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Last updated 17 February 2015
Post-war Economies (New Zealand)
By Malcolm McKinnon
The post-war economy was shaped by wartime changes. Compensation issues for soldiers and their families loomed and played out against a backdrop of post-war volatility – a boom followed by a depression. In the later 1920s, compensation issues were not as prominent both on account of time passing and better economic conditions. They returned in the 1930s, although they were then overshadowed by the much more extensive economic and social distress experienced at that time.
2 The Post-war Boom
3 The Post-war Bust
4 Compensation
5 Restoration, Development and Compensation
6 The Depression of the 1930s
Introduction↑
Many of the challenges of New Zealand's post-war economy arose out of wartime developments. The war unsettled economic patterns and relationships and triggered a short-lived boom and then a depression in the early 1920s. The fate of New Zealand's returned soldiers has often been framed around the economic depression of the 1930s, and was captured fictionally in John Mulgan's (1911-1945) widely read novel Man Alone (1939). But issues of compensating soldiers and their families for what they had undergone in wartime were much more prominent in the period 1919-1924.
In the mid to late 1920s, economic conditions were more settled, returned soldier issues were less salient, and the returned soldiers' association (RSA) itself was nearly moribund. The massive worldwide depression of the early 1930s was seen at the time as a product, if delayed, of wartime disruption. Certainly it brought returned soldier issues back into public consideration, but in the context of widespread economic and social distress, focus was not just confined to soldiers and their families. The depression was its own "force field" and it is of limited value to cast general developments in those years as "post-war."
The Post-war Boom↑
"The moving picture houses are crowded, and the race meetings have never been better attended", reported one newspaper in November 1920.[1] The first two post-war years saw boom times. Export prices remained at the high levels characteristic of the war years; the bulk of New Zealand's exports continued to be commandeered by the British government – in the case of meat and wool into 1920 and in the case of butter and cheese up until March 1921.[2]
Imports had risen from £24 million in 1918/19 to over £30 million in 1918/19; and soared to £61.1 million in 1920 (a level in real terms that was not to be exceeded until 1937). The rise was in quantity as well as price – importers had been duplicating their orders when shipping was unreliable, now "a hitherto eager market was hopelessly sated. Merchants facing a heavy loss had difficulty in finding credit to lift their consignments. At the waterside, bonded stores were full of unclaimed goods...."[3] The banks charged more for London funds to discourage the demand – in mid-1920 the rate was 50 Shillings per £100 (i.e. 2.5 percent), "a figure which it had not reached for something like 30 years"; some weeks later it was increased to 60 Shillings (3 percent) at which level it stayed until August 1921.[4]
But prices rose too and were a bugbear for wage earners and housewives. "It would be futile", said Prime Minister W. F. Massey (1856-1925) in his 1920 budget (he was minister of finance as well as prime minister that year) "to attempt to review the whole of the causes of the increased cost of living, which constitute a world-wide problem."[5] Food prices stabilized in 1919 but rose sharply in 1920. With the exception of Wellington, where some reduction in government war-related jobs may have occurred, rents also rose from 1919 – an 11 percent increase between 1919 and 1921. This was worse than during the war.[6] Tenants were on the move and landlords were allowed to raise the rent on vacated properties, and the government also loosened rent control regulations in 1920.[7] Some bought instead of renting: in the four main centres, mortgaged properties rose from 24.35 percent of the total in 1916 to 36.02 percent in 1921; whilst rented properties fell from 58.3 percent to 46.4 percent.[8]
Industrial disputes were common in the immediate post-war years, in part a reflection of prices outpacing wages. Effective wages fell sharply from the end of the war up to 1921 and this measure of "effective" did not take into account rent increases – the fall would have been even greater if that had been taken into account.[9] Moreover, many during the war had worked extremely long hours and not taken leave, on the understanding that it was for the national good. When peacetime did not bring redress, pent-up anger erupted. There were thirty-two industrial disputes in 1919 and seventy in 1920.
In September 1919, coalminers observed a "go slow" when mine owners refused to accept their terms; normal work was not resumed until March 1920, after Massey had intervened.[10] In 1920, nearly 10,000 workers were involved in disputes, notably on the waterfront, in freezing works and in coalmines.[11]
Conservative interests were anxious. James Allen (1855-1942), the Minister of Finance in 1919, was convinced that "there is no subject which demands more earnest consideration...than the problem of industrial unrest." He cited a report from 1918 that called for the establishment of a national industrial council – a kind of "trade parliament", comprising employer and employee representatives, modelled on recommendations made to the British government.[12] There was talk of mine nationalization or state oversight of privately owned mines.[13] A year later, when introducing the 1920 budget, Massey spoke in similar but far less specific terms – both employers and workmen had "yet to learn that without mutual confidence and cooperation there can be neither satisfaction nor prosperity."[14]
A parliamentary industries committee, which had reported in 1919, believed:
Much of the present distressing industrial unrest is due to the shortage of houses. It feels confident that the proper housing of our people will do much to produce contentment, and consequently more settled industrial conditions, which will more than warrant the cost.[15]
A 1919 housing act aimed to increase the housing stock by the government or other authorities with public loan money, an expansion of a pre-war regime.[16] But at the census taken in March 1921, 14.9 percent of the population were living in overcrowded conditions. Wellington and Auckland were the worst off of the four main centres.[17]
If the towns were turbulent, so also were country districts, but for different reasons. Land prices rose and a great deal of land was traded. In 1920/1921, 55,746 land transfers took place, worth in total £81.8 million, compared with 22,500 in 1918/1919 worth just over £25 million.[18] The financing provided to soldier settlers (see below) contributed: "In effect the government turned loose in the real estate market 22,585 new purchasers armed with £22,627,584 of borrowed money."[19]
The Post-war Bust↑
Trading conditions deteriorated in the 1920/1921 production season (July 1920 to June 1921) and did not recover for eighteen months (i.e. late in 1922). The major falls in commodity prices came when the wartime commandeers ended. Wool fell first, followed by meat and the dairy produce. "The recorded total of exports in 1921 would have been four and three-quarter millions greater had average prices of exports remained as in 1920."[20] The land bubble burst: the number of mortgages registered fell from £60.1 million in 1920/21 to £26 million in 1922/23 (after which the total started to rise again).[21] Banks increased overdraft interest rates to counter the contraction in deposits and rise in advances (lending).[22] Bankruptcies increased from 144 in 1920 to 336 in 1921 and nearly 700 in each of the next three years.[23]
Food prices eased in 1921 but rent did not; nor did fuel and lighting. On the other hand, effective wages, even only taking food prices into account, rose because prices fell faster than wages – the relevant index was well below 900 in 1920 but over 1,100 in 1922 (the highest for any year recorded since 1909).[24]
In advance of that trend setting in, industrial unrest stayed at levels comparable to 1920. Waterfront disputes in Auckland and Wellington in February and March 1921 were the most prominent; both were settled only after intervention from the prime minister. The total cost in lost wages from the two disputes, which between them involved 3,500 men, was estimated at £40,000 ($NZ3.21 million in 2014). Moreover, the Wellington dispute was a lockout, not a strike, something that had not been seen since before the war.[25] Other unionised workers saw cost of living bonuses that had been awarded since 1919 reduced. Early in 1922 the government cut its own spending, including the wages of public servants, to save money.[26] War indebtedness had caught up with the government: out of £28.4 million of spending, £8.5 million was allocated to paying interest on loans in a year when revenue was £6.1 million below that of the year before (£28.1 million compared with £34.3 million).[27]
The much weaker labour market, and possibly the rise in effective wages, limited protests.[28] For the workforce, the burden of the depression was borne particularly by the unemployed. The 1921 census – taken in March of that year, early on in the depression – returned 11,061 male and 2,154 female wage workers unemployed, amounting to 3.56 percent of the wage-earning population compared with 2.34 percent in 1916.[29] The fall in produce prices and cutbacks in spending had "resulted in unemployment of a considerable number of persons" explained the government when Parliament opened in September 1921 and to that end "expenditure on special works employing labour has been undertaken by government and by local authorities."[30] It was at times a very "hands-on" approach. Acting Prime Minister (and Hutt Valley resident) Francis Henry Dillon Bell (1851-1936) met the mayors of Petone and Lower Hutt in September 1921 to discuss what was to be done about fifty unemployed men in the Hutt Valley.[31] Through 1922, the approximately £1,580 spent daily on public works in the Auckland urban area employed more than 1,000 men.[32] The £192,500 charities spent on poverty relief in 1921/1922 was not exceeded until 1926/1927.[33]
Labour MP Peter Fraser (1884-1950) unsuccessfully introduced an unemployed workers bill into Parliament in October 1921 (the first of eight such bills up to and including 1929). He pointed out that unemployment insurance had been introduced into the United Kingdom in 1911, at which time both Ward and Massey had talked of introducing such a measure in New Zealand. The British scheme had been expanded in 1920,[34] but an unemployment act in New Zealand was only to be passed in 1930.
Compensation↑
It was against this backdrop of boom and bust that returned soldiers and their families had to find a place in post-war New Zealand. A repatriation department was established in 1918 "to help every discharged soldier requiring assistance to secure for himself a position in the community at least as good as that relinquished by him when he joined the colours."[35] The government refused for some time to embark on an immigration policy despite requests from the British government, "until our own soldiers have been provided for."[36]
Of the 80,000 returned soldiers, the government had assisted 18,000 into work by mid-1920; 4,000 had been found general labouring jobs and another 2,500 farm work.[37] As of March 1922, the government had lent £3.9 million to just over 4,800 returned soldiers to lease crown land suited for farming and lent £8.77 million to another 5,442 to buy privately owned land. The government also spent nearly £6.5 million buying more land for soldier settlement.[38]
In later times, soldier settlement has often been seen as primarily a matter of putting men on the land. But the government also lent £7.5 million to another 10,789 returned soldiers to buy or build houses in towns.[39]
Some soldier settlers got into trouble because they were not suited for farming, whilst other difficulties were financial. Many faced repayment charges on their loans, often contracted at the height of the boom, which could not be readily serviced when prices fell. In 1924, the Lands Department considered that out of 4,845 soldier farms on Crown land, 201 (4.1 percent) had been surrendered and 324 (6.7 percent) had been forfeited, while 610 (11.1 percent) of the 5,498 section two farms (those established on land that had been privately, not Crown-owned) had been abandoned.[40] The financial difficulties faced by many soldier settler farmers prompted the government to set up inquiry boards, which were incorporated into a nationwide revaluation a year later.[41] It was not only a soldier settler problem.[42] But it was more acute for soldier settlers than other Crown leaseholders – only seven non-soldier leases were revalued in 1921/1922 and sixteen in 1922/1923. Forfeitures and surrenders of ordinary Crown leaseholds were also relatively modest.[43]
Soldier settler failures were more numerous in the Wellington and Auckland land districts than in the South Island, where the land was more developed.[44] Much of the North Island was still in the process of being broken in, not something many returned servicemen were equipped to do. The Auckland district lands board emphasized that in a "great majority of the cases failure has been due in a very considerable degree to impaired physical or mental vitality as the result of war service which has rendered it impossible for the settlers to overcome difficulties" arising from a lack of farming experience.[45]
Pensions were another important part of compensation. The government focused on restoring men to their pre-war circumstances and avoiding "dependence" – war pensions were intended to compensate for lost earning power rather than approximating regular wages. War pensions expanded state welfare. In 1920, war pensions accounted for 65.5 percent of all pension payments – the government spent over £1.87 million on soldiers and their dependents compared with a total pension of £630,000 in 1916 (and a total £2.85 million in 1920, amounting to about 10 percent of total government spending).
The government considered its assistance generous – the RSA and many individual soldiers did not always agree. One episode of disruption took place September 1919 when a deputation from the Wellington RSA backed by 2,500 marchers lobbied the government for larger gratuities.[46]
A more sustained campaign sought big increases for soldiers classed as having a more than 50 percent disability, widows with children and dependent widowed mothers. A commission that investigated the matter in 1922 recommended a supplementary "economic" pension, in effect acknowledging the economic as well as the compensatory facet of a war pension.[47] The economic pension was defined as "a supplementary pension granted on economic grounds, and being in addition to any pension payable as a right in respect of the death or disablement of a member of the Force."[48] On 31 March 1924, the average war pension was £52, paid to 23,166 individuals, of whom 14,400 were returned soldiers (the others were dependants); 2,267 economic pensions were in force (of which 1,917 were paid to soldiers), amounting to a total annual value of £132,288.[49]
Compensation was also an international issue. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, £26 million had been allocated to New Zealand as its share of German reparations.[50] Modest sums of money were received in subsequent years, for example £186,000 in 1925/1926 to a total of £1.75 million by 1929.[51]
The New Zealand government confiscated German holdings in Samoa. The profits – £156,000 had been remitted to New Zealand as of late 1919 – were treated as war reparations.[52] The formerly German island of Nauru, a joint Australian-New Zealand-British possession, formally under the League of Nations, was a source of cheap phosphate, used to fertilize New Zealand and Australian pastures.[53]
Restoration, Development and Compensation↑
Apart from boom and bust, repatriation and compensation, another part of the economic scene was the drive to restore pre-war conditions. Should tax rates return to pre-war levels? 60 percent of income tax was paid by companies in 1920/1921.[54] Business interests lobbied for reduction and the government responded. Lower income tax rates halved the income tax revenue between 1921/22 (£6 million) and 1922/23 (£3 million). Customs again became the most significant source of taxation, accounting for 53.3 percent in 1925/25 compared with 29.7 percent in 1918/19.[55]
The drive for tax reductions overlapped with an "efficiency" campaign that gathered momentum through the 1920s. It took a different direction from the wartime preoccupation with efficiency, focused on manpower issues.[56] It sought both to place government enterprise on a business-like basis and – sometimes the two impulses were in contradiction with each other – to do away with the special status enjoyed by some government enterprises, for instance government rail as compared to private road transport.[57]
A mortgage moratorium imposed in 1914, intended primarily to protect farm mortgagors, was renewed annually until 1924; even at that date dairy interests wanted to prolong it.[58] But to financial interests it interfered with "freedom of contract" and – an appeal to farmer self-interest – discouraged new investment in farm mortgages.[59] With the end of the moratorium, farmer interests lobbied for new financial institutions – cheaper credit became a farmer slogan, though critics thought the problem was too much credit, not too little.
Another line of endeavour by farmer groups was to gain control over their produce beyond New Zealand, an attempt, that is, to replicate some of the advantages of the wartime commandeer. The government set up a meat producers' board at the beginning of 1922; its main efforts were directed towards regularizing shipments of frozen meat to the British market to avoid gluts, shortages and commodity speculation.[60] Different forms of ownership in the dairy industry – co-operatives and private companies – meant division; co-operatives were keener on export control than the private companies. The Dairy Produce Export Control Board, set up late in 1923, came into force only once a majority of producers had endorsed the plan.[61]
An enthusiasm for hydro-electricity would have persisted even without the incentive of wartime fuel shortages:
The provision of adequate supplies of energy is the basis of all industrial progress; and if this country is to experience a period of great industrial expansion, then no more pressing duty devolves upon the state than the development of our magnificent resources of water-power. Wherever the committee has been, whether in town or country, nothing has been more striking than the emphatic unanimity of the demand for electrical energy.[62]
Major hydroelectric projects – Waikaremoana, Mangahao, Waitaki and Arapuni – were a feature of the 1920s. The 1918 Electric Power Boards Act made it easier for rural areas to get electricity: before the 1920s, electricity was mostly reticulated to towns and cities but the boards, which could be set up in any local area, could borrow money to expand electricity supply in their districts.[63]
Economic conditions were more stable through the mid to late 1920s. 1924 and 1925 were good years, though 1926 and 1927 less so, and unemployment returned. 1928 and 1929 were better again, but unemployment persisted through the winter months. In these years, wartime assistance to returned soldiers segued into a return to state-sponsored lending and development for the civilian population, much as had thrived before the war. Whereas from the end of the war to 1923 most state lending for housing and land settlement was to returned soldiers, thereafter it took in all settlers and workers.[64]
By March 1928, when it had completed its work, the Dominion revaluation board had dealt with more than 5,000 applications, reduced the capital value of soldier settler farm land by £2.678 million (around 20 percent of the value of the land which it investigated) and remitted around £800,000 arrears of interest. It also negotiated reductions in private mortgages, but on a much smaller scale.[65] This compared with the £27.1 million the government had invested in soldier settlement between 1917 and 1926 by way of grant or loan.[66]
The scale of war and economic pensions triggered a more general debate about social services in the late 1920s, but about the fiscal burden rather than the precedent they set for compensating for others in disadvantaged circumstances. In particular officials canvassed contributory schemes – in New Zealand, as in Australia, but not in most of Europe, social services were funded from direct taxation, not on a contributory basis.[67] The new departures – a pension for the blind, introduced in 1925, and a family allowance, introduced in 1927, were modest, whilst from 1928 the problem of providing for the unemployed overshadowed broader issues. The focus on placing soldiers on farms also evolved into debate about "urban drift" and the relative contribution of country and town to the New Zealand economy, but it was sidelined by the great depression.[68]
The Depression of the 1930s↑
The economic depression of the early 1930s was an unprecedentedly severe event that reversed many of the upward trends of the later 1920s. Farmers were again hit by falling prices and in towns and cities unemployment rose to unprecedented levels. The whole story of the depression does not belong in a discussion of the post-war economy but one effect of it was to return the circumstances of returned soldiers and their families to prominence.
Through the late 1920s, the RSA had remained unhappy with the way the economic pension operated, making unfavourable comparisons with economic rehabilitation in France, the United Kingdom and Germany.[69] The Barton commission, which reported in January 1930, was sympathetic; it noted inter alia the disincentive to rehabilitation that any income earned having to be repaid; that police were known to make enquiries to employers that discouraged the employers from keeping veterans on.[70] It recommended a separate administration for economic pensions but implementation was sidelined by the government's drive for financial stringency.
The government matched one "loss" and one gain on the international compensation front. In 1931 Germany suspended reparation payments; in turn, New Zealand took advantage of the US Hoover moratorium of the same year to suspend its war debt payments to the United Kingdom.[71] Although these arrangements were temporary, neither reparation payments nor war debt payments were resumed by Germany, New Zealand or by most other countries.
The RSA picked up some of the burden of returned soldier distress. Total RSA financial membership had fallen to a low of 7,000 in 1927 (from 57,000 in 1920) – the organization faced extinction. The return of unemployment and then mass unemployment changed that. RSA membership rose to nearly 13,000 in 1932 and 21,000 in 1934, as returned soldiers turned to the association for help.[72] In the Auckland office of the RSA in the last two months of 1930, 4,000 returned soldiers had called, 900 had personal interviews, 400 letters were written and twenty-eight sittings of the pensions appeal board had been held.[73] Walter S. Leadley, prominent in veteran affairs in Christchurch, cited 800 registered unemployed returned soldiers in that city in early 1932 and by extrapolation 8,000 in the country as a whole (out of a total estimated adult male unemployed at that time of around 50,000).[74] Conditions varied around the country – one Auckland RSA branch estimated 80 percent of its membership was unemployed but for some country RSA branches, the unemployed were not such a focus.[75]
The recovery of the economy in the late 1930s helped returned soldiers as well as other New Zealanders. Nonetheless many soldier settlers, particularly in more difficult parts of the North Island, applied for mortgage relief under the law passed by the new Labour government in 1936.[76]
Conclusion↑
Economic conditions in New Zealand were more unstable in the fifteen years after the First World War than they had been in the generation before. It was in the first post-war years 1919-1924 that the government paid most attention to and spent most money on returned soldiers. In the late 1920s, the economy was more stable and it seemed that most returned soldiers had been assimilated into ordinary life. The economic depression of the early 1930s created difficulties for many returned soldiers and their families but they shared the distress – and the subsequent recovery – with much broader segments of the population than had been the case in the early post-war years.
Malcolm McKinnon, Victoria University of Wellington
Section Editor: Kate Hunter
↑ Auckland Star, 30 November 1920, cited in: George, Dennis J.: The Depression of 1921-22 in New Zealand, MA thesis, University of Auckland 1969, p. 9.
↑ New Zealand Official Yearbook (NZOYB) 1923, Section XI.–External trade, Subsection E.–Imperial government supplies.
↑ Appendix to the Journals of the House Of Representatives (AJHR) 1920, B6, p. xxiii; NZOYB 1923, Section XI.–External trade, Subsection C–Imports; quote from Burdon, R. M.: The New Dominion. A Social and Political History of New Zealand between the Wars, Wellington 1965, p. 40.
↑ Auckland Star, 17 June 1921, reporting Harold Beauchamp, chair of the Bank of New Zealand; Auckland Star, 23 August 1921.
↑ AJHR 1920, B6, p. xxii.
↑ NZOYB 1923, Section XXXII.–Prices; Everton, Alan John: New Zealand Government Intervention in the Economy in the First World War. Its Aims And Effectiveness, MA thesis, Victoria University of Wellington 1995, pp. 342f.
↑ Everton, New Zealand 1995, p. 347; see also NZOYB 1923, Section XXXII.–Prices; see also 1926 census for statistics on overcrowding for 1916 and 1921. Overcrowding had increased between 1911 and 1916 (Everton, New Zealand 1995, p. 309, table 11.1).
↑ Everton, New Zealand 1995, p. 341 citing census statistics; see also Census of Population and Dwellings 1926, vol. 13, p. 6.
↑ NZOYB 1925, Section XXXIV.–Wages notes that the prices which were taken into account in computing the effective wages were food prices only owing to the lack of historical data for rents, fuel and lighting.
↑ AJHR 1920, H11, p. 4. The fall in domestic coal output led to the government importing coal from South Africa and Australia. See AJHR 1920, B6, p. xxiii.
↑ NZOYB 1923, Section XXXIV.–Industrial disputes; AJHR 1921, H11, p. 57.
↑ AJHR 1919, B6, pp. xvii-xviii.
↑ Burdon, New Dominion 1965, pp. 29f; AJHR 1919, H44A, passim.
↑ AJHR 1920, B6, p. xxi (financial statement from 27 July 1920).
↑ AJHR 1919, I-12, p. xxxiv.
↑ Ferguson, Gael: Building the New Zealand Dream, Palmerston North 1994, pp. 71-83 on the variety of inquiries related to housing problems in New Zealand in 1919; NZOYB 1923, Section XXIII.–State aid to settlers, workers, etc.
↑ Census of population and dwellings 1921.
↑ AJHR 1939, sic B4, p. 3; NZOYB 1923, Section XV.–Land tenure, settlement, etc., Subsection A.–General.
↑ Condliffe, J.B.: New Zealand in the Making, London 1930, p. 254.
↑ NZOYB 1923, Section XI.–External trade, Subsection B.–Exports shows the effect of prices on New Zealand exports.
↑ NZOYB 1925, Section XXX.–Mortgages. There is some duplication because the same mortgage could be registered in more than one district, but that would be true in both years.
↑ Auckland Star, 21 January 1921; Burdon, New Dominion 1965, p. 44.
↑ NZOYB 1926, Section XXXI.-Bankruptcy.
↑ NZOYB 1923, Section XXXII.-Prices, Section XXXIII.-Wages.
↑ NZOYB 1923, Section XXXIV.–Industrial disputes. Wellington was not specifically identified but the yearbook doesn't call it a strike, whereas it does so label the Auckland dispute.
↑ McKinnon, Malcolm: Treasury. The New Zealand Treasury 1840-2000, Auckland 2003, pp. 86f.
↑ AJHR 1922, B6, pp. i-ii.
↑ Burdon, New Dominion 1965, pp. 46f.
↑ Census of population and dwellings 1916, 1921.
↑ New Zealand Parliamentary Debate 191, p. [2] (21 September 1921); p. 65 (28 September 1921).
↑ Evening Post, 6 September 1921.
↑ George, Depression 1969, p. 140, citing Auckland Star, 11 November 1922.
↑ George, Depression 1969, p. 186.
↑ See for example New Zealand Parliamentary Debate 209, p. 921 (21 July 1926).
↑ NZOYB 1920, Section XXX.-Repatriation of discharged soldiers.
↑ AJHR 1919, B6, p. xx.
↑ NZOYB 1920, Section XXX.–Repatriation of discharged soldiers.
↑ AJHR 1924, C9, p. 6.
↑ Roche, Michael: Failure Deconstructed. Histories and Geographies of Soldier Settlement in New Zealand circa 1917–39, in: New Zealand Geographer 64 (2008), pp. 46-56, p. 49 citing Under Secretary to Minister of Lands, n.d., LS 36/24.
↑ AJHR 1923, C9, p. 6; AJHR 1924, C9, pp. 13ff.
↑ AJHR 1922, C1, p. 2: "In many cases where private lands had been disposed of during the preceding two or three years at high prices, including heavy mortgages to the vendors, the purchasers were unable to make ends meet and had to relinquish the holdings, which came back into the hands of the mortgagees or previous owners."
↑ AJHR 1922, C1, p. 4; AJHR 1923, C1, p. 5.
↑ Roche, Failure 2008, p. 47; Parsons, Gwen: 'The Many Derelicts of The War'? Great War Veterans and Repatriation in Dunedin and Ashburton, 1918 to 1928, PhD thesis, University of Otago 2008, pp. 160ff.
↑ Roche, Failure 2008, p. 50, citing AJHR 1923, C9A, p. 45.
↑ Quick March, 10 Oct 1919, pp. 21ff.
↑ AJHR 1923, H28, p. 5.
↑ NZOYB 1925, Section XXIII.-Pensions, superannuation etc; AJHR 1923, H28, pp. 7ff.
↑ AJHR 1921, B6, p. x; AJHR 1922, B6, p. xxxvi. None had been received.
↑ AJHR 1926, B6, p. 4.
↑ AJHR 1919, B6, p. xxviii.
↑ Eldred-Grigg, Stevan: The Great Wrong War. New Zealand Society in WW1, Auckland 2010, pp. 424f.
↑ NZOYB 1923, Section XXII.–Public finance, Subsection B.–Taxation.
↑ AJHR 1925, B6, pp. 24f; NZOYB 1927, Section XXIII.–Public finance, Subsection B.–Taxation.
↑ Martin, John E.: Blueprint for the future? 'National efficiency' and the First World War, in: McGibbon, Ian / Crawford, John (eds.): New Zealand's Great War. New Zealand, the Allies and the First World War, Auckland 2007, pp. 520-33.
↑ McKinnon, Malcolm: Treasury. The New Zealand Treasury 1840-2000, Auckland 2003, pp. 90-93; Evening Post, 23 March 1926, 31 October 1926, 1 November 1927.
↑ Auckland Star, 2 July 1924.
↑ Hunt, W.D., in: Evening Post, 1 August 1923.
↑ Condliffe, New Zealand 1930, pp. 266f.
↑ Burdon, New Dominion 1965, p. 56 reports 22,000 voted for and 9,000 against; see also AJHR 1923, I-10A.
↑ AJHR 1919, I-12, p. iii; see also Martin, John E. (ed.): People, Politics and Power Stations. Electric Power Generation in New Zealand 1880-1998, Wellington 1998, pp. 68-72.
↑ Martin, People 1998, pp. 70ff.
↑ AJHR 1922, B6, pp. xv, xxxiii; AJHR 1925, B6, pp. 11f, 14f.
↑ AJHR 1928, C9, p. 3; see also Condliffe, New Zealand 1930, p. 255.
↑ McClure, Margaret: A Civilized Community. A History Of Social Security in New Zealand, 1898-1998, Auckland 1998, pp. 45f.
↑ Auckland Star, 29 November 1928.
↑ Uttley, Stephen: The Development of New Zealand War Pensions Policy, in: British Journal of New Zealand Studies 7 (1994), pp. 33-48, p. 35.
↑ See also RSA Review, November 1929, February 1930
↑ AJHR 1931, B6, pp. 22f.
↑ Webber, N. P.: The First Fifty Years of the New Zealand Returned Services Association, 1916-1966, Wellington 1966, p. 6.
↑ Hanan, P. S. (ed.): Lest We Forget. The History of Morrinsville's RSA from 1916 to 2004. The Journey From A Soldier's Club to the Morrinsville District Memorial Returned Services Association Inc., Morrinsville 2005, p. 9.
↑ NZRSA Review, February 1932, p. 3. The NZRSA Review is the official organ of the New Zealand Returned Soldiers' Association.
↑ NZRSA Review, May 1933, pp. 17-31.
↑ AJHR 1936, C9, pp. 5f. The published reports after this date are uninformative.
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McKinnon, Malcolm: Treasury. The New Zealand treasury, 1840-2000, Auckland 2003: Auckland University Press.
Nolan, Melanie: 'Keeping New Zealand home fires burning'. Gender, welfare and the First World War, in: Crawford, John / McGibbon, Ian C. (eds.): New Zealand's Great War. New Zealand, the Allies, and the First World War, Auckland 2007: Exisle Publishing, pp. 493-515.
Parsons, Gwen A.: 'The many derelicts of the War'? Great War veterans and repatriation in Dunedin and Ashburton, 1918 to 1928, thesis, Dunedin 2008: University of Otago.
Roche, Michael: Failure deconstructed. Histories and geographies of soldier settlement in New Zealand circa 1917–39, in: New Zealand Geographer 64/1, 2008, pp. 46-56.
Uttley, Stephen: The development of New Zealand war pensions policy, in: British Journal of New Zealand Studies 7, 1994, pp. 33-48.
Webber, N. P.: The first fifty years of the New Zealand Returned Services association, 1916 to 1966, Wellington 1967: Hutcheson Bowman & Stewart.
McKinnon, Malcolm: Post-war Economies (New Zealand) , in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin 2015-02-17. DOI: 10.15463/ie1418.10556.
Economy > Post-war economy > Demobilisation, post-war
Economy > Post-war economy > Claims
Economy > Post-war economy > Reparations
Economy > Labour > Unemployment, during and after war
Economy > Labour > Trade unions
Economy > Labour > Wages
Society > Post-war society > Veterans
Society > Post-war society > Widows
Society > Post-war society > Post-war social conflicts
New Zealand; returned soldiers; farms; pensions; unemployment
Neuseeland ; Wirtschaft
New Zealand--Economic conditions--1918-1945
Nouvelle-Zélande -- Conditions économiques -- 1918-1945
Francis Henry Dillon Bell (1851-1936); James Allen (1855-1942); John Mulgan's (1911-1945); Peter Fraser (1884-1950); W. F. Massey (1856-1925)
Wellington (Te Whanganui-a-Tara); Christchurch (Ōtautahi); Auckland (Tāmaki Makaurau); Petone; Lower Hutt
Australasia > New Zealand
McKinnon, Malcolm
New Zealand imports and exports, 1900 - 1950
Unemployed workers protesting in Wellington
New Zealand land transfers, 1916-1925
Membership of the Returned Soldiers Association, 1917-1939, New Zealand
New Zealand retail prices and wage rates 1914-1924
Soup kitchen, Wellington, c. 1932
State assistance to discharged soldiers in New Zealand
Veterans' parade, Wellington, 1928


text:
Insights into Gynae Cancergfgadmn2019-07-29T05:33:10+00:00
ANZGOG members regularly publish insights into gynaecological cancers to share their knowledge with the international community of researchers.
The following four publications from our members share game-changing updates in our understanding of gynaecological cancers.
Professor David Bowtell, Peter MacCallum Cancer Centre and Principal Investigator of the Australian Ovarian Cancer Study
Whole-genome characterization of chemoresistant ovarian cancer.
Patients with high-grade serous ovarian cancer (HGSC) have experienced little improvement in overall survival, and standard treatment has not advanced beyond platinum-based combination chemotherapy, during the past 30 years.
To understand the drivers of clinical phenotypes better, here we use whole-genome sequencing of tumour and germline DNA samples from 92 patients with primary refractory, resistant, sensitive and matched acquired resistant disease.
Published in Nature, May 2015
Original source: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26017449
Dr Diana Adams, Campbelltown Hospital and Chair of the ANZGOG Endometrial Tumour Working Group
Has the time come to ask why more oncologists are not prescribing it? It's something quite different – Exercise!
The benefits of exercise for cancer patients has again caught the attention of public and social media in Australia. Quite often the ABC catalyst programme has sent back patients to their doctors to quiz whether they should be on that drug. This time you or your chemotherapy unit may have noticed patients have been asking to actually add something in and for you to prescribe it!
Published in Oncology News, July 2016
Original source: http://oncologynews.com.au/exercise-and-cancer-by-diana-adams/
Professor Linda Mileshkin, Peter MacCallum Cancer Centre and Chair of ANZGOG Research Advisory Committee
The Cervix Cancer Research Network: A Global Outreach Effort on Behalf of the Gynecologic Cancer InterGroup.
Cervix cancer is a worldwide scourge. It is the second leading cause of cancer deaths in women worldwide with a rate of 728 deaths per day. 87% of cervix cancer deaths occur in low- and middle-income countries, with mortality rates varying 18-fold.1 Even in high-income nations, there has been little improvement in survival rates.2 The last major improvement in cervix cancer was published 15 years ago with the superiority of cisplatin-based chemoradiotherapy to radiotherapy alone.3,4
The Cervix Cancer Research Network (CCRN) developed within the Gynecologic Cancer Intergroup (GCIG) out of a realisation that cervical cancer trials were becoming scarce. While cervical cancer rates are declining in GCIG countries, low- and middle-income countries are coping with large disease burdens. This led to extending trial development beyond GCIG borders to involve a network of accredited, capable centres in other areas of the world. It was envisaged that this could harness local enthusiasm to raise standards of care. The CCRN would provide the infrastructure and support for high quality trials.
Published in the International Journal of Radiation Oncology, Biology, Physics
Professor Michael Friedlander, Prince of Wales Hospital and member ANZGOG Research Advisory Committee.
Patient-reported outcomes (PRO) in ovarian cancer clinical trials—lost opportunities and lessons learned
Despite increased recognition of the value of including patient-reported outcomes (PROs) as important end points in phase III clinical trials, there has been a lack of pre-specified PRO hypotheses and shortcomings with the analyses and interpretation of PROs in many ovarian cancer trials. This paper discusses and provides examples of the so-called lost opportunities in ovarian cancer trials. These include: (i) no clear pre-specified PRO hypotheses; (ii) PRO end points not included; (iii) insensitive PRO end point selection; (iv) collection of poor-quality PRO data not suitable for analysis; (v) differences in PROs between treatment arms ignored; and (vi) poor reporting quality. We can learn from the past and with relatively little additional effort, improve the collection and interpretation of PRO data in future ovarian cancer trials. The importance of doing so is underpinned by recent initiatives to improve the standard and usefulness of PRO data in clinical trials. These include the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Guidance for PROs to support labelling claims, the European Society for Medical Oncology Magnitude of Clinical Benefit Scale (ESMO MCBS), the International Society for Quality-of-Life Research PRO reporting guidance and the Consolidated Standards of Reporting Clinical Trials (CONSORT)—PRO-extension statement which includes a checklist of recommended items to include in PRO sections of trial protocols. Promoting the importance of hypothesis-driven PROs in ovarian cancer clinical trials will lead to improvements in the design of these trials and the interpretation of their results.
Published in the Annals of Oncology, May 2016
Original source: https://academic.oup.com/annonc/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/annonc/mdw080
"I feel so lucky to be on a trial. As a nurse, I know that the clinical trials are the only way to find new treatments for ovarian cancer. This is important for me and the other amazing women diagnosed with gynae cancer who I have met along to way. It's also vital that effective new treatments are available for my daughters if they need it."
Mary Werner
Living with ovarian cancer, and participant on Ovar 2.21 clinical trial
International Journal of Gynecological Cancer

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: Diferença entre métodos contents() e html() Estava precisando pegar o conteúdo de um iframe (que estava no mesmo domínio na mesma página) com html(), porém sem sucesso.
Ai vi que existia um método chamado contents(), e deu certo usando ele.
Porquê uma deu e outra não?
Eu tentei ler sobre isso, mas não entrou na cabeça...

A: Podemos observar na documentação de cada método que:

*

*.contents()

Recolhe os filhos de cada elemento do conjunto de elementos combinados, incluindo nós de texto e de comentário.

E também a nota:

O método .contents() também pode ser usado para obter o documento de conteúdo de um iframe, se o iframe está no mesmo domínio que a página principal.

*.html()

Obtém o conteúdo HTML do primeiro elemento no conjunto de elementos combinados ou define o conteúdo HTML de cada elemento correspondente.

Sumário
Essencialmente, o método .contents(), está atento às necessidades especiais de uma iframe e faz uso da sua propriedade contentDocument para extrair o conteúdo se o elemento for efetivamente uma iframe. O método .html() não realiza tais verificações e/ou uso de propriedades especiais dos elementos.
Para saberes em detalhe, continua a ler...
A iframe
Para sabermos a razão de o método .contents() ser capaz de recolher o que está dentro da iframe e o método .html() não, precisamos analisar diversos detalhes sobre como tudo funciona:
W3C - 5. XHTML Abstract Modules
Podemos observar na documentação para os módulos de abstração, particularmente na secção 5.13 sobre o módulo iframe que o mesmo tem dois tipos de implementações: DTD e XML Schema. O relevante para este caso é a implementação em DTD que nos apresenta a seguinte estrutura para o módulo iframe:

<!ENTITY % iframe.content  "( #PCDATA | %Flow.mix; )*" >
<!ENTITY % iframe.qname  "iframe" >
<!ELEMENT %iframe.qname;  %iframe.content; >
<!ATTLIST %iframe.qname;
      %Core.attrib;
      longdesc     %URI.datatype;           #IMPLIED
      src          %URI.datatype;           #IMPLIED
      frameborder  ( 1 | 0 )                '1'
      marginwidth  %Pixels.datatype;        #IMPLIED
      marginheight %Pixels.datatype;        #IMPLIED
      scrolling    ( yes | no | auto )      'auto'
      height       %Length.datatype;        #IMPLIED
      width        %Length.datatype;        #IMPLIED
>

E voltando à página anterior, podemos ler:

Quando este módulo é utilizado, o elemento iframe é adicionado ao conjunto de conteúdo em linha, tal como definido pelo Módulo de texto.

E isto essencialmente responde à pergunta, qualquer elemento de texto não tem nós filhos, logo, o método .html() não consegue recolher nada dos mesmos.
Já o método .contents(), pelo fato de recolher seja o que for que esteja dentro do elemento, recolhe o que se encontra dentro da iframe para um objeto. Isto permite-nos posteriormente aceder à informação presente no objeto resultante.
Exemplos

$('#sample1').click(function() {
  // devolve um objeto, mesmo só existindo texto na DIV
  alert($("div").contents());
});

$('#sample2').click(function() {
  // devolve um objeto, e depois "undefined" porque não existem nós para poder trabalhar
  alert($("div").contents().html());
});

$('#sample3').click(function() {
  // recolhe um objeto, e devolve o seu texto
  alert($("div").contents().text());
});

$('#sample4').click(function() {
  // devolve texto pois está a trabalhar num nó
  alert($("div").html());
});

$('#sample5').click(function() {
  // devolve texto
  alert($("div").text());
});

A minha div é muito bonita!

  <button id="sample1">.contents()</button>
  <button id="sample2">.contents().html()</button>
  <button id="sample3">.contents().text()</button>
  <button id="sample4">.html()</button>
  <button id="sample5">.text()</button>

clica nos botões para usar os métodos descritos nos mesmos.

Mas o que faz o jQuery
Falta saber o que se passa no código do jQuery para justificar a capacidade do .contents() em relação à iframe, onde para o efeito observamos o código do mesmo, particularmente a linha 3040 até 3044:
contents: function( elem ) {
    return jQuery.nodeName( elem, "iframe" ) ?
        elem.contentDocument || elem.contentWindow.document :
        jQuery.merge( [], elem.childNodes );
}

Facilmente observamos que o método .contents() faz uma análise ao elemento onde se encontra a trabalhar para ver se o mesmo é uma iframe, e em caso afirmativo, vai invocar a propriedade contentDocument do elemento iframe, cuja mesma é responsável por devolver o conteúdo da iframe.
Nota: contentWindow.document é uma equivalência para IE8.
Já o método .html() está completamente alheio aos requisitos especiais de uma iframe, conforme podemos apurar no código fonte do jQuery da linha 5842 até 5882:
html: function( value ) {
    return access( this, function( value ) {
        var elem = this[ 0 ] || {},
            i = 0,
            l = this.length;

        if ( value === undefined ) {
            return elem.nodeType === 1 ?
                elem.innerHTML.replace( rinlinejQuery, "" ) :
                undefined;
        }

        // See if we can take a shortcut and just use innerHTML
        if ( typeof value === "string" && !rnoInnerhtml.test( value ) &&
            ( support.htmlSerialize || !rnoshimcache.test( value )  ) &&
            ( support.leadingWhitespace || !rleadingWhitespace.test( value ) ) &&
            !wrapMap[ (rtagName.exec( value ) || [ "", "" ])[ 1 ].toLowerCase() ] ) {

            value = value.replace( rxhtmlTag, "<$1></$2>" );

            try {
                for (; i < l; i++ ) {
                    // Remove element nodes and prevent memory leaks
                    elem = this[i] || {};
                    if ( elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
                        jQuery.cleanData( getAll( elem, false ) );
                        elem.innerHTML = value;
                    }
                }

                elem = 0;

            // If using innerHTML throws an exception, use the fallback method
            } catch(e) {}
        }

        if ( elem ) {
            this.empty().append( value );
        }
    }, null, value, arguments.length );
},

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
AGC announces sale of U.S. commercial fabrication division
By AGC Glass Company North America
Jan. 5, 2015 – AGC Glass Company North America has announced the sale of the assets of its U.S. Commercial Fabrication business unit to Trulite Glass Solutions. The transaction marks Trulite's fifth acquisition since April 2011 and second acquisition in the fourth quarter of 2014.
Jan. 5, 2015 – AGC Glass Company North America has announced the sale of
the assets of its U.S. Commercial Fabrication business unit to Trulite
Glass Solutions . The transaction marks Trulite's fifth acquisition since
April 2011 and second acquisition in the fourth quarter of 2014.
AGC holds a leading position in primary products, and will continue to focus on the core strength of the business in manufacturing glass and innovating new coating technologies. In addition, the company will continue to invest in expanding the capabilities of its Boardman, Ohio, and Quakertown, Pa., residential fabrication plants, which play a key role in supporting AGC's residential strategy and customers. AGC's team of architectural representatives will continue to work closely with designers and architects, driving specifications for AGC architectural and interior products in all the regions of North America.
"As part of the world-wide AGC Group, we are committed to the North American market and innovation in float glass and coating technologies. With this new structure, we will focus on serving our business partners even better in our key segments: commercial, residential and industrial " said Michael Antonucci, senior vice-president and general manager of AGC North America Building and Industrial Products Division.
"This acquisition will allow Trulite to continue to better serve our customers while broadening our national presence and working with them to improve our business," said Paul Schmitz, CEO of Trulite. "This transaction is further evidence of our commitment to create the best company in the industry through continued growth and operational excellence."
trulite.com
us.agc.com
Goldray announces sale of Barrie glass fabrication operation
All Weather Windows appoints Borys director of commercial division
Western States Glass acquired by Trulite
Arch, ACI and United to operate under Trulite name
Everlast Group of Companies
Car glass producers fined for market sharing cartel
Sika owner files lawsuit to expedite sale to Saint-Gobain


Family Ministry is the latest buzz in ministry circles. Talk of equipping parents and tearing down "ministry silos" is everywhere. There are books being written and churches are now rising to the challenge of equipping parents rather than assuming the primary discipleship role themselves. We've realized that we've (the church) have unwittingly usurped the role of spiritual leader when it comes to children and teens.
As with most change, people become uncomfortable when we talk about restructuring the way we do ministry or the way we hire leadership. Messing with leadership structures or staff positions can ruffle feathers.
What are some of the challenges we may face as we talk about moving into a family ministry approach rather than a children's/youth ministry approach?
Challenge: a long-term youth pastor and/or a long-term children's pastor. Is it possible to go in and completely change a job description?
Challenge: is it possible to hire one staff person to handle a family ministry rather than a separate children's, youth, or adult pastors.
Challenge: which ministries will fall under which umbrella of leadership?
Challenge: sacred cows. How would we change the way we've always done things? Our youth or children's ministry is held in high esteem and to mess with what has been so successful is risky.
Challenge: bringing current staff into one married vision. Challenging leaders to mesh their visions/dreams with another leader is often tricky. It can be tricky to negotiate. Is it even possible? Keep the same staff and ask them to align towards developing families rather than the approach they've taken? Possible?
Transitioning a church from Children's and Youth Ministries can really rock the boat of a church that's been established. In my next post I'll address some of the possible ways to combat these challenges.
How about you? Has your church made the switch? What challenges did you face? Were there staff changes that were made? Sacred cows that had to be sacrificed?


text:
package gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.rules.business.service;

import junit.framework.TestCase;

import com.semanticbits.rules.objectgraph.NavigationPath;
import com.semanticbits.rules.objectgraph.ObjectGraphFactory;
/**
 * Refactored the testcase, to only test objectGraphFactory
 * @author Biju Joseph
 * @author Monish Dombla (original author)
 *
 */
public class ObjectGraphTest extends TestCase {

    private ObjectGraphFactory objectGraphFactory;

    protected void setUp() throws Exception {
        objectGraphFactory = ObjectGraphFactory.getInstance();
    }

    public void testSingetone() throws Exception{
    	assertSame(objectGraphFactory, ObjectGraphFactory.getInstance());
    }

    /**
     * Source : gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.Study
     * Target : gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.InvestigationalNewDrug
     */
    public void testNavigationPath_Study_IND(){
    	String sourceObjectType = "gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.Study";
    	String targetObjectType = "gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.InvestigationalNewDrug";
    	NavigationPath np = objectGraphFactory.findNavigationPath(sourceObjectType, targetObjectType);
    	assertNotNull(np);
    }

    /**
     * Source : gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.LocalStudy
     * Target : gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.InvestigationalNewDrug
     */
    public void testNavigationPath_LocalStudy_IND(){
    	String sourceObjectType = "gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.LocalStudy";
    	String targetObjectType = "gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.InvestigationalNewDrug";
    	NavigationPath np = objectGraphFactory.findNavigationPath(sourceObjectType, targetObjectType);
    	assertNotNull(np);
    }

    /**
     * Source : gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.RemoteStudy
     * Target : gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.InvestigationalNewDrug
     */
    public void testNavigationPath_RemoteStudy_IND(){
    	String sourceObjectType = "gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.RemoteStudy";
    	String targetObjectType = "gov.nih.nci.cabig.caaers.domain.InvestigationalNewDrug";
    	NavigationPath np = objectGraphFactory.findNavigationPath(sourceObjectType, targetObjectType);
    	assertNotNull(np);
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
This web page hosts the companion material for a two-day IoT workshop at the San Francisco State University.
The focus of this IoT workshop is an introduction of the Arduino-based microcontroller. In a sequence of
thirteen steps, this
tutorial walks through the basics of electronics followed by various examples to show how the Arduino
can be used. Towards the end more sophisticated examples demonstrate the use of infrared for communication
as well as how an Arduino can send a notification to a regular smartphone via the Cloud. The following parts
are required for the tutorial:

* Arduino Starter Kit
* Infrared Diode and Receiver
* FTDI USB to TTL Serial Converter Adapter
* ESP8266
* ESP8266 breakout board

A solid knowledge of common programming concepts is required. In particular, local and global variables, functions,
loops, and conditional statements should be understood for this tutorial. All code samples are written in
simple C and C++.

The following provides an overview of the individual steps of this tutorial:

1. Lighting up a LED
2. Lighting up a LED when a button is pressed
3. Arduino controlling LED & Button
4. Use of the Serial Monitor
5. Blinking LED
6. Electronic dice
7. Concurrency in Arduino sketches
8. Analog signals
9. Low-level access of the Arduino hardware
10. Basics of infrared signals
11. Sending & receiving of infrared signals
12. Remote communication via infrared
13. Connecting an Arduino to the Cloud

Additional material is available via the following slides:


text:
home » transparency » open data » other databases
Other Agency Databases
A number of sites offer research and information about Texas via their own database tools. Browse the listings below to find additional data sources and information that affects Texans.
Please note that inclusion on this page does not imply any endorsement by the Comptroller's Office. Accuracy of all data is the responsibility of the site owner or administrator and cannot be verified by the Comptroller's office. All links were valid at the time of publication. Changes to web sites not maintained by the office of the Texas Comptroller may not be reflected in the links below.
If you have any questions about the data listed on this page, please direct your inquiries to that site directly. To report a broken link or submit a site for inclusion on this page, please use this form
Texas.gov Open Data
This one-stop portal on the official website of the State of Texas provides access to files from the Texas Office of the Governor, Texas Workforce Commission, Texas General Land Office, Texas Education Agency and a number of other state agencies.
Texas Demographic Center
The Texas Demographic Center, in cooperation with a network of affiliates, function as a focal point for the distribution of census bureau information for Texas. The center also disseminates population estimates and projections for Texas, as well as other information from the federal government, state government and other sources.
Texas Workforce Commission Current Employer Statistics (CES)
Create a custom report of current Texas employer statistics or compare occupations.
Texas Workforce Commission Future Job Growth by Industry (Projections)
View future Texas job growth projection statistics by industry.
Texas Workforce Commission Future Job Growth by Occupation (Projections)
View future Texas job growth projection statistics by occupation.
Texas Workforce Commission Labor Market and Career Information
Create custom reports for Labor Market and Career Information (LMCI) data and other information including population, consumer price index (CPI) and income.
Texas Workforce Commission Texas Revenue Sales
View and download revenue sales in Texas by county or do a comparison by area.
Texas Workforce Commission Unemployment Rates and Labor Force (LAUS)
Create a custom report for Texas unemployment rates and labor force statistics.
Texas Workforce Commission Wages by Profession
View statistics on Texas wages by profession.
Education/Workforce
Texas Department of Licensing & Regulation Occupational License Files Download
View and download active occupational license files updated daily by the Texas Department of Licensing & Regulation.
Texas Education Reports and Data
Texas has one of the largest education databases in the world. It provides information for researchers, parents and the public at large about 1,200 districts and charters, as well as TEA. That information and other data is used to create a number of reports that provide information about a variety of topics, such as student performance, spending and implementation of legislation.
Texas Education Agency Academic Excellence Indicator System (AEIS)
Access AEIS reports for every public school, district or region of Texas, from 1988 to the present.
Texas Education Agency School Accountability Ratings
Download school district accountability ratings for the years 1994-2009.
Texas Education Agency School District Profiles
Search annual profile indicators for each public school district.
Environmental Protection Agency Landfill Methane Outreach Program
The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's landfill methane outreach program is a voluntary assistance program that helps to reduce methane emissions from landfills by encouraging the recovery and beneficial use of landfill gas (LFG) as an energy resource. LFG contains methane, a potent greenhouse gas that can be captured and used to fuel power plants, manufacturing facilities, vehicles, homes and more. Access a map showing LFG energy projects and landfills under consideration for projects.
Texas Commission on Environmental Quality Surface Water Quality Data and Maps
Access data, maps and map-based viewers dealing with surface water quality. Details on Texas Commission on Environmental Quality monitoring stations, parameters and data management, as well as data on water quality collected by other agencies. View more data from TCEQ.
Texas General Land Office Beach Watch Interactive Map Tool
Monitor current water quality conditions on Texas coastal beaches.
Texas General Land Office Oil Spill Responders Mapping Tool
View information about locations of sensitive environments, public facilities and other data used in oil spill response activities.
Center for Disease Control Health and Safety Data & Statistics Archive
View CDC data on topics such as violence, birth defects, sickle cell, fertility drugs and more.
Texas Cancer Registry Texas Cancer Statistics
Query and view Texas cancer incidence and mortality rates and maps.
Texas Department of State Health Services Texas Health Data
Customize statistical reports by querying vital records and other health-related databases.
Texas Health & Human Services Commission Texas Medicaid Enrollment Statistics
View Medicaid enrollment statistics by month or county.
Texas Tech University Center for Geospatial Technology Atlas of Rural and Community Health
View and download maps that provide details about health care needs in Texas.
U.S. Department of Health & Human Services Federal Government Datasets
Access federal government data on health and nutrition, science and technology and more.
Attorney General of Texas Colonia Geographic Database
Access information about locations, boundaries, roads, water features and community resources for over 2,000 colonias in 31 border area counties.
Texas General Land Office Geographic Information Systems Data
GIS datasets such as highways, hydrography, county boundaries, parks, topology, ecology, geology, state leases, pipelines and beaches.
Texas General Land Office Land Grant Search
Search for land grants and maps dating to the 18th century that relate to the passage of Texas public lands to private ownership.
Texas General Land Office Interactive Land/Lease Mapping System
View Original Texas Land Survey (OTLS) boundaries, state-owned lands, upland and coastal leases, oil/gas wells and the latest coastal imagery.
Texas Department of Transportation Highway Conditions
Get information about issues that may impede the flow of traffic on state highways.
Texas Natural Resources Information System (TNRIS) Geospatial Data Search
Search Texas geographic data with TNRIS's database, which contains one million frames of aerial photography and over 50 unique datasets.
Texas Railroad Commission Oil, Gas and Pipeline Data Public GIS Viewer
Query and view detailed information and location coordinates for oil wells, gas wells and pipelines from the Commission's files with base map data captured from U.S. Geological Survey 7.5 minute quadrangle maps.
Texas Tech University Center for Geospatial Technology Digital Atlas of Texas Counties
Access population, economic and health data by county.
U.S. Department of Agriculture Web Soil Survey
The Web Soil Survey (WSS) provides soil data and information produced by the National Cooperative Soil Survey. It is operated by the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Natural Resources Conservation Service and provides access to the largest natural resource information system in the world. The site is updated and maintained online as the single authoritative source of soil survey information.
U.S. Geological Survey National Map Seamless Server
The National Map Seamless Server allows users to explore and retrieve topographic data. The U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) and the Earth Resources Observation and Science (EROS) Data Center are committed to providing access to geospatial data.
U.S. Geological Survey Real-time Water Data for Texas
View daily streamflow conditions statewide in map or table form. Real-time data are transmitted to USGS offices every 1 to 4 hours, depending on the data relay technique used. Recording and transmission times may be more frequent during critical events. Data from real-time sites are relayed to USGS offices via satellite, telephone and/or radio and are available for viewing within minutes of arrival.
Texas Budget Source
This report generator provides the general public information on the Texas state budget. Generate budget reports for a specific state agency or reports organized by the articles of the General Appropriations Bill.
Legislative Budget Board Texas Contracts Searchable Database
The Legislative Budget Board is responsible for maintaining the master database of all state government contracts that fall under the following criteria:
contracts for $14,000 or more for consulting services as defined by Section 2254.021(1), Government Code;
contracts for $14,000 or more for professional services as defined by Section 2254.002(2), Government Code;
contracts for $14,000 or more for construction services;
contracts for $100,000 or more for major information systems as defined by Section 2054.008, Government Code; or
contracts for $50,000 or more for goods or services that are not consulting services, professional services, construction services or
major information systems.


I've seen this pattern on many sites and presented in many tutorials as the right way to stuff keywords in the url. This technique often takes advantage of Rubys to_i method which converts a string to an integer and removes any non-numeric characters.
This technique requires only minor changes from the default scaffold in your controller.
It's possible to link to you using any string and it could get indexed that way. That'll screw up your statistics, drain your link juice and lower your PageRank.
It's impossible to remember and hard to find again since the integer is positioned first.
It lowers your keyword density and the important phrase comes last.
The url must be unique, permanent, relevant, user friendly and easy to remember. So don't use this technique again... Ever!
Meet has_permalink. A ruby gem for generating the perfect structure of an url from any other attribute in the same ActiveRecord model. The easy and lazy, but robust way.
It takes any other method from the same ActiveRecord model and converts it to a url-safe string.
has_permalink is well tested has a strong user base and contains lots helpful commands. It gives you full control over your permalink structure via your routes file.
This generates a permalinks migration which adds the permalink attribute to [Model] and also an index for faster sql queries.
Assuming the models title is set to 'Some string' the generated permalink will be set to 'some-string' before the model is validated.
Are you're developing an application for another language than english?
No problem! For instance the swedish phrase 'Bättre brödlös än rådlös' is converted to 'battre-brodlos-an-radlos'. This is something most other Rails permalink plugins fail to accomplish. Instead it leaves you with a disappointing bttre-brdls-n-rdls. This is infact one of the main reasons I created the gem.
That's it. You're done. Your urls are now unique, permanent, relevant, user friendly and easy to remember.
Make sure it works with Sinatra, maybe it does. I don't know.
If you find anything and I mean anything you would like to change or improve. Maybe you have some ideas about a new feature that would improve the gem or perhaps you found a bug or a typo in this article. Feel free to contact me with a comment below.
So, do as many other Rails developers. Download has_permalink, try it out and post a comment with your feedback.
has_permalink is created and maintained by Ola Karlsson, Software Craftsman at Byteamin.


Enhanced by the highest quality hand sourced turquoise and pearl gemstones, symbolising abundance and good fortune, this silver spinner bracelet uplifts the wearer whilst at the same time soothing the soul with the repetitive motion of the spinning band.
Why not pair with the majestic Rajput Empowerment Spinning Ring and complete with our elegant matching spinning necklace. The full set can be viewed in our Rajput Collection.


text:
package com.mitchellbosecke.pebble;

import com.mitchellbosecke.pebble.error.PebbleException;
import com.mitchellbosecke.pebble.extension.AbstractExtension;
import com.mitchellbosecke.pebble.extension.Filter;
import com.mitchellbosecke.pebble.loader.StringLoader;
import com.mitchellbosecke.pebble.template.EvaluationContext;
import com.mitchellbosecke.pebble.template.PebbleTemplate;
import com.mitchellbosecke.pebble.template.PebbleTemplateImpl;
import org.junit.Test;

import java.io.IOException;
import java.io.StringWriter;
import java.io.Writer;
import java.util.HashMap;
import java.util.List;
import java.util.Map;

import static org.junit.Assert.assertEquals;

public class ExtendingPebbleTest extends AbstractTest {

    private final class CustomExtension extends AbstractExtension {

        @Override
        public Map<String, Filter> getFilters() {

            Map<String, Filter> filters = new HashMap<>();

            filters.put("noArgumentsButCanAccessContext", new Filter() {

                @Override
                public List<String> getArgumentNames() {
                    return null;
                }

                @Override
                public String apply(Object input, Map<String, Object> args) {
                    EvaluationContext context = (EvaluationContext) args.get("_context");
                    PebbleTemplateImpl pebbleTemplate = (PebbleTemplateImpl) args.get("_self");
                    if (context != null && pebbleTemplate != null) {
                        return "success";
                    } else {
                        return "failure";
                    }
                }

            });
            return filters;
        }
    }

    /**
     * Issue #51
     */
    @Test
    public void testFilterWithoutArgumentsCanAccessEvaluationContext() throws PebbleException, IOException {
        PebbleEngine pebble = new PebbleEngine.Builder().loader(new StringLoader()).strictVariables(false)
                .extension(new CustomExtension()).build();

        PebbleTemplate template = pebble.getTemplate("{{ 'test' | noArgumentsButCanAccessContext }}");

        Writer writer = new StringWriter();
        template.evaluate(writer);
        assertEquals("success", writer.toString());
    }
}


6 People Only - Reservation are a MUST ! Space is limited .
Let your stress and anxiety melt away in our beautiful Himalayan Salt Cave .
Beginners are welcomed ! We will practice using different breathing and relaxation strategies followed by a guided meditations . A Himalayan Tibetan Bowel will be used.
Aid the immune system and fibromyalgia and psoriasis in individuals that meditate .
A yoga mat is required ( there is a $ 5.00 rental fee or you may bring your own ) . There will be eye pillows and blankets available if you wish .


text:
mattsly.com
Search Results and Advertising Is there a conflict of interest between quality organic search results and pay-per-click sponsored links?
This starts with a simple story. My brother runs a small translation company in Berkeley called ION Translations. Like many small business owners, he has explored using Google's uber-popular AdWords service to help promote his business.
"Berkeley Translation" is one the search phrases for which he currently bids, and indeed, if you search on Google, as of 2/14/09, you will see his ad listed on the right-hand side sponsored links list. You do not, however, see a listing for "Ion Translations" in the "organic" search results. So perhaps my brother needs to do some work on optimizing his site for search engines?
But...here's where it starts to get a little fishy...if you search for "Berkeley Translation Service", a phrase that my brother is not bidding for - lo' and behold, there is Ion Translations, listed in the "organic" search results local link section. Note as well that otherwise the organic list result is very similar.
Curious. Is it indeed a quirk in the Google algorithm that by including the term "service" in the query that all of a sudden my brother's company shows up in the organic search listings? Really? Or...(cue the organ music...) is there a more nefarious story about how Google is (not) rendering "organic" links based what sponsored links are associated with the query ...?
Indulge me the conspiracy for a few, if you will, and let's try and put aside the quirky lovable do-no-evil brand that Google has admirably built over the past 8 years. Let's think plain and simple about incentives.
First, recall how the AdWords model works: advertisers bid for keywords, Google lists them based on expected revenue, and only when a user clicks on an ad does Google get paid. (see appendix for more info on how the model works...)
If Google aims to maximize the revenue of this single instance query, then of course they would not want links to the same page (iontranslations.com in this instance) in the "paid" ads section to also appear in the "organic" list. After all, if the same link appears in both lists, Google would risk losing revenue if the searcher clicked on the "organic" link. And from Joe Searcher's point of view, he just wants to find what he's looking for, and probably doesn't really know or care how Google's business model works and will just click away on the most relevant seeming link. The only person who would prefer the organic click to the paid link click is the advertiser who would pay in that case (in the longer term the customer would also prefer that the advertiser not be unnecessarily charged, as higher costs would be passed along...)
...But of course, life ain't so simple...and in Google's (and all other search engines') defense, let's kick a little lay-man's game theory. Searching is not a "one shot game." Google has been able to build and maintain its formidable lead as the top search engine because users trust its results.. Trust is built over time, by delivering stellar service time and again. Any kind of public disclosure of the type of tinkering to drive revenue would really be damaging (I think, right?) But it would also be exceptionally difficult to prove, as Google's algorithm for ranking results is a proprietary black box.
Given that Google's search mechanics are, unlike many of the other offerings from the company, not "open", I can't help but be suspicious with the structure of the paid search listings business model. For these more fringey searches, like "Berkeley Translation", for which we know there is a very long tail, might a search engine be able to get away with it?
In fact, I think there is a darn uncanny parallel here to the conflict of interests in investment banking that have ebbed and flowed throughout the years.
In the banking world, there are analysts and traders. Analysts are supposed to be objective and report on the fundamental strength or weakness of securities. Traders buy and sell and make money off of commissions. But as we saw in the dot-com boom, analysts have the power to manipulate information flow, in such a way that unsuspecting sheep (the rest of us) buy or sell stocks and allow the traders (and analysts - see Blodget, Henry) to make money because of market swings that they can anticipate. Sarbanes-Oxley, in fact, was largely a response to this condition. And banks also had the same reputation interests to protect, as banking is not a one-shot game either.
So - let's transpose: in the search world, "organic" results are the analysts (an objective, scientific, heuristically driven list of links sorted by relevance), and paid listings are the "traders" (commissions are made based on trades/clicks.). And there they are - sitting on that sparse page together, with the tenuous white column serving as the firewall. If the analysts happen to have a moral slip-up and manipulate the objective information...they can drive business to the traders...
OK OK OK, I'll stop channeling Michael Moore. To be clear - I am not accusing Google of any wrong-doing. I do actually think this is a strange quirk of circumstance. But - and this is really my point: how can I be sure?
The bottom line is that this model deserves more scrutiny than it's received. And not just Google, but Yahoo, Microsoft, etc...who all have essentially the same approach. There is something quite troubling about these incentive structures, especially given search has become the way in which we gather and consume information. All we can do is trust that companies are doing the ethical thing...which we know all-too-well doesn't always work out...
Appendix:
The paid keywords business model, used by Google and others, is that advertisers pay if and only if a searcher clicks on the advertisement. The advertisers have stated a willingness to pay for a click, and the search engine calculates a likelihood of a click, and then ranks the list based on the product of those two numbers: (Probability of a Click) x (Willingness to Pay). The special sauce is really in the first number - the probability of a click, which is based on lotsa data from previous queries, which is why Google has such a strong advantage in this space.
(Yahoo used to charge for listing, not for click, which had its own issues...but I'll leave a comparison on the sidelines for now...).
Full disclosure: I work for Microsoft, not on anything related to search. I am writing this on a Mac. I use a bunch of Google products, which are for the most part very very very good. But I try not to click on their ads. When I can actually tell that they are ads.


text:
Q: Why am I getting a segmentation fault? I am trying to compile a simple hello world function in c++. After I compile it, I run it and get "Segmentation fault". Can someone shed some light on this?
I am compiling this from a Linux command line using the following command:

g++ hello.cpp

#include <iostream>

using namespace std;

int main()
{
    cout << "Hello World!" << endl;
    return 0;
}

A: The program itself looks OK. I would guess there's some quirk in your compilation environment that is causing the segfault.
Your best bet is to run this in the debugger (gdb) -- that will tell you where it's crashing, which will help you figure out what the problem is.
To do this, compile like this:
g++ -g -o hello hello.cpp

then run gdb:
gdb hello

and at the gdb prompt type
run

to run the program. When it crashes, type
bt

which will give you a stacktrace that will -- hopefully -- help you figure out what's going on.

A: There's nothing wrong with that code, so you will have to investigate first your compiler, then your hardware.

A: Compile it like this
g++ -Bstatic -static hello.cpp
and then run ./a.out
If this doesn't seg fault, LD_LIBRARY_PATH is your culprit.

A: This might be a longshot, but try to change int main() to int main(int argc, char *argv[])


Welcome to the new Property in Malaysia forum on Totally Property. This section has been set up as members have alerted us to the fact that Malaysia ticks so many boxes for overseas investment property. The climate, the beaches, the mountains, architecture, culture, accessibility are some of the reasons why overseas property investors should take a closer look at property in Malaysia. You are welcome to come in and join us discussing the exciting investment opportunities that Malaysia has to offer.
Johor Bahru - Good investment opportunity?
Which South East Asian city is best to invest in?
IS Malaysia new housing loan rate lower than current one?
If klibor rate increase, my monthly installement increase too?


text:
Fed expected to aggressively hike rates to 5%, triggering global recession: survey
Leave a Comment / Business / By samypauls367
Federal Reserve officials are expected to maintain their hawkish stance at next week's policy-setting meeting where they are likely to approve another super-sized interest rate hike, paving the way for borrowing costs to climb above 5% by March 2023, according to a survey of Bloomberg economists.
The survey found that most respondents expect the Fed to raise rates by 75 basis points for a fourth straight meeting. The Federal Open Market Committee will announce their decision following a two-day meeting on Tuesday and Wednesday. A basis point is one hundredth of one percent.
The US central bank will then approve a 50 basis point increase in December, followed by 25 basis point increases at the following two meetings in February and March, participants predicted. The rapid tightening of policy is likely to trigger a US and global recession, according to the survey.
"Inflation pressures remain intense and the Fed is set to hike by 75 basis points in November," James Knightley, chief international economist at ING Groep, said in a survey response. "We are currently forecasting a more muted 50 basis-point hike in December given a weakening economic and market backdrop."
SOCIAL SECURITY RECIPIENTS TO SEE BIGGEST BENEFIT INCREASE SINCE 1981
Jerome Powell, chairman of the US Federal Reserve, arrives to speak during a news conference following a Federal Open Market Committee meeting in Washington, DC, on Sept 21, 2022.
Traders are pricing in a more than 80% chance of another 75 basis point hike at the conclusion of the Fed's two-day meeting next week, according to the CME Group's FedWatch tool, which tracks trading. Only 18% think the Fed will go with a half-point hike instead. The Fed has taken no action to dissuade that expectation.
READ ON THE FOX BUSINESS APP
Officials may also take steps to push rates even higher than they had expected as recently as September as elevated inflation persists despite higher interest rates. The US central bank had projected a peak rate of 4.6% next year, but that could increase depending on upcoming economic data.
The US central bank has embarked on one of the fastest courses in history to raise borrowing costs and slow the economy. Officials approved a third straight 75 basis point rate hike in September, lifting the federal funds rate to a range of 3.0% to 3.25% — near restrictive levels — and showed no signs of slowing down as they try to crush runaway inflation.
A Labor Department report released earlier this month showed the consumer price index, a broad measure of the price for everyday goods including gasoline, groceries and rents, rose 0.4% in September from the previous month and 8.2% on an annual basis, far faster than experts anticipated.
A customer shops at a supermarket in Millbrae, California, on Aug. 10, 2022.
"We haven't yet made meaningful progress on inflation," Fed governor Christopher Waller said during a recent speech.
In an even more concerning development that suggests underlying inflationary pressures in the economy remain strong, core prices, which strip out the more volatile measurements of food and energy, climbed 0.6% in September from the previous month. From the same time last year, core prices jumped 6.6%, the fastest since 1982.
"CPI came in hot, which virtually guarantees the Fed will hike 75 basis points next month and at least 50 in December," said Robert Frick, corporate economist with Navy Federal Credit Union. "And we need to brace for more bad news in October and November as rising oil prices are likely to swing again from reducing to increasing inflation."
#Fed #expected #aggressively #hike #rates #triggering #global #recession #survey