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Archived Articles on Haiti
2005 | 2004 | 1999-2000
Undermining Haiti (December 12, 2005)
The CIA secretively funded the rebels who carried out the September 1991 coup of Haiti's democratically elected government. The February 2004 coup, in contrast, was carried out openly and in broad daylight, with the support of the international community and the UN. The Nation wonders how long the world will "accept this farce" and whether Haiti is just "too poor and too black for anyone to care about."
US Soldiers Brutalize Haitians (November 30, 2005)
A San Francisco Bay View reporter based in the Haitian capital of Port-au-Prince tells the story of the illegal arrest of Bel Air residents by UN peacekeepers. Since the US, France and Canada overthrew the democratically-elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004, international observers have reported an overwhelming increase in the number and severity of human rights violations against Haiti's poor majority.
Haiti Expected to Set Vote for December 27 (November 17, 2005)
This article criticizes the French and American "obsession" with having a new Haitian president take office by February 7, 2006, despite the fact that this is clearly unrealistic. Violence has reached an unprecedented level in the slums, and people's living conditions are worsening. As a community leader in the slum of Bel-Air put it: ''How can people think about elections when they don't have food?" (Miami Herald)
Haiti Turning into Canada's Iraq (October 25, 2005)
The interim government of Haiti, with the support of the US, Canada, and France, uses the police, courts and prisons to repress political freedoms in Haiti. The Tyee asks whether Canada's reputation is going to be "irreparably tarnished" when Ottawa's imperialist policies in the region come to light.
UN -Haiti Human Rights Situation Is Catastrophic (October 14, 2005)
Thierry Fagart, the human rights official with the UN Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), called the human rights situation in Haiti "catastrophic." Fagart pointed to executions, mob violence, torture and arbitrary arrests connected to the government, and urged the US-backed Interim Government of Haiti (IGH) to end human rights abuses immediately. More than 800 people have died as a result of political violence in 2005. (Reuters)
Haiti -And You Call This an Election? (October 11, 2005)
The director of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs and the former director of the Washington Office on Haiti maintain that the US has political motivations for wanting the Haitian elections to take place in February 2006. Even if Haiti is clearly not ready, Washington is eager to take the island off the US political agenda "as close to cost-free as possible." The two authors call the upcoming presidential elections a "grotesque parody of a democratic electoral process" and "a fraud in the making."
Bringing Dallas to Port-au-Prince (October 6, 2005)
The Haiti Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) has blocked Dumarsais Siméus, a wealthy Haitian-American businessman, from running in Haiti's presidential elections on the grounds that he had renounced his Haitian citizenship. Siméus' election team denies this accusation and accuses the interim Prime Minister Gérard Latortue of "hand-picking the candidates" to maintain his power base. The CEP rejected twenty-three other candidates, including Gérard Jean-Juste, one of the most charismatic figures in Haiti and a well-known human rights activist. (Christian Science Monitor)
Two Faced in Haiti (October 1, 2005)
This ZNet article looks critically at the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), implying that it has become a means of controlling Haiti's poor rather than protecting them. Indeed, MINUSTAH has focused largely on fighting violence committed by gangs in poor neighborhoods. Meanwhile, with the support of the US, Canada, and France, the former Haitian Army and paramilitaries who overthrew Aristide's government remain at large, armed and dangerous.
"Electoral Cleansing" in Haiti Violates Human Rights and Democracy (September 29, 2005)
Opponents of Haiti's Interim Government are explicitly imprisoned for being "close to the former regime," in order to prohibit them from running in the presidential elections. The International Relations Center (IRC) argues that this disenfranchisement of political opponents violates the fundamental human rights guaranteed by the UN Charter. Even worse, it is conducted openly and under the oversight of the international community. IRC asks the US to stop financing these elections until the persecution stops.
US Pulls the Strings in Haiti (September 29, 2005)
The US is manipulating Haiti, reports this truthout article. After the US, France and Canada ousted the democratically-elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the Haitian police jailed thousands of Aristide-supporters, and killed thousands of people. Furthermore, many reports have surfaced accusing the UN peacekeeping force of complicity in human rights abuses. In a visit to Haiti, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice publicly maintained support for the new regime. She made clear that the US did not want President Aristide to return to Haiti despite the revelation by officials at Canada's Foreign Affairs Department that Aristide's party remains the most popular in Haiti.
Ready or Not, Haiti Preps for Vote (September 27, 2005)
This article highlights the possibility that elections might further hurt Haiti's fragile democracy. In fact, the International Crisis Group argues that holding elections in Haiti should not be the UN's first priority. According to Amnesty International, the UN's main concern should be law enforcement, as "politically motivated arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial executions, deliberate and arbitrary killings of civilians, rape, death threats and intimidation are routine and are perpetrated with impunity." (Christian Science Monitor)
The UN in Haiti: Part of the Problem, Not the Solution (August 30, 2005)
The Haiti Information Project claims that the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) "is responsible for creating the very environment that has given rise to the police state in Haiti and is ultimately responsible for the human rights nightmare in Haiti today." Indeed, many see the UN forces as supporting and bolstering the US-installed regime of de facto Prime Minister Gérard Latortue at the expense of innocent Haitians.
A Haitian Slum's Anger Imperils Election Hopes (August 29, 2005)
Two New York Times journalists recount their visit to Cité Soleil, Haiti's biggest and most violent slum. On July 6, the UN peacekeeping mission carried out a controversial operation in Cité Soleil and reportedly injured numerous innocent civilians. The authors note that the incident could disrupt the November elections, as the cross-fire "further embittered many Aristide supporters."
UN to Investigate Haiti Slum Lynchings (August 24, 2005)
A police operation killed at least twenty people in the Port-au-Prince slum of Martissant, increasing criticism over alleged abuses by police officers and the failure of the UN mission (MINUSTAH) to secure peace in Haiti. The head of the MINUSTAH human rights unit, Thierry Faggart, said his office was investigating the incident and several other cases of human rights abuses blamed on police. "It is intolerable to accept that sort of situation where people take justice into their own hands." (Reuters)
UN Peacekeeping More Assertive, Creating Risk for Civilians (August 15, 2005)
A July 2005 raid by UN peacekeepers against gang members in a Haitian slum ended with several injured civilians and increased criticism over UN failures in Haiti. The operation, along with others in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sierra Leone, also reflects a shift towards more aggressive peacekeeping tactics. UN peacekeeping official Jean-Marie Guehenno says "You don't want any Srebrenica, and you don't want Mogadishu," but the Washington Post warns that increasingly robust tactics could come at the high price of civilian casualties.
MINUSTAH Lies, Haitians Die (August 11, 2005)
This ZNet article expresses strong criticism of the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), likening peacekeepers' lies about civilian deaths and abuse of children to Security Council inaction over the 1994 Rwanda genocide. The author points fingers at the US and France for helping oust Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide "because he refused to play neo-colonial ball," and suggests that Brazil only took charge of the UN mission because it wanted to win elusive US support for its permanent Council seat bid.
Can Haiti Hold Elections in 2005? (August 3, 2005)
Cautioning against Haiti's complete demise, International Crisis Group advises the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), the Organization of American States, and major donors the US, France and Canada, on how to remedy the security and political concerns impeding Haiti's election process. The report addresses pros and cons of delaying elections, but also warns that "this is the last chance; if the country continues on its way toward permanent failed state status, there will be no other choice than a complete international take-over."
Canada Subverts Haiti (August 1, 2005)
In February 2004, the US, France and Canada forcibly removed from power the democratically elected Haitian president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. While it is widely known that the Haitian leader was unpopular with the Bush administration, the motives behind Canada and France's involvement continue to raise questions. This article claims that the Canadian and French governments supported the coup to rekindle diplomatic ties with the US after having opposed the war in Iraq. (The Republic)
Democracy Progresses in Haiti (July 30, 2005)
This ZNet article looks critically at international involvement—especially that of the US and Canada—in Haiti, implying that the targeting of "poor Haitians and their popular leaders" is a result of what these outside players want for Haiti's future. Citing differing reports on a UN peacekeeping raid in early July that the US media failed to cover, the detention of several pro-Aristide political prisoners, and Canada's silence on human rights abuses by the Haitian National Police, this author questions the international players' concerns in Haiti's political future.
Haiti: Disarmament Delayed, Justice Denied (July 28, 2005)
"Haitians remain mired in a human rights crisis despite the presence of a UN peacekeeping force," says Amnesty International. The UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti—which has come under fire for civilian deaths during anti-gang raids—lacks military authority and intelligence, and the interim government has done little to help the UN forces. Citing concern with the humanitarian crisis in the lead-up to Haiti's fall elections, this report offers recommendations such as increased reporting on human rights violations and better training for Haitian police.
Throwing Gasoline on Haiti's Fires (July 14, 2005)
The US government has pushed to distribute more weapons to the Haitian National Policy (HNP) despite the arms embargo, yet the HNP is in fact "a cause of the violence" in the country, says this article. Discrediting the ability of outside forces such as the US or the UN peacekeeping mission to control the police force, the author says "experience provides little reason to believe that an undisciplined force will become disciplined by getting more guns." (Foreign Policy In Focus)
The Re-Occupation of Haiti (July 10, 2005)
Many Haitian citizens blame the UN Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH) for "neglecting its peacekeeping mission and behaving more like an occupation force." Armed with the excuse of ensuring security before elections, the US and France may soon return with their military forces to the troubled country. But this World War 4 Report warns that the lack of change in Haiti will make Haitians only more "skeptical" and "cynical" of outside intervention.
UN Peacekeeping Chief: Haiti Worse than Darfur (June 28, 2005)
Internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Haiti face worse conditions than IDPs in Sudan's Darfur region, says UN Undersecretary General for Peacekeeping Jean-Marie Guehenno. Although the Security Council voted to increase UN forces in the country before the fall 2005 elections, Guehenno warns that "the troops will never enforce peace if the people are not at peace with themselves." Given the extent of unrest in the poorest western hemisphere country, Guehenno predicts that UN peacekeepers could remain there for years. (Voice of America)
Without Greater UN Help, Haiti Will Soon Collapse (June 24, 2005)
Haiti will become a "permanent failed state" unless the UN can "address the crisis more fundamentally" beyond the eight-month mandate extension, says the Boston Globe. This author blames the transitional US and France-led multinational force for failing to rid the country of drug dealers, gangs and extremists, and urges the US to send more support even if such action is "politically unpalatable."
UN Council Votes for More Troops, Police in Haiti (June 22, 2005)
Following a month-long delay, the Security Council has expanded UN troop numbers and extended the mandate of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti until February 2005. Though most council members had pushed for a year-long mandate, China had "misgivings" over Haiti's recognition of Taiwan. Critics question the effectiveness of the peacekeeping mission given the still present "rampant abuses," but the eight-month compromise at least ensures UN presence during the October elections. (Reuters)
How Haiti's Future May Depend On a Starving Prisoner (June 16, 2005)
Former Haiti shadow Prime Minister Yvon Neptune remains imprisoned by the US-instituted interim government, accused of orchestrating a massacre in the country's north. Neptune and his supporters argue that the incarceration without trial represents a "political witch hunt" and demonstrates Washington's failure to introduce democracy into the Haitian government. The detention, coupled with Neptune's repeated hunger strikes, has ignited past political hostilities, further threatening Haiti's stability and its upcoming elections. (New York Times)
Lifting US Arms Embargo Against Haiti: The Wrong Message to Send (June 15, 2005)
The US government, which has long been involved in Haitian politics and economy, wants to further lift a 14-year-old arms embargo in order to provide more weapons to the Haitian National Police (HNP). Citing the need for the HNP to ensure security before fall 2005 elections, US policy makers ignore human rights abuses committed by the officers and condoned by the interim government. The US has "failed to end the hypocrisy in its own Caribbean and Latin American foreign policy," says this TransAfrica Forum paper, warning that the US needs to "step away from its gross interference in Haitian affairs."
UN Mission Walks Thin Line Between Peacekeeping and Repression (June 15, 2005)
Brazilian General Augusto Heleno Ribeiro, military forces commander of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) responds to criticism by arguing that greater aggressiveness by his troops could lead to indiscriminate violence, and maintains that any passivity has been to protect Haitian civilians' human rights. At the same time, interim Prime Minister of Haiti, Gerard Latortue, insinuates that the UN mission needs "greater force" and that the Security Council should "redistribute troops to the most violent areas of the country." (Inter Press Service)
Spoiling Security in Haiti (May 31, 2005)
Despite the presence of the United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH), Haiti "is ensnared in a deep political, social and economic crisis." According to the International Crisis Group (ICG), warring gangs dominate the slums of Port-au-Prince, while poverty and human rights abuses continue. The ICG recommends that the Security Council expand MINSTAH's executive authority over law enforcement and security forces, recruit more female officers and "carry out a disarmament campaign" against uncooperative armed groups.
UN Council Gives Haiti Mission Four-Week Renewal (May 31, 2005)
The Security Council has extended the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti for four weeks, while it reaches "final agreement" on the mission's future mandate. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has recommended increasing the number of forces and prolonging the mandate for a year to ensure "adequate security" during the country's upcoming elections. However, China has objected to a full-year mandate: Beijing has no diplomatic relations with Haiti, which recognizes "the self-governing island of Taiwan." Concerns remain that China's political interests will stand in the way of strengthening the mission in Haiti. Meanwhile, the situation on the ground is unstable, with frequent violence and human rights abuses. (Reuters)
Haiti: UN Mission Unable to Establish Order (May 26, 2005)
The debate surrounding the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) heightens as the mission approaches the expiry of its mandate on June 1, 2005. The peacekeeping forces have failed to stabilize the conflict, and critics note that the mission needs a stronger mandate. Following the Security Council's visit to Haiti in April 2005, the Council will probably amend MINUSTAH's mandate, but with what kind of changes – more troops, a longer term, or even the authority to use force? (Miami Herald)
UN Urged to Step Up Peacekeeping, Reconstruction Efforts (May 15, 2005)
Members of a Security Council fact-finding team call for extending the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), scheduled to end in June, to ensure "free, fair and safe" elections in late 2005. The report urged donors to follow through with the $1.3 billion in undelivered pledges, and also encouraged judicial reform and better integration of civilians in the reconciliation process. (Inter Press Service)
Democracy's Death (May 12, 2005)
This article strongly condemns Washington's support for the Haitian government of Gerard Latortue and accuses Haiti's interim Prime Minister of systematic human rights violations. Under the pretext of spreading democracy, the US has fostered a climate of political repression, legitimized by a UN force. The author is equally critical of MINUSTAH or the UN mission in Haiti, charging it with "unwillingness to protect civilians from political force." (In These Times)
Former PM's Hunger Strike Highlights Sense of Chaos (May 10, 2005)
The hunger strike of former Haitian Prime Minister Yvon Neptune, who was exiled under President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, has drawn attention to "a broader and longstanding problem in Haiti of the prolonged detention of individuals without charge or trial." Thierry Fagart, head of the human rights division of the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) labeled the detention "illegal." MINUSTAH's failure to stabilize the country and Haiti's worsening human rights situation cast a shadow on the November 2005 elections, which will simply yield power to thugs and warlords according to some observers. (Inter Press Service)
Delaying Haiti Vote Could Spark Chaos (April 22, 2005)
The Secretary General's Special Representative in Haiti Juan Gabriel Valdez has said that postponing Haiti's elections set for November 2005 "could trigger more insecurity and instability." Observers believe armed groups could disrupt the electoral process and disarmament should be a prerequisite for elections. But according to Valdez, disarmament could take years and elections will help bring stability to the country. (AlertNet)
Bolder Stance by UN Troops Seen Stabilizing Haiti (April 13, 2005)
Brazilian Ambassador Ronaldo Sardenberg, leading a delegation of Security Council diplomats on a visit to Haiti to assess the performance of the Brazilian-led peacekeeping mission, has said he sees a clear trend towards stabilization in the country. The 6,000-strong peacekeeping force has taken a more aggressive approach in battling armed gangs, working together with the Haitian police. Council members warned that despite the improvements, violence and instability nevertheless jeopardize nationwide elections scheduled for November 2005. (AlertNet)
Haiti Mobilization (April 6, 2005)
On the 18th anniversary of Haiti's post-Duvalier constitution, tens of thousands of protesters gathered in Port au Prince to demonstrate against the French, Canadian and US-backed dismantling of their democracy. The repressive Haitian national police have silenced protesters and international media have largely ignored the pro-democracy rallies and ongoing human rights violations. This ZNet article focuses in particular on Canada's involvement in Haiti and is highly critical of the Canadian-led UN police in the country, which it says "has effectively provided cover for the [Haitian] police to wage a campaign of terror in Port-au-Prince's slums."
Haiti Threatened by Spread of Small Arms (April 4, 2005)
A UN-backed study by the Small Arms Group says that the proliferation of small arms in Haiti has contributed significantly to the conflict and forms a major obstacle to peace in the country. According to the report's authors armed gangs and non-state opposition groups hold up to 13,000 automatic and semi-automatic weapons and undermine the efforts of the UN peacekeeping force in Haiti. (AlertNet)
UN Official Warns Haiti Gangs to Disarm (March 23, 2005)
Head of the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti Juan Gabriel Valdes fears that armed militias could severely disrupt the country's elections, scheduled for October and November 2005. The mission, known as MINUSTAH, has avoided confrontation with rebels as the transitional government attempted to end the violence. But with the killing of two peacekeepers, an ever increasing number of civilian casualties and uncertainty about the forthcoming electoral process, MINUSTAH has announced it will treat armed gangs who refuse to hand over their weapons "with firmness." (Associated Press)
Save Nation from Sliding into More Violence (March 17, 2005)
As the security situation worsens in Haiti, the prospect of free and fair elections at the end of 2005 darkens. Illegal armed groups continue to threaten supporters of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and as long as actions go unpunished, the government of Gerard Latortue is fostering a climate favorable to violence. This opinion piece recommends Prime Minister Gerard Latortue work closely together with the international community and take four critical steps, which will improve Haitians' safety and confidence to participate in the next elections. (Miami Herald)
A Bleak and Dismal Country One Year Later (March 1, 2005)
Former Haitian government attorney Ira Kurzban laments former President Bertrand Aristide's "forced departure and kidnapping by the Bush administration" and cites Haiti as "another example of the Bush administration's complete incompetence and unwillingness to support democratic principles." One year after the coup, violations of human rights are widespread and the US has severely restricted press freedom. Kurzban also criticizes the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti, which he defines as "firepower to support the political cleansing operation." (Miami Herald)
Keeping the Peace in Haiti? (March 2005)
Despite a clear mandate to monitor human rights, disarm gangs and militia and assist in democracy building, MINUSTAH, or the UN mission in Haiti has failed to improve conditions necessary for a democratic process. This Harvard Law School report compares MINUSTAH's mandate to that of previous UN missions in Liberia and Sierra Leone and finds that the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration campaigns in those countries worked, although their mandates were weaker. The report concludes that MINUSTAH's passive stance results from a lack of political will, rather than from the vague language in its mandate. (Harvard Law Student Advocates for Human Rights and Centro de Justica Global)
Haiti's Transition: Hanging in the Balance (February 8, 2005)
This International Crisis Group (ICG) report details the problems of Haiti's transitional government and stresses the need for improvement in security and the socio-economic and political situation in the run-up to elections scheduled for late 2005. ICG calls on the UN stabilization mission in Haiti to improve the security of ordinary citizens and broker an agreement among Haitians that "establishes common objectives for the next government." It further urges the transitional government to provide basic needs for its increasingly poor population.
On the Verge of Conflict and Instability (February 2, 2005)
This Power and Interest News Report piece summarizes the events that led to Haiti's tumultuous political situation and gives an overview of paramilitary groups, rebels and various parties fighting for power. The author argues that unless the government reconstitutes the country's army, which former President Jean Bertrand Aristide disbanded in 1995, the rebels will continue violent action to reach their demands. The UN faces a daunting challenge in addressing the growing instability in Haiti and cracking down on the US and French supported rebels.
Haiti's Elections Set for October and November (February 1, 2005)
In order to fill the "political vacuum" that emerged when opposition forces ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in February 2004, Haiti's interim government will hold local and national elections in October and November 2005. Canada, the United States, the United Nations and the European Union have pledged financial aid for organization of elections, but it remains doubtful whether all parties will participate in the poll. Representatives of Aristide's Lavalas party have already announced they will only take part if the interim government ceases its "arbitrary arrest and detention of Aristide loyalists," thus endangering the legitimacy of elections. (Associated Press)
UN Peacekeepers Storm Haiti Slum in an Effort to Halt Violence (December 15, 2004)
One week after Juan Gabriel Valdés, chief of the UN mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), promised to disarm and crack down on armed groups, peacekeepers stormed the Haitian slum, Cité-Soleil. Supporters of ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide have escalated violence in Cité-Soleil with protests demanding Aristide's return. Thus far, MINUSTAH and the US-backed government of Gerard Latortue have been unable to establish stability in the conflict-torn country. (Associated Press)
Should the UN Run Haiti? Some See Little Alternative (December 12, 2004)
Haiti remains rife with instability and corruption, and neither the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH) nor the interim government led by Prime Minister Gerard Latortue have been able to restore security. Elections are scheduled for mid-2005, but most say if they take place at all, they are unlikely to be legitimate. Given Haiti's ongoing crisis, analysts suggest converting Haiti into a UN protectorate but the US, UN and Latortue have all publicly opposed such a move. (Miami Herald)
'Welcome' UN Troop Boost in Haiti (November 26, 2004)
Nepal, the Philippines and Jordan will send nearly 2,000 troops to Haiti by the end of December, bringing the beleaguered UN peacekeeping force, MINUSTAH, just 600 short of the approved 6,700 troops. MINUSTAH commander Brazilian General Augusto Heleno Pereira says increased numbers will greatly improve peacekeeping capabilities to combat the dangerous security situation. General Pereira also calls for a long-term international commitment that combines humanitarian aid with peacekeeping efforts. (BBC)
Latin America-Led Peacekeeping Operation - A 'Mission Impossible'? (November 5, 2004)
Latin American analysts are pessimistic about MINUSTAH's chance of success in Haiti, citing lack of sufficient troop numbers and international aid money. Haiti's economy is "dismal" and the interim government has failed to provide stability. Brazil and Chile lead the peacekeeping mission, but their efforts could fail in spite of their desire to gain international prestige. Analysts say Haiti needs long-term international aid and some say that Haiti's main problem is not poverty, crime or violence, but "the outright absence of the State." (Inter Press Service)
Haitian Premier Negotiates a Thin Line (October 29, 2004)
Interim Prime Minister Gerard Latortue calls for national reconciliation between supporters of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the business elite who oppose them. However, Aristide's supporters claim the government represses their side, while the elite opposes reconciliation with forces that have hurt their businesses. Violence plagues Haiti as pro-Aristide militias attack the government, commerce and UN peacekeepers, and ex-soldiers from the Haitian Army build up their forces with support from the "disgruntled" elite. (Los Angeles Times)
US Lifts Arms Embargo on Haiti as Tensions Mount (October 20, 2004)
The US has lifted a 13-year arms embargo on Haiti in a move to supply weapons to the 2,500-member police force. Supporters and opponents of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide are engaged in violence and the Haitian government appears unable and perhaps unwilling to do anything about it. Haiti is on the brink of chaos and some worry that the government's repressive stand towards Aristide supporters will preclude any possibility of "real meaningful dialogue" that could curb the "growing and very explosive polarization." (OneWorld)
Ex-Troops Fill Haiti's Security Vacuum (October 15, 2004)
The national police force and UN peacekeepers are unable to provide adequate security in Haiti due to small numbers and insufficient resources. Former soldiers of the now defunct Haitian Army have taken control of a number of small towns throughout the country and their presence goes unchallenged by both the government and MINUSTAH. The country remains divided between supporters and opponents of the exiled former president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and political violence continues to simmer. (Washington Post)
China Readies Riot Force for Peacekeeping in Haiti (September 29, 2004)
China is sending a 125-member police unit to Haiti, the first integrated peacekeeping unit under UN command. After years of reluctance, Beijing says the unit's deployment is a sign of its willingness to play a larger UN peacekeeping role. Haiti maintains relations with Taiwan but not mainland China, and Taiwan and China have often competed for the loyalties of smaller countries. (Washington Post)
Does the UN See Haiti? (September 28, 2004)
A tropical storm has devastated Haiti, causing at least 1,500 deaths with a serious danger of more deaths from disease. Widespread looting and mob violence have gone largely unchecked and more UN peacekeepers must be sent to provide security and aid. The Security Council authorized 6,700 peacekeepers earlier this year but only half of those have arrived. Without UN attention, Haiti may become "ungovernable and ecologically ruined." (Chicago Tribune)
UN Opens the Door to Reborn Army (September 6, 2004)
Illegal armed groups are pressing the interim government to recognize the reestablishment of the Haitian Army. The armed groups have set up bases throughout Haiti but thus far, US-led multinational forces and UN troops have treated these forces with "kid gloves." Considering the Haitian Army's past human rights record, the Haiti Support Group asserts that a policy of coexistence "will constitute a grave set-back for human rights and democracy in Haiti for years to come."
Titide's Downfall (September, 2004)
This article from Le Monde diplomatique traces the rise and fall of Haiti's only democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The author looks at the role of Haiti's internal politics as well as the strong hand of Washington in Aristide's removal from office. Haiti has since been plunged into chaos and violence, and many worry that "the Franco-American intervention in Haiti [is] a dangerous precedent" for US involvement in regimes that "have the nerve to upset the established disorder in the US's backyard."
UN Peacekeeping Force in Haiti at 40 Pct. (August 27, 2004)
The UN mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) is operating with less than half the number of troops authorized by the Security Council. The mission's goals include disarmament and organizing elections for next year but peacekeepers are facing "deteriorating security, a fragile political situation and logistical difficulties." Brazil is leading the UN force and says it is expecting more troop contributions from various countries such as Spain and Morocco. (Associated Press)
Five Months After Aristide, Mayhem Rules the Streets (August 2, 2004)
UN peacekeepers as well as Gérard Lartortue's caretaker government are unable to provide Haitians with a sense of security. Disarmament programs seem ineffective in recovering weapons from both supporters and opponents of former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristede. Yet ironically, police officers in Cap Haitien, Haiti's second largest city, have no guns, police cars or radios. (New York Times)
Haiti After the Press Went Home (July 23, 2004)
South African President Thabo Mbeki paints a grim picture of security in Haiti, concentrating on the abuses perpetrated by "killers of the Duvalier period." Mbeki criticizes the United Nations for failing to condemn the removal of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristede. He argues that, in order to restore security and human rights, the United Nations must defeat "the criminal forces of counter-revolution that necessitated the deployment of UN troops." (ANC Today)
What is Brazil Doing in Haiti? (July 6, 2004)
The Brazilian government accepted the task of leading a UN military contingent in Haiti, replacing French and US troops in the country. The author argues that Brazil's intervention is an attempt by the government to win the trust of the permanent members of the Security Council - and a permanent seat on the Council itself. (Americas Program, Interhemispheric Resource Center)
Spain: Zapatero Willing to Send Troops to Haiti (June 16, 2004)
The World Socialist argues that like the US and France, Spain's decision to contribute troops to the UN mission in Haiti reflects the government's desire to defend its economic and military interests in the region.
OAS Calls for Haiti Elections (June 9, 2004)
The Organization of American States (OAS) passed a resolution investigating the departure of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, despite objections from the US and Haiti. The OAS also urged the interim Haitian government "to create conditions conducive to the holding of free, fair and democratic elections in Haiti as soon as possible." (Associated Press)
The Road to Recovery in Haiti (June 6, 2004)
Haiti is trying to reinvent itself after President Jean-Bertrand Aristide departed. However, the lack of security, electricity and sanitation in the country makes "economic overhaul" an extremely challenging task. (Miami Herald)
Challenges Tower over Haiti Force (June 2, 2004)
The UN peacekeeping force in Haiti is facing enormous challenges in accomplishing its mission, which includes disarming the rebels and assisting civilians in the flood disaster. With a vague Security Council mandate, the mission has slight chance of success. (BBC)
Will Haiti be Forgotten Again So Soon? (June 1, 2004)
The authors warn that the United Nations faces "a long-term, risky and expensive" task as it takes over peacekeeping operations in Haiti. Having taken the initiative to rid the nation of its democratically elected leader, the United States and France should shoulder much of the burden in addressing the nation's ills. (International Herald Tribune)
Option Zero in Haiti (May/June 2004)
Peter Hallward's article follows the political and economic situation in Haiti before, during and after Lavalas. Aristide's removal was secured by a combination of the US' crippling embargos on financial aid to Haiti, military repression and propaganda portraying the democratically elected government as corrupt. The legacy left by the coup is violence perpetrated by US trained paramilitary forces on a greater scale than during Aristide's power, continuing massive inequality and repression of the poor. (New Left Review)
Coup d'Etat - This Time in Haiti (May 20, 2004)
This truthout article investigates the motives behind big powers — France and US — in removing Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from office. This unilateral regime change not only violated international law, but also resulted in the lawless situation allowing former rebels to commit atrocities against civilians.
Haiti Update XI: Rebuilding (May 19, 2004)
The author argues that Haiti's interim Prime Minister Gérard Latortue's "refusal — or worse, his inability — to understand the nexus between race, politics and poverty raises serious concerns about his ability to lead Haiti." The impoverished underclass of Haiti echo a similar view and are now hoping for a leader who, unlike Latortue, can understand their plight and help them through the hardship. (Africana)
No Consensus on Peacekeeping Troops to Haiti (May 17, 2004)
The uncertain situation in Haiti, especially in terms of security, has shaken many South American countries into committing troops to the peacekeeping mission in the country. Other factors, such as cost and the possibility of asserting regional influence also affect these countries' decisions on whether or not to participate in the peacekeeping operation. (Inter Press Service)
Haiti's Aristide Seeks Refuge in S. Africa (May 10, 2004)
Former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide has requested asylum in South Africa, ending speculation as to where he will seek refuge after having stayed in Jamaica for almost two months. (Associated Press)
Warm Jamaican Welcome Contrasts with US Blockade (May 6, 2004)
Refugee advocacy groups criticize the US for continuously refusing to accept Haitian refugees. Describing the US stance on this issue as discriminatory and "not civilized," columnist John Maxwell condemns the US for abrogating its legal obligations to protect refugees and prejudicing Haitian asylum-seekers, whilst welcoming Cuban counterparts. (Inter Press Service)
Haiti Update X: The Six Month Plan (May 5, 2004)
By defending the UN decision for a six-month mission to Haiti as "just right" for monitoring progress and watching costs, the US once again reneged on its promise for a long-term commitment and placed Haiti on a "very low priority." This article argues that the US attempt in achieving the so-called progress in the country by hastening its elections would only inflame the conflict. (Africana)
Lost in the Fog (May 2, 2004)
Can Haiti finally find its way out of the cycle of violence and poverty? This answer remains unclear, argues Time Europe, because Haiti's interim government continues revengeful actions against officials and supporters of ousted President, Jean Bertrand Aristide. (Time Europe)
UN OKs New Haiti Peacekeeping Mission (May 1, 2004)
The UN has authorized the establishment of a peacekeeping force to Haiti with a multi-dimensional mandate to help stabilize the country. Chilean Ambassador, Heraldo Munoz, echoed the view of UN Special Envoy to Haiti, Reginald Dumas, that the UN should commit to the mission for the long haul and "not lose patience as [it] did in the past." (Associated Press)
US Bullying CARICOM over Haiti? (April 26, 2004)
The US has threatened to cut off contact and cooperation with CARICOM, unless the regional body formally recognizes the interim regime in place in Haiti. CARICOM officials have expressed regret over Washington's decision and described it as "arrogance" and "bullying tactics." (Jamaica Observer)
Brazil Seeks Mediator Role in UN Haiti Mission (April 25, 2004)
Brazil seeks to take a leading regional role as a crisis mediator by heading a UN peacekeeping mission to Haiti, on the condition that the international community help build democracy in the country. (Reuters)
Annan Calls for New UN Mission in Haiti (April 20, 2004)
UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, has called for a new UN mission in Haiti to replace the US-led multinational force. Annan reiterated that it is crucial for the new mission to build partnerships with regional organizations and to include experts on specific humanitarian areas. (Associated Press)
Who Removed Aristide? (April 15, 2004)
Harvard physician Paul Farmer describes a century of US military, political and economic intervention in Haiti, culminating in the overthrow of former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. In addition to military occupation and support for the anti-Aristide opposition, the US imposed "de facto economic sanctions" by withholding aid from the indebted and impoverished country. (London Review of Books)
A Break with Haiti's Past? (April 16, 2004)
The break from Haiti's gloomy past must involve the full participation of civil society, the effective disarming of all illegal armed groups, and the careful design of economic reform to lift poverty. (Grassroots International)
Haiti Update VIII: The Will and the Way (April 14, 2004)
This article accuses the US of not being serious about disarming Haitian combatants, and failing to prevent Haitian military from reconstituting itself, as forces under former military commanders continue to commit atrocities on civilians in the Northern region. (Africana)
US, France Blocking Haiti Probe (April 13, 2004)
US and France have threatened CARICOM, insisting that it abandon its request for an investigation into the departure of the former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. An international law expert has denounced such intimidation and urges CARICOM to take the matter to the UN General Assembly, where it would not face the threat of veto. (Inter Press Service)
Powell Says US Supports Haiti Government (April 5, 2004)
US Secretary of State Colin Powell rejected the CARICOM-proposed UN probe into the former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's departure, saying "no purpose would be served" by such an inquiry. (Associated Press)
Haiti Update VI: Out with the Bad, In with the Worse (March 31, 2004)
The manipulation of the judiciary system by the new Haitian administration for political control and oppression against the "pro-Aristidists" has cast a shadow over the prospect for a democratic future in the country, says Africana.
Haiti - Principle and Real Politics (March 31, 2004)
By withholding its recognition on Haiti's new interim government until the UN investigates the departure of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, CARICOM has shown a "steadfast determination not to bow to pressures from any quarter other than what is deemed to be in the best interests of the Haitian people," says the Trinidad and Tobago Express.
UN Peacekeepers Should Stay in Haiti for 20 Years, Envoy Says (March 30, 2004)
UN's Special Envoy to Haiti, Reginald Dumas, urges the international community to get away from "a stop-start cycle" regarding the rebuilding of the country, and to give it sustained and long-term assistance. (Bloomberg)
Caribbean Won't Accept Haiti's New US Backed Government (March 26, 2004)
As the manner in which ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide went into exile remains unresolved, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has decided not to recognize Haiti's new US-backed government. Officials from CARICOM said for the time being they will "work through the United Nations and other agencies" in dealing with matters concerning Haiti. (Associated Press)
Source: Reuters/Daniel Morel
US and Haiti: Imperial Arrogance at Its Worst (March 25, 2004)
This article criticizes the US for repeatedly carrying out "economic terrorism"—the threat to cut off aid—against Haiti in the past, and currently against Jamaica to force them to expel former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from the country. The author argues that this US arrogance typifies its policy towards countries in the Caribbean. (Dissident Voice)
Condoleezza Rice Threatens Jamaica Over Aristide (March 25, 2004)
In this interview with Democracy Now, Randall Robinson, a close friend of the ousted Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, reveals how US National Security Adviser Condoleeza Rice has told the Jamaican government to expel the ousted President or face the consequences of US retaliation "if anything happens to American forces in Haiti."
Haiti Update V: The Day after Tomorrow (March 24, 2004)
This article argues that US failure to disarm combatants in Haiti and its backing for the new government implies that its promise to give the country a "secure tomorrow" would mean stability "through oppression [but] not freedom." (Africana)
Aristide Must Be Restored To Power in Haiti (March 23, 2004)
This article analyzes the arguments for and against the restoration of Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. The author argues that failure to demand his restoration would be an affront to constitutional democracy and would amount to "a de facto acceptance of the result of a coup, albeit in subtle terms." (Sacramento Observer)
Haiti's Big Threat: Small Arms (March 23, 2004)
Small arms in Haiti have become "a destabilizing force," which has contributed to violent crimes and impeded efforts to build democracy in the country. Systematic efforts by the international community to disarm combatants and to end the flow of arms is crucial to the peacekeeping process in the country, says the Christian Science Monitor.
Alarm at Haiti PM's 'Unholy Alliance' with Rebels (March 22, 2004)
The New York-based NGO National Coalition for Haitian Rights has denounced Haiti's new Prime Minister Gerard Latortue for lauding the gangs who ousted former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. It argues that this "unholy alliance" of the government with the rebels will further polarize country. (Reuters)
Criminal Case Against Aristide Planned in Haiti (March 20, 2004)
Haiti's new top justice official Bernard Gousse has begun filing a criminal case against the exiled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, on charges that he masterminded the brutal oppression of his political opponents and stole state funds. The long history of manipulation of Haiti's judicial system by political elites has sparkled fears that any proceedings against Aristide may be used as a means to achieve political ends. (Los Angeles Times)
Our Caribbean: This Unwise Decision by Haiti Regime (March 19, 2004)
This article denounces the US for pressuring the new Haiti regime to freeze Haiti's membership in CARICOM, in response to Jamaica's initiative in hosting the exiled Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The author warns that such a move would only move Haiti away from international recognition on its regime legitimacy. (Nation Newspaper Barbados)
Haiti Update IV: On Roots, Trees and Liberty (March 17, 2004)
This article criticizes the US for impeding democratic development in Haiti by creating a radical imbalance between conflicting parties— giving money to anti-Aristide factions and cutting off aid to Aristide's ruling party. Public suspicion that US-backed "businessmen and murderers" will only promote their self-interests, coupled with widening economic disparities, have created "a fertile ground for a revolution" in the future, says Africana.
Haiti's New Leader Said to Pick Cabinet, Shunning Politicians (March 17, 2004)
The newly appointed Haitian Prime Minister Gérard Latortue is set to establish a new cabinet to run the country until elections are held, despite several Caribbean countries' refusal to recognize the new government. The exclusion of ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's allies from the cabinet, however, contradicts Latortue's promise to "build a government of national reconciliation". (New York Times)
In Haiti for the Long Haul (March 16, 2004)
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan argues that the current Haitian crisis presents "a more daunting situation" for the international community than the 1994 crisis, both in terms of security problems and the hostile Haitian sentiment towards international involvement. He urges the international community to learn from previous peacekeeping failures, and to undertake a long-term engagement in Haiti. (Wall Street Journal)
Life is Hard and Short in Haiti's Bleak Villages (March 15, 2004)
This New York Times article analyzes the problems which Haiti has long been suffering, most notably defective channeling of, or prohibitions on, financial aid by the US and international organizations. It urges the international community to resume aid programs to help the country out of poverty, and suggests that aid is most effective if it "flows from the ground up [and] not the top down."
Haiti: A Coup Without Consultation (March 15, 2004)
This article denounces US arrogance in ignoring regional organizations' opinion in overthrowing former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The author condemns the unfolding crisis in Haiti as a modern US-sponsored coup d'etat "in the guise of "humanitarian interference", and argues the US is once again exercising its imperial power in "directing the fortune of Haiti." (CounterPunch)
Aristide Leaves Exile to Head to Jamaica (March 15, 2004)
Following two weeks of life in exile, ousted Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide is set to return to the Caribbean to reunite with family members. Aristide, still the country's only democratically elected president, has suggested that he has not abandoned his desire to return to govern the country. (Associated Press)
Why Haiti? Why Now? (March 15, 2004)
The article suggests that the removal of former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide forms part of the US imperial project to destabilize progressive regimes in the Caribbean and Central-South American region, and to insure its supremacy and access to energy resources in oil-rich countries in the region. (Final Call)
Through These Trees, I See Haiti's Murderous Army Reborn (March 14, 2004)
In a phone interview with the Pacific News Service, Mayor Jean Charles Moise of Northern Haiti, who is now in hiding, denounced the ongoing violence by the former Haitian military against Haitians in his region. Skeptical of the origin of the military's heavy weaponry, Moise argues that the brutality in this forgotten region should bring light to a US connection with the revived army in the country.
Haiti's Elusive Search for Unity (March 11, 2004)
This article analyses the problems Haiti faces in rebuilding itself following the political crisis, such as the social division between a small business elite and masses of poor people, and the existence of a "culture of dependency" created by international aid. The Christian Science Monitor argues these problems, aggravated by US strategic involvement, make a brighter future for Haiti far from certain.
UN Awaiting Formal Request for Probe (March 10, 2004)
The UN asserts that it will investigate the ouster of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide once it receives a formal request from the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). James Paul, of Global Policy Forum, argues that opposition from permanent members of the Security Council will preclude any Council investigations, and suggests "the only course of action...would be for the...General Assembly to take up the issue." (Inter Press Service)
The Intrigues in Haiti's Crisis (March 10, 2004)
This article denounces US attempts to "deceive international opinion" by misrepresenting CARICOM's 'Action Plan' to resolve the Haiti crisis. While CARICOM insisted on a power-sharing agreement between former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the opposition groups, the US maintained that the plan sought to "guide efforts for forming a new government" in Haiti. (Trinidad and Tobago Express)
US and Haiti (March 9, 2004)
For decades, France, the United States and international financial institutions have contributed to destabilizing democracy in Haiti. Noam Chomsky argues that the recent tragedy in Haiti is an inevitable consequence of decades of foreign intervention.(ZMag)
New Haiti PM is Champion of Free Vote (March 9, 2004)
An advisory council has named former Haitian Foreign Minister Gerald Latortue as the country's new interim prime minister. Latortue's new responsibilities include heading a transitional government and organizing elections following the controversial departure of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from the country. (Associated Press)
An Interim President for Haiti Is Sworn In (March 9, 2004)
Haiti's former Supreme Court chief justice, Boniface Alexandre, has installed himself as interim president of the country, following former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's departure from office. However the legitimacy of Alexandre's presidency, based on annulled legislation, is still far from clear. (New York Times)
Aristide Insists He's Still Haiti Leader (March 8, 2004)
Exiled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide has reiterated that his removal from office was a "kidnapping" and that he remains the elected head of Haiti. In the face of foreign intervention, Aristide has called for "peaceful resistance" and "the restoration of democracy" in Haiti. (Associated Press)
The Ouster of Democracy (March 8, 2004)
The Guardian argues that US military intervention in Haiti has revealed a foreign policy wholly driven by self-interest and the use of force. It also suggests that President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's ouster has delivered a dangerous message to the world that the "US supports democracy [only] when democracy supports the US," and that it could topple democracies which it deems unfavorable.
Helping Haiti (March 4, 2004)
This article argues that only a sustained commitment by the international community and the Haitian people to rebuilding Haiti's institutions will prevent similar crisis from happening in the future. As David Malone of the International Peace Academy remarks, failure to provide a long-term commitment will make certain that "the tragedy of Aristide's departure [will occur] again in a decade or so." (Foreign Policy Association)
Haiti's New Hopes and Challenges (March 4, 2004)
The article spells out a few priorities for rebuilding Haiti after the political upheaval, such as the creation of a broad-based interim government. The author argues that the international community should maintain a long-term commitment to helping Haiti, and that the Haitian people should "assume responsibility for their own future" if peace is to last. (BBC)
Endorsing the Call for UN Probe of Aristide's Ouster (March 4, 2004)
In the lead-up to the Haitian crisis, the Jamaica Observer argued that President Jean-Bertrand Aristide was "offered as sacrifice on an altar of expediency by an axis of powerful nations." It also echoed the view of CARICOM that the international community should investigate the circumstances of Aristide's departure, which appeared "worrying for all democratically-minded nations." (Jamaica Observer)
Haiti: Five Facts and One Appeal (March 4, 2004)
This article makes five powerful claims as to how the US and Canadian governments have pursued policies which have contributed to the current economic and humanitarian crisis in Haiti. The authors argue that the goal of these policies is to foster a regime change which ultimately furthers US interests. (Dominion)
The Host of Aristide Is Uneasy (March 3, 2004)
The Central African Republic is showing growing unease in harboring Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The government says Mr. Aristide's presence is "a source of concern" for the country and is making plans for him to seek permanent asylum elsewhere. (New York Times)
Déjà Vu All Over Again in Haiti (March 3, 2004)
The US has historically intervened militarily in Haiti for the purpose of controlling the flow of refugees into the US. The author argues that these repeated interventions have damaged the Haiti's civil society and rule of law, and have indirectly led to the current crisis. (Media Monitors Network)
Exiled 'Baby Doc' Seeks Return to Haiti (March 2, 2004)
The exiled dictator Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier has signaled his intention to return to Haiti after President Jean-Bertrand Aristide fled the country. In reviewing Duvalier's past record, however, a human rights NGO has warned that his "return to Haiti would be a disaster unless it is to face justice." (Associated Press)
US Complicity in Pushing Aside Aristide (March 2, 2004)
Faced with an armed rebellion led by thugs tied to former dictators, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti left office and departed the country on February 29, 2004. Washington appears to have supported the coup that deposed the democratically-elected president. It continues a long and sorry tradition of violence and intervention that includes 33 coups and a long period of US occupation, leaving Haiti one of the world's poorest lands.
A Typical American Coup (March 2, 2004)
By drawing comparisons with the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990, this article denounces the US intervention in Haiti as another incident of a superpower arbitrarily controlling other states' affairs so as to impose on them its idea of "democracy". The author argues that this "American coup" in Haiti has "helped Washington to regain a sense of confidence in its use of subversive political methods" to further its own interest. (Telepolis)
Haiti: Dangerous Muddle (March 1, 2004)
The author examines US "liberal interventions" in Kosovo and Haiti in 1994, and argues single-power interventions are both politically illegitimate and often lead to further political instability and crisis. (Foreign Policy in Focus)
Aristide Kidnapped by US Forces?(March 1, 2004)
As the circumstances of the Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's resignation unfold, mounting evidence suggests that the US forcibly removed Aristide from power. Aristide's close friend Randall Robinson argues US action in Haiti is an American "coup against a democratically elected government." (Truthout)
Haiti: Caribbean Questions Aristide Exit (March 1, 2004)
In an effort to defend its position on the Haiti crisis, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has denounced the "unconstitutional removal" of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. CARICOM chairman PJ Patterson has warned that the President's removal "sets a dangerous precedent for democratically elected governments...as it promotes the removal of duly-elected persons from office by the power of rebel forces." (Inter Press Service News Agency)
UN Authorizes Military Mission to Haiti (March 1, 2004)
The Security Council has voted unanimously to authorize the deployment of a multinational interim force to Haiti for three months to help restore stability and security. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has expressed hope that the involvement of the international community will "not only help stabilize the current situation, but assist the Haitians over the long haul and really help them ...build a stable country." (Associated Press)
Haitians Now Ask: 'What Next?' (March 1, 2004)
Having fled the chaotic Caribbean state of Haiti, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide has left behind many uncertainties as to the country's future. One opposition organization argues that the long-term stability of the country hinges on the restoration of law and order, the disarmament of armed groups, and closer cooperation with the international community. (Christian Science Monitor)
Q&A: Crisis in Haiti (March 1, 2004)
This BBC article examines the causes of, and political backlash from, the resignation of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. It also considers the potential power struggle between various oppositions and rebel groups which could emerge from the political vacuum.
Powell Puts Pressure on Haitian Leader to Resign (February 27, 2004)
As the rebellion escalates in Haiti, the US is pushing for the resignation of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The US Secretary of State Colin L. Powell has called on Aristide to "examine his position carefully" and to do "what is best for the people of Haiti"— that is, to step down. (Washington Post)
Ignoring Urgent Pleas from Caribbean, Security Council Demurs on Haiti Action (February 27, 2004)
In an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council, representatives of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and of the Organization of American States (OAS) expressed their concern over the deteriorating situation in Haiti and urged the UN to take action to prevent the crisis from destabilizing the region. The Security Council is urgently considering ''options for international agreement, including that of an international force in support of a political settlement in accordance with the UN Charter.'' (Inter Press Service)
France Seeks UN Force in Haiti (February 26, 2004)
French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin is urging Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to step down from power. He also called on the Security Council to authorize a multinational police force that could be deployed within days. It is unclear whether the proposed force would impose a peace accord or protect it once reached. (New York Times)
Haiti's Lawyer: US Is Arming Anti-Aristide Paramilitaries, Calls For UN Peacekeepers (February 26, 2004)
A US lawyer representing the Haitian government has accused the US of backing a military coup against Haiti's President, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. He claims that US intelligence services have armed, trained, and employed the Haitian opposition. "If a direct US connection is proven, it will mark the second time in just over a decade that Washington has been involved in a coup in Haiti," says DemocracyNow.
Background on Haiti: Some Questions and Answers (February 24, 2004)
The Resource Center for the Americas provides political and historical information on Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the opposition, and the US position on Haiti since 1994.
Haiti - Insurrection in the Making (February 23, 2004)
Deploring the humanitarian situation in Haiti, MADRE denounces the media manipulation in covering the crisis, and accuses the US of playing a double role. While Washington officially calls for the respect of democracy in Haiti, this article shows that the US Republican Party has consistantly funded opposition groups led by ex-military coup-makers.
UN Mission in Haiti 'To End' (November 29, 2000)
Kofi Annan recommends to the Security Council that the 70-person UN mission to Haiti not be given a renewed mandate, saying that violence and instability severely limit the work of UN advisors in the country. (BBC)
Only Haiti Can Save Haiti (August 30, 1999)
A New York Times Op-ed article forecasting the difficulties in Haiti's transition to mature democracy. "The American Government and the Haitian people need to grant Mr. Aristide the ideological space to make hard decisions."
UN Diplomats Search for Ways to Avoid Violence in Haiti (August 27, 1999)
A New York Times article about concerns after the withdrawal of the UN police mission from Haiti. "This is actually the first test case of... transition from a peacekeeping operation to a long-term development program," said Nancy Soderberg, the American envoy working on this issue.
US Forces UN to Reduce Haiti Human Rights Mission (June 16, 1999)
A Reuters article on the lack US funding for the UN program in Haiti at a time of increasing turmoil as elections approach.


At Douglas, our mission and values statements are much more than words.
They embody the foundation of our company, define our culture, and keep the principles we were founded on at the forefront of everything we do. As an employee-owned company, we work diligently to be the best we can possibly be. Not only through innovation and the ongoing improvement of our products and services, but also in how we impact others and the world around us. This is our quest, and it is born out of desire to achieve success and significance through our work.
To enrich lives by providing differentiated packaging automation and services.
The core of our values is an abiding respect for Biblically-based business principles. To us this means conducting business in a manner that is legal, ethical, moral and healthy to the faith-based spiritual life of every employee owner, customer, supplier and competitor.


Please click through these photos and enjoy pictures taken at ERG events. Some are amateur photos and some have been taken by photographers hired by the client. Pictures are added frequently so please check back often.
You 'caught us in the act'. Enjoy!
Liberty Furniture Industries - Market Kickoff.
Providing PA, lighting, rigging and stage components for the kickoff concert featuring Yacht Rock Schooner from Atlanta.
Converting a school gym into a 70's disco for a community fundraising event using PA, dance floor lighting and uplighting, costumes and theme decorations.
Providing PA for an all-day festival / wing cook off at the Piedmont-Triad Farmer's Market.


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Falsehoods Programmers Believe About Names – With Examples
January 8, 2018 January 22, 2018 tony rogers13 Comments
In 2010, Patrick McKenzie wrote the now-famous blog "Falsehoods Programmers Believe About Names", in which he listed 40 things that were not universally true about names.
Did programmers sit up, take notice and change their attitudes to names? Sadly, not really. We still get asked to fill our names out in online forms which assume we have a first name and a last name (in that order) and which refuse to allow us to continue unless we have filled out both. They assume our names can be entered in alphabetic characters, often only ASCII.
I fear that part of the reason that this blog post had less impact than I hoped was that Patrick did not give examples of how each assumption can be false. But having worked in a previous life on IBM's Global Name Management product, I can assure you that it's all true.
Still not convinced? In this post I'm going to list all 40 of Patrick's original falsehoods, but give you an example (or two) drawn from my experiences working in this space. Ready? Let's go!
People have exactly one canonical full name.
It seems some people believe that you get a name and it never changes. Not so, even in Western countries, where a person may change their name when they marry. In Catholic tradition a person may get a middle name at time of confirmation.
People have exactly one full name which they go by.
The author known most often as John Wyndham (author of The Day of the Triffids) bore the name John Wyndham Parkes Lucas Beynon Harris, and published books under the names John Beynon and Lucas Parkes, as well as John Wyndham.
People have, at this point in time, exactly one canonical full name.
A performer may have a stage name, completely separate from the name on their birth and marriage certificates – they may even have a passport in their stage name.
People have, at this point in time, one full name which they go by.
Not so, even in Western countries, where a woman may choose to retain her unmarried name at work (where she is already known by that name), and use her husband's surname on social occasions, and even on legal documents such as mortgages and loans.
People have exactly N names, for any value of N.
An English name may traditionally consider of two given names (often called a first name and a middle name) and a surname, but that's not required. A person may have no middle name, or may have several. A Portuguese name, for example, may have one or two given names, and up to four surnames (up to six in the case of a married woman), and those surnames may be phrases, such as da Silva or dos Santos, or even Costa e Silva).
People's names fit within a certain defined amount of space.
The renowned painter, best known simply as Picasso, had the full name "Pablo Diego José Francisco de Paula Juan Nepomuceno María de los Remedios Cipriano de la Santísima Trinidad Ruiz y Picasso". Try fitting that name into a form which allows 30 characters for a name…
People's names do not change.
Given that we have already mentioned a person changing his or her name at the time they marry, this is clearly false. Moreover, Catholics may adopt an extra middle name at the time of their confirmation. It's also common for a person to add a name, or change their name entirely, when converting to another religion – consider Cat Stevens becoming Yusuf Islam or Cassius Clay becoming Muhammed Ali when converting to Islam.
People's names change, but only at a certain enumerated set of events.
It was common, for some people in Thailand to change names to avert bad luck. That might happen without a recognised event. Sometimes a person will change their name when someone else with the same name becomes famous, or infamous – a notable example was people changing their surname from Hitler.
People's names are written in ASCII.
Patently false, if we consider that ASCII does not include the accented characters which appear in French and Portuguese names. Nor does it include the Greek alphabet used in Greek names, Cyrillic characters for Russian names. Then there are scripts like Devanagari for Indian names, Chinese characters (hanzi) and Japanese characters (Kanji), and many more.
People's names can be written in any single character set.
People have names that mix, for example, Kanji and Latin, or Hanzi and Latin, or Hangul and Latin characters. In many cases this is because they have a "Western given name" to cater for those of us unable to pronounce the given name in their native language.
People's names are all mapped in Unicode code points.
The Unicode code standards team continue to add code points to the standard to accommodate rarer and rarer characters, and the vast majority of names are already covered, but there are still exceptions, such as the symbol that "the artist formerly known as Prince" adopted. Even if we eliminate such curiosities, there are (a few) alphabets which are not yet covered by Unicode (perhaps the most realistic example is Aymara, a script for a language spoken by well over a million people in South America; less realistic is Klingon, or the character sets invented by J R R Tolkien for his Middle Earth). Moreover, Unicode only includes a subset of Chinese and Japanese characters, and some of the omitted characters are used in names.
To complicate matters further, there are languages which do not have associated scripts – they cannot be written down. There are no Unicode code points for such languages. Names in those languages might be captured in phonetic symbols, but that's not particularly helpful, because the majority of people are unfamiliar with the phonetic alphabet.
People's names are case sensitive.
Many character sets are not case sensitive – Chinese and Japanese, for example – uppercase / lowercase is an idea that is simply not applicable.
People's names are case insensitive.
Some character sets are case sensitive – Latin, for example. More importantly, there are character sets where characters may be accented in lower case, but not in upper case, so it is not possible to provide a "round trip" from lower case to upper case and back to lower case.
Correct capitalization can be very important to some people, such as the owners of the surnames Mackenzie and MacKenzie.
The correct use of case is also important with surnames such as van Gogh, du Barry, da Costa, O'Brien, and D'Agostino, and given names like Jean-Pierre.
People's names sometimes have prefixes and suffixes, but you can safely ignore those.
Nothing could be further from the truth. The Dutch name Pieter van der Meer is not the same as Pieter Meer, even though "van der" is a prefix.
You might consider Junior to be a suffix in Robert Downey Junior, but if you omit it, you are referring to his father, not to him.
In Arabic names, the suffix al-Din means "of the faith" or "of the religion" – names such as Taj al-Din ("crown of the faith") or Saif al-Din ("sword of the religion") are not the same name when the suffix is suppressed. An Italian name such as di Stefano is not the same as Stefano.
A Spanish woman with the surname "viuda de de la Cruz" is the widow of a man with the patronym "de la Cruz". Omitting those prefixes changes the meaning of the name.
People's names do not contain numbers.
Even if we ignore the cases where the number is a generation (Thurston Howell III, for example), there are cases where a number is part of someone's legal name. Jennifer 8 Lee chose to give herself the middle name of 8 because 8 is associated with good fortune.
People's names are not written in ALL CAPS.
In some countries (notably French speaking) it is convention to write a person's surname in all caps to make it clear which part of the name is the surname. This convention has solidified to the point that rendering their surname not in all caps may be regarded as impolite.
People's name are not written in all lower case letters.
e e cummings preferred his name written in all lower case. So does k d lang. It's polite to follow the pattern used by the name's owner.
There is an Irish / British surname ffrench which is conventionally written in all lower case, although that tradition is suffering from poorly designed software which insists on capitalizing it.
People's names have an order to them. Picking any ordering scheme will automatically result in consistent ordering among all systems, as long as both use the same ordering scheme for the same name.
In the Netherlands, Vincent van Gogh would be indexed and sorted under G, for Gogh; in Belgium the same name would be indexed under V, for van Gogh. It's not possible to adopt a single ordering for names which will yield a universally accepted order. The system used by many libraries is to apply the rule appropriate to the place of birth of the person in question (not a rule I'd want to try to apply in software).
People's first names and last names are, by necessity, different.
An Australian businessman and politician called Benjamin Benjamin died in 1905. Jerome K Jerome was an English humorous writer best known for Three Men in a Boat. Owen Owen was a Welshman who founded Owen Owen Ltd, operating a chain of department stores. And let's not even get started on the wrestlers and actors who adopted repeated names for stage purposes.
People have last names, family names, or anything else which is shared by folks recognised as their relatives.
In Java it was common for a person to be given a single name, and not to have a surname. The Indonesian presidents Suharto and Sukarno both had no surname, for example.
People's names are globally unique.
Tell that to anyone named John Smith! I have a somewhat less common name, yet I discovered a person with the same name working in the same industry in the same country (Australia).
People's names are almost globally unique.
Even with the tendency to use unusual spellings of names, it's extremely common to find people who share a full name – try Googling your own name.
Alright alright but surely people's names are diverse enough such that no million people share the same name.
The Chinese name Zhang Wei is reported to be shared by over a quarter of a million people.
If we limit the question to surnames, about 20% of the population of South Korea have the surname Kim. About 10% of the population of northern China share the surname Wang, while more than 10% of the population of southern China share the surname Chen. Li comes next in both northern and southern China, making it the most common surname across the country. And nearly 40% of Vietnamese have the surname Nguyen.
Names are far from unique.
My system will never have to deal with names from China.
Migration has spread names from every culture to (almost) every country. The days when immigrants were renamed on entry to a country have passed, mostly (for example, Vietnam still requires that an applicant for citizenship takes a Vietnamese name). It is unrealistic to expect to avoid names from other countries, although you may see them in a transliterated form.
So a Chinese name like 周潤發 may appear in your system as Chow Yun-fat, or Chow Yun Fat, or even Yun Fat Chow (Chow is his surname).
Or Japan.
Or Korea.
Or Ireland, the United Kingdom, the United States, Spain, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Russia, Sweden, Botswana, South Africa, Trinidad, Haiti, France, or the Klingon Empire, all of which have "weird" naming schemes in common use.
That Klingon Empire thing was a joke, right?
It's difficult to find examples of people using Klingon names as their official names, but should we stop someone doing so? Once we can handle the things required for other cultures (such as the embedded apostrophe for "O'Brien"), we can support Klingon names without extra work.
Confound your cultural relativism! People in my society, at least, agree on one commonly accepted standard for names.
And will your software only be dealing with people named by your society?
There exists an algorithm which transforms names and can be reversed losslessly. (Yes, yes, you can do it if your algorithm returns the input. You get a gold star.)
There is no algorithm (short of remembering the original format) which can transform a name in a guaranteed reversible way.
I can safely assume that this dictionary of bad words contains no people's names in it.
This is a common mistake – many "bad words" are not bad words in other languages, and some are used in names. Moreover, not every society restricts what words may be used in a name; it's perfectly possible that someone's name may have been established in such a jurisdiction.
People's names are assigned at birth.
Births are recorded in most countries, but the effectiveness of the system varies.
The exact rules vary by jurisdiction, but all allow for some delay in registering a birth. The length of the allowed delay varies from at least as short as 3 weeks (Scotland) to at least 2 months (Australia), and there is provision for registering births later.
The child's name may be recorded at the time that the birth is registered, but it doesn't always happen (birth registrations with a name like "Baby Boy" or "Baby Girl" still happen, when the parents have trouble choosing a name, or the child is a foundling, for example).
OK, maybe not at birth, but at least pretty close to birth.
Alright, alright, within a year or so of birth.
Five years?
You're kidding me, right?
There are cultures where a person's adult name is not chosen until puberty. Prior to this the child may have a "milk name", or a temporary name.
Two different systems containing data about the same person will use the same name for that person.
If this were true, then there would be no market for software which reconciles different databases.
In my own case, some systems contain my formal name, including my middle name. Others have just my first given name and surname, or my nickname and surname. And I'm a simple case. My wife was in some systems with her maiden name, in others with her married name, with or without her middle name, with her full first given name or with either of two spellings of her nickname.
Two different data entry operators, given a person's name, will by necessity enter bitwise equivalent strings on any single system, if the system is well-designed.
Imagine what happens when a name is entered by a person hearing it over the telephone. Consider cases like Thomson and Thompson; or Johnson, Johnston, Johnstone, and Jonsson.
People whose names break my system are weird outliers. They should have had solid, acceptable names, like 田中太郎.
No, your system is badly designed.
This particular example name is perhaps best known as the name of an alien in an anime series (and a manga). There have also been real people with this name.
People have names.
This one is perhaps the most difficult for which to give solid examples. There was an isolated culture in which no one had names – they referred to everyone in relative terms, such as "my mother's eldest sister".
Let's Wrap This Up
So there you have it: examples for (almost) all forty of Patrick McKenzie's "Falsehoods Programmers Believe About Names. If you're feeling a little overwhelmed, here are what I think are the most important facts to consider the next time you're designing a system that processes names:
Do not use terms like "first name" or "Christian name" – "given name" is the most commonly accepted term in English.
Keep in mind that half of the world orders names with the family name first.
Many cultures use something other than a single surname inherited by all members of the family – some use a patronym or matronym (or even more than one); while some do not have a surname at all.
Punctuation can be a vital part of a name – the Irish surname O'Hara is not the same as the Japanese surname Ohara. Jean-Pierre is not the same as Jeanpierre, nor is it the same as Jean Pierre – Jean-Pierre is a single given name, while Jean Pierre is two separate given names.
Spaces do not necessarily separate parts of a name – de la Cruz is a single surname, not three separate names; Chinese names written in hanzi are written without any spaces.
Capitalization is not as simple as making the first letter of each word uppercase – van der Meer may have a capital V when used without a given name, but has a lowercase v when the given name is present.
Use the name as a whole, rather than trying to break it into parts. For example, do not try to address a man using Mr last-word-of-name – this can fail in many different ways:
Where the surname is written first (eg: Chinese)
Where the correct usage is of the patronym, and it is not last eg: Spanish, Russian
Where the surname is more than one word, eg: Spanish, such as de la Torre
Where the name contains a suffix, such as Junior
And finally, I highly recommend the guidance in this short article published by the W3C: https://www.w3.org/International/questions/qa-personal-names
Tagged: names
Koriit says:
Thanks for bringing it up again. This time I'm going to bookmark it and keep it in my collection of important links!
As in original article, I have again laughed at point 28. 😀
HaHa You are Kidding, Right says:
Dont forget "John Null"
A valid name, that some systems cant handle on exchanging data
danrooti7 says:
Interesting – I hadn't thought of some of these. One issue that comes to mind immediately given the guidelines above – how on earth does one properly _sort_ in such a system? Imagine a system that has multiple names for each person, each with a "given name" and "family name" and "preferred name". It contains people of all cultures. In US culture "given name" is "first name" and "family name" is "last name". In hanzi the whole name goes in the "given name" field? Now, the user needs an ordered list of all people. I can see Susie Q's eyes glazing over trying to explain the above when "all she asked for was a report sorted by last name" 😉
Natalie M. Amery says:
At one point I knew both a Mr Van Den Bos and a Mr van den Bos.
I knew someone who used a middle initial when writing their name as Ms S P Example but didn't actually have a middle name so was officially just Ms Susan Example (and used that form if asked for First and Last names).
Please fill in actual examples for the "there are cultures where…" ones.
Pingback: Falsehoods Programmers Believe About Names – BrianChan.us
Eileen Quintero says:
Do you have any recommendations for what this implies for how "search" would work? For example, I think that if a person types Renee it should show results for this name with and without accents; however I have seen some systems that allow the INPUT of accents but then those are excluded from results (to get an accent in the result you need to type an exact match, which sort of defies the search button function).
Thoughts? We are trying to design an inclusive name database and need to think about search also. Thank you!
If you expand this to something like "you know a person's name(s)", I think it becomes easier to find examples. Unconscious people brought to hospitals, people who are unable or unwilling to give their name to medical staff or law enforcement, genealogical trees and databases using records in which some names are unavailable or unrecorded, etc.
tony rogers says:
True, someone may have a name, but be unwilling to provide it. Or they simply may not have provided it to your application. Not the same as someone not having a name, but it raises similar problems.
With the growing tendency to use an email address as someone's "identity" in many applications we can find ourselves with that email address as a user's "proxy name". So we can find ourselves with strings like "wombat76359@gmail.com", for example, as our only means of identifying a user. Still, an email address has a couple of advantages – it's unique (making a good key in a database, and we can confirm that a user has some claim to it.
Peter Crabb says:
Things seem to have gone backwards since I first went to work as a clerk in the early 70s. Then, with a clunky IBM mainframe, we identified and recorded a customer's name in several formats so that we had the full formal name, with appropriate titles, and the format by which correspondence was to be addressed.
A simple example of poor system design was the hospital that my mother attended in the last years of her life. Nurses insisted on calling her by the first of her two given names. Two of her four sisters shared the same name and all were known exclusively by their second names. It was all rather confusing for her in the early stages of dementia to suddenly be given a new name.
There are cultures in which it is common for children to share a first given name – Maria is a common case. So you might have Maria Clare and Maria Beatrice, with the children normally known as Clare and Beatrice (and the force of their full names saved for when they were misbehaving 🙂 ).
The sensitive way of dealing with this is to have a "known as" field, which can also be used in cases such as a man whose official name is John, but who is always called Jack.
gorn says:
Very good article!
I however disagree with recommendation to replace "first name" with "given name" which is against several observations made. My suggestion would be to use one field only "name" (or "full name") and preserve it as is.
If you really need to do some sorting, than the only one hope I see is to introduce whole new field "sorting name" ("surname" in most cases).
I agree with the idea of using a single "name" or "full name" field, but where someone wants / needs to refer to a person's given name, I strongly recommend the term "given name" over alternatives. The term "first name" presumes the order of the parts of the name, for example.
Sorting names is problematic. To establish a complete order on names requires more than the surname. Asking a person to enter their name in a way which will produce a good sort is difficult (few of the people entering their names will have librarian training!). Moreover, if people are able to enter their name in Unicode, we will be faced with some entering a Chinese name in Hanzi, and others entering it in Roman characters, using Pinyin or other transliterations. Sorting these together is challenging.
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1 Se prefiere el uso del 'presente simple' cuando los hechos o acciones forman parte de un programa o son inalterables.
The sun rises at 6.15 tomorrow.
El sol sale mañana a las 6:15.
My plane is at two o´clock.
Mi vuelo es a las 2.
Cuando los planes son menos formales o no forman parte de una rutina no se suele usar el 'presente simple' sino 'will', el presente continuo o 'be going to'.
Va a llover (hay evidencias).
2 En las oraciones subordinadas introducidas por 'as soon as', 'after', 'before', 'when', 'until', 'till', 'by the time', 'while' referidas a una acción futura se usa el presente simple y no 'will'.
He is going to buy a Porsche when he retires.
Él se va a comprar un Porsche cuando se jubile.
Will you stay here until he leaves?
¿Estarás aquí hasta que se vaya?
By the time you read this letter I should be in Paris.
Para cuando leas esta carta podría estar en París.
3 En las condicionales introducidas por 'if', 'in case', 'provided', 'unless' también se usa el presente simple.
Provided you make the dinner I´ll clean the house.
Siempre y cuando hagas la cena limpiaré la casa.
Unless you lend me some money I won´t be able to pay it.
A no ser que me prestes dinero no seré capaz de pagarlo.
Escribe el verbo en presente o futuro, según corresponda.
1 He need the money on the 15th.
He'll need / will need the money on the 15th.
2 His train arrive at 6 o´clock.
His train arrives at 6 o'clock.
3 I not move until you tell .
I'll not move/will not move/won't move until you arrive.
4 You / not finish reading that book this week?
Won´t you finish / Will you not finish reading that book this week?
5 The exhibition start tomorrow.
6 If you do it, I be there.
If you do it, I'll be / will be there.
7 He come as soon as he know you're here.
He'll come / He will come as soon as he knows you're here.
8 My mother move to my sister´s house when she have the baby.
My mother will move to my sister's house when she has the baby.
9 By this time tomorrow my grandfather be back from the hospital.
By this time tomorrow my grandfather will be back from the hospital.
10 Unless you finish your homework, I let you play the new game computer.
Unless you finish your homework, I'll not let/won't let/shan't let you play the new game computer.


text:
2022 Big 12 Basketball Food Drive To Be Held Feb. 15-March 15
Fans are invited to help the Big 12 Conference in the ongoing fight against hunger. For the second consecutive year, donations for the Big 12 Basketball Food Drive will be made through a secure, dedicated website in lieu of in-person collections.
The 2022 Big 12 Basketball Food Drive, presented by Compass Minerals, has been a welcome complement to the Phillips 66 Big 12 Men's and Women's Basketball Championships held annually in Kansas City. This marks the third year for Overland Park, Kansas-based Compass Minerals to serve as presenting sponsor, with all Food Drive donations benefitting Harvesters—The Community Food Network.
Big 12 fans are encouraged to donate securely online via harvesters.org/CompassMinerals
or by texting BIG12 to 816-583-0500 from Feb. 15 through March 15. Every dollar donated helps provide three meals. When you reach the donation page, click your favorite team and pledge support. The team's fan base that raises the most money for Harvesters will be recognized following the Conference Basketball Championships. As it has since the inception of the Food Drive, Compass Minerals will be matching donations up to $10,000 total.
"Compass Minerals is honored to partner with the Big 12 to assist in the fight against hunger by supporting Harvesters," said Compass Minerals President and CEO Kevin S. Crutchfield. "At Compass Minerals, our core purpose is to help keep people safe, feed the world and enrich lives. Being engaged in our community and making a positive impact is an important part of fulfilling that purpose."
Harvesters – The Community Food Network is a regional food bank providing food and related household products to food pantries, community kitchens, shelters and others. Additionally, the organization offers education programs to increase community awareness of hunger and teach about good nutrition.
"This has been a tremendous way to give back to the city and people of the Kansas City region, and we thank our fans in advance for participating in the 2022 Big 12 Basketball Food Drive," said Big 12 Commissioner Bob Bowlsby. "The ongoing commitment by Compass Minerals to this effort as one of our sponsors cannot be understated and we appreciate their significant generosity."
The 2022 Phillips 66 Big 12 Men's Basketball Championship will be held at T-Mobile Center in Kansas City, March 9-12. The Phillips 66 Big 12 Women's Basketball Championship will be held at Municipal Auditorium, March 10-13.
"This is a wonderful event and we're proud to be a part of it," said Valerie Nicholson-Watson, president and CEO of Harvesters. "We have seen constant high demand during the past two years. Increasing food prices and economic pressures are still bringing many families, children and seniors to our network of pantries, community kitchens and mobile food distributions for the very first time. We thank the Big 12 Conference and Compass Minerals for allowing us to benefit from the Big 12 Basketball Food Drive in order to help meet this need in our community."
In addition to the virtual food drive, fans are also encouraged to support Harvesters by donating non-perishable items when they shop at participating Aldi stores March 1-15. Blue donation barrels will be available at 30 locations across Kansas City and in Topeka.
The relationship with Compass Minerals is managed by Big 12 Sports Properties on behalf of the Conference. Big 12 Sports Properties is the LEARFIELD-dedicated team representing the Conference as its sponsorship rights holder.
About Compass Minerals
Compass Minerals (NYSE: CMP) is a leading global provider of essential minerals focused on safely delivering where and when it matters to help solve nature's challenges for customers and communities. The company's salt products help keep roadways safe during winter weather and are used in numerous other consumer, industrial and agricultural applications. Its plant nutrition business manufactures products that improve the quality and yield of crops, while supporting sustainable agriculture. And its specialty chemical business serves the water treatment industry and other industrial processes. Additionally, the company is pursuing development of a sustainable lithium brine resource to support the North American battery market and is a minority owner of Fortress North America, a next-generation fire retardant company. Compass Minerals operates 15 production and packaging facilities with more than 2,000 employees throughout the U.S., Canada, the U.K. and Brazil. Visit compassminerals.com to learn more about the company and its products.
About Harvesters—The Community Food Network
Harvesters is a regional food bank serving a 26-county area of northwestern Missouri and northeastern Kansas. Harvesters provides food and related household products to more than 760 nonprofit agencies including food pantries, community kitchens, shelters and others. Agencies in Harvesters' network provide food assistance to as many as 141,500 different people each month. Harvesters, which was founded in 1979, is a certified member of Feeding America, a nationwide network of more than 200 food banks, serving all 50 states. For more information, visit harvesters.org.
About Big 12 Conference
The Big 12 Conference is comprised of 10 Universities – Baylor, Iowa State, Kansas, Kansas State, Oklahoma, Oklahoma State, TCU, Texas, Texas Tech and West Virginia. The Big 12 is an NCAA Division I intercollegiate athletics conference that encompasses five states with over 40 million people within its geographic footprint. In its 26th year, the Conference has produced over 720 Academic All-America selections and claimed national championship team titles in 19 of its 23 sponsored sports. Its student-athletes and teams have combined for over 700 individual NCAA titles and 69 team national championships. Nearly 5,000 student-athletes from across the United States and around the World compete annually under the Big 12 banner. For more information, visit Big12Sports.com and follow the Conference on Facebook (Facebook.com/Big12), Twitter (@Big12Conference), Instagram (Instagram.com/big12conference/) and YouTube (YouTube.com/Big12Conference).