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The History of New Orleans After the Civil War
This guide contains descriptions of manuscript materials on the history of New Orleans since the Civil War. These materials include the records of New Orleans residents, physicians, attorneys, politicians, journalists, writers and authors, educators, students, soldiers, clergymen, planters, merchants, factors and commission brokers, businesses, clubs and organizations. The history of New Orleans since 1866 is documented through papers (personal, business, financial, legal, military and government), educational materials, diaries, correspondence, newspaper clippings, photographs, sheet music, poetry, and bills and receipts.
Some of the topics covered by collections described in this guide include the Spanish-American War, World War II, nursing in peace time and in war, music, theater (opera and plays), literature, and travel descriptions.
Displaying 281 - 320 of 583. Show 5 | 10 | 20 | 40 | 60 results per page.
Laycock, John T. and family. Papers, 1840-1953. 0.5 linear ft. Location: UU:149, OS:L, K:37. Baton Rouge lawyer, banker, and writer. Papers contain law notes and a transcript of 'Fragments from a Collection of Letters and Notes of Nina Harper of New Orleans, Louisiana, 1861-1862,' that describes civilian life during the Civil War. A manuscript fragment of 'Legs joins the cavalry;' and some miscellaneous notes pertaining to Baton Rouge. Also included are broadsides advertising the Baton Rouge Female Institute, and announcing a Grand Fete for the Red Cross Society (1918), and a photograph of John McCarthney Taylor. Available on microfilm 5750: University Publications of America Southern Women and Their Families in the 19th Century: Papers and Diaries Series E, Reels 15-16. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 3194.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, Women, New Orleans in the Civil War, New Orleans 1866-, Civil War, Education, Baton Rouge, 20th Century Wars
Layssard family. Papers, 1794-1960. 1 linear ft. Location: W:20-21, OS:L, VAULT:13. The Layssard family resided in northern Rapides Parish, Louisiana; Kate Kingston Boyd Grant, a writer from Grant Parish, was a relation of R. H. Grant and Harriet Grant, the heirs to Harriet Layssard. Collection contains business papers of the Layssard family, but is comprised mostly of the literary writings of Kate K. Grant: unpublished novels, short stories, and plays set in Louisiana; they include information about ante-bellum New Orleans and the Colfax riot of 1873. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 2875.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, Women, New Orleans 1866-, Literature
LeBlond, Coralie. Music collection, ca. 1850-1870. 3 ms. vols. Location: 65. Concert pianist and composer of New Orleans. Sheet music, principally by Louisiana composers, arrangers, and publishers, collected by Coralie LeBlond, including one of her own compositions. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 2204, 2205.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, Performing arts, Women, New Orleans 1866-
Leche, Richard W. Papers, 1804, 1889-2008, undated. Approximately 100 linear ft., 155 volumes. Location: 80:-81:, 85:, 98:L, MAP CAGE, OS:L, VAULT:1, VAULT:21, VAULT MRDF 15. Orleans Parish native and 44th governor of Louisiana from 1936-1939. Collection is comprised of Leche's gubernatorial papers, which include chiefly office files of correspondence and a variety of printed materials; pre-gubernatorial and gubernatorial campaign papers; post-gubernatorial papers; and a variety of other materials, in large part photographic items and scrapbooks, spanning the three aforementioned eras. Collection also includes papers of Elton Reynolds Leche and Richard W. Leche, Jr. Mss. 2060.
Referenced in Guides: Spanish, Sugar, Politics, Transportation, Women, New Orleans 1866-, Education, Business, Baton Rouge, French, Medicine, LSU, Long Family
Lehmann, Victor. Notebook, 1887-1888. 1 vol. Location: J:11. Notebook of Lehmann containing notes of lectures by Professors John B. Elliott and T. G. Richardson of the Medical Department, Tulane University. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 955.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans 1866-, Education, Medicine
Lejeune, John Archer, 1867-1942. Papers, 1815-1955 (bulk 1918-1919). 17 items, including 1 vol. Location: U:116, Misc:L. Commandant of the United States Marine Corps and Superintendent of Virginia Military Institute. Originally from Point Coupee Parish, Louisiana, Lejeune attended LSU before graduating from the Naval Academy. Papers document Lejeune's military career and include a citation for the Cross of the Commander of the Legion of Honor (in French) and biographical materials. An 1815 letter deals with the Battle of New Orleans. One item in French. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1690, 2553.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, New Orleans 1866-, French, LSU, 20th Century Wars
Lieutaud, Albert Louis. Collection, 1650, 1801-1965. 10 linear ft. Location: U:247-250, OS:L, 34:8-14.. Collection consists of letters, Christmas cards, receipts, printed material, sketches, photographic prints, and sheet music concerning various subjects in New Orleans and Louisiana history; the career of R.J. Morgan, a 19th-century English actor in the United States; railroad transportation in the United States; the American Civil War; and Lieutaud's own literary works and his work as an art and manuscript dealer. About two-thirds of the collection consists of about 140 presentation copies of books and pamphlets on Louisiana topics given to Lieutaud. Partly in French. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1407, 1700, 1771, 1784, 1853, 1936, 2046, 2211, 2369, 2469.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, Performing arts, Transportation, New Orleans in the Civil War, New Orleans 1866-, Civil War, French, Literature
Lincoln, Lemuel L. Family Papers, 1808-1914 (bulk 1840-1914). 143. Location: U:195. Confederate veteran and commercial editor of the Times-Democrat of New Orleans. Papers of Lincoln and members of his family, consisting principally of genealogical records of the families of Judge Lemuel Rixford Lincoln of Little Rock, Arkansas; Louis Marchand of Georgia; and Pierre Firman Helluin of Assumption Parish, Louisiana. Includes correspondence of Mary Lincoln and personal and business papers of Rixford J. Lincoln of New Orleans. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 688.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, Women, New Orleans 1866-
Lisle, N. Receipt, 1869. 1 item. Location: Misc.:L. Receipt for a chronometer on board the ship Plato at New Orleans. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1244.
Referenced in Guides: Transportation, New Orleans 1866-
Lobdell, James L. Record book, 1866-1867. 1 vol. Location: G:16. Planter, Bellemont Plantation, West Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana. Bills of lading from Vose and Lobdell, commission merchants of New Orleans, and receipts for merchandise for James L. Lobdell. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 212.
Referenced in Guides: Plantations, New Orleans 1866-, Business
Locquet Institute. Class exercise books, 1865-1866, 1873-1877. 2 vols. Location: H:23. Madame Locquet-Leroy was principal of the Locquet Young Ladies Institute and the Locquet-Leroy Institute of New Orleans. Locquet-Leroy's class exercise books contain questions and answers on history, literature, and science, together with names of students participating in exercises. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1135, 1497.
Referenced in Guides: Women, New Orleans in the Civil War, New Orleans 1866-, Education
Long, Huey Pierce, 1893-1935. Letter, 1928 Oct. 12. 1 item. Location: MISC:L. Governor of Louisiana (1928-1932), U.S. senator (1932-1935). Letter from Long to Dan Moody, Texas governor, inviting him or someone appointed by him to attend the Conference of the Board of Governors of the United States, to be held in New Orleans. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 3309.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, New Orleans 1866-, Long Family
Long, Russell B. Papers, 1774-2004 (bulk 1938-1986). 772 linear ft., 9 microfilm reels. Location: 21:-27:, MAP CAGE, MSS.MF:L, VAULT:47, AA:. Shreveport, Louisiana attorney and U.S. senator. Papers include correspondence; legislative, committee, federal agency, special project, and political campaign files; press releases; speeches; audio tapes; motion picture film; videotapes; and photographs, relating chiefly to Long's senatorial career. Topics include tax reform, petroleum issues, and employee stock options. Materials on the personal and political activities of other Long family members, among them Huey Long, are included. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 3700.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, Women, New Orleans 1866-, Baton Rouge, Acadiana, African Americans, LSU, Long Family, 20th Century Wars
Louisiana pictures, 1720-1865. 17 items. Location: Map cage. Prints include John Law's concession at New Biloxi; a plantation on Bayou Goula, Louisiana; the Civil War Battle of New Orleans sketched by a federal soldier; federal gunboats passing Port Hudson, Louisiana; and Jackson Station after it was burned. Also included are reprints of Civil War scenes of Port Hudson and Baton Rouge from Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper and Harper's Weekly Newspaper. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1733.
Referenced in Guides: Plantations, New Orleans to 1861, New Orleans in the Civil War, New Orleans 1866-, Civil War, Baton Rouge
Louisiana bonds and notes collection, 1832-1939. 34 items. Location: Misc.:L, OS:L. Bonds, notes, and warrants of the state of Louisiana, including some issued by Citizens' Bank of Louisiana and Charity Hospital of New Orleans, for purposes such as printing, the construction of the Louisiana State Capitol, and the support of Confederate veterans and their widows. See the online catalog for a more detailed description of the items in the collection. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 893, 1187, 1196, 1365, 3438, 3660.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, Women, New Orleans 1866-, Civil War
Louisiana Avenue Mission. Valentine card, [1877]. 1 item. Location: E:Imprints. Valentine Card inscribed 'Pauline Laburr, New Orleans,' from the Louisiana Avenue Mission. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1189.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans 1866-
Louisiana Constitutional Convention petition, 1879. 2 items. Location: OS:L. Petition of the citizens and taxpayers of New Orleans requesting the president and members of the Constitutional Convention of Louisiana to reject illegal debts of the State and to limit state taxation. A letter written by A. Garnier is attached. Letter in French. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 231.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, New Orleans 1866-, French
Louisiana Engineering Society. Scrapbook, 1898-1922. 1 vol. Location: G:16. Association located in New Orleans. Scrapbook of printed circulars, letters, and cards issued by the Louisiana Engineering Society. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 232.
Louisiana Film and Television Scripts Collection, 1941-1994. 0.65 linear feet. Location: A.98. The materials in this collection contain movie scripts for films and television shows either shot in or are based on the State of Louisiana. This collection contains eight movie scripts (one has two separate drafts) and three television episode scripts from production companies like 20th Century Fox, Paramount, Warner Bros. and United Artists for media either produced in the State of Louisiana or set in the region. Mss. 4343
Referenced in Guides: Performing arts, New Orleans 1866-
Louisiana Health Care Campaign Records, circa 1989-2004 (bulk: 1995-2001). Location: X 16 linear feet. Grassroots coalition that advocated for accessible, affordable health care for all Louisianans. Correspondence, reports, newsletters, press releases, and board minutes, and other records of the Louisiana Health Care Campaign, as well as background material on health care reform issues and groups and budgets and reports from allied groups and relevant state agencies, including the Department of Health and Hospitals and the Department of Insurance. Also includes records of the Louisiana Health Care Commission, of which the campaign was a member. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 4957.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, New Orleans 1866-, Business, Baton Rouge, Medicine
Louisiana Historical Society. Program, 1934. 1 item. Location: E:Imprints. Program for memorial services for Henry Plauche Dart (1858-1934), for the State of Louisiana and the City of New Orleans, under the auspices of the Louisiana Historical Society. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1851.
Louisiana Historical Society index, 1945-1946. 1 vol. Location: H:21. Typescript pages of tables of contents for "The Publications of the Louisiana Historical Society" vol. 1-10 (1895-1917) and "The Louisiana Historical Quarterly" vol. 1-34, 38 (1917-1951, 1955). For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1596.
Louisiana House of Representatives, Special Committee. Minute book, 1867. 1vol. Location: Misc.:L. Minute book of a special committee appointed to hold hearings on a bill introduced in the House of Representatives by Thieneman of New Orleans, prohibiting the establishment of slaughter-houses above the City of New Orleans. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1037.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, New Orleans 1866-
Louisiana League For Nursing. Document, 1952. 1 item [photocopy]. Location: Misc.:L. League formed by the merger of the New Orleans League of Nursing Education and the Public Health Association in 1952. Articles of Incorporation of the Louisiana League for Nursing. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 2192.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans 1866-, Medicine
Louisiana Leper Home records, 1884-1921 (1895-1920). 11 linear ft.; 16 v. Location: 96:1-6; OS:L; O:18. Correspondence, legal documents, administrative and financial records relate primarily to financial operations. Correspondence also concerns rules governing patients; legal documents contain court orders confining individuals to the Home. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 2515.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, New Orleans 1866-, Business, French, German, Medicine
Louisiana Leper Home. Records, 1890-1921 (bulk 1895-1920). 14 linear ft., 16 ms. Vols. Location: 96:1-6; OS:L; O:18. Louisiana Leper Home was established by the Legislature in 1894. Records consist of correspondence, legal documents, printed items, administrative records, and financial records that relate primarily to the financial operations of the Home. Correspondence also concerns patient care and personal conduct. Legal papers contain court orders confining individuals to the Home. Manuscript volumes include bank books, cashbooks, ledgers, and a register of patients. Some correspondence in French and German. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 2515.
Louisiana Lottery collection, 1879. 2 items. Location: E:Imprints. Official drawing for October 14, 1879 and the monthly distribution for November 16, 1879, New Orleans, Louisiana. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 2060.
Louisiana People's and White Man's Reform Party. Broadside, 1870 February. 1 printed item. Location: E:Range 8, Ephemera Collection, Subgroup I. Circular petition, probably printed in New Orleans, seeking signatures for the organization of a new political party opposed to radicalism and African American rule and supporting conservative white supremacy. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 3030.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, New Orleans 1866-, African Americans
Louisiana Postcard Collection, 1904-1951. 507 items. Location: E:65 (short shelf). Postcards depict subjects, especially churches, schools, and some plantations in towns and regions of Louisiana. Louisiana towns and regions best represented in the collection include Abita Springs, Alexandria, Baton Rouge, Bogalusa, Convent, Covington, Donaldsonville, Franklin, Hammond, Houma, Jennings, Lake Charles, Mandeville, Monroe, Morgan City, New Orleans, Plaquemine, Saint Francisville, Shreveport, and Thibodaux. Included is a photograph depicting three women in front of a plantation house. The photograph is labeled "Alice Emilie Knapp, Forrest Home." For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 3645.
Referenced in Guides: Religion, Plantations, Women, New Orleans 1866-, Education, Baton Rouge
Louisiana scandals scrapbook, 1939 June 26-July 26. 1 vol. Location: OS:L. Compilation of clippings from the New Orleans Times-Picayune covering the exposure, flight, arrest, and trial of Dr. James Monroe Smith, president of LSU. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 2600.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans 1866-, LSU
Louisiana State Lottery collection, 1840-1905 (bulk 1879-1890). .3 linear ft. Location: OS:L. Incorporated in 1868, the Louisiana State Lottery Company operated in New Orleans until ca. 1894 when it relocated to Honduras. It was broken up by the U.S. Department of Justice in 1906. Collection includes letters received, order and remittance forms, lottery tickets, lists of prizes awarded, broadsides, publications, and newspaper advertisements; Anti-lottery League of Louisiana memorabilia; and imprints from out-of-state lotteries. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 854.
Referenced in Guides: Spanish, New Orleans to 1861, New Orleans 1866-, French
Louisiana State Lottery Company. Record books, 1868-1885. 2 ms. vols. Location: R:31. Company incorporated in 1868 and in business in New Orleans until ca. 1894 when it relocated to Honduras. It was broken up by the U.S. Department of Justice in 1906. Minute book and dividend book. Subjects of the minute book include bylaws and meetings. The dividend book lists stockholders, number of shares owned, amounts of dividends paid, and other related information. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 4321.
Louisiana sugar and rice trade collection, 1884-1936. 175 items, 6 vols. Location: C:30, F:8. The Louisiana Sugar and Rice Exchange was a commodities brokerage concern in New Orleans. Raymond J. Martinez was the editor and publisher of THE RICE JOURNAL. Records consist of correspondence, form letters, announcements, financial reports, minutes of meetings, and broadsides. Papers of Raymond J. Martinez include correspondence; statistics of the rice industry; and items for publication. Photographs depict International Harvester Company equipment and some individuals; papers and letters concerning the photographs are included. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 784.
Referenced in Guides: Sugar, New Orleans 1866-, Business
Louisiana Telegraph Company scrapbook, 1875-1879. 1 vol. Location: G:17. Scrapbook of newspaper clippings concerning the Louisiana Telegraph Company. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 267.
Louque, Charles. Papers, 1838-1909. 518 items, 3 vols. Location: UU:112. Native of St. John the Baptist Parish, Louisiana, prominent New Orleans attorney, and Louisiana state senator. Papers document his legal activities and participation in the economic development of New Orleans. The collection includes postcard views of LSU and Baton Rouge. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1473.
Referenced in Guides: Politics, New Orleans to 1861, New Orleans 1866-, Baton Rouge, LSU, 20th Century Wars
LSU Libraries: Louisiana collection photographs, 1862-1971. 624 items. Location: 11:6, OS:L. This collection contains photographic prints and some picture postcards of city buildings, plantation buildings, and other structures in several Louisiana cities and parishes, especially New Orleans and Baton Rouge. Mss. 4262.
Referenced in Guides: Plantations, New Orleans 1866-, Civil War, Natchez, Mississippi
Lusher, Alice Lamberton. Diploma, 1876 June 3. 1 item. Location: OS:L. First principal of Sophie Wright School, teacher for over fifty years in New Orleans, Louisiana, and wife of Louisiana educator and superintendent of education Robert M. Lusher. Diploma issued by the Peabody Normal Seminary of New Orleans to Miss Alice Lamberton. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 3705.
Referenced in Guides: Women, New Orleans 1866-, Education
Lusher, Robert M. Papers, 1795-1941 (bulk 1856-1890). 1.3 linear feet. Location: C:43-44; G:17; OS:L; Vault:12. Educator and public official in Louisiana, Lusher held many positions including Louisiana State Superintendent of Education. Papers pertain to education in Louisiana during Reconstruction, teacher recruitment and training, military government, the Republican Party, education of African-Americans, the Peabody Foundation for Education in the South, and the Peabody Normal Seminary in New Orleans. Correspondence (1808-1847) consists of letters from members of the Mills and related families of Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. Manuscript volumes consist of diaries, letter books, record books, and scrapbooks. Mss. 696, 788, 1025, 1161, 1353.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans 1866-, Education, African Americans
Lyon Lumber Company Records, circa 1903-1938. 58 linear ft., 3 manuscript volumes. Location: J:28, OS:L, IMLLC (offsite; collections in remote storage require a minimum of 48 hours notice for retrieval). Lumber company with a home office in Chicago and a sawmill in Garyville, Louisiana. Records include invoices, price lists, inventories, correspondence, and other business and financial materials. For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 1461, 1502.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans 1866-, Business, Baton Rouge, Acadiana
Lyons, Mary E. Notebook, 1855-1866. 1 volume. Location: G:16, OS:L. Resident of Clinton and New Orleans, Louisiana. Notebook containing historical notes and poems written at Bienvenue Seminary, Fredericksburg, Virginia (1855) and newspaper clippings of poems (1864-1866). For further information, see online catalog. Mss. 269.
Referenced in Guides: New Orleans to 1861, Women, New Orleans in the Civil War, New Orleans 1866-, Civil War, Literature


Wait a minute, are green beans keto?
Considering the fact that green beans are a member of the legume family, one could consider them to be out of reach if one is following a keto diet. However, since they have a low carb count, green beans can actually be part of a healthy low-carb/keto diet.
That's good, right? Well not quite, for some people even the 6g net carbs per cup that come with green beans can be too much and can possibly kick them out of ketosis.
So, if you are one of those people, you might want to swap the green beans for cauliflower or broccoli. It'll work just the same.
The chicken is the star of the dish, whatever you serve it with will do just fine my friends.
Now let me just start by stating that I am in no way an expert in Cajun cuisine, far from that. This is not a traditional Cajun recipe, but rather an inspiration from the cuisine itself.
I love the flavors of Cajun BBQ and I thought of making a sugar-free keto-friendly recipe for us to enjoy this summer.
That's just about it. Again to some of you, this might not a be classic cajun spice mix, but this my favorite version of it and I strongly advise you to tweak it and make it yours. After all, that's what cooking is all about.
As far as the choice of chicken meat goes, well, I chose to go with breasts and thighs (Skinless & boneless). This is a matter of preference as I like having both cuts but you can definitely go all thighs if you are worried about having too much protein.
Plus, chicken breasts are far more photogenic. The camera loves them.
Enough talk, it's recipe time!
This easy Low-Carb dinner is both sweet & spicy and is served with a side of crunch green beans.
In a bowl, add your chicken cutlets, worcestershire sauce, avocado oil mayonnaise, lime juice, spice mix and black pepper. Mix thoroughly until your chicken cutlets are well coated.
Fire up your BBQ and bring it up to 400° Fahrenheit. Place your seasoned chicken on the hot part of your grill and cook on both sides until the internal temperature reaches 165° Fahrenheit (75° Celsius). This could take between 15-25 minutes depending on how efficient your grill is. Set aside and let it cool down for 10 minutes.
Heat up a pan on medium-high heat and add in your butter. Add your green beans and cook for 5-7 minutes, depending on how crunchy you like them. Add your heavy cream and season. As soon as your cream starts bubbling, remove your pan from the stove.
Serve with you chicken and enjoy!
Sugar free spice rub, great idea. If you're not making it Keto can one use regular mayo?


I suggest that it's dangerous to reply to a post made over 2 years ago about a missing Fastmail feature.
Even with all the Android Gmail updates..
Lycos pulled the plug on my 22+ year email....!
If the original sender had sent the message via BCC, the recipients would only have been able to reply to the sender. That BCC feature can be very useful!


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The negativity was not unique to the 2016 election cycle but instead part of a pattern in place since the 1980s and one that is not limited to election coverage. "A healthy dose of negativity is unquestionably a good thing," writes Thomas Patterson, the study's author. "Yet an incessant stream of criticism has a corrosive effect. It needlessly erodes trust in political leaders and institutions and undermines confidence in government and policy," resulting in a media environment full of false equivalencies that can mislead voters about the choices they face.
This is the final report of a multi-part research series analyzing news coverage of candidates and issues during the 2016 presidential election. The study tracks news coverage from the second week of August 2016 to the day before Election Day.
This Shorenstein Center study is based on an analysis of news reports by ABC, CBS, CNN, Fox, the Los Angeles Times, NBC, The New York Times, USA Today, The Wall Street Journal, and The Washington Post. The study's data were provided by Media Tenor, a firm that specializes in the content analysis of news coverage. The research was partially funded by the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation.
Criticism dogged Hillary Clinton at every step of the general election. Her "bad press" outpaced her "good press" by 64 percent to 36 percent. She was criticized for everything from her speaking style to her use of emails.
As Clinton was being attacked in the press, Donald Trump was attacking the press, claiming that it was trying to "rig" the election in her favor. If that's true, journalists had a peculiar way of going about it. Trump's coverage during the general election was more negative than Clinton's, running 77 percent negative to 23 percent positive. But over the full course of the election, it was Clinton, not Trump, who was more often the target of negative coverage (see Figure 1). Overall, the coverage of her candidacy was 62 percent negative to 38 percent positive, while his coverage was 56 percent negative to 44 percent positive.
Source: Media Tenor. Full campaign covers period from January 1, 2015-November 7, 2016. General election covers period from August 8-November 7, 2016. Excludes reports that were neutral in tone. Such reports accounted for about a third of the coverage.
Negative coverage was the order of the day in the general election. Not a week passed where the nominees' coverage reached into positive territory. It peaked at 81 percent negative in mid-October, but there was not a single week where it dropped below 64 percent negative.
Even those numbers understate the level of negativity. Much of the candidates' "good press" was in the context of the horserace—who is winning and who is losing and why. At any given moment in the campaign, one of the candidates has the momentum, which is a source of positive coverage. Figure 2 shows the tone of the nominees' coverage on non-horserace topics, those that bear some relationship to the question of their fitness for office—their policy positions, personal qualities, leadership abilities, ethical standards, and the like. In Trump's case, this coverage was 87 percent negative to 13 percent positive. Clinton's ratio was identical—87 percent negative to 13 percent positive. "Just like Tweedledum and Tweedledee," as Barry Goldwater said dismissively of America's two parties in the 1960s.
As journalists would have it, the Trump and Clinton camps were the cause of all the negativity. And it was certainly true that the election was unusually nasty. But to attribute the tone entirely to the opposing camps is to ignore the pattern of presidential election coverage during the past few decades (see Figure 3). Not since 1984—eight elections ago—have the presidential nominees enjoyed positive press coverage. The 2016 campaign did not even top the record for negativity. That distinction belongs to the 2000 campaign when news reports questioned whether Al Gore was trustworthy enough and George W. Bush was smart enough to deserve the presidency.
Sources: Patterson, Out of Order, 1960-92; Center for Media & Public Affairs, 1996; Pew Research Center, 2000-2012; Media Tenor, 2016. Neutral stories are excluded. Percentages are the average for each election for the two major-party nominees.
The press's negative bent is not confined to election politics (see Figure 4). In recent years, when immigration has been the subject of news stories, the ratio of negative stories to positive ones has been 5-to-1. In that same period, news reports featuring Muslims have been 6-to-1 negative. News stories about health care policy, most of which centered on the 2010 Affordable Care Act, have been 2-to-1 negative. Although the nation's economy has steadily improved since the financial crisis of 2008, one would not know that from the tone of news coverage. Since 2010, news stories about the nation's economy have been 2-to-1 negative over positive.
Source: Media Tenor. Based on news reports on CBS and NBC evening newscasts. Excludes neutral stories.
The car wreck that was the 2016 election had many drivers. Journalists were not alone in the car, but their fingerprints were all over the wheel.
The real bias of the press is not that it's liberal. Its bias is a decided preference for the negative. As scholar Michael Robinson noted, the news media seem to have taken some motherly advice and turned it upside down. "If you don't have anything bad to say about someone, don't say anything at all." A New York Times columnist recently asserted that "the internet is distorting our collective grasp on the truth." There's a degree of accuracy in that claim but the problem goes beyond the internet and the talk shows. The mainstream press highlights what's wrong with politics without also telling us what's right.
This report is the fourth in our series of reports on media coverage of the 2016 presidential election. The first examined news coverage during 2015—the so-called "invisible primary" stage of the campaign. The second study focused on news coverage of the presidential primaries and caucuses. The third study spanned the four-week period of the national party conventions, from a week before the first of the back-to-back conventions to a week after the second. This fourth study picks up where the third study left off, beginning the second week of August and ending the day before the November balloting.
The research is confined to the election coverage in the print editions of five daily papers (the Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, and USA Today) and the main newscasts of five television networks (ABC World News Tonight, CBS Evening News, CNN's The Situation Room, Fox's Special Report, and NBC Nightly News). In the case of the newspapers, the analysis covers all sections except sports, obituaries, and letters to the editor. Op-eds and editorials are included, but letters from the public are not. For television, the analysis covers the full daily content of each network's major newscast. Network talk shows are not included.
The data for our studies are provided by Media Tenor, a firm that specializes in collecting and coding news content. Media Tenor's coding of print and television news stories is conducted by trained full-time employees who visually evaluate the content. Coding of individual actors (e.g., presidential candidates) is done on a comprehensive basis, capturing all reports of more than five lines (print) or five seconds (TV) of coverage for a given actor. For each report, coders identify relevant themes (topics) and actors and evaluate the tone (positive or negative) on a six-point scale. These tonality ratings are then combined to classify each report for each actor as being negative, positive, or having no clear tone. The percentages presented in this paper are the combined averages for the ten news outlets.
Nearly half a million people turned out on Labor Day in Detroit in 1936 to see and hear presidential candidate Franklin Roosevelt. The crowd was so deep that it extended like fingers into the streets, spreading out from Cadillac Square.
Labor Day was once a highlight of the general election—the informal kickoff to the fall campaign. Today, the general election is merely a continuation of a campaign that begins in earnest more than a year earlier. Nevertheless, for some voters, the general election is a time to pay closer attention. The 2016 primary election debates had record audiences. Yet those debates drew on average fewer than a fourth as many viewers as did each of the three general election presidential debates.
What was the media agenda during the 2016 general election? What aspects of the campaign were put on public display? What aspects received only slight attention?
During the early stages of the 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump was the center of press attention. Each month from the time he announced his candidacy until he received his party's presidential nomination, he was the most heavily covered candidate. It wasn't even close. During that period, Trump received 63 percent of the coverage compared to 37 percent for his most heavily covered rival.
When asked to explain their focus on Trump, journalists say that he made himself readily available to the press. But availability has never been the standard of candidate coverage. If that were so, third-party candidates and also-rans would dominate coverage.
When asked to explain their focus on Trump, journalists say that he made himself readily available to the press. But availability has never been the standard of candidate coverage. If that were so, third-party candidates and also-rans would dominate coverage. They hunger for news exposure. Trump's dominant presence in the news stemmed from the fact that his words and actions were ideally suited to journalists' story needs. The news is not about what's ordinary or expected. It's about what's new and different, better yet when laced with conflict and outrage. Trump delivered that type of material by the cart load. Both nominees tweeted heavily during the campaign but journalists monitored his tweets more closely. Both nominees delivered speech after speech on the campaign trail but journalists followed his speeches more intently. Trump met journalists' story needs as no other presidential nominee in modern times.
Source: Media Tenor. Percentages based on Trump and Clinton coverage only. Other presidential candidates and the vice-presidential nominees are excluded. Also excludes neutral reports. Date shown is the end date for that week's coverage.
As in other recent campaigns, the media's coverage focused on the horserace—the question of who is winning and who is losing, and by what margin and why (see Figure 6). The horserace has been the dominant theme of election news since the 1970s, when news organizations began to conduct their own election polls. Since then, polls have proliferated to the point where well over a hundred separate polls—more than a new poll each day—were reported in major news outlets during the 2016 general election.
Source: Media Tenor. The "other" category includes references to such things as upcoming events, staffing, logistics, etc.
Journalists' fondness for polls is no great mystery. Polls are a snap to report and provide a constant source of fresh material. Their influence on election news goes beyond the stories that describe the latest poll results. Poll results increasingly frame the content of other stories, as journalists use them to explain shifts in candidate strategy or the impact of the latest development. When the FBI director announced nine days out from the election that a new batch of Clinton emails had been found, the major story line was the likely impact of the revelation on Clinton's standing in the polls, which was followed in subsequent days by reports of new polls showing that her support was slipping.
Policy issues—what the nominees would do if elected—rarely attract a high level of press coverage, and the 2016 election was no exception. Although candidates in their stump speeches focus on the policies they would pursue as president, their stands do not receive close attention from journalists. In the 2016 general election, policy issues accounted for 10 percent of the news coverage—less than a fourth the space given to the horserace. Policies lack the novelty that journalists seek in their stories. A new development may thrust a new issue into the campaign, but policy problems are typically longstanding. If they came and went overnight, they would not be problems. Thus it is that when a candidate first announces a policy stand, it makes news. Later on, it's old news and likely to make headlines only if it has a new wrinkle.
Although candidates in their stump speeches focus on the policies they would pursue as president, their stands do not receive close attention from journalists.
To journalists, the real issues of presidential politics are not the candidates' policy commitments but instead the controversies that ensnare them. The 2016 campaign fit the pattern to a tee. Everything from Clinton's emails to Trump's taxes was grist for the media mill. They accounted for 17 percent of the coverage—one in every six news reports.
Controversies are a candidate's nightmare. Opponents and journalists alike have a stake in keeping a controversy alive, so the candidate's only hope is that the revelation is small enough or transient enough to die down on its own. When it's in the news, there's no upside for the candidate. During the 2016 general election, more than 90 percent of the news coverage of controversies was negative in tone (see Figure 7).
Source: Media Tenor. Percentages exclude news reports that were neutral in tone.
Although controversies drew the highest percentage of negative coverage in 2016, other aspects of the campaign weren't far behind. The candidates' policy positions drew heavy criticism—84 percent negative to 16 percent positive. So did the candidates' personal qualities—80 percent negative to 20 percent positive. Reports touching on the candidates' leadership and experience were less negative but only in relative terms. They ran nearly 3-to-1 negative—73 percent to 27 percent.
The horserace coverage was the most positive area of coverage, though it too was negative on balance—59 percent negative to 41 percent positive. Both candidates can't lose, so the horserace is a source of positive coverage for whichever candidate is trending upward in the polls. On the other hand, journalists give more play to losing than to winning, so horserace coverage tilts toward the negative. That pattern has been found to apply also to presidential approval ratings. When a president's poll rating is slipping, it gets more news coverage than when it's rising.
Trump's general election news coverage fit the pattern of earlier stages of the campaign in several respects but not all. The major departure was that his general election coverage was overwhelmingly negative in tone. In our earlier reports, we documented the positive coverage Trump received during the nominating stage of the campaign, a pattern largely attributable to the press's tendency to highlight the horserace in the pre-primary and primary periods. As Trump rose from single digits in the polls and then won key primaries, he got favorable press. It was a story of growing momentum, rising poll numbers, ever larger crowds, and electoral success. The fact that the horse race is the most heavily covered aspect of the nominating phase magnified Trump's favorable coverage.
Trump's general election coverage was a stark contrast. His coverage was negative from the start, and never came close to entering positive territory (see Figure 8). During his best weeks, the coverage ran 2-to-1 negative over positive. In his worst weeks, the ratio was more than 10-to-1. If there was a silver lining for Trump, it was that his two best weeks were the ones just preceding the November balloting.
Source: Media Tenor. Excludes neutral reports. Date shown is the end date for that week's coverage.
Trump's coverage was negative in all the news outlets in our study, even those that typically side with the Republican nominee (see Figure 9). Fox provided Trump his most favorable coverage, but it was still nearly 3-to-1 negative over positive. The Wall Street Journal was his next best outlet, but its coverage ran 4-to-1 negative. The most negative coverage was carried by CBS at 9-to-1, but Trump's coverage was nearly as negative in most other outlets.
Source: Media Tenor. Excludes neutral news reports.
At that, Trump's policy issues got less coverage during the general election than did a series of controversies that began with his attack on the Gold Star parents Khizr and Ghazala Khan after they had criticized him in a speech at the Democratic convention. That was followed by controversies involving the Trump Foundation, his refusal to release his tax returns, his avoidance of paying federal taxes, his allegation that the system was rigged against him, and his refusal ("unless I win") to say that he would accept the election outcome. Trump's most heavily covered controversy was triggered by the release of a video that captured him on microphone bragging about groping women without their consent, saying that "when you're a star, they let you do it." It was made public in early October, driving Trump's negative coverage from the 70-percent range into the 90-percent range.
Controversies accounted for 15 percent of Trump's coverage. On the other hand, his leadership ability and experience were infrequently touched upon in the general election, accounting for 4 percent of his coverage. His personal traits, such as his relationship with business associates, also accounted for 4 percent.
No aspect of Trump's coverage was positive in tone (see Figure 11). His horserace coverage, which had given him a boost when facing Republican opponents, ran 78 percent negative to 22 percent positive. He trailed Clinton in the polls at virtually every stage of the general election, which, in the press's horserace narrative, made him a "likely loser," which is a negative story.
Source: Media Tenor. Percentages exclude neutral news reports.
The other areas of Trump's coverage were even more negative. News reports focusing on his personal qualities were 82 percent negative to 18 percent positive. His policy stands were widely criticized—coverage in that area was 85 percent negative to 15 percent positive. His leadership qualities and experience were treated even more harshly—93 percent negative to 7 percent positive. The controversies enveloping his candidacy were also a source of bad news. Collectively, they ran 92 percent negative to 8 percent positive—a ratio of 11-to-1.
Like Trump, Clinton's coverage was negative in tone. Unlike Trump, it was a continuation of a pattern that had been set at the start of her presidential run. In the nineteen months leading up to the general election, there were only two months where Clinton's coverage was positive on balance, and then by less than 5 percentage points in each case. The general election campaign continued the string. Her coverage in every month—August, September, October, and early November—was negative on balance. During the entire general election, there was only a single week where the balance was positive (see Figure 12). That week was the one following the first debate, where her strong performance pushed her into positive territory for the week, though by the slim margin of 4 percentage points.
Source: Media Tenor. Excludes neutral news reports. Date shown is the end date for that week's coverage.
Like Trump, Clinton's coverage during the general election was unfavorable in all the news outlets in our study (see Figure 13). But the level of negativity varied more widely in her case. In the Los Angeles Times, she came close to ending up in positive territory. The breakdown was 53 percent negative to 47 percent positive. In all other outlets, negative coverage outpaced positive coverage by more than 60-40. Fox News was on the high end, allocating its coverage 81 percent negative to 19 percent positive. The other outlier was The Washington Post where her coverage was 77 percent negative to 23 percent positive.
The horserace was the main focus of Clinton's coverage, accounting for more than two-fifths of her coverage (see Figure 14). Her policy positions received less attention than did Trump's (9 percent versus 12 percent) and the coverage was less focused. Whereas his position on immigration received considerable attention, she did not have a single policy issue that accounted for more than 1 percent of her coverage. If she had a policy agenda, it was not apparent in the news. Her lengthy record of public service also received scant attention.
On the other hand, Clinton's controversies got more attention than Trump's (19 percent versus 15 percent) and were more focused. Trump wallowed in a cascade of separate controversies. Clinton's badgering had a laser-like focus. She was alleged to be scandal-prone. Clinton's alleged scandals accounted for 16 percent of her coverage—four times the amount of press attention paid to Trump's treatment of women and sixteen times the amount of news coverage given to Clinton's most heavily covered policy position.
Clinton's controversies got more attention than Trump's (19 percent versus 15 percent) and were more focused.
Clinton did have a source of positive press. Her horserace coverage ran in the black—62 percent positive to 38 percent negative. She led Trump in the polls at virtually every stage of the general election, which was a source of positive news. Her performance in the three presidential debates also boosted her horserace coverage (see Figure 15). Polls indicated that viewers thought she had won all three debates, which was duly noted in her news coverage. Her debate performances also swayed some undecided voters, which led to an uptick in her standing in candidate-preference polls, which was an additional source of positive news.
No aspect of Clinton's coverage, however, was more negative than the controversies that enveloped her campaign. The tone of this coverage was ten times more negative than positive—91 percent to 9 percent. The state of her health was one such controversy. It ran four to one negative over positive. The bulk of the controversies took the form of a "scandal"— emails, Benghazi, ongoing investigations, and the like. News reports on this topic ran 19-to-1 negative over positive. Figure 17 provides an indication of just how fully Clinton's coverage was fueled by the scandal allegations. There was no week in which the subject accounted for less than 7 percent of her coverage and, in the campaign's final week, it consumed more than a third of her coverage.
Source: Media Tenor. Date shown is the end date for that week's coverage.
The ten news outlets in our study varied in their attention to the Clinton scandal allegations. The Los Angeles Times gave them the least space—7 percent of its Clinton coverage focused on the scandals. The Los Angeles Times actually gave more news space to Clinton's policy positions than to the alleged scandals—the only one of the ten outlets to do so. Fox News was at the other extreme, spending 27 percent of its Clinton coverage on the scandals. CNN was second at 18 percent. The cable networks thrive on controversy, and Clinton's alleged scandals were no exception. All three broadcast networks also played them up. The average for ABC, CBS, and NBC was 16 percent. The average for the newspapers in our study was several points lower (11 percent).
In all ten outlets, the tone of coverage of Clinton's alleged scandals was highly negative. It equaled or exceeded 95 percent negative in every outlet except NBC, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and The Washington Post. The Post was the least negative—its coverage divided 90 percent negative to 10 percent positive. With the possible exception of the Post, none of the outlets made a concerted effort to put the allegations in context. Was Clinton's merging of her personal and official emails, which had also been the practice of other top officials, an egregious and possibly disqualifying error of judgment? The question went largely unanswered in the news coverage, as journalists wrote instead on how the email scandal was causing her to lose voter support.
The old journalistic adage that "bad news is good news" has become an imperative. Although the norms of American journalism dissuade reporters from taking sides in partisan debate, there is no rule that says they can't bash both sides. "With malice toward all" is how scholars Patricia Moy and Michael Pfau characterize today's journalists.
News reporting turned sour during the Vietnam and Watergate era and has grown increasingly bitter. Writing in the mid-1990s, the Washington Post's David Broder felt the press was spinning out of control. "Cynicism is epidemic right now," he wrote. "It saps people's confidence in politics and public officials, and it erodes both the standing and standards of journalism. If the assumption is that nothing is on the level, nothing is what it seems, then citizenship becomes a game for fools, and there is no point in trying to stay informed." Broder's colleagues weren't listening. News coverage has become increasingly negative. In the six presidential elections since Broder wrote those words, negative coverage of the presidential nominees has increased by 19 percentage points from its average in the six preceding elections.
To be sure, changes in journalism are not the only reason that campaigns have become more negative. The party polarization that has seeped into American politics during the past three decades has been accompanied by rising levels of partisan attack. But to claim that party polarization explains the media's negative bent is to ignore the fact that the press's negativity is not confined to party politics. There's barely an aspect of public life that is not subject to intense criticism.
A healthy dose of negativity is unquestionably a good thing. There's a lot of political puffery, ineptitude, and manipulation that needs to be exposed, and journalists would be shirking their duty if they failed to expose it. Yet an incessant stream of criticism has a corrosive effect. It needlessly erodes trust in political leaders and institutions and undermines confidence in government and policy.
False equivalencies abound in today's reporting. When journalists can't, or won't, distinguish between allegations directed at the Trump Foundation and those directed at the Clinton Foundation, there's something seriously amiss. And false equivalencies are developing on a grand scale as a result of relentlessly negative news. If everything and everyone is portrayed negatively, there's a leveling effect that opens the door to charlatans. The press historically has helped citizens recognize the difference between the earnest politician and the pretender. Today's news coverage blurs the distinction.
Indiscriminate criticism also works against the party in power. If voters think everything is bad or going downhill, some of them invariably think that it's time for a change. In our two-party system, that handicaps the in-party, whether a Republican or Democratic administration. It's hard for those in power to maintain public support if their policy successes get little note and their shortcomings draw headlines.
In the closing days of the 2016 campaign, the nation's editorial rooms rang the alarm bell, warning voters not to make the choice that many of them seemed ready to make. It went for naught. The watchdog had lost its bite, as well as the respect of the public it claims to serve.
An irony of the press's critical tendency is that it helps the right wing. Although conservatives claim that the press has a liberal bias, the media's persistent criticism of government reinforces the right wing's anti-government message. For years on end, journalists have told news audiences that political leaders are not to be trusted and that government is inept. And when journalists turn their eye to society, they highlight the problems and not the success stories. The news creates a seedbed of public anger, misperception, and anxiety— sitting there waiting to be tapped by those who have a stake in directing the public's wrath at government.
 "The Last Lap," Pew Research Center, October 30, 2000. The Pew study found that Gore's coverage was negative by a balance of 56-13 percent while Bush's coverage was 49-24 percent negative over positive. When weighted by the amount of campaign coverage devoted to each candidate (29 percent for Gore and 24 percent), the combined average for the two candidates was 75 percent negative to 25 percent positive.
 Data are from Roland Schatz, "Divided USA: How Did It Start, and How to Overcome the Stereotypes," provided to the author by email on October 30, 2016. Data were generated by Media Tenor, which Schatz heads.
 Quoted in Thomas Patterson, "More Style Than Substance," Political Communication and Persuasion 8 (1991): 157.
 Everett Carll Ladd, Transformations of the American Party System, 2ed. (New York: Norton, 1978), 194.
 According to various accounts, the primary debate audiences ranged upwards of ten million, with the top debate drawing about 23 million. The first presidential general election debate drew more than 80 million viewers while the other two had more than 60 million viewers.
 Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1972 (New York: Bantam, 1973), p. 327.
 Bernard C. Cohen, The Press and Foreign Policy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1963), 13.
 See, Thomas Patterson, The Mass Media Election (New York: Praeger, 1980).
 The best analysis of this tendency is still, thirty years later, Maura Clancy and Michael Robinson, "General Election Coverage, Part I," in The Mass Media in Campaign '84, ed. Michael Robinson and Austin Ranney (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1985), 29.
 Larry Sabato, Feeding Frenzy: How Attack Journalism Has Transformed American Politics (New York: Free Press, 1991), 1.
 Thomas E. Patterson, Out of Order (New York: Knopf, 1993).
 Michael Robinson, "Public Affairs Television and the Growth of Political Malaise," American Political Science Review 70 (1976): 409-432.
 Patricia Moy and Michael Pfau, With Malice Toward All? (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000).
 David Broder, "War on Cynicism," The Washington Post, July 6, 1994, A19.
 See Figure 3 in this paper.
 Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Dirty Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 215.


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text:
Ohio man convicted of 11 killings had 'nightmares'
The nightmares happened when Anthony Sowell was smoking crack cocaine in the company of women, especially if they reminded him of his ex-girlfriend. And, as he told detectives, the nightmares we...
CLEVELAND – The nightmares happened when Anthony Sowell was smoking crack cocaine in the company of women, especially if they reminded him of his ex-girlfriend. And, as he told detectives, the nightmares were all the same: They involved him hurting a woman with his hands.
When he woke up, the women were gone.
"Reminded me of my girl, that's the best I can tell you. It was like everything's cool, she was spending the night or something," Sowell said in a police interrogation that was recorded as authorities were pulling 11 bodies out of his Cleveland home and backyard. "And I'd be like, 'Damn, where'd you go?'"
Sowell was convicted Friday of killing 11 poor, drug-addicted black women whose remains were found in his home and backyard in late 2009. He now faces the death penalty.
During the trial, prosecutors painted Sowell as a man jilted by an ex-girlfriend who made other women pay for his fury. His ex-girlfriend Lori Frazier, the niece of Mayor Frank Jackson, testified that he grew violent when he smoked crack. After she moved out of his home, she often saw him with bloody injuries on his face and neck. Once, she saw him dumping the contents of a bucket into a hole in his yard.
In the police interrogation video, which was played for jurors, Sowell told officers that he would grow angry when a woman told him — while they were smoking crack — that she had children at home.
"One thing that always made me mad was they had kids," Sowell told detectives. "That's a big thing in my head."
Asked by a detective when he started losing control of his anger, Sowell said 2008 or 2009. The last victim vanished in September 2009.
During the trial, several women gave grueling testimony of attacks by Sowell, all telling similar stories. They'd be smoking crack, they said, and suddenly Sowell would punch them in the face or choke them and say: "Bitch, take off your clothes."
Prosecutors say Sowell, an ex-Marine, began running out of room in his backyard after he buried the bodies of four women there. That's when he began leaving them to rot on the third floor of his home. Sowell, 51, was convicted of aggravated murder, kidnapping, tampering with evidence and abuse of a human corpse in the deaths.
Denise Hunter, whose sister, Amelda, was found buried in Sowell's backyard in plastic garbage bags, said the victims "deserve this justice."
"I'm so glad that finally, on July the 21st, that all of our families can rest assured — and all of our loved ones can rest assured — that peace has come to our families," she said.
The jury deliberated for just over 15 hours before announcing the verdicts.
Sowell closed his lips tightly, looked straight ahead and barely moved as the first aggravated-murder verdict was read before deputies immediately handcuffed him. Then he sat down, his chest heaving as he pushed himself back in a chair.
Most jurors avoided looking at Sowell while the judge read the verdicts. Two jurors wiped away tears, and others swiveled in their chairs to look at sobbing relatives of victims.
When the jury left the room, Sowell raised his clasped, cuffed hands high in the air.
None of the attorneys commented afterward because a gag order remains in place until after Sowell is sentenced. The sentencing phase will begin Aug. 1.
The discovery of the bodies at Sowell's home was an embarrassment for the city's police force, which was accused by victims' families of failing to properly investigate the disappearances because most of the women were addicted to drugs and lived in an impoverished neighborhood. In the wake of public outrage over the killings, a panel formed by the mayor recommended an overhaul of the city's handling of missing-person and sex crime investigations.
Several victims' families filed a wrongful-death lawsuit against the city last year.
The jurors sat through weeks of disturbing and emotional testimony as the prosecution made its case against Sowell. They saw photographs of the victims' blackened skeletal corpses lying on autopsy tables and listened to police describe how their bodies had been left to rot in Sowell's home and backyard.
Hunter said some of the testimony was "very gross and, you know, devastating to hear."
"But I already accepted peace when we found out about the murders," she said. "Some of it I didn't want to know, but peace was already settled in my heart."
The women began disappearing in 2007, and prosecutors say Sowell lured them to his home with the promise of alcohol or drugs. Police discovered the first two bodies and a freshly dug grave in late 2009 after officers went to investigate a woman's report that she had been raped there.
Many of the women found in Sowell's home had been missing for weeks or months, and some had criminal records. They were disposed of in garbage bags and plastic sheets, then dumped in various parts of the house and yard. All that remained of one victim, Leshanda Long, was her skull, which was found in a bucket in the basement.
Most of the victims were nude from the waist down, were strangled with household objects and had traces of cocaine or depressants in their systems.
All the victims were black, as is Sowell. He was acquitted of only one count in the 83-count indictment: a charge of aggravated robbery connected to one of the women he was convicted of attacking.
Sowell also was convicted of rape, attempted murder, kidnapping and felonious assault in attacks on two other women who survived. He was convicted of attempted murder, attempted rape, kidnapping and felonious assault in an attack on a third woman who survived.
During the taped interrogation with detectives, Sowell let out a cry of anguish and buried his head in his hands as two detectives pressed him to explain how the bodies ended up in his house in a drug-ridden neighborhood on the east side of town.
"It had to be me," Sowell said in the video, rubbing his head with his hands. "I can't describe nobody. I cannot do it. I don't know. But I'm trying to."
Sowell told detectives during the interrogation that he heard a voice that told him not to go into a third-floor bedroom where two bodies were found. He also told them about "blackouts" and "nightmares" in which he would hurt women with his hands.
When one detective described a body that was found in the basement, Sowell became visibly upset in the video.
"I guess I did that, too," Sowell said. "'Cause nobody else could've did it."
The defense declined to call any witnesses.
When the bodies were found, police concluded that a nearby sausage shop wasn't the source of the lingering stench of rotting meat, as many neighbors had believed. The family owned shop had spent $20,000 on plumbing fixtures, sewer lines and grease traps in futile attempts to get rid of the odor.
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text:
Q: R - produce data with certain shape between -1 and 1 I tried to produce data in R that is distributed like on this image:

The values should really lie only between -1 and +1 but less should be between -1 and 0 compared to 0 and +1.

A: You need do this:
1) Discover a function that have this shape (like (-(x-1)x^2(x+1)*(x+2))*k)
2) Integrate it in the interval -1 to 1 (it will be a function of k)
3) Match this integration to 1 (to discover K)
4) Sample a number between 0 and 1 (let's call this number z)
5) Discover y that the integrate of you function from 0 to y give z
6) Repeat tons of time steps 4-5

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Frederick A. Church (1878–1936) was an American engineer and early roller coaster designer.  He is most famous for his "Bobs" series of roller coasters that featured severe banking, steep drops, and nonstop action.

History
Fred Church was often associated with Tom Prior and his business partners, after Tom's death, Frank Prior.  Church had met Tom Prior in Chicago when Prior was publicity director at White City and Riverview Park, Chicago's two great amusement parks. Church was born in Ontario Canada, studied mechanical engineering at Tufts University, and landed a job at Webster Manufacturing and Engineering near Chicago. The company designed and fabricated replacement parts for amusement park rides. Church was working on side-friction roller coaster car designs and began developing an interest in inventing new rides.  Later coasters by Prior and Church would be built by Harry Traver, a legendary coaster builder and designer.
Throughout the 1920s, Prior and Church coasters were built by Arthur Looff. (double out and back coasters)

Notable roller coasters
Three of Church's coasters are still operating.  They are:
 Dragon Coaster, Playland Park, 1929
 Giant Dipper, Belmont Park, 1925
 Giant Dipper, Santa Cruz Beach Boardwalk, 1924

Additional Church coasters that are well-known, but no longer standing, include:
 Airplane Coaster, Playland Park, 1928–1957
 Bobs, Riverview Park, 1924–1967
 Cyclone Racer, The Pike, 1930–1968
 Thunderbolt, Savin Rock, 1925–1938
 Tornado, Coney Island, 1926–1977

The 1921-built Big Dipper at Playland in San Francisco (1921–1955) was at one time said to be an early Prior and Church coaster.  However, park owner Arthur Looff built the Big Dipper with his own crew. Looff made a deal with Prior and Church to use the ride as a showcase for other potential parks wanting the new double out and back style roller coaster in their park.  He would land the role as coaster builder for at least three double out and back coasters from the Big Dipper's ride popularity.  The most famous roller coaster in the world today, the Cyclone at Coney Island, is similar in design to the Big Dipper.

Rolling stock
Church developed a rolling stock with flanged wheels for negotiating steep curves. Prior and Church coaster trains typically consisted of ten or eleven single-bench cars with open-air fronts, each bench securing up to three riders with a leather strap lap restraint.

Racing Derby
Prior and Church are the creators of a carousel-type ride often called a Racing Derby.

US Patents
Church registered the following patents:
 895,427 Pleasure-Railway
 895,428 Pleasure-Railway Cab
 1,546,620 Safety Device For Coaster Cars
 1,547,856 Coaster Coupling
 1,741,286 Laminated Construction For Roller-Coaster Tracks

References

See also

http://www.westland.net/venicehistory/articles/church.htm

American engineers
American inventors
Amusement ride manufacturers
Roller coaster designers
Tufts University School of Engineering alumni
1878 births
1936 deaths

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The Manhattan Project, formally constituted in August 1942, was the code name for the federally funded research program to develop the atomic bomb. Fearing potential weapons applications of atomic research underway in Nazi Germany, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in October 1939, authorized study on the feasibility of atomic weapons. Much of the theoretical research for the Manhattan Project was conducted at the Metallurgical Laboratory (Met Lab) at the University of Chicago, and at an affiliated site in the Western suburbs which would become the Argonne National Laboratory.
The Chicago Met Lab served as the hub of the nationwide Metallurgical Project, which was commissioned to study atomic theory and, if possible, to build a prototype atomic reactor. Under the leadership of Arthur H. Compton and Enrico Fermi, the Met Lab team built, and on December 2, 1942, successfully operated, the first atomic reactor, CP-1 (Chicago Pile-1), in an abandoned squash court under the grandstands of the since demolished Stagg Field at the University of Chicago. In February 1943 CP-1 was dismantled and rebuilt, as CP-2, at the more isolated Argonne site in Lemont. The CP-2 experiments yielded continued technical assistance in the development of the bomb, which occurred mostly at other Manhattan Project sites in Hanford, Washington; Oak Ridge, Tennessee; and Los Alamos, New Mexico.
Once CP-1 had demonstrated the validity of theories that made the atomic bomb possible, the U.S. Army Brig. Gen. Leslie Groves took full command of the Manhattan Project in September 1942. The first successful detonation of an atomic weapon occurred in July 1945 near Alamogordo, New Mexico.
The Met Lab scientists attempted to influence postwar uses of atomic energy, both prior to and following the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Before the close of World War II, Met Lab committees led by Chicago scientists Zay Jeffries and James Franck attempted to warn government officials of the dangers of a postwar atomic arms race and the disastrous consequences of atomic warfare. At the close of World War II, Met Lab scientists including John Simpson and Eugene Rabinowitch founded the Atomic Scientists of Chicago and the monthly Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists in a continued effort to influence government policy regarding atomic energy and weapons.
Hewlett, Richard G., and Oscar G. Anderson. The New World: A History of the United States Atomic Energy Commission, vol. 1, 1939–1946. 1962.
Rhodes, Richard. Making of the Atomic Bomb. 1986.
Smith, Alice Kimball. A Peril and a Hope: The Scientists' Movement in America, 1945–47. 1965.


The list of How-To books for writing can be daunting—everyone has an opinion. There are a lot of them out there, a lot that are no good. And even worse, there are a lot of good ones too. It's really a personal choice. Which is why you must know yourself before you seek outside yourself.
Sure, it gets complicated after that. Merriam-Webster or Oxford?—don't do Oxford; it's for British English—online or book form?
I confess, I kept a dictionary from college for years and relied on the analog version heavily. But after such heavy usage, it could hardly stay together anymore. So I subscribe now to the unabridged Merriam Webster dictionary online. And I get the M-W Word of the Day sent to my email. It's usually the very first email I get every morning. And that makes me very happy.


Whenever my friends talk about Asian cuisines, the dish that comes to my mind is chow mein, and up to some extent Momo. Apart from these two, I was not aware of any other Asian dishes. Also one of my friends corrected me. In my limited information, I used to think Momo to be an Asian cuisine which is not true. Momo is a dish that traces its origins in Tibet and was later adopted in Nepal, Bhutan, and Darjeeling in West Bengal, India. However, there are similar dishes with different names in countries like China, Japan, Mongolia and Korea. Since the discussion was going on about Asian Cuisines my self-proclaimed food enthusiast and traveller friend Manoj interjected. "I travelled to Seoul last year and tried the 'Mandu', which is similar to the Momo that we get in Bangalore". I must accept the fact that he is knowledgeable and when it comes to food, he becomes the Arnab Goswami and forces the nation to know things that he does about food. Thus he tells about the best food joints in Bangalore where he had already been to. As a favour, I got the privilege to visit some of the best restaurants in a couple of days to explore the Asian cuisines without travelling the world.
Singkong located at 4th floor, Comet Block, UB City is a great place known for its pan-Asian delicacies. They serve Thai, Indonesian, and Chinese cuisines. The ambience of this place is pretty awesome and so is the service. They also have an arrangement for outdoor seating. Since we were there to try the different varieties of Asian cuisines, Manoj ordered Wasabi Prawn along with Sangria for the starter. The Wasabi Prawn comes with a strong wasabi, topped with mayo and sweet and spicy mango salsa. I had no idea what is going on inside the eatery. The smell of the appetisers had already numbed my mind and I was vacillating with the choices of food. I was unable to choose what to eat. The waiter who served our table was a polite and friendly guy. He suggested me to try the steamed open bun that comes with pickled cucumber, hoisin sauce and spring onion. There were different choices of meat fillings for the steamed open buns.
I chose the Pan Roast Black pepper chicken, but alternatively you can choose from Honey Hunan roasted pork, stir fried sesame beef, and textured soy wheat black pepper. The overall experience was great and before leaving the manager asked us to visit gain which I will definitely do to try different cuisines. Apart from the steamed buns, you can also try dim sums, for which they have a wide variety. Chilli Beef with red onion that is tenderloin and a wide range of seafood like Wok tossed king prawns and much more.
Located at 1st Cross, 5th block of Koramangala this place is an authentic Thai and Asian casual dining restaurant. The ambience of this place is bright and the colour contrast of the whole place is awesome. The menu of this place is so populated and all the names were so unheard to me, I totally depended on the waiter for a suggestion. I asked him to suggest some Thai dish. He listened to me patiently and showed me few dishes on the menu.
Finally, I settled for Thai style Khao Pad, which is basically Thai-styled fried rice with onion and tomatoes. To complement with the rice I ordered Padang fish curry. I must say the service of this place is what I liked the most. I will also visit the place once again to try more dishes from their menu. If you are a first time visitor to Tim Tai you can try Banana Leaf Wrapped Fish with Balinese Spices, Quick Fried Mix Vegetables with Ginger Wine Sauce, Thai Massaman Curry, Corn and Spinach Gau Dimsums, and Tom Yum Soup.
I had heard about this place from many foodies who speak largely about this place. This place is known for Asian, Thai and Chinese cuisines. Located at 100 feet Main Road, Indiranagar this place is easy to spot. The ambience of this place looks Asian. There are paintings and posters on the wall that gives you the feel of any outlet as shown in Chinese movies. Coming to the service of this place, it is pretty efficient. The staffs are courteous and friendly. If you have a problem choosing the cuisines, just ask for their suggestion and they will not disappoint you. Apart from the awesome food they also serve alcohol. So be assured this place is great for treats and parties with friends. Now let's talk about the food at this place. Inspired by the street food in different Asian countries and blend of innovation by the chefs the food at this place is awesome. One such dish that I tried was Bibimbap, that is a Korean dish. Basically, it is Sesame Rice tossed with vegetables and Korean seasoning. Chicken and Veg, both the options are available. My friend Manoj who accompanied me there was on diet and so he chose a healthy alternative. He ordered steamed Traditional Peking Dumplings. It is basically steamed vegetables dumplings dipped in Soy and Red Chillies. Apart from the dishes that we tried you can also give chance to Pad Thai, Prawn Tempura, Dim Sum, Sweet Corn Soup, Khao Suey, and Honey Chicken.
Nasi and Mee is a restaurant located at Koramangala that serve a diverse variety of Asian cuisines. You can find Malaysian, Thai, Chinese and Singaporean cuisines. The ambience is cosy and the décor gives the place a classy look. The staffs of Nasi and Mee are courteous, friendly and your dining experience at this place will be good. My friend ordered Sambal fried rice that is basically a Malaysian cuisine with fresh chilli, bell pepper and Sambal. Along with that, he ordered Thai red curry. The main ingredients of Thai red curry are vegetables, lemongrass, ginger and herbs. If you are in the mood of eating a super spicy curry then this dish is strongly recommended to you.
I ordered Jasmine rice with Rendang. The jasmine rice is steamed rice with a mild flavour of Jasmine and it tasted awesome. Rendang is again a Malaysian dish that is slow cooked in flame with coconut milk and spices. The combination of the gentle rice and the spicy Rendang was a great combo. Apart from these dishes, you can also try Nasi Goreng, Soupy Dim Sum, Prawn Dumplings, Pad Thai, Prawn Momos, Clear Soup, and Massaman Curry.
This place located at 12th Main, 80 feet main road, Indiranagar is a lounge and only 18+ is allowed at the outlet. So if you are planning to take your kids to this place then I am afraid you might have to be disappointed. Apart from Asian dishes, this place is a lounge with awesome nightlife. However, Manoj and I visited this place in the afternoon. It was a lazy afternoon with very few guests at the restaurant. If you happen to be at their outlet in the evening then I would suggest you sit on the rooftop. The ambience of this place is pretty funky. There are images of Pandas that gives you the feeling of a Chinese restaurant. The service was pretty fast. Also when we visited the place it was less crowded but Manoj said that irrespective of the crowd their service is pretty fast. The ambience is also appropriate for a romantic dinner. So if you are planning to take your better half to this place it won't be a bad idea. Char Siu Bao that they serve here is something that I had heard of a lot. So I decided to try that out. Basically, it is a Cantonese dish with barbequed pork filled in steamed buns. Apart from Char Siu Bao, you can also try Sushi, Pork Ribs, Stuffed Mushroom, Thai Chicken Salad, Mushroom Ramen, Veg Bao, and Mushroom Dim Sum.