoll Contestant Declares Rs 4 Lakh Crore Loan, Rs 1.74 Lakh Crore Cash
"Cash on hand Rs 1.76 lakh crore and debt of Rs four lakh crore" may sound outlandish, but the deliberate false declaration was made in his affidavit by a candidate for the by-election to the Perambur assembly segment in Tamil Nadu.
The figures, which sarcastically refer to the notional value of 2G spectrum scam and the debt burden of the Tamil Nadu government, were mentioned by the son of a freedom fighter in a bid to expose chinks in the Election Commission's screening process of the mandatory declaration.
If taken at face value, he would have been the richest candidate in the entire country.
Asked why he made the false declaration, Mohanraj, son of freedom fighter Jebamani, alleged the 2G Spectrum case was not properly probed and it was his attempt to draw the attention to this aspect.
On the Rs four lakh crore debt he declared he owed to the World Bank in the "dues" column, the 67-year old retired police inspector told PTI it was a pointer to the Tamil Nadu government's "administrative inefficiency," which resulted in a huge debt burden to the tune of about Rs four lakh crore.
In the 2019-20 budget, the Tamil Nadu government had said the outstanding debt by the end of March 2020 will be Rs 3,97,495.96 crore.
Mohanraj, who had declared Rs 1,977 crore as his deposits in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections when he filed his papers to contest from south Chennai, said he chose to present a fake declaration for one more purpose.
"You can declare whatever you want in the affidavit. The Election Commission will do nothing," he claimed and demanded that false declarations be made a criminal offence.
Asked if action was taken against him for making such a declaration in 2009, he said, "I did not even get a notice."
He claimed that making false declarations was a criminal offence and it was made a civil matter only on April 26, 2014.
"This was done to protect a political bigwig who had concealed information about his assets while filing nomination from a Lok Sabha constituency in Tamil Nadu," he claimed.
An official had come out in the open about the bigwig and "it is in the public domain," he said.
Mohanraj said he was tired of writing to several authorities, including the Election Commission, seeking to make false declarations a criminal offence.
"This (by making a false declaration to draw attention) is my way of working for the betterment of the nation," he said.
To a question, Mohanraj, who took voluntary retirement from the police department, said he also did not mention that he owned a house in the declaration.
The only truth about his declaration was that his spouse had 13 sovereigns gold worth about Rs 2.50 lakh and Rs 20,000 cash on hand.
"I mentioned Rs three lakh as jewel loan. But these jewels were auctioned."
Despite attempts, the Election authorities did not react to the issue.
PM Modi On LK Advani's Blog: 'He Sums Up True Essence Of BJP'
Outlook Web Bureau	Chennai	Lok Sabha Elections 2019	Politics	Candidates	Affidavits	National
More from India
'Qawwali Nahi Chalegi Yahan': Kathak Dancer Manjari Chaturvedi Says Act Stopped Midway At UP Govt Event
Jammu and Kashmir: Lack Of Explosives Delays Skiing In Gulmarg This Season
Might Is Right: How Parties In Power (Mis)Used The Indian Police Force
A Symbol Of Mistrust, UP Police Reflects State's Deteriorating Political Landscape
India Vs Australia, 1st ODI, Highlights: AUS Cruise Past IND, Take 1-0 Lead
Neelav Chakravarti
MS Dhoni Misses Out On Annual BCCI Contract; Jasprit Bumrah In Topmost Tier – Full List
Outlook Web Bureau
25 Injured As 8 Coaches Of Mumbai-Bhubaneswar Lokmanya Tilak Express Derail
Nirbhaya Gangrape-Murder Case: What The Tihar Jail Manual Says About Execution
Jeevan Prakash Sharma
Tales Of Police Excesses Raise Questions About Their Propriety. Is There A Deeper Rot In Agency?
Puneet Nicholas Yadav
Rasika Dugal Visits A Real-Life ACP In Chandigarh For Preparation Of Delhi Crime Season 2
Lachmi Deb Roy
How Much Would You Pay For A Kidney?
Shailesh Chitnis
'I Am An Old Man Now, Pretending To Be Cool': Saif Ali Khan's Hillarious Reply On Going To Same Pub With Taimur, Ibrahim


text:
from flask import Flask, request, session, g, redirect, url_for, abort, \
     render_template, flash

from flask_sqlalchemy import SQLAlchemy
from datetime import datetime

from flask_login import LoginManager, current_user, login_required

app = Flask(__name__)
app.config.from_object(__name__) # load config from this file , pimp_board.py
app.config['SQLALCHEMY_TRACK_MODIFICATIONS'] = False

login_manager = LoginManager()
login_manager.init_app(app)
login_manager.login_view = 'login'

# Load default config and override config from an environment variable
app.config.update(dict(
    SECRET_KEY='development key',
    SQLALCHEMY_DATABASE_URI='postgresql://pimp:changeme@localhost/pimp_board'
))
app.config.from_envvar('PIMP_BOARD_SETTINGS', silent=True)

db = SQLAlchemy(app)

@login_manager.user_loader
def load_user(id):
    return User.query.get(int(id))

@app.before_request
def before_request():
    g.user = current_user

@app.teardown_appcontext
def close_db(error):
    """Closes the database again at the end of the request."""
    #db.session.dispose()

def init_db():
    with app.open_resource('schema.sql', mode='r') as f:
        db.cursor().executescript(f.read())
    db.commit()

@app.cli.command('initdb')
def initdb_command():
    """Initializes the database."""
    init_db()
    print('Initialized the database.')

@app.route('/')
def index():
    entries = db.session.query(Entry).order_by(Entry.id)
    return render_template('show_entries.html', entries=entries)

@app.route('/add', methods=['POST'])
def add_entry():
    if not session.get('logged_in'):
        abort(401)
    try:
        entry = Entry(
            title=request.form['title'],
            text=request.form['text'],
        )
        db.session.add(entry)
        db.session.commit()
    except:
        flash('Error adding new entry')
    else:
        flash('New entry was successfully posted')

    return redirect(url_for('index'))

class Entry(db.Model):
    __tablename__ = 'entries'

    id = db.Column(db.Integer, primary_key=True)
    title = db.Column(db.String)
    text = db.Column(db.String)

    def __init__(self, title, text):
        self.title = title
        self.text = text

    def __repr__(self):
        return '<id {}>'.format(self.id)

class User(db.Model):
    __tablename__ = "users"
    id = db.Column('user_id',db.Integer , primary_key=True)
    email = db.Column('email',db.String(50), unique=True , index=True)
    password = db.Column('password' , db.Binary(60))
    first_name = db.Column('first_name', db.String(15))
    last_name = db.Column('last_name', db.String(15))
    registered_on = db.Column('registered_on' , db.DateTime)

    def __init__(self, email, password, first_name, last_name):
        self.email = email
        self.password = password
        self.first_name = first_name
        self.last_name = last_name
        self.registered_on = datetime.utcnow()

    def is_authenticated(self):
        return True

    def is_active(self):
        return True

    def is_anonymous(self):
        return False

    def get_id(self):
        return unicode(self.id)

    def __repr__(self):
        return '<User %r>' % (self.username)

from auth import auth_blueprint
app.register_blueprint(auth_blueprint)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


A Mountain Home native, I graduated as valedictorian of Norfork High School in 1995. I am a practicing, board certified optometrist and current President of the Arkansas Optometric Association. While I practice in Rogers, most of my and my husband's family still live in the Mountain Home area.
I'm writing because I believe House Bill 1251, being considered by the Arkansas General Assembly, will benefit patients throughout the state. I also want to address some of the concerns raised by ophthalmologists in a recent article.
House Bill 1251 would narrowly allow Arkansas optometrists to treat our patients with a handful of minor, in-office procedures we are qualified to safely perform, and that will enhance patients' access to care. We're not talking about surgeries in an operating room under general anesthesia. These are performed in-office, and patients are able to walk out of the office right after the procedure is completed.
In truth, some of the procedures we are already allowed to perform are more invasive — procedures like removing metal and other foreign bodies from the eye. Besides removal of certain lesions, other procedures allowed under HB1251 include a laser procedure to clean off the film that often develops on the eye after cataract surgery; a non-invasive laser procedure that treats glaucoma, and certain injections (not in the eye, and not IV's).
Opponents incorrectly claim optometrists don't have the background to perform these basic procedures, and that patient safety will be jeopardized. That's simply not the case. Optometry students receive intensive hands-on clinical training during their four years of optometry school. We must pass a rigorous national board examination (written and hands-on) before receiving a license to practice in Arkansas.
During optometry school more than 15 years ago, I learned how to perform injections, how to evaluate whether a lesion has a low or high risk of malignancy, and how to use the biomicroscope — the equipment used to operate the laser during these procedures.
While students graduating optometry school today also receive hands-on training in the above laser procedures, those of us who have been out a while received additional education in the mechanics of the laser. That kind of continuing education is not unique to optometry. Professions like medicine, dentistry, and podiatry also rely on continuing medical education to keep up with advancements in technology to better serve patients.
Optometrists have full-time practices in 80 percent of Arkansas counties, while ophthalmologists have full time practices in only 30 percent of counties. Allowing optometrists to perform these procedures will save patients the expense and sometimes long wait times of multiple office visits. For some, this may mean the difference in receiving care or not receiving care at all.
Fourteen other states allow optometrists to practice at a higher level than Arkansas. Oklahoma, where I'm also licensed, has been allowing optometrists to perform these procedures for almost 30 years. Unfortunately, more and more of our graduating optometry students are choosing to practice in a state where they can use the full scope of their training instead of coming home to live and work.
It's past time to update Arkansas law to allow our optometrists to provide the care we are trained to safely provide, and to give our patients access to the highest level of care available.


Being able to get a better job is often something that you might talk about, as it can be a way to be more fulfilled, as well as earn more for your time. If you can get paid more for being out of the house every day, then it makes sense to do so, right? But simply getting a better job can be easier said than done. You need to know the area that you want to work in for starters, as well as what training or qualifications that you might have to have. Getting a better job can be a long process, especially if you want to go into an area where you have very little experience. But it could be a wonderful thing for you to do to change your overall prospects, get you on the way to doing something that you love, and improve your financial situation.
So with all of that in mind, here are a few ideas to help you to get a better job, whether that be through more education, acing the interview, or simply making a great application. It would be great to hear what you think.
Resumes on the whole can be pretty dull and uninteresting. If employers didn't ask to see one as part of the application process, then they are something that we just wouldn't need to bother with. But as many do ask for them as part of the application process, they are needed in this day and age. But being able to make yours stand out from the standard documents that you might see, is really important. Employers will see so many at a time, so if you are able to make one that stands out a little, then it will make such a difference; you want to grab their attention in a good way.
Having a compelling resume isn't like reinventing the wheel, but having some creativity in how you put it together can be a good idea. You could make the resume more of an infographic perhaps, or even make a digital resume. A little more effort than the rest will help to make your page stand out and stop yours from being put on the generic pile, hopefully meaning that you'll be more likely to be chosen for interview.
There is no getting away from the fact that some jobs do have specific criteria that you need to work towards; there will be specific experience or qualifications that are required. But if you have an end-goal of doing this job in the long-term, then getting yourself back to school and back to training can be just what you need. There are qualifications that you can do around your current job, such as an online criminology degree from Wilfrid Laurier, for instance. You could also attend night school, day courses for specific subjects, or go back to school full-time to get trained in something sooner rather than later. Getting yourself educated is always going to be a good thing, so make sure that you are doing just that, if your dream role requires it.
Sometimes that job that you do is just as important as who you do that job for or the environment that you work in. So if you're not too sure what specific role that you are looking for in a new job, then how about looking for a great company to work for? Large companies will be established with what they can offer you, such as pensions, training, and the opportunity to work your way up the business. So sometimes looking for a role within a company like this can be a good place to start, as it can mean you have more options for later down the line. You can learn about different companies online on sites like GlassDoor, as well as recommendations from friends. Then you can hone your job search to what that specific company is offering.
If you don't have too much work experience or don't have experience as such in the role that you are applying for, it is such a good idea to make the experience that you do have (even if you feel it is irrelevant), and make it relevant to your role. Often there can be some relatable experiences that you can share, as well as taking about skills that are transferable. For example, if you have been a stay at home parent for a number of years and are getting back into work, then you could share some experiences that can be relevant for other roles. For instance, you have shown that you can work to a specific budget and meet deadlines on things. You have been learning how to multitask and so on. These things may seem irrelevant when it comes to a job interview. But actually, they can be tailored to the job that you are applying for to show that you have some 'real world' experience of what you are applying to do.
If you are someone that doesn't do well in an interview situation, then it could be the things that stops you from getting the career that you want. If you stumble in an interview or forget things to say, no matter how qualified you are, then it is unlikely that you'll get the role, as they may want someone that is better able to communicate, for example. So being able to practice an interview situation ahead of time is a really good idea. It can help you to be better prepared for what is coming, as well as have some answers prepared for some of the common interview questions. There will be questions asking you what your greatest achievement is or questions asking you what you think your weaknesses are. Sometimes interviewers will ask things like describing yourself in three words, but being prepared ahead of time will help you to have three stellar words that can really show off that you'd be a good candidate for the role.
You are bound to know someone that has held an interview for an employee before or someone that does this regularly. So ask them for some advice, and then if possible, to role play out an interview situation, to make sure that you can calm your nerves and have the answers ready. It is a simple thing but can make all of the difference.
If you have a new job to go to and haven't enjoyed your old job at all, then it can be tempting to let everyone know that you have hated it. But it can be a bad career move to do so. Leaving your current company on good terms is a good idea, simply because you may need their help for things down the line like references, or may need help from a co-worker for something else, both professional or personal. As much as you may have not liked what you've been doing up until now, burning bridges is never going to be a good idea.
These are just a few small things that can help you to get your career off to a better start and help you to progress both personally and financially. Have a think about what you want to be doing, and then you can make a plan to help to get yourself there.
Thanks for sharing! It's good to be smart at your job, and it will often help you go a much longer way towards impacting your career prospects.


text:
You are here: Parliament home page > Parliamentary business > Publications and Records > Committee Publications > All Select Committee Publications > Lords Select Committees > Constitution > Constitution
Judicial Appointments: follow-up Contents
The legal system in the United Kingdom is world-renowned. At its heart is a judiciary embodying the principles of independence, fairness and integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the rule of law. The responsibility of the judiciary is to ensure the fair administration of justice; the birthright of every citizen.
Beyond its impact on the lives of every citizen, the administration of justice makes a significant contribution to the economy and standing of the UK as a whole. English law is the most commonly used law in international business and dispute resolution, and this pre-eminence is built on the impartiality, integrity and depth of experience of the judiciary.
To maintain the high quality of our legal system, the brightest and most able candidates must be attracted to put themselves forward for judicial appointment, and after they have been appointed, to continue in office. Unfortunately we have found that a number of factors have damaged judicial morale and the attractiveness of judicial office. We are seriously concerned about difficulties of recruitment, particularly to the High Court.
In our 2012 report on Judicial Appointments we explored the appointment of judges in England and Wales and Justices of the Supreme Court, raised concerns about the lack of diversity at the bench, and made a number of recommendations to improve the judicial appointments process. While there has been some improvement in the diversity of the judiciary since that report, it has been limited. We recognise that it may take time for recent legal changes and initiatives to deliver a more diverse judiciary that is reflective of the community it serves.
In this follow-up report we draw attention to three broad themes: the reduced attractiveness of judicial office, its impact on recruitment, and continuing concerns about the lack of diversity in the judiciary. We examine a number of factors including judicial salaries, pensions, working conditions, court infrastructure and administration, as well as the constitutional responsibility of the Lord Chancellor to uphold the independence of the judiciary. We consider opportunities to improve diversity, and to increase the number of potential recruits to the judiciary, by addressing issues that restrict applications from solicitors, legal executives and lawyers currently employed by the government and the Crown Prosecution Service.
The high quality of our judicial system is a valued national asset, and we must do everything possible to maintain it.


text:
Q: Why do asynchronous tasks (functions) not run unless awaited? In Rust I have found that an asynchronous task or function (let's even say a future) is not invoked in the runtime unless it is awaited. In other languages such as C# or NodeJS it is possible to define async tasks and run them concurrently as an async task is meant to provide non-blocking IO. For instance:
public Task Run();
public Task ListenToMusic();

public async Task RunAndListenToMusic() {
   Task run = Run(); // the task is already running
   Task listenToMusic = ListenToMusic(); // the task is already running
   await Task.WhenAll(run, listenToMusic);
}

I have tested this mechanism in Rust using a for loop that actually prints out sequential numbers and found that, they are always executed in order, meaning that the second task is run after the first one.
For people like me who are from the world of dotnet or Java, this is a weird behavior. What is actually going on, I searched but I need someone to explain this in a little bit more details and more simply.

A: Here's some Rust code that is equivalent to your example:
use tokio; // 1.14.0

async fn task1() {
    for i in 0..10 {
        println!("Task 1: {}", i);
    }
}

async fn task2() {
    for i in 0..10 {
        println!("Task 2: {}", i);
    }
}

#[tokio::main]
async fn main() {
    let t1 = task1();
    let t2 = task2();
    tokio::join!(t1, t2);
}

Playground
If you run this code, you will notice that it executes all of task1 before executing task2. This is expected because execution is single-threaded, so task1 will run so long as it doesn't attempt a blocking operation. However if we add blocking operations (here I've used sleep, but the same goes for I/O operations):
use std::time::Duration;
use tokio; // 1.14.0

async fn task1() {
    for i in 0..10 {
        println!("Task 1: {}", i);
        tokio::time::sleep (Duration::from_millis (1)).await;
    }
}

async fn task2() {
    for i in 0..10 {
        println!("Task 2: {}", i);
        tokio::time::sleep (Duration::from_millis (1)).await;
    }
}

#[tokio::main]
async fn main() {
    let t1 = task1();
    let t2 = task2();
    tokio::join!(t1, t2);
}

Playground
Now we see that operations are interleaved: when a task blocks the other tasks get a chance to run, which is the whole point of async programming.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Wookey Hole Village School
"Wookey Hole Week-day Schools, in the Out Parish of S. Cuthbert, near Wells, Somerset. Erected in 1871 by Messrs W.S. Hodgkinson & Co., for the Education of the Children of those employed in their Paper Works, and of others resident in the immediate neighbourhood.
Non nobis, Domine, non nobis; sed Nomini Tuo da Gloriam. Amen.
I, John James Aris, certificated Master, trained at Battersea in 1854–5, and late Master of Boughton Monchelsea National School, near Maidstone, Kent, having been appointed Master of the above Schools, enter upon my duties today, and upon the firm foundations of Faith, Hope and Love lay this the first stone of my "Honourable Monument"
On April 1st, 1872, Easter Monday, Mr Aris formally took charge of the school with his son John James Alexander and his daughter Ellen Sophia as monitor and monitress. The opening ceremony, presided over by the Rev. John Beresford, Vicar of St Cuthbert, Wells, included Bible readings, singing, prayers and presentations. The next day there was a tea with magic lantern slides for the children. On April 8th the school opened with ninety children, 48 boys and 42 girls, 53 over seven years of age and 37 under. Although Mr Aris was not impressed with the attainments of his new pupils he found them to be generally quick and keen to learn. Many had had little or no previous education.
The school log book for the next few years records comings and goings, children absent from school because of accidents, illnesses, including mumps, measles and scarlet fever or because they were needed to help with farm work. The Hodgkinson family kept a close eye on their school, with Mr Hodgkinson and other members of the family paying regular visits. Mr W.S. Hodgkinson Jnr. occasionally helped out with teaching if there was a crisis. Regular visits by the Diocesan Inspector resulted in good reports while noting that the large numbers of Non-Conformists in Wookey Hole inhibited the teaching of the Catechism. Well earned punishment of unruly boys, usually "a stripe on the hand", but sometimes "a good caning", often resulted in angry visits from mother or father, sometimes threatening physical violence. "So much for the co-operation of parents" is a regular comment in the log book. One boy is recorded as having "put the boot in" to the headmaster. Regular inspections by H. M. Inspectors of Schools resulted in grants based on attendance and the numbers of pupils passing assessments in reading, writing and arithmetic. School numbers were very variable. It was easy for paper-makers to move between mills and families seemed to have an unfortunate tendency to leave just before an inspection resulting in a lower grant to the school. Inspection reports were generally good.
The log book entry for Jan 18th, 1876 records "It is with deep regret that I make the following entry: Mr Hodgkinson, the owner and principle manager of this school, died this morning at Folkestone." On Nov. 9th, 1877, Mr Aris handed in his resignation, to take effect from March 31st, 1878. He stated that he was being asked to perform too many extra duties: play the harmonium in church, train the choir, superintend the Sunday School, take charge of the night school, organise and attend entertainments and conduct the Glee Club. In December 1877 Mr Aris was taken ill with rheumatic fever. J.J. Aris, now an assistant master at St Mary Redcliff Boys School, temporarily took over the running of the school. On Jan 7th, 1878, the school was closed to allow Mr Aris "perfect quietude", and on Jan 11th he died. In five years the school had lost its founder and its first headmaster, but they had laid the foundations of what was, and remained, a popular and high-performing school. Mr J.J. Aris ran the school until the end of May 1887.
The next head teacher was Mr James Grant. How many of the extra duties he was called on to perform is not recorded but he did run the night school. He was followed by Mr A.J. Meakins, Miss E.K. Gooding, Mis E.T. Sutton, Miss Mildred Green, Miss E. Bailey and finally Mr A.C. Lavender. Several other teachers held the post for short times, during the First World War and between permanent appointments but these seven accounted for over one hundred years of headship at the school.
On Mr W.S.Hodgkinson's death ownership of the school passed to his son, Mr W.S. Hodgkinson Jnr. The infants' room was built in 1881. In 1893 ownership was passed to the Wells School Board. In 1928 the school became a Junior School with pupils up to the age of eleven. Previously it had taught to 13 years of age with some children staying into their fourteenth year. Some children left earlier to go to the Blue School and others became part-timers, working half the day in the Paper Mill. The school name was changed to Wookey Hole County Primary School.
From 1912 to 1932 the Wookey Hole Old Scholars Association produced a magazine, some copies of which still exist. This publication is a good source of village lore and history.
School numbers gradually declined as the nineteenth century drew to a close and family sizes reduced. There was a further drop when it became a junior school and by the 1930s there were about forty pupils attending. In the 1960s and 70s numbers rose to over one hundred with many children coming from the Goodymore Estate and from Wells. The school enjoyed a good reputation. It had a football pitch though rather primitive and time-shared with cows. Pupils also had swimming lessons at Wookey Hole Caves Swimming Pool. The school celebrated both its centenary and the Queen's Silver Jubilee and undertook a Wookey Hole History Project and Exhibition. In due course a computer arrived and an "environmental" pond and school garden were established. Although the school was still doing excellent work and participating successfully in inter-schools events, numbers began falling again. There was a brief experiment in sharing lessons with other small village schools but the expenditure in time and transport outweighed the possible advantages. The boost to numbers which the building of the Goodymore Estate had brought passed as children progressed to the Blue School and changes in bus services were unhelpful. The number of primary age children in Wookey Hole decreased and the school roll fell to about twenty children, making it the smallest primary school in Somerset. The school had two full time staff and one part time but this staffing level could not be maintained. At a public meeting attended by education officials, parents, teachers and governors a proposal to merge the school with Wookey Primary School was rejected as the villages had little in common except a name and transport links between them were poor. Since there was no prospect of an appreciable rise in the number of children it was decided that the school should close at the end of the 1988 Summer term. Nobody wanted to see a final year in which a good school died a slow death. The staff took early retirement and the pupils were transferred to the primary school of their choice.
A celebration of the school's 116 years of existence with speeches and presentations to staff and pupils with a commemorative card and refreshments marked the end of an era for the village. A short film of the school's last day was shown on HTV.
I, Anthony Charles Lavender, Headmaster of Wookey Hole County Primary School, make the final entry in the School Log Book.
The closure of the school marks a turning point, not only in the lives of the present members of staff, and children, but affects the future generations from the Wookey Hole area who will be denied the opportunity of being educated in the caring environment of the village school.
Experientia Docet
The School building is now a nursing home for the elderly.
E. Rennie
History 18 September 2014
The Meaning of 'Wookey Hole'
Early Days of Wookey Hole


text:
Q: Golang os.FileMode corresponding to drwxrwxr-x? Which os.FileMode values should I provide to os.Mkdir as an argument to have a permission corresponding to drwxrwxr-x?

A: Daniel Farrell's answer covers the literal settings for modes, but if you're working on a Unix-like system, there are two other important points:

*

*For most cases (most files), you should just use 0666.

*For most of the remaining cases (most directories), you should just use 0777.

Certain Go code checkers complain about this, but they're just wrong.
The reason to use 0666 (rw-rw-rw-) and 0777 (rwxrwxrwx) every time is that on Unix-like systems, newly created files are created under a umask setting.  The protections that the binary program asks for, such as 0777, are always reduced.1  The reduction is based on this umask setting.
The most permissive umask setting is 0.  The least is the rather unusable 0777.  The common settings are 077, 007, 022, and 002.
Bits that are set in the umask get cleared in the underlying file permissions.  So a umask setting of 022 means that whatever the program asks for, the file winds up being not writable by Group or Other.  A program that creates a file using 0666 mode winds up with a file whose actual mode is 0644, or rw-r--r--.
Should the user wish to grant group write permissions, they can run umask 2.  Now only the Other w bit will be cleared and this file will be mode rw-rw-r--.
A umask setting of 077 takes away ---rwxrwx: that is, my files and directories are now private to me only (and the super-user of course).  One of 027 takes away ----w-rwx, so that newly created files are now 0640, and newly created directories (that use 0777) are now 0750, or rwxr-x--.
One not-entirely-rare exception to the above rules is that temporary files created in areas of "unknown security" (os.CreateTemp files for instance), or files that contain any sensitive data, should be created with mode 0600.  They can then be written out without worrying about the data leaking (except to the super-user as usual), and then if they turn out not to be sensitive after all, the final file can be created with the correct permissions.
The really tricky case is when creating a temporary file of unknown security which you are then able to rename (rather than copying) to a file of known-to-be-lower security level, where you'd like to os.Chmod the file to the final mode that you'd get by applying the user's umask.  But that's pretty rare.

1In the special case of umask = 0, no bits are removed.  So the result is the original value.  But that's what the user wanted: to have the reduction be a zero-valued reduction.  We're still reducing the permissions, just with a degenerate case.

A: drwxrwxr-x
each set of rwx (r-x, etc) is represented by one digit in an octal string where 4 = r, 2 = w, and 1=x.  So Read and write combine to make 6, read and execute (eg executables in /bin are 5, and read-only is 4.
For files, the most common mode is:
0644 owner gets read and write, group and other get only read
And for directories, typical is:
0755 owner gets read, write (create within) and execute (list contents) , group and other get only read.
In your case, you'd need to add 2 to the Group digit to allow any users in the directory's Group to also create files in that directory.


text:
Гаукенігсгофен () — громада в Німеччині, розташована в землі Баварія. Підпорядковується адміністративному округу Нижня Франконія. Входить до складу району Вюрцбург.

Площа — 31,98 км2. Населення становить  осіб. (станом на ).

Галерея

Примітки

Посилання

 Офіційний сайт

Громади Баварії

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Michael Howard recently earned the distinction of Elite Farm Certified Insurance Agent through Nationwide Agribusiness. Howard is a licensed insurance agent with Staples & Associates Insurance with offices in Harrington and Salisbury, Md.
He is licensed to write farm insurance in Delaware, Maryland and Virginia.
For more information, call 443-614-2872 or email mike@staplesagency.com.


text:
A "Veszem a kalapomat..." (Finishing the Hat) a Született feleségek (Desperate Housewives) című amerikai filmsorozat 180. epizódja. Az Amerikai Egyesült Államokban először az ABC (American Broadcasting Company) adó sugározta 2012. május 13-án.

Az epizód cselekménye
Susan közli a barátnőivel hogy elköltözik. Visszatér Kathryn, hogy állásajánlatot adjon Lynettnek. Reneé, Gaby, Susan és Julie úton vannak az esküvőre, amikor a Limuzinban Julienak elfolyik a magzatvize. Susan elhajt a limóval a lányával, Reneé és Gaby pedig gyalog mennek el az esküvőre. Karen egyre rosszabb állapotban van. Bree és az ügyvéd között szoros kapocs alakult ki. Karen akkor halt meg, amikor Julie kislánya született meg. (Így alakítva az élet és a halál közti összefüggést). A lányok utoljára pókereznek együtt, remélték hogy még találkozni fognak. Susan elköltözött, helyette jött egy új szomszéd, Jennifer, akinek szintén volt mit a szőnyeg alá sepernie. (Ezzel jelezvén hogy a sorozatnak még lesz-e folytatása). Bree-ék Kentuckyba költöztek már az ügyvéd férjével és beválasztották a Kentucky állami törvényhozásba, Lynették elköltöztek New Yorkba egy jobb állás reményében, Gabriellék Californiába költöztek, ahol Gabynak saját tévéműsora volt. A lányok, egyben barátok, szomszédok, lelkitársak és a titkok őrzői voltak. Valamit megtanultak a Lila akác közben töltött évek alatt és azt hogy mindenki rejteget valamit.

Mary Alice sorozatzáró monológja
 ,,Ahogy kigördült a kocsibejáróról, Susannek volt egy olyan érzése hogy figyelik, és nem is tévedett. Azoknak a szelleme, akik valaha is a Lila Akác Közben éltek a tekintetükkel követték őt, amint elhaladt mellettük. Figyelték, ahogy mindenkit figyelnek, örökösen remélve, hogy az élők megtanulják félretenni a haragot, és a bánatot, a keserűséget és a megbánást. Ezek a szellemek figyelnek és arra vágynak, hogy az emberek mindig emlékezzenek rá, hogy még a leggyötrelmesebb élet is olyan nagyon csodálatos. De csak néhány szerencsés ismeri fel az ajándékot, amit kapott. A legtöbb ember csak éli az életét nap nap után, hiába próbálván rejtegetni a titkukat, melyek sohasem maradnak rejtve."

Érdekesség
 Az utolsó jelenet, amikor Jennifer egy titkokkal teli ládát rak be a garázs egyik fiókjába, azt jelzi, hogy a sorozatnak talán lesz-e folytatása.
 Ez volt a Született feleségek utolsó epizódja.
 Karen McLusky fia szellemének haja szőke és testalkata derék, az 1. évad 14. epizódban, A szerelem a levegőben van című epizódban látható jelenetben amikor az egyik fényképen Karen fia van, ott még fekete hajú volt és sovány.

A Született feleségek epizódjai


text:
CSUN reacts to New York City bombing
Credit, New York Magazine Twitter
After New York City was hit by a bomb on Saturday night, some CSUN students feel unsafe.
Ericka Andrade, a sociology major, said, "I think this world is crazy. I don't feel safe here on campus or anywhere. If you're good and your good vibes continue then violence is not the answer."
Dill Chaney, a visitor to the campus, said, "Honestly there are people who are crazy in the head. If you don't care about yourself, then you don't care about the environment. My sister and husband live out there, it's scary we don't know where they will hit next. We need to pray to God to bless our enemies to keep them from doing harm."
Jonathan Arteaga, a business management major, said, "Basically the U.S. media paints it as terrorism. Conservative politics are going to use it to be racist towards Muslims."
Martin Castro, a communications major, said, "Not again. Why a trash can. Made me look at the location to make sure family is far away from the area. I have no answer to how we can keep the event from happening again."
Eduardo Espinoza, a sociology major, said, "I didn't know it happened. I don't watch T.V. or social media. I don't think you are ever prepared for it, but you can try to prevent it. You can't stop it, prevention can be done by police officer, security guards, cameras, but at the end of the day, something prepared cannot be stopped."
Saray Pinon, communications major, said, "It's inevitable, people are creative when they make weapons or tools. We need to learn from that experience. When you find a way to control it, they find a way to go around it."
Jessica Espinoza, a child and adolescent development major said, "Create awareness like the active shooter, make a video of what to do in that situation. The video should be different but similar."
Corey Sims, a communications major, said, "Again? Boston was a short time ago. Why is New York always being targeted? Surprised Los Angeles isn't targeted for it. We have an instruction on the wall for a gunman. We need security to make random checks on classrooms, not cars, you never know."
As for the situation in New York, Ahmad Khan Rahami, who police said allegedly planted the bombs in New York and New Jersey, was charged today in federal court with crimes that included bombing a place of public use, according an article in The New York TImes.
Eduardo Miranda, Author
CSUN to return to fully-online instruction after Thanksgiving recess
Lake Fire: road closures, fire location and evacuation centers
Federal authorities propose relief measures to combat COVID-19 impact
Interactive Map: Campuses going Virtual due to COVID 19
CSUN announces it will transition to virtual learning
Did you feel the earthquake?
CSUN Gun Scare
University confirms Las Vegas shooter was a CSUN alumnus


text:
L.A.'s historic Bob Baker Marionette Theater is moving to Highland Park
By Deborah NetburnStaff Writer
Feb. 19, 2019 6 AM PT
The black cat with the rhinestone collar. The hand-walking clown. The petunia that dances and sings.
These beloved characters and 2,000 other puppets handcrafted by marionette mastermind Bob Baker are about to get a new home.
After more than 55 years in a small cinder block building on the edge of downtown L.A., the historic Bob Baker Marionette Theater will move to a former movie theater turned Korean church on the corner of York Boulevard and N. Avenue 50 in Highland Park.
The theater's company of eight red-clad puppeteers hopes to start staging their playful and eccentric brand of marionette shows in its new space beginning in early summer.The official grand opening is not slated to take place until Nov. 29 — almost one year to the day after they performed their last public show in their historic original theater.
"Boy, are we rushing to figure everything out, but opening day will happen as soon as is humanly possible," said Alex Evans, the theater's executive director and head puppeteer, in the same cheerful and English-accented voice that he's used to introduce nearly every performance over the past 10 years. "I want to play with puppets again."
A few days after signing a 10-year lease, Evans and Winona Bechtle, the marionette theater's director of development, were seated at a card table in a cold, messy office on the second floor of their new headquarters.
They were already hard at work writing text for the marionette theater's website, putting together a press release about the move and preparing for a meeting with the architectural firm Escher GuneWardena, which will help them transform the building's cavernous auditorium into the cozy space draped in tinsel and red velvet that Bob Baker audiences know and love.
They were tired but excited. For months, the theater's future had been in limbo as they scoured the city for a suitable place to continue Baker's unique legacy. They looked at more than 30 locations before settling on the York Boulevard building. It does not have parking, but it is conveniently located across the street from a children's playground with a rattlesnake slide and a coffee shop with excellent lattes.
"This was the space where you could pretty much walk in and see it right away," Evans said. "We don't have to change much to make it feel Bob Baker."
The building was originally built as the York Theater, hosting movies and vaudeville performances in the 1920s. It most recently housed the Pyong Kang First Congregational Church. It has also been a barbershop and the site of an organ sales and repair store.
"It's very L.A., all the transitions it's been through," Bechtle said.
Inside, the building still looks like it belongs to the church, with large banners written in Korean hanging on the walls, red poinsettias lined up in front of an ornate wooden pulpit and a drum set and keyboard unmoved since the congregation's last service in early January. The room felt large and tall — a jarring contrast to the gilded intimacy of the old Bob Baker Theater.
But Bechtle and Evans pointed to its art deco touches such as the historic lettering of the Exit and Bathroom signs, and what was once an old ticket booth.
"We've done [performances] in a box for 55 years," Evans said. "There's moldings on the doorways here. That's more than we had in the other theater."
The decision to move to a new location didn't entirely come by choice. Baker sold the marionette theater's original building to a developer shortly before his death in 2014. Now, the current owner is moving forward with plans to turn the site into an apartment complex.
The Bob Baker Marionette Theater was designated a Los Angeles Historic-Cultural Monument in 2009 and soon after the sale of the building, there was talk of keeping the local institution on the premises. However, recent renderings of the project suggested that was not likely to happen.
"We thought it was the plan until we saw the plans," Bechtle said.
But the push to move to the new space — which is 10,000 square feet, while the old building was 7,000 square feet — may be a blessing for the company. It has experienced a renaissance and unprecedented growth over the last few years with gross revenues increasing from $247,687 in 2014 to $604,312 in 2018.
"Our revenue is up 60% this year over last year, and that allowed us to consider that the best option for Bob Baker wasn't necessarily staying in that building," Bechtle said.
For more than 50 years, generations of audiences attending performances at Bob Baker's Marionette Theater were treated to a singular experience. In a small theater adorned with velvet and gold garlands, audiences sat in the round, with (mostly) kids sitting criss-cross applesauce on the floor. Puppeteers brought the handcrafted marionettes right into the center of a carpeted area where they blinked and winked and danced to campy soundtracks that Baker spliced together.
If you were lucky, a puppet might sit on your lap, knock off your hat, or wave a scarf in your face.
"Who knows what they'll do," Evans said before the start of the show in recent years. "They're puppets!"
Nathan Palat, 5, enjoys vanilla ice cream with his sister, Ava, 4, held by mother Colleen, after a performance at the Bob Baker Marionette Theater in Downtown Los Angeles in 2012.
(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
To keep that experience intact as it changes locations, the theater company is working with architects Frank Escher and Ravi GuneWardena who specialize in historic preservation projects.
The current open auditorium will become shorter and narrower once they create a backstage area, puppet storage and a workshop. A carpet stage will be created, and so will a sense of closeness to the performers.
"It really is about the audience — the kids on the carpet and their parents and older kids around them, surrounding the puppets and performers," GuneWardena said. "It is very much interactive, and it will continue to be interactive."
To guide them on the transformation, the architects are turning to dozens of original drawings that Baker made for the theater before its creation in the 1950s and '60s.
"Bob Baker had these amazing, beautiful renderings of his vision for altering the old space, so we've been collectively mining those images," GuneWardena said.
The annual Christmas show, a non-traditional and completely surreal Nutcracker that opens with a shadow puppet orchestra and includes a Clara and her little brother Fred (who each sound like they are 45 years old) was staged at the Pasadena Playhouse at the end of 2018.
Those performances "helped us see how the Bob Baker vibe works in a space that is not our original home," said Bechtle. "It was a nice exercise in what makes the theater, the theater — the tinsel, the coloring, the carpet. Transposing it there was like, 'We can do it.' "
Bechtle and Evans said another priority is to create a place that will allow the marionette theater to more easily collaborate with other artists and organizations. In the last few years, the theater began hosting movie screenings, punk shows and other events that were not solely marionette-based.
In the new location, they hope to do even more of that.
"We have a library of 6,000 LPs, so music is part of what we do; Bob worked on 'Close Encounters of the Third Kind' and 'Escape from Witch Mountain,' so screenings are an obvious way to illuminate our programming," Bechtle said.
The buildout will take place in two phases. The first is getting the theater ready to receive audiences. This should wrap up by the beginning of summer, Evans said.
The second is developing the rest of the theater — carving out room for workshops and smaller performances, a library and a Bob Baker museum. But a lot will depend on how much money they can raise over the next few years.
"The goal is to get them into the building and doing shows as quickly as possible," said Michael Ferguson of the theater design company Theater DNA, who is also working on the project.
Bechtle said she is just relieved to finally be able to reveal where Bob Baker will be for the foreseeable future.
"For the longest time, we've been answering the phones saying, 'Call back next month. Call back next week,' " she said. "I can't wait to tell everyone."
Entertainment & ArtsArts
Get our L.A. Goes Out newsletter, with the week's best events, to help you explore and experience our city.
Deborah Netburn
Deborah Netburn covers faith, spirituality and joy for the Los Angeles Times. She started at The Times in 2006 and has worked across a wide range of sections including entertainment, home and garden, national news, technology and science.
More From the Los Angeles Times
Cindy Williams, a 'truly kind woman with a big heart,' celebrated by Hollywood peers
Charges against R. Kelly to be dropped due to 'extensive sentences' in federal cases
'Little Miss Sunshine' star Abigail Breslin just got married. Feel old yet?
Latest Entertainment & Arts
Behati Prinsloo, Adam Levine welcome third baby: But what name did they pick?
Michael Jackson's nephew Jaafar Jackson is 'humbled' to play his uncle in biopic
Review: Empathy coach hits a brick wall in the wild, weird workplace comedy 'Do You Feel Anger?'
Marc Anthony's star-studded wedding to Nadia Ferreira rages well into the Miami night
Marilyn Manson accused of sexual assault of minor in new lawsuit


biggest guinea pig cage in the world cc.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world build your own.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world google search.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world extra large cages indoor giant rabbit hutch and run ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world rabbit and with outdoor run ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world are pigs ever origin of is south where they was for food and as bigger more meat.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world image titled clean a step 9.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world big cages.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world size guide this is suitable for one.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world ideas ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world 9 best basic supplies to buy ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world out of time ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world pigs a rainbow of accessory colors ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world two year old rodent nicknamed randy by staff has got all.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world great photos ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world image titled help your live a long life step 3 ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world location is key.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world image hosting at ever.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world best pet habitat ever seen rabbits online forum blue needs this.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world inside a farm.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world autumn woodland creation.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world a number of toys require size big enough for and another reason to make sure you have your.
biggest guinea pig cage in the world and ever.


text:
Police winning battles in war against the fraudsters who pose as officers
One vulnerable woman was on the point of handing £20,000 to a gang posing as detectives
Andrew Penman
Man wanted for questioning by Surrey Police (Image: Surrey Police)
The bogus police officer scam continues to claim victims.
One 91-year-old woman lost almost £1,000 after being called by a supposed detective who said that her bank cards had been cloned and should be handed over to a police courier who would come to her home - this scam is sometimes known as courier fraud.
The cards were used in shops and a cash point in Epsom and Ewell, Surrey, before being cancelled. Surrey Police are keen to speak to a skinny man in a green cap captured on CCTV.
Meanwhile, in North Yorkshire there have been some great results in the fight against this scam.
Last week crooks convinced a man aged 78 that he must withdraw £13,000 from his supposedly compromised bank account to help with a police investigation.
Another man, aged 85, was persuaded to withdraw £8,000 and an 80-year-old woman was told she had to take out £7,500.
Worst of all was the attempt to extract £20,000 from an 86-year-old woman who lived in Knaresborough.
In all cases, staff at Lloyds, Barclays and Yorkshire Bank branches realised that something was wrong, prevented the transactions and contacted police.
Beware: courier fraudsters are changing their tactics
"The fact that the Banking Protocol has prevented such significant amounts of money being lost to fraudsters this week shows how collaborating with the banks and building societies in North Yorkshire can make a real difference when it matters most," said Detective Inspector Jonathan Rowland, of North Yorkshire Police's Economic Crime Unit.
In three other cases, the intended victims, including a York woman aged 93, realised the calls were bogus and contacted their banks or the police.
Det Insp Rowland added: "It's also positive that our message is getting out there and that members of our community are recognising that these types of calls are not genuine.
"They absolutely did the right thing by ending the phone calls then either alerting the police or their banks.
"North Yorkshire Detectives from the forces Economic Crime Unit are investigating these crimes and doing everything possible to catch those responsible."
Surrey Police
CCTV footage


text:
HTS Group Ltd is a Local Authority Trading Company headed up by Managing Director, John Phillips, and Non-Executive Chair of the Company Board, Michael Harrowven. Three Councillors – Robert Davies, Simon Carter and Chris Vince serve on the Board of the company.
"Our experienced team are delivering excellent service and our track record proves that we have the knowledge, skills and capability to perform at a high level. Achieving our objectives continues to take sound planning, consistent leadership, collective effort, innovation and flexibility. It also requires unrelenting focus on those objectives, to measure our progress, deal with the challenges, and recognise our successes."
Michael Harrowven, Non-Executive Chair
HTS GROUP LTD FORMATION
HTS Group Ltd was formed on 24th December 2015 with Harlow Council as the sole shareholder.
HOW HTS GROUP LTD WORKS WITH THE COUNCIL
HTS Group Ltd is a LATCo (Local Authority Trading Company) acting as the commercial arm of Harlow council to help enhance the economic wellbeing of the area and making it less reliant on Government funding. HTS was set up by Harlow Council to provide a range of environmental and property maintenance services.
In setting up a LATCo Harlow Council has created a business that can trade externally and generate income for the Council whilst delivering core services to a high standard.
Profits made by HTS are reinvested into the business and shared with the Council, thereby driving continuous improvement in service delivery whilst also enabling the Council to resource other services to the local community.
Whilst public sector resources and funding are scarce HTS strives to help towards saving money whilst also giving the Council flexibility to meet its future financial challenges and delivering obvious benefits to the local community.
The HTS (Property and Environment) Ltd Board of directors set and deliver the strategic direction of the company, delivering best-value efficient services and encouraging activities within a framework of prudent, commercially-minded and effective controls which manage risk and reward, to be entrepreneurial and innovative in delivering acceptable returns to the Council. The Board ensure that all legal and regulatory obligations are understood and discharged and profit and loss account, balance sheet, cash flow statement and financial position are reviewed quarterly.
The HTS (Property and Environment) Ltd Board comprises:
• Non-Executive Chair
• Councillor Director x 3
• HTS (Property and Environment) Managing Director
Serviced by a Company Secretary
The Board is supported by a sub-committee structure, dealing with specific activities (sub-committees have no delegated authority beyond that held by individual positions of those who may participate in such groups).
The senior management team is made up of:
• Managing Director
• Finance Director (Company Secretary)
• Operations Director
• Commercial Director
• Safety, Health, Environmental and Compliance Manager
• HR, Payroll and Communications Manager
We have a single, simple purpose – to sustainably grow our business with our motivated workforce.
It is our aim to be acknowledged as an industry leader in our approach to Corporate Social Responsibility.
HEALTH & SAFTEY
The safety of our staff and the community in which we serve is of upmost importance.


Initialize this StoreGroup with a stateName-store mapping object.
The rule of initializing StoreGroup is that "define the state name of the store".
Initialize with store-state mapping object.
Use shouldStateUpdate() to let StoreGroup know if a event is not affected. The default behavior is to emitChange on every life-cycle change, and in the vast majority of cases you should rely on the default behavior. Default behavior is shallow-equal prev/next state.
If you want to use Object.is to equal states, overwrite following.
Observe changes of the store group.
For example, the user can change store using Store#setState manually. In this case, the details is defined and report.
Contrast, almin try to update store in a lifecycle(didUseCase, completeUseCase etc...). In this case, the details is not defined and report.