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The Year of the People
Jaya Padmanabhan | Dec 2, 2011
On October 17, 2011, at a Palo Alto residence, a few executives, industrialists and entrepreneurs-turned-volunteers met with Prashanth Bhushan, the lawyer/activist member of Team Anna. Bhushan, a slight figure with an air of intensity, sat in the middle of the room and was quiet for the first half hour of the meeting. When he did speak, it was measured and to the point. It was established that Bhushan was in Palo Alto to gather support for the India Against Corruption (IAC) movement, which has received unprecedented support from the Indian media and janata alike.
I was the only media member present at the session and was told not to quote "anybody on anything." (And here I thought the India Against Corruption movement was a bare-all-bar-none movement.) Bhushan's agenda was to mobilize and appoint NRI Ambassadors to support processes in Delhi and, in the long term, to help combat the problem of corruption in India by transitioning from a "representative" to a "participatory" form of democracy. This meeting proved that IAC was keen on expanding its reach beyond India's shores, capitalizing on the global feeling of dissatisfaction with status quo.
2011 was the year the common man decided he had had enough. From Aleppo to Yemen, from Delhi to San Francisco, demonstrations and protests showcased the might and spread of people power, a phenomenon worthy of sustained television coverage and superscripted newspaper headlines. Whether imperfect democracies or tyrannical dictatorships, the squeeze of a global recession was felt by the middle class and the poor throughout the world, and the added spectacle of the rich getting richer became too much to bear. So men and women all over the world arose, ready to risk their livelihoods and their lives in the belief that the combined voices of the many would penetrate the gated walls of those in power.
The engine of these demonstrations was powered by social media and energized by frustration. Armed with little more than sleeping bags and smart phones, men and women organized rallies, marches and sit-ins—statements of dissatisfaction. From Martyrs Square in Cairo and Tripoli to Central Park in New York, these congregations took to heart Gandhi's powerful message of non-violence and trusted in the power of the collective to change the world.
The Arab Spring
The death of Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi is the latest fallout from the mass protests in the Middle East that began with, ironically, the death of a far more insignificant man, street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi, in Tunisia. Bouazizi set himself on fire after harassment by municipal officials, and his sacrifice led to revolutions that toppled three dictators in the region, and prompted populist measures in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia to forestall similar conflagrations. When the dust settled, Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya were taking the first painful steps towards the creation of governments that were for, of, and by the people.
The term Arab Spring is a metaphorical comment on the events that played out in Tunisia, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Egypt, Syria, Bahrain, Libya, Algeria, Yemen, Iran and others. The term is neither limited to events that occurred in the spring of 2011, nor to Arab states only. It refers to the rise of youthful energy for a cause; the burgeoning thrust and joist of a rebellion; a popular uprising and the hopeful domino effect of its impact; a wellspring of fury demanding a complete overhaul of authoritarian strongholds. The phrase "Arab Spring" was first used in 2005 referring to the beneficial effect of the Iraq war on U.S.-Middle East relations. It is tacitly named after the Prague Spring, the 1968 socialist-democratic reform movement in Czechoslovakia that muted some of the country's hardcore communist rule for a short period of time.
Beginning with the ouster of President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia, the Arab movement quickly gathered momentum in neighboring Egypt with Hosni Mubrak's resignation. In Jordan, King Abdullah dismissed the government to appease the protesters, and in Iraq, President Nouri al-Maliki said he would not run for a third term… As I write this, power is still in the hands of tyrants in Syria, and Yemen and Saudi Arabia has managed to successfully quash the uprising with the help of neighboring Bahrain and in Libya, NATO had to intervene. The record of success for the Arab Spring is still being written, even though the social media driven protest movement has become its lasting legacy.
India's Fasting Season
Democracies aren't immune to unrest. Call it corporatocracy, elitism, or power-mongering, but democracies inevitably begin to resemble oligarchies with a defined class prerogative. Inspired by the people's movements in the Middle East, crusaders in India decided to appeal to the constituents of a largely apathetic nation. Even in a country largely inured to political and bureaucratic corruption, the breaking point was reached with the exposure of two telecom scandals involving mega-sums (just the 2G Spectrum scandal is believed to have siphoned out 39 billion dollars). In the midst of the monsoon season in India, Anna Hazare rallied tens of thousands of middle class citizens to get off their angled sofas and present themselves for a civil discourse on corruption. Twitter feeds and status updates tested the capacities of Internet servers, and the Anna movement grew with each hash tag post.
"These movements demonstrate the power of public opinion and the power of people in shaping laws and policies," confirms local SF Bay Area activist, Unmesh Sheth, President of Indians for Collective Action (ICA).
Hazare's message found resonance with Indians around the world, many of whom surely left to pursue their dreams in countries where opportunities were not stifled, and political connections did not determine success or failure.
Unlike the uprisings in the Middle East, in India the movement was given wing by the educated middle class, who were most aware of the laws subverted and citizens' right to information. The impoverished and undernourished continued to grind away at their daily jobs with just a brief sideways glance at the television drama unfolding, complete with a hero clad in homespun cotton, a villainous government and an intrepid, iconic, ex-Indian Police Service officer, Kiran Bedi, as the unlikely heroine. Sheth agrees that it is the middle class in India who take to the streets protesting and demonstrating. "They are the proxy for the poor," he claims.
The aims of the movement, titled India Against Corruption, do not necessarily find universal approbation. The biggest criticism against IAC has been that the poor are not part of the conversation.
While the man on the street is heartily sick of corruption and ready for change, IAC has a limited and unusually clear manifesto. The Anna movement is not intended to overthrow India's democratically elected leaders with a Gandhian alternative. Rather it is to strengthen an anti-corruption bill and include high ranking ministers and the judiciary in its purview. Asked about IAC's limited focus ICA volunteer, George Kohli disagrees, "I believe that this is just the beginning."
Bhushan emphasized that the Jan Lokpal bill was just a means to an end. The larger goal was to move from a system of "representational democracy, open to bribery, to a system where the people, the actual stakeholders, participate."
Comparing IAC and the Arab Spring
In Wall Street Journal blogger Paul Verghese's words: "Indians are not fighting to obtain basic democracy. They are fighting for better laws and stricter enforcement of current laws to make their democracy better, stronger and more effective. This is the biggest difference between the Arab spring and the Anna Hazare movement."
In India, the citizen's right to protest government policies is a fundamental right as incorporated into the constitution and hence poses no real threat to the individual. Protests in India are not uncommon. It forms the very bulwark of India's democratic structure and often creates more noise than benefit. In the Middle East, most of the countries that struggled to supplant their autocratic leaders through peaceful protests were subdued brutally and quickly.
The events following Anna Hazare's protest movement discounted any possible comparison between the Arab turmoil and the Indian struggle. Anna Hazare was a man armed with impressive fortitude and a stubborn insistence on the potential of his Jan Lokpal bill. He presented his bill to India's leaders and was invited to form part of the Joint Drafting Committee to hash out differences in the government's version of the same document, as it existed. Failing to arrive at a compromise, Anna Hazare, took to the streets and instrumented an "Indefinite Fast" (not to be confused with a fast unto death). With solid media support, he entered jail as a celebrity and dramatically refused to countenance his release when officially allowed to do so. This scenario could never have played out in Iran, Syria, or Libya where thousands of protesters were murdered, jailed, tortured or had to leave their countries for fear of reprisals.
Corruption in India is deeply entrenched, a social evil that has become synonymous with Indian governance. For the Indian middle class, Anna Hazare's movement represents the first step in the reformation process. Its success and its future shape is still anybody's guess.
Anna Hazare's greatest critics insist that the watchdog organization that he is intent on creating could be difficult to monitor and could end up becoming part of the problem. Other detractors say that orchestrated comparisons between Anna Hazare and Gandhi are little more than political grandstanding. But credit needs to be given to the fact that Anna aims to incorporate the country's frustration into the democratic process. Yes, he does undermine the workings of the parliament and supersedes elected representatives, but he is backed by an inexorable wave of anti-corruption sentiment and a swell of popularity. Anna is now one of India's own institutions, hallowed in government hallways as an apt representative of people power.
Support in United States
On October 20, I received an email update from Sheth on the U.S. NRI IAC roadmap meeting of October 17. "Most people who met on Monday displayed tremendous energy and commitment to support IAC movement. I firmly believe that NRIs can make tremendous impact with this coordinated effort," going on to add, "this coalition is about including everyone united to support goals established in this meeting."
Those present at the meeting nominated Unmesh Sheth and Prakash Aggarwal as the Ambassadors. Kalyan Raman and Mohan Uttarwar, with mentoring from Raj Mashruwala, were nominated to undertake the support of the referendum on the Lok Pal and the Foundation for Democratic Reforms in India(FDRI) was appointed as the channeling organization.
The Jan Lokpal bill, framed by members of the IAC movement, is likely to be taken up in the December/January session of parliament. One member of the Palo Alto assemblage asked the critical question, "Is there any apprehension that the government may not be sincere?" The answer was quick and blunt, "We are working on that assumption."
Other organizations that have shown support for the IAC include NRI Indians against Corruption (NRIIAC.org) Indians for Collective Action (ICA), Lok Satta, SEVA, and Foundation for Democratic Reforms in India (FDRI). Sheth points out that "the underlying roots of each organization is pretty much the same. We want to give the marginalized poor a voice," adding, "IAC is the real thing."
When questioning a handful of Indians on the street about the IAC and or Occupy Wall Street movements, the majority answered that they support both movements, though I did encounter some fringe responses: "I don't like protests. Just a waste of time," and "Protesting on Zuccotti Park is OK, but in Times Square—interfering with tourists and all?" Wisconsin and Occupy Wall Street
In early February 2011, thousands of state workers filled the square around the Wisconsin Capitol, yelling, "This will not stand." They had taken umbrage at Republican Governor Scott Walker's controversial measure that would strip the state's public employee unions of their bargaining rights and impose greater salary pay cuts to pay for budget shortfalls. The tenacity of the protesters drew instant comparisons to the Arab Spring. But after a series of setbacks at the state courts and state legislature, the protests lost momentum by end of May. At the height of its energy, the Wisconsin protests drew close to 100,000 people and by June 16, that number had dwindled to about 1,000. However, energy from the movement was channeled into a recall process for several Republican Senators in Wisconsin (Walker is immune from the recall process till 2012) with limited success. As of now, a petition drive is on to collect enough signatures for the recall of the Governor.
In contrast, the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) did not have a flashpoint that arose of any particular policy disagreement. It began very quietly and organically with a group of disenfranchised youth camping in front of the Grecian colonnades and glass-fronted skyscrapers of Wall Street. Numbering in the hundreds to begin with, these young people represented a generation whose future appears to be in jeopardy in an age of economic uncertainty and income inequality.
Despite ostensibly sharing the disaffectedness of another movement that created a fair amount of noise in 2010, the Tea Party, OWS was largely ignored by the media in the beginning. Media personalities quick to broadcast the Tea Party's message of dissatisfaction with government carefully refrained from comment, with even the home town paper, the New York Times, not caring to provide any coverage. Fox News dismissed the protesters as "dirty smelly hippies." Even National Public Radio (NPR) only started covering the event a week after the first protest.
But the movement not only persisted, it grew in strength, as its demands for justice against Wall Street excesses and focus on jobs and education found a chord with other young people around the country. And smart social media use, in an eerie parallel to their brothers and sisters in the Middle East, provided the impetus for growth and allowed non-participants to support the movement with money and pizzas. Today OWS seems to be a movement that is gaining a foothold across America, one city at a time, and across the globe, one country at a time From New York, Boston, Chicago, and Philadelphia to Seattle, Los Angeles, and San Jose, public squares have filled up with iPhone wielding reformists. OWS protests range from disapproval of corporate greed, disproportional economic distinctions, foreclosed homes, to demands for debt relief, infrastructure investment, campaign finance reform and lower college costs, and even to complaints about security at airports and hormone injected produce. Critics decry the movement as not having a clear objective, but the real point is the presentation of a mass outcry.
Travis Storms, a student at Santa Clara University was camped out in front of the San Jose City Hall, as part of the Occupy San Jose movement. "I'm here because my mom is on disability. Her pay has been cut and the government refuses to help." Christy Wong, another volunteer says, "We are against greed. I need to be able to convince my kids that they'll have a future to look forward to." But both Storms and Wong cannot give an answer as to what the solution should be. They both believe that protesting is the solution, because the "government cannot solve the problem."
It is not entirely true that the only comparison that can be drawn between the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street is that both involve "frustrated youth loosely organized using social media." Yes, the bloggers and social media updaters in the United States aren't at risk of being mowed down by brutal despots. But brutality does not necessarily validate the process of people's involvement. The goal of most protests is ultimately the same— to ignite opinion and force participation in a national process.
In America, the last time anything like this occurred was in December 1964 when 25,000 people marched in protest against the Vietnam War and the size of the protest was the largest that America had ever seen. It led to Lyndon Johnson's refusal to run for a second term.
Globally, the movement has spread through social media updates and websites. On October 15, 2011, a manifesto was published called United for #GlobalDemocracy. The document did not hesitate to link the movement to the Arab Spring. "Inspired by our sisters and brothers in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain, New York, Palestine-Israel, Spain and Greece, we too call for a regime change: a global regime change. In the words of Vandana Shiva, the Indian activist, today we demand replacing the G8 with the whole of humanity—the G7,000,000,000."
The Arab Spring, the India Against Corruption and the Occupy Wall Street movements are historical game changers. They stem from political and social dissonance and yet are peaceful attempts to effect change. All three have resulted in reevaluations of governmental process. Whether these global movements will be successful in their objectives remains to be seen. But their lasting legacy will be the message that meaningful progress and social justice can only happen when the citizens of a country do not abdicate their responsibilities to their representatives, and that the disenfranchised and the weak can be a powerful force if they act collectively. The revolutions of 2011 are warning shots to repressive regimes the world over and a rallying cry for social equity, much like previous revolutions, except the pitchforks have been replaced by smartphones, and the manifestos are released 140 characters at a time.
With inputs from Vidya Pradhan.
Jaya Padmanabhan is a prize-winning fiction writer.
The phrase "Arab Spring" is now part of every vernacular. In the words of Thorbjoern Jagland, the Chairman of the Nobel Peace Prize Committee, "We have included the Arab Spring in this prize, but we have put it in a particular context, namely, if one fails to include the women in the revolution and the new democracies, there will be no democracy." This year the Peace Prize was awarded to Tawakel Karman, a Yemeni human rights activist and founder of the group, Women Journalists Without Chains along with President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and peace activist Leymah Gbowee from Liberia.
Let's create the Facebook page: Anna Hazare for the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize. It's about time!
The Role of Social Media
There is a new player in politics and that is social media. Despite filters, blocks and shutdowns of popular websites, social media has emerged as a reckonable participant. The inventions of the late Steve Jobs and Mark Zuckerberg have become indispensable currents of discourse be it social, political or intellectual.
Critics have typically decried Facebook and Twitter as platforms of vanity and self-obsession. However, as the Arab Spring has proven, when harnessed, these social media sites can be used as a rallying center, a community hub that is good for a great deal more than organizing like fests. Wael Ghonim, a Google employee, landed on the Time 100, a list of 100 most influential people in 2011, for sparking pro-democracy demonstrations in Egypt with his Facebook status updates and protest events. His We Are All Khaled Saeed Facebook page (named for an Egyptian man tortured and killed in Alexandria) had 400,000 members before Tahrir Square got flooded with protesters. Since then every push for democracy has featured social media, be it blog sites, Facebook, Twitter or online conversation boards.
On August 15, India's Independence Day, Anna Hazare and his cause had about 500,000 mentions in status updates, and Twitter messages. A couple of days later that number catapulted to 9 million, supporting the viral spread of his popularity and cementing Anna's status as India's cause célèbre.
A recent New York Times report stated that about 200 Facebook pages and Twitter accounts have been created in just a few weeks seeking volunteers to spearhead the Occupy Wall Street protests in different cities. Over 900 protest events have been set up on Meetup.com. There are 10,000 to 15,000 posts an hour on Twitter on average about Occupy Wall Street, with most people downloading and sharing links from news sites, Tumblr, YouTube, MoveOn.org and Trendsmap. Smart devices that act as megaphones to protesters' thoughts and activities have become partners of the protest movement.


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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Mystery Hunt 2007 by Matt McGann '00
A final report from this year's awesome IAP puzzling solving funfest.
in Events,
Extracurriculars,
IAP,
MIT Life
I'm finally recovered from the Mystery Hunt… here's the "official synopsis" of how the Hunt went down:
The hunt began with teams gathered in Lobby 7. The Evil Midnight Bombers What Bomb at Midnight announced the hunt would contain 270–no, 271–no 271 1/2 puzzles, all in keeping with the first unpardonable activity of gathering the assembled puzzlers into a massive sudoku grid. The motivational speaker Michael Fauntleroy came in to save the day, offering the teams the opportunity to get the coin and win the hunt in a mere 25–no, 15–no, 5 puzzles, if they'd only sign a simple contract with some unreadable fine print.
After nearly all teams found the coin within a few hours of starting the hunt, they realized that by signing the contract, they had sold their collective souls to Michael Fauntleroy Stopheles (M.F. Stopheles, for short) for a mere penny. To get their souls back, they would have to complete his course of videos on how to be really really evil in various fields, and all the puzzles therein. This would raise their Evilometers to a level where they could rise in power for a showdown with the devil.
Along the way, they also had to complete a series of unfortunate events that would show how proficient they were in each of the seven deadly sins. These helped unlock their seven Sin Meters, which each were linked to certain thematic puzzles. Filling their Evilometers to a certain level unlocked a Hell Runaround, which led them on a goose chase through the halls of MIT and down into hell. There they received seven Hell Puzzles, all completely unsolvable without an additional instruction page gained by unlocking the appropriate Sin Meters.
Finally, at each stage, the teams received a certificate of their evil achievement. These certificates were used in the final epic battle with the devil, after which the teams regained their souls and triumphed over evil.
I played on team "Lego My Ego," based out of the Simmons Hall dormitory (you know, the one with 5,538 windows). Simmons looks like it was made from Legos and is referred to as the Space Waffle, and the Mystery Hunt puzzles are quite humbling, hence "Lego My Ego."
So, at noon in Lobby 7, our team gathered beneath our team sign.
As advertised, after we solved the first five Mystery Hunt puzzles, we determined the location of the coin: the Alumni Pool!
So, we raced over to the Alumni Pool, only to learn that yes, we had sold our souls to the devil. We were now at the "Mephistophelean Institute of Turpitude." We were given a certificate that read: "Certificate of Really Really Evil Achievement: We hereby laud and recognize Lego My Ego regarding outstanding efforts in the Evil Discipline of selling one's soul."
This opened up a whole new series of puzzles, which kept us working all night. One of the really cool things about Mystery Hunt is how, in some senses, it is a microcosm of MIT: students and professors (and alumni and friends) collaborate to solve problems. Here's some of our teammates collaborating on a puzzle:
One of the classic puzzles of any Hunt with Dan Katz '03 is the Duck Konundrum. This Hunt's version was D4: Ducks Playing Poker. Here's the description:
Duck Poker is a rarely practiced poker variant; it is not popular among humans because the outcome is entirely predetermined… however, ducks like it, because they enjoy watching humans helplessly follow directions.
And, here are teammates, well, helplessly following directions:
Here's the complete set of Duck Konundra:
The Duck Konundrum
D2: The Mighty Duck Konundrum (during which a wrench was instructed to be thrown at my head)
D3: The Fellowship Of The Duck
D4: Ducks Playing Poker
Here's a nice close-up of Duck Poker:
Another puzzle you may enoy looking at is this dance puzzle starring Hunt co-organizer and my former Baker House dormmate Jenn. It's worth watching the Quicktime video for the puzzle and the amusement:
In the end, we solved 70 puzzles (according to the solving graph) and solved more meta puzzles than we ever had before. You can check out all of the puzzles yourself here. Here's a part of our solved puzzle wall of fame (of course, since it's Simmons Hall, the wall is curvy):
So, what's the verdict? I'd say that this was certainly on of the best Hunts ever (if not the best). it was a hunt clearly written for the enjoyment of all of the nearly 40 teams participating, and worked equally well, I think for rookie and veteran Hunters alike. I hope that many of you will get a chance to take part in next year's Hunt. I'm hopeful that the winning team, Palindrome (Dr. Awkward), will write another amazing weekend of puzzling fun!
Post Tagged
#Mystery Hunt
19 responses to "Mystery Hunt 2007"
milena says:
heyy matt, I have a question… I got a call yesterday from MIT offering to pay for my plane ticket for CPW and they said that I'd be getting a package on the mail with all the information I need… And I was wondering if that is just like a prank or if it's real!
That sounds like so much fun! I hope to participate next year…
Of course. Admissions is need blind. Unless its not.
Greg Courville says:
Only at MIT. Awesome.
Amusingly, looking at the graph, several teams' plots eventually "flatline" somewhere between 12 and 5 on the first morning, while others continue to shoot upward for the duration of the event.
I wonder just how much caffeine gets consumed during one of these… :-D
abhijit says:
hey melina
r u qualified for early action
Fearfully fascinating and intriguing.
nice! 1st comment…
That was the most fun I've ever had! I'm in one of those pictures, btw =D A quick run down of my experience includes staying up for ~ 40 hours straight (probably not the best idea, but I wasn't all that tired), trekking around Cambridge from 3:30 am – 6:00 am Saturday morning, eating a ton of food, and attempting to solve tons of puzzles!
Can't wait until next year!
Utkarsh Sharma says:
MIT i'm coming this year…………….
Can you please start blogging about Regular Applicants' Admissions and Decisions?? Really tensed and worried!!
As an international student, I was just wondering what, ususally, is the academic credentials of an admitted international student? I mean scores or GPA of an international student.
bhushan says:
thats reallllllyyyyy realllllllyyyyy ………..
awe……………so…………….m………..
Int. says:
please answer
if u hav 85 on TOEFL iBT r u auto disqalified
leftcoast mom says:
Ritchie, as a parent of an MIT '09 student, I can give you my experience. Parents have plenty to do on their own, and will probably not see you after drop-off until it's time to meet up and leave on Sunday. I was there to learn a lot of things about MIT, to get a feel for the campus, to tour the dorms, to hear about things like student health, financials, and meal plans, and to meet other parents of admitted students. I did all those things and more, and saw my kid once in passing during the weekend, which was just fine. There was never a moment when I was bored: in fact, I could have used TWO of me to do and see all the things I wanted to do and see!
There aren't really any activities for younger siblings, as I recall: it's meant as a chance for admitted students to have fun and see the place, and for parents to learn and be reassured. (Family Weekend in October is the time to bring a sibling, not CPW!) You will want to have the opportunity to explore the dorms and classes and get to know your potential classmates on your own, it's a great time. Enjoy!
Ritchie says:
Thanks for the help leftcoast mom, that takes care of one thing.
But I still can't really leave my little sister behind here in Tennessee- well, unless only one of my parents comes, but I think they both want to come…what a predicament…
Then maybe one of them could take your sister on a tour of Boston, go to some museums, etc. while the other goes to the sessions for parents, and then swap off.
Seriously, Family Weekend is a fun time with activities meant for younger sibs. CPW is not that at all — I don't recall the stats but I think only about half the CPW participants come with a parent, and the year I attended, almost none had both parents attending. Might be worth having just one parent attend CPW, and then the whole crew coming up for Family Weekend: that would save money, too!
blog admissions someone plz
please can we put our nose now in some serious blogging of asmission coz things r getting worse
I have a question about this year's CPW. The registration form thing online asks if your parents are coming, and mine are. But there is not a space for listing siblings on the form- does that mean siblings are not allowed to come? Also, are the activities for both students and parents are the same, or if you pretty much don't see each other the whole time. Either way doesn't matter to me, I just want to know whether or not my parents are gonna be bored or anything like that haha.
Thanks, Ritchie
About Matt McGann '00
For more than a decade, I have served as an admissions officer for MIT. In that time, I've read more than 10,000 applications and have watched thousands of new students enter MIT. It is a privilege to work at the most dynamic and exciting university in the world. In addition to working at MIT, …
More from Matt McGann '00
Class of 2022 Wait List An update for students who accepted a place on our wait list
Class of 2021 Wait List Today, we have closed out the wait list for the Class of 2021.
All Applicants Can Now Apply For Either Early or Regular Action MIT Admissions announces a policy change allowing international students access to either Early or Regular…
Answering Your Questions: EA Deadline Week How can we be helpful?
Your Questions What questions can I help answer about the application process?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Sanzey is een gemeente in het Franse departement Meurthe-et-Moselle (regio Grand Est) en telt 138 inwoners (1999).

De gemeente maakt deel uit van het arrondissement Toul en sinds 22 maart 2015 van het op die dag opgerichte kanton Nord-Toulois. Daarvoor hoorde het bij het kanton Toul-Nord, dat toen opgeheven werd.

Geografie
De oppervlakte van Sanzey bedraagt 3,6 km², de bevolkingsdichtheid is 38,3 inwoners per km².

Demografie
Onderstaande figuur toont het verloop van het inwonertal (bron: INSEE-tellingen).

Externe links

Gemeente in Meurthe-et-Moselle

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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I like that the hotel was very close to the parks and the free shuttle service. What I don't like is that our room is too far from the bus stop and the food court. More like apartment buildings in a compound with pools and a laundry facility .Too much time walking around the resort that when we got back from the park , we were too exhausted by then.


Initially, in 1998, an informal group of community citizens involved in a diverse number of interests, (environmental, forestry, business, construction, education, civic groups and private landownership), came to the table to discuss the depressed condition of the local communities. Due to a downsizing in the forest resource industry of the area, many mills had closed and jobs were lost.
This situation lent to a demoralization of the entire community and folks decided something had to be done. To bring together a group of folks who traditionally wouldn't even speak to one another was a challenging, innovative, daring goal. It took a number of meetings for the group to find that they shared a common vision for their communities as well as their forests and that they could achieve their goal by developing a partnership amongst themselves.
Working with the F.S. to implement a stewardship project, this citizen group formally became the Priest Community Forest Connection in 2005, and gained 501 (c) 3 not-for-profit status in 2006. The Lakeface-Lamb Forest Stewardship contract was a complex contract that put a large number of creative and unusual activites to test.
The 7 year contract was completed early in 2007. The Lakeface-Lamb link is a short summary of the activities that took place during the Lakeface-Lamb project, showing the diverse experience of the contractors that PCFC employed. THE PRESENT AND THE FUTURE PCFC is carrying on their accomplishments as a 501 (c) 3 non-profit. They have designed and implemented several new programs and are developing many exciting partnerships, always with the community's well-being as its motivation.
Through grant funding from the National Forest Foundation, PCFC was able to start up with an office and their 501 (c) 3 status. Some education programs are also funded through grants, but the day-to-day activities are funded through careful management of the account created by the original stewardship project.
PCFC continues to inspire and be inspired through their community involvement. Working with the West Bonner County School District, the City of Priest River, Priest River Urban Renewal Agency, Idaho Department of Environmental Quality, the Forest Service and the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife, PCFC finds their wings expanding to ever more challenging and rewarding projects. (Please see the Community Programs link.) Interested in the collaborative process, in successfully implementing government contracts? Contact the Priest Community Forest Connection or call 208-448-0210.
1251 Gold Cup Mtn. Rd.


Arno Bani was born in 1976.
He is an ambitious self-taught artist who has started to create his first images at the age of 18.
At the age of 20 he creates his first fashion and beauty images in Sweden.
Isabella Blow, the Sunday Times editor, famous for discovering new talent, notices his work.
At 23, Michael Jackson hires him for a series of portraits. This collaboration established his career.
Collaborating with Topolino and Ora-Ito, he creates his own visual universe.
Unfortunately, there are currently no available works by Arno Bani.
Arno Bani doesn't have any exhibitions.
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John de Ros, V barón de Ros de Helmsley, (m. 6 de agosto de 1393) fue un noble inglés. Tomó relevancia en la ceremonia de coronación de Ricardo II. Tras la coronación, fue nombrado caballero de la Orden del Baño.

Antes del 22 de junio de 1382, se casó con Mary de Percy, hija de Henry de Percy, III barón Percy, y Joan de Orrebby, con quien no tuvo hijos.

Murió mientras pregrinaba a Jerusalén, en Pafos, Chipre. Su cuerpo fue trasladado de regreso a Inglaterra y se le enterró en la Abadía de Rievaulx. Fue sucedido por su hermano William.

Enlaces externos
IPM de Mary (de Percy) de Roos Inquisition Post Mortem #513

Referencias

Referencias

Nobles de Inglaterra del siglo XIV


All-time high of 48 junior tennis players from 21 Asia-Pacific countries will compete at the 2017 WTA Future Stars tournament in Singapore.
SINGAPORE – The 2017 WTA Future Stars tournament has hit a new high, with 48 qualifiers representing 21 countries across the Asia-Pacific, all gathering in Singapore to play against each other from October 17 – 22.
Held in conjunction with the BNP Paribas WTA Finals Singapore presented by SC Global, the WTA Future Stars program was developed to showcase the best of Asia-Pacific's next Stars.
Since its inception in 2014, Singapore has welcomed more than 150 WTA Future Stars participants to compete against each other and alongside activities to breed friendship and encourage sportsmanship.
Participation has continued to grow year-on-year, with new countries signing up, and more players from the region continuing to build on the quality of the competition. Kazakhstan will be represented for the first time while Cambodia and Laos return after a one-year absence. Each country sends two representatives, one each in the U14 and U16 categories, with host city Singapore represented by nine participants this year.
"The WTA Future Stars initiative continues to engage with the budding tennis talent across Asia-Pacific," said Donna Kelso, Tournament Director of the WTA Future Stars tournament. "During their time in Singapore, the young players get to interact with their peers from the region, building invaluable bonds that form the foundation of a support system as they continue to rise up the ranks in the coming years.
WTA CEO Steve Simon with the 2016 WTA Future Stars champions and finalists: Violet Apisah of Australia, Shivani Amineni of India, Shiori Ito of Japan and Olesya Kim of Uzbekistan.
This year, winners of the WTA Future Stars tournament will receive their trophies from WTA Legends Yayuk Basuki from Indonesia and Tamarine Tanasugarn from Thailand, who have been involved in the initiative since 2016. They will be joined this year by newly-appointed WTA Finals Legend Ambassador Lindsay Davenport, who will be in Singapore and meeting with the WTA Future Stars for the first time, through a Q&A session with the young girls.
In addition, WTA Legend Martina Navratilova will be presenting the Li Na Inspiration Award to two WTA Future Stars who embody the spirit of the game both on and off the court, as well as qualities that made Li Na well-loved with fans, players and sponsors throughout her career.
The U14 and U16 round robin and semifinal matches will take place at the Kallang Tennis Centre from October 17 – 22. The finals will start at 11am on Sunday, October 22, at the Singapore Indoor Stadium, before the first WTA Finals Singles match. Admission to the WTA Future Stars finals matches is free.
The WTA Future Stars tournament is organised by the WTA, in partnership with Sport Singapore and the Singapore Tennis Association, with the support of Peak, SAP and Wilson. Working closely with WTA stars, legends and experts, WTA Future Stars clinics and masterclasses have been conducted in India, China, Philippines, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Thailand, Indonesia, and of course Singapore, reaching out to hundreds of children in these communities and encouraging them to live a better life through the sport.