Tobacco addiction is a complex, multicomponent phenomenon stemming from nicotine's pharmacology and the user's biology, psychology, sociology, and environment. After decades of public denial, the tobacco industry now agrees with public health authorities that nicotine is addictive. In 2000, Philip Morris became the first major tobacco company to admit nicotine's addictiveness. Evolving definitions of addiction have historically affected subsequent policymaking. This article examines how Philip Morris internally conceptualized addiction immediately before and after this announcement.
We analyzed previously secret, internal Philip Morris documents made available as a result of litigation against the tobacco industry. We compared these documents to public company statements and found that Philip Morris's move from public denial to public affirmation of nicotine's addictiveness coincided with pressure on the industry from poor public approval ratings, the Master Settlement Agreement (MSA), the United States government's filing of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) suit, and the Institute of Medicine's (IoM's) endorsement of potentially reduced risk products. Philip Morris continued to research the causes of addiction through the 2000s in order to create successful potentially reduced exposure products (PREPs). While Philip Morris's public statements reinforce the idea that nicotine's pharmacology principally drives smoking addiction, company scientists framed addiction as the result of interconnected biological, social, psychological, and environmental determinants, with nicotine as but one component. Due to the fragmentary nature of the industry document database, we may have missed relevant information that could have affected our analysis.
Philip Morris's research suggests that tobacco industry activity influences addiction treatment outcomes. Beyond nicotine's pharmacology, the industry's continued aggressive advertising, lobbying, and litigation against effective tobacco control policies promotes various nonpharmacological determinants of addiction. To help tobacco users quit, policy makers should increase attention on the social and environmental dimensions of addiction alongside traditional cessation efforts.
Tobacco companies publicly denied for decades that nicotine was addictive.
In 2000, Philip Morris became the first tobacco company to publicly state that nicotine is addictive.
Today, addiction is understood as a complex phenomenon resulting from both the pharmacology of the addictive substance and the user's biology, psychology, social milieu, and environment.
The tobacco industry avidly promotes new nicotine products, emphasizing that nicotine addiction is the key driver of smoking.
Little is known about how tobacco companies internally understood addiction as they changed their public position.
We examined previously secret internal Philip Morris documents and public company statements and traced Philip Morris's internal understanding of addiction from the mid-1990s until 2006.
We found that Philip Morris's shift from denying to affirming nicotine's addictiveness was driven by public, regulatory, and legal pressures, not by a substantive change in scientific understanding.
Philip Morris continued studying addiction through the 2000s to develop successful and potentially safer nicotine products.
From the mid-1990s to at least 2006, Philip Morris's internal models of addiction positioned psychological, social, and environmental factors as equally important to nicotine in driving cigarette use.
Philip Morris's public embrace of nicotine as the main driver of addiction bolsters the case for tobacco harm reduction but likely does not accurately reflect the company's internal understanding of addiction.
Philip Morris has internally understood since at least 2006 that its actions (e.g., advertising, lobbying, and litigation) influence addiction by shaping users' psychology, social milieu, and environment.
Philip Morris's public embrace of nicotine's addictiveness currently works to redirect policy away from proven social and environmental interventions and toward the promotion of the industry's potentially reduced harm products.
To improve addiction outcomes, public health authorities should continue expanding and strengthening social and environmental restrictions on cigarette smoking.
Copyright: © 2018 Elias et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Data Availability: All the documents are freely publicly available on the UCSF Truth Industry Documents website: https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco.
Funding: This research was supported by the National Cancer Institute Grants R01-CA-087472, R01-CA-141661, and T32-CA-113710. The funder website is: https://www.cancer.gov/. The funder had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
While the tobacco industry has believed since the 1960s that nicotine is addictive , it publicly denied this until the early 2000s . Although nicotine is today widely considered addictive , this designation is not fixed. The classification of a given substance as addictive depends as much on the contexts in which substances are used as on robust scientific findings regarding these substances' neurochemical properties [4–8]. Definitions and connotations of "addiction" continually change. Due to this changeability, addiction is best viewed not as a "universal scientific trut[h] to be unveiled or denied" but a "malleable concept situated in specific social, political and scientific contexts" .
The tobacco industry's marketing, lobbying, and litigation against effective tobacco control measures have greatly influenced the public's understanding of nicotine and smoking . In 1964, when 42% of Americans smoked , the surgeon general's landmark report concluded that smoking was a habit, not an addiction . While the report considered nicotine's pharmacological properties important, it also framed smoking as the product of psychological drives and social context rather than cigarette pharmacology . To some authors of the report, designating smoking as addictive was incongruent with their view of cigarettes' role in society. The industry may have further strengthened this perception via an esteemed pharmacologist on the Surgeon General's Advisory Committee, who maintained undisclosed ties to the tobacco industry  and who convinced the committee that the report should employ the World Health Organization's 1957 definitions of "habituation" and "addiction," which classified nicotine use as a habit .
Through the 1970s and 1980s, mounting scientific evidence and effective media campaigns triggered a large decline in smoking . The resultant shift in the status of smoking—from mainstream to marginalized—corresponded with an emerging understanding of nicotine as an addictive drug . Instead of attributing addiction to the user's psychology or social context, public health professionals began viewing addiction as a consequence chiefly of nicotine's pharmacology . In this framework, the US surgeon general designated nicotine as addictive in 1988 .
Throughout the 1990s, scientific and popular understanding of nicotine's addictiveness triggered watershed litigation against the tobacco industry [5, 8]. Internal industry documents and whistle-blower testimony detailed the tobacco companies' manipulation of nicotine levels, which indicated that the industry considered nicotine an addictive drug . This knowledge motivated the US Food and Drug Administration's (FDA's) unsuccessful attempt to regulate cigarettes as drug delivery devices and nicotine as a drug in 1996 .
Despite the key role of nicotine in smoking, most addiction researchers and treatment professionals today also designate nonpharmacological stimuli as at least as important as nicotine's pharmacology [18–22]. The limited efficacy of nicotine replacement therapy (NRT) has shown that smoking is more than a problem of nicotine administration [23–25]. "Cue reactivity" research demonstrates that social and environmental cues associated with smoking—e.g., seeing an advertisement [26–29], seeing an ashtray, drinking a beer, spending time with smoking friends—produce physiological and psychological changes in the user that can trigger substance use  and maintain nicotine-seeking behavior, without the administration of nicotine [31–34]. Environmental stimuli associated with smoking can elicit cravings [35, 36], just as stimuli associated with quitting smoking can reinforce cessation behavior [37, 38].
Given the strength of these social and environmental factors, tobacco addiction is best understood not as solely a "brain disease" , in which users' physiological dependence renders pharmacotherapy necessary for quitting, but as a "biopsychosocial" disorder , in which the user's biology (e.g., dopaminergic pathways, brain circuitry), psychology (e.g., coping mechanisms, identity formation), sociology (e.g., relationships, socioeconomic standing), and environment (e.g., access to cigarettes, exposure to advertisements and cues) all interact and overlap with one another and with nicotine's pharmacology in complex, varying, and mutable ways to determine the user's smoking addiction and cessation prospects .
While addiction research continues to uncover how these components interact, little is known about how tobacco companies internally viewed addiction after the 1998 Master Settlement Agreement (MSA). As tobacco industry research on tobacco has historically been decades ahead of independent science, critically examining industry discussion regarding addiction may provide important context for new tobacco product regulation.
Public health professionals' and policy makers' understanding of addiction has historically informed subsequent healthcare practice and policy. Through most of the 1970s, scientists considered smoking a problem of individual willpower, and cessation interventions were consequently limited to psychological interventions . In the early 1980s, however, NRT displayed early promise in clinical trials in assisting cessation [42, 43], leading to interventions targeting nicotine's pharmacology. The decline of smoking rates in the face of limited real-world NRT success , however, suggested that those social and environmental interventions also introduced in the 1980s (e.g. high taxes, smoke-free restrictions, advertising restrictions) also worked to lessen addiction's tenacity among smokers [44, 45]. While public health professionals agree that combining NRT, behavioral counseling and environmental interventions effectively diminish use , opinion is divided as to the role new potentially reduced harm products should play in combatting cigarette use and nicotine addiction . This article analyzes Philip Morris's (PM's) internal understanding of addiction immediately before and after publicly admitting nicotine's addictiveness.
This study is based on qualitative analysis of previously secret internal tobacco industry documents available through the Truth (formerly Legacy) Tobacco Industry Document Library (https://industrydocuments.library.ucsf.edu/tobacco/). Documents were retrieved between December 2016 and April 2018. These searches combined traditional qualitative methods of textual analysis with iterative search strategies, analyzing documents chiefly on the basis of relevance to the research question and novelty of information. We excluded documents irrelevant to the analysis on grounds of repeated information, or unverifiable content without supporting documentation.
To assess the internal consistency of documents, we reviewed and organized documents thematically and chronologically to create a time line of events and pertinent changes in PM's position on addiction and the role of nicotine therein. When document content was ambiguous, we conducted targeted searches based on personnel, project titles, or key words mentioned in that document to further clarify document authorship, content, and/or significance. Per standard archival research methodologies [47, 48], all authors read and reread documents to interpolate meaning and situate the importance within the context of other collected documents.
JE and YH conducted initial broad key word searches, which included "nicotine addiction," "addiction position," and "addiction model," all of which yielded more than 40,000 results. While we initially reviewed documents from other companies, especially R.J. Reynolds, we narrowed our search after a month to focus on PM after identifying PM's (now Altria and Philip Morris International [PMI]) vanguard shift from denying to embracing nicotine's addictiveness. Having limited searches to the PM archive, we conducted the same key word searches, which yielded approximately 11,000 results.
After all authors had discussed documents for the initial search period, JE and YH identified a decisive break in PM's position on addiction following the introduction of MSA litigation. Consequently, we confined our subsequent searches to the two bifurcated eras: 1988–1998 (from the year of the surgeon general's report on nicotine to the year of the MSA) and from 1998 to the present. Based on our initial search queries, we employed standard snowball sampling techniques [49–51], refining subsequent searches and employing additional Boolean operators in addition to year and publication type filters. While searches in the pre-MSA era yielded several thousand results, several dozen key documents, combined with journalistic coverage of the period, presented a cohesive and in-depth view of PM's private and public positions.
Further searches focused on PM's "consensus groups," which previously collected documents indicated as the locus of PM's discussions on nicotine addiction and addiction more broadly. Targeted subsequent searches on the PM "Addiction Consensus Group" yielded approximately 700 documents, which discussed the deliberations and findings of three successive groups. We also searched for background information on group members; consensus group report drafts, presentations, and communications; company directives and planning documents; annual company reports; and independent literature cited within internal reports.
We examined documents with adjacent reference (Bates) numbers and dates until we reached saturation, wherein additional searches uncovered only previously seen documents or duplicates of said documents. In excluding duplicates of documents, documents that repeated already ascertained information, documents that either contained irrelevant information or that were unverifiable "restricted documents,"—those protected on grounds of lawyer–client privilege or trade secrets—our iterative process ultimately generated 153 documents on which we based our final analysis.
To further contextualize and verify that the company acted on the information found in the documents, we triangulated this archival research with outside sources to verify and expand our understanding of document contents. Such sources included independent scientific literature, online news engines (e.g., Google News, Lexus Nexus, Access World News), and Altria's and PMI's current public statements on addiction and nicotine, made both in presentations by company officials and in statements found on the two companies' websites (www.altria.com and www.pmi.com). This paper organizes these internal documents and external publications and communications chronologically up to the present day.
Alongside other major tobacco companies, PM long publicly denied the addictiveness of smoking and nicotine. In 1994, PM claimed to the American Drug Abuse Advisory Committee that because the scientific community lacked a consensus on the definition of addiction, a substance's addictiveness was far more a matter of opinion than verifiable scientific fact . Drawing on more traditional criteria, which judged a substance addictive only if it caused intoxication, dependence (i.e., withdrawal), and tolerance, PM argued that because smoking does not intoxicate, neither smoking nor nicotine should be considered addictive .
A 1995 internal slide deck with handwritten revisions entitled "Addiction" shows internal skepticism on the part of PM scientists that nicotine was the exclusive driver of addiction , as the FDA had begun arguing. This document, later recycled in a 2000 presentation on addiction , claims that "nicotine is but one of the determinants of smoking behavior," with biological, psychological, and sociological factors also playing major roles . Consequently, quitting smoking was "not simply a matter of replacing the nicotine" . In an internal 1996 document entitled "Statement of Position," PM noted both the failure of NRT to adequately replace nicotine from cigarettes, as well as the growing number of "chippers" (i.e., social smokers), who consistently smoked but never became addicted . This led the company to internally conclude that "classifying nicotine as addicting may be good public health—[in that it would discourage potential smokers from starting, and give current smokers helpful tools for quitting]—but it does not appear to be good science" . PM later expanded on this position. An internal presentation first circulated in 1997 entitled "Cigarette Smoking & Causation, ETS and 'Addiction'—The Facts and Positions"  was later expanded  and circulated among PM senior counsel . Here, PM reaffirmed that the "nicotine addiction hypothesis [i.e., the idea that people smoke exclusively for the nicotine] is much too simple to explain this complex behavior in which nicotine plays a significant, but not exclusive role" .
Through the 1980s, tobacco companies routinely denied nicotine addiction; as a Tobacco Institute internal memo noted, the claim of nicotine addiction was "the most potent weapon a prosecuting attorney can have," emphasizing that tobacco companies "can't defend smoking as 'free choice' if the person was 'addicted'" . In the late-1990s, however, unprecedented legal losses and plummeting public opinion prompted a change of tactics [17, 60]. In an October 1997 presentation to the US Senate Judiciary Committee, PM conceded that nicotine had "mild pharmacological effects, and that, under some definitions cigarette smoking is 'addictive'", while nonetheless insisting that any definition of addiction must include "historically accepted and objective criteria such as intoxication and physical withdrawal" . Despite its public scientific disagreement with the public health establishment, PM nonetheless pledged to "refrain from debating the issue" outside of litigation so as to "ensure that there is a single, consistent public health message on the issue of addiction".
In 1998, 46 states signed the MSA with PM and the three other major tobacco companies, requiring the industry to pay states US$206 billion over 25 years . Following this reprimand, the largest payment to the public of any industry in history, PM leadership viewed admitting smoking's addictiveness as beneficial for two reasons. First, executives hoped the settlement would protect the company against future, costly suits from smokers seeking compensation . If PM could claim it had informed smokers of tobacco's hazards and addictiveness, the company was less likely to be held liable for damages. Second, admitting nicotine's addictiveness bolstered PM's legal defense ahead of the US government's lawsuit against tobacco manufacturers for deceptive practices under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act. In 1999, several weeks after the US attorney general filed the RICO suit , PM updated its website to state that the evidence base overwhelmingly indicated that "cigarette smoking is addictive, as that term is most commonly used today" . Charged, among other counts, with misrepresenting the addictiveness of nicotine, PM argued in court that a finding of liability was only possible under the RICO act if past fraud would likely continue. Because its new website provided some information on the dangers of smoking and nicotine's addictiveness, PM argued there could be no such future fraud . In 2000, criticism drove PM to further clarify that the company itself agreed with the evidence base designating smoking and nicotine as addictive .
While R.J. Reynolds, PM's biggest US competitor, continued to group nicotine with caffeine and chocolate rather than heroin and cocaine , PM grasped the business implications of accepting nicotine as addictive. PM's admission of nicotine's addictiveness represented an early component in the company's strategy of "societal alignment"—appearing responsible to the public in order to rehabilitate the company's beleaguered public image, stock value, and social influence, and as protection from future lawsuits [64, 65]. To this end, PM spent US$250 million in advertising in an attempt to improve its name and reputation . In November 2001, as part of this rebranding, the company announced that it would change its name from Philip Morris to Altria.
In 2001, the Institute of Medicine's (IoM, now the National Academy of Medicine) conditionally endorsed tobacco harm reduction . Altria viewed this endorsement—the first by a major public health institution—as a means to both improve its image and bolster falling profits : the company would deepen its investment in reduced-risk products of the sort the report solicited. Two PM addiction researchers, Bruce Davies and Richard Carchman, presented findings to the IoM during the group's deliberations, in which they argued that different tobacco products should be regulated differently, according to relative harm . Given the unpopularity of potentially reduced exposure products (PREPs) on the market at the time of its release, the report did not initially resonate with the broader public health community. Following the success of electronic cigarettes, however, the IoM report came to inform the industry's messaging around its alternative nicotine products and embrace of tobacco harm reduction .
Having affirmed nicotine's addictiveness, PM justified expanding its product portfolio in subsequent annual reports to market products claimed to be safer to smokers who could not or would not quit [68, 71]. Altria framed new products as both capable of "reduc[ing] the harm caused by smoking" and as central to the company's "ability to accelerate growth in the future" . In 2006, the US federal court legally barred tobacco companies from ever again denying nicotine's addictiveness , thereby further pushing PM to pursue reduced harm products.
Despite popular consensus that nicotine, by itself, is an addictive substance, PM's internal understanding of addiction exhibits a much more complex understanding. Addiction research was reviewed internally by PM's "Addiction Consensus Group," first formed in 2000, the "Nicotine Addiction Consensus Group" in 2004, and the "Determinants of Smoking Exposure Consensus Group" in 2005. While each consensus group's conclusions differed slightly, each group conceptualized addiction as complex and multifaceted, even after physiological dependence set in.
The "Addiction Consensus Group," first convened in February 2000, sought to better understand why smokers initiated, continued, and ceased smoking . The group was made up of PM pharmacologists and psychologists. The group's objectives were to clarify.
1.) Current scientific understanding of addiction among PM scientists 2.) How nicotine and/or smoking fit into this understanding 3.) The extent to which nicotine determines smoke exposure and 4.) Thereby to contribute to potential product modifications by the 3rd quarter of 2000 .
Following a multidisciplinary literature review, the group characterized addiction as "essentially a multidimensional question" and smoking as a "complex, highly interactive behavior involving psychosocial, sensory and pharmacological elements" .
It appears from deliberations that the group considered the term "addiction" to reduce smoking to a crude phenomenon, wherein exposure to a drug automatically provoked biological responses from the user. Because smoking was instead a "complex, highly interactive behavior" involving diverse sciences, the group preferred the term "smoking behavior" . The group reported that nicotine acted "peripherally as well as centrally" but that it was "not the sole determinant of smoking behavior" . The group concluded that while "some people may smoke for central effects of nicotine…scientific evidence for this notion is not compelling" . Other tobacco smoke chemicals' modulation of the effects of nicotine and "multiple psychological and sociological behaviors" also determined smoking behavior .
In addition to nicotine's pharmacological components (e.g., reinforcing effects, biochemical changes in the brain, withdrawal), the user's psychology (e.g., stress management skills), sociology (e.g., peer group, socioeconomic and educational levels), and developmental aspects (e.g., whether the smoker was initiating use, maintaining use, quitting, or relapsing) were all equally important in explaining smoking behavior (Fig 1) . This is consistent with epidemiological literature . The group also professed a need for deeper research in each area—always with the aim of developing products "physically and sensorially acceptable to adult smokers"  that could "provide reduced risk to smokers, as discussed in the recent IOM report" .
Fig 1. From the "Addiction Consensus Group's" final report .
After a year and a half of deliberation, PM scientists concluded that smokers did not smoke exclusively for nicotine. Rather, addiction was the product of the complicated interactions and reinforcing effects of nicotine's pharmacology in combination with the user's psychology, sociology, and the user's developmental stage of smoking (i.e., initiation, maintenance, cessation, or relapse). PM, Philip Morris.
The "Addiction Consensus Group" proposed obtaining data on "chippers" so as to better understand how the pharmacological, developmental, sociological, and psychological components of addiction interacted to determine smoking behavior . Public health defines "chippers"—which PM has also referred to as social smokers—as nondaily smokers who smoke five or fewer cigarettes per day, at least four days per week, for at least two years, without developing physiological dependence . Because chippers start and quit smoking at will despite prolonged exposure to nicotine, understanding chipper smoking motivations promised to reveal "the underlying behavioral and non-behavioral mechanisms [of smoking]…[which could] serve as a model for reduction of the number of smoked cigarettes in non-chippers and by that reduce harm in the population" .
PM scientists took up this call in a literature review later modified and published as a 2009 article in the journal Psychopharmacology . The paper's authors, all PM scientists, including addiction consensus group member Richard Carchman, estimated that as many as 25% of all smokers were chippers. Among certain groups—such as Latinos in California—chippers constituted as many as 70% of smokers . Citing independent research showing that only half of current smokers met the accepted criteria for addiction under guidelines established by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, the PM authors argued that repeated cigarette smoking may not necessarily lead to nicotine dependence . Instead, chippers demonstrated that large portions of the population do not smoke for nicotine acquisition but for nonpharmacological reasons. The PM scientists cited one study which framed the "much-debated harm reduction approach…[as] quite inappropriate for this group," suggesting that social norm change would more effectively attenuate use . The PM report concluded that a significant proportion of chippers used to be regular smokers, indicating "a dynamic process between daily smoking and chipping" . The authors later encouraged PM to further explore the "business implications" of this finding .
In February 2004, PM began an initiative entitled "determinants of exposure." As part of this multicomponent project, PM formed the "nicotine addiction consensus group" to determine if nicotine, by itself, was addictive . This five-person group included two former "addiction consensus group" members. Early in its deliberations, the group framed addiction as a "behavioral [i.e. psychological] phenomenon" , situating addiction on a spectrum rather than existing dichotomously . Psychosocial, sensory, and pharmacological variables all contributed to the smoker's repetition and, in some cases, loss of control. Nonetheless, given science's ever-changing understanding of addiction, PM understood its conceptualization of addiction as "a moving target," to be updated as the evidence base developed .
In the group's concluding 2005 presentation delivered to PM's senior team , the "nicotine addiction consensus group" concluded that "nicotine per se should have substance dependence potential…[for] between 2–50 percent in that portion of the population using nicotine (i.e. smokers, NRT users)" . Put differently, the consensus group concluded that nicotine was not the most salient aspect driving compulsive use for 50%–98% of tobacco users.
The group also reaffirmed the conclusion of the first addiction consensus group, that smoking is a "complex, highly interactive behavior involving psychosocial, sensory, and pharmacological elements" , and agreed with the "overwhelming conclusion of the medical and scientific consensus that smoking is addictive" , even if their investigation found that nicotine played a much smaller role in addiction than was popularly believed . Like the previous consensus group, the group foresaw applying these findings to develop PREPs and other "enjoyment products" .
In 2005, a senior PM research scientist, Candace Adams, presented a "Proposed Model of Adult Smoking Determinants," framing smoking as a "multi-dimensional, multi-faceted, highly interactive phenomenon involving psychosocial, sensory and pharmacological factors" . Adams also argued that current addiction research focused on "the pharmacological factor at the expense of other factors," and neglected the "complex nature of adult smoking [and] inter- and intra-individual variation" . Adams' new model, however, conceived of addiction as the interaction between psychosocial, pharmacological, and sensorial factors .
A third consensus group, including two addiction consensus members along with three other scientists, later expanded on this work and examined smoking's "determinants of exposure" . Through the "determinants of exposure consensus group," PM hoped to identify which "components of the smoking experience…might impact a smoker's exposure to cigarette smoke constituents" . The research group closely linked smoking behavior and, by implication, addiction to smoke exposure, stating that determining which compounds in smoke "influence smoking behavior and thus exposure" could facilitate the development of reduced harm products .
The group's concluding report presented a new model clarifying how smoking behavior and addiction determined exposure to tobacco smoke . Here, the stimuli motivating use (stimuli designated as "product," "person," and "environment") all interacted to determine the response (i.e., exposure to cigarette toxicants), which in turn influenced the stimuli. Each stimulus and the response itself comprised individual mediating characteristics: "sensation," "perception," "genetics," and "behavior," which influenced their encompassing characteristic (Fig 2). While it is unclear what the group precisely meant by each of these mediating characteristics, the model nonetheless diagrams smoking behavior (the determinant of exposure to smoke) as a complex, multicomponent phenomenon.
Fig 2. Philip Morris's 2005 "Determinants of Exposure Consensus Group" diagrams their addiction model in two ways .
Left: Stimuli interact to determine response, which then interacts with stimuli. Product: design, physiochemical properties (i.e., nicotine, compounds other than nicotine), and sensorially active compounds. Environment: regulations, costs, social context, information, and culture. Person: genetics, gender, sensory receptors, perception, behavior/personality, socioeconomic status, health status, and neurochemistry. Exposure: disease, risk, and positive/desired results. Right: within each stimulus/response, A, B, C, D, and E interact with each other, affecting the larger component. A, Sensation; B, Perception; C, Genetics; D, Behavior; E, Exposure.
The authors also wrote that environmental factors—such as costs, smoking restrictions, and anti-smoking advertising—helped explain California's lower smoking prevalence compared to other states, and that "antismoking activities may, in part, be responsible for the dramatic increase in 'chippers'" . These conclusions implied that by changing smokers' environment, California had changed smokers' behavior, reducing the tenacity of addiction in the smoking population . In this model, PM noted the role of nicotine on addiction, while unwittingly indicating the company's own role in addicting smokers through their determinative role in shaping both the product and the environment, chiefly through efforts to influence aforementioned regulations , costs , social contexts , information , and culture  to their advantage.
In 2008, Altria spun off PMI as its international company, although the companies continue to share personnel and product development . In contrast to PM's earlier findings, both companies have embraced the notion of nicotine's addictiveness to develop future business opportunities, framing nicotine as so addictive that public health institutions must offer reduced harm products for those smokers who cannot or will not quit . In 2016, PMI's Director of Scientific Engagement stated that "because there are more than a billion smokers worldwide," PMI must deliver "a variety of different… 'smoking experiences' so that smokers [who do not quit] can find something that they can switch to that suits their needs and preferences" . In 2017, PMI's website stated that "only when a large number of…smokers switch from cigarettes to better products" would a "significant public health benefit" occur .
PM and other tobacco companies long publicly denied nicotine's addictiveness, largely on the grounds that public health institutions employed contrastive definitions of addiction. To improve the company's image following the MSA and to guard against an adverse RICO ruling, however, PM became the first tobacco company to publicly admit that nicotine was addictive. This admission aligned with public health's perception of nicotine as the principal driver of cigarette use. In comparing PM's public and internal framings of addiction, however, one finds a discrepancy: from the mid-1990s through at least 2006, PM internally understood addiction as the sum of complex interactions between nicotine's pharmacology and the user's biology, psychology, social milieu, and environment.
Today, Altria and PMI publicly portray tobacco product substitution alone as a sufficient public health intervention. This analysis of internal documents suggests, however, that such a policy is likely inadequate so long as other social and environmental tobacco-related cues, (e.g., public smoking and tobacco advertising) remain in place. The excluded element in PM's internal analyses, implicit in PM's own understanding of the social and environmental determinants of addiction, is the tobacco industry itself: the vector of tobacco addiction that foments and maintains addiction not just through its provision and manipulation of nicotine but through its active influence on smokers' psychology, social milieu, and environment.
Despite PM's apparent change-of-heart, this analysis suggests that the company's current public framing of addiction is—at least as of 2006—as opportunistic as its initial denial of nicotine's addictiveness. In reducing addiction treatment to exchanging "dirty" nicotine (i.e., from a cigarette) with "clean" (i.e., noncombustible), PMI obviates the need for comprehensive public health interventions in favor of increasing the number of "choices" available to individuals, thereby replacing the known harm of cigarettes with the unknown harms of new nicotine products. This emphasis on improved nicotine administration aligns with the brain disease model of addiction, which holds that because repeated exposure to a substance induces physiological changes in the user, most users will require pharmacotherapy to quit . Most major funding bodies and many public health advocates subscribe to this view [101, 102]. This model is an important and welcome departure from past models that blamed smokers for lacking moral fiber or willpower necessary to quit. The biopsychosocial model, however, similarly exonerates smokers of blame for their addiction, albeit on a different basis: instead of attributing dependence solely to nicotine's pharmacology, the model encourages public health to recognize those psychological, social, and environmental cues that also drive addiction, which pharmacotherapy cannot address and which industry efforts reinforce. The evidence base to date and PM's internal understanding of addiction suggest the biopsychosocial framework more accurately represents addiction and is more likely to generate policy that improves health outcomes.
The fragmented and disorganized nature of the tobacco industry documents archive means we may have missed documents relevant to our analysis. Relevant information may also be present within the archive's many restricted documents, all of which are inaccessible on the grounds that information therein constitutes privileged legal communications. Tobacco companies often use this designation to avoid making internal documents public [103, 104]. Another weakness of the archive is that documents are not up to date—we found documents detailing comprehensive company efforts to understand addiction only until 2006. PM companies (now Altria and PMI) may have changed their internal stance on addiction since then. Nonetheless, we believe this is unlikely: PM scientists consistently understood addiction as a multifactorial phenomenon, in which nonpharmacological components are at least as important as nicotine in driving use. This is a novel discovery that leverages the unique insights of private company documents.
By publicly emphasizing nicotine's innately addictive pharmacology, tobacco companies shift policy focus away from proven social and environmental interventions and toward the adoption of the industry's new nicotine products [98, 105]. Because, however, nicotine is understood as but one factor driving addiction, policy makers should continue promoting effective nonpharmacological interventions. When social and environmental regulations are strong—e.g., when advertising is banned, plain packaging or graphic warning labels instituted, tobacco taxes high, smoke-free restrictions widespread, and effective tobacco control media campaigns far-reaching—addiction's tenacity diminishes and smoking prevalence declines . Understandably, then, Altria and PMI's public communications continuously seek to shift popular understandings of addiction away from its social and environmental determinants (which, if addressed, threaten company profit) toward a simplistic problem of nicotine administration (which stands to protect profit) [98, 105].
Altria and PMI have actively sought government certification of their products as acceptable long-term nicotine maintenance products [107–109]. Additionally, in 2017, PMI announced the establishment of a US$1 billion foundation dedicated to partnering with public health and promoting PMI's portfolio of reduced harm products . Public health professionals have argued that if PMI was sincerely interested reducing tobacco-related harm, the company would cease sale of cigarettes or, at a minimum, cease actively undermining the World Health Organization's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) [110, 111].
In July 2017, the FDA began contemplating lowering the nicotine content in cigarettes to below addictive levels and simultaneously making noncombustible sources of nicotine more widely available . While nicotine reductions would greatly help those smokers with strong physiological dependence on nicotine, PM's own research shows that interventions must simultaneously address the industry-driven nonpharmacological stimuli driving addiction and use. As long as these nonpharmacological drivers remain in place, many smokers are likely to continue using cigarettes despite the availability of reduced harm products.
To comprehensively address addiction, public health practitioners must not let the industry reduce addiction to a problem of nicotine administration, best treated with policy that broadens choice for reduced-risk products and/or pharmacotherapies . Given the lack of long-term data on new potentially reduced harm products' safety, population health effects, and cessation efficacy [46, 114, 115], as well as the industry's track record of using partnerships and "safer" products to increase profits rather than genuinely improve public health , governments should heed the FCTC, which forbids signatories from any collaboration with the industry [116, 117].
Our analysis suggests that PM's (now Altria's and PMI's) shift from denying to embracing nicotine's addictiveness is an opportunistic attempt to maintain future profit and capitalize on tobacco harm reduction. As PM's internal research indicates, positive health outcomes are more likely to be achieved by complementing NRT and behavioral counseling with ever-stronger environmental interventions addressing the psychological, social, and environmental components of addiction. To date, these broader policies have prevented and treated addiction and disease more effectively than individualized solutions, including pharmacotherapy [13, 24, 25, 40]. Such interventions are especially important given smoking's increasing concentration among the most marginalized members of society, who are least likely to have access to pharmacotherapy, potentially reduced harm products, or effective cessation assistance services [118–120]. A biopsychosocial model recognizing the broader, industry-driven determinants of tobacco use is more likely to support a comprehensive approach to address tobacco disparities.
The authors wish to thank Drs. Yvette van der Eijk and Johannes Thrul for helpful comments on the manuscript.
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6. Room R. The Cultural Framing of Addiction. Janus Head.6(2):221–34.
8. Brandt A. The cigarette century: the rise, fall, and deadly persistence of the product that defined America: Basic books; 2009.
9. Proctor RN. Golden Holocaust: Origins of the Cigarette Catastrophe and the Case for Abolition: UC Press; 2012.
10. US Surgeon General, editor The health consequences of smoking—50 years of progress: a report of the surgeon general. US Department of Health and Human Services; 2014.
11. US Surgeon General. Report of the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon General of the Public Health Service. US Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Public Health Service Publication. 1964(1103).
12. Kluger R. Ashes to Ashes. America's Hundred-Year Cigarette War, the Public Health, and the Unabashed Triumph of Philip Morris. New York: Knopf; 1996.
14. Berridge V. Marketing health: smoking and the discourse of public health in Britain, 1945–2000: Oxford University Press on Demand; 2007.
16. US Surgeon General. The health and consequences of smoking. Nicotine addiction: a report of the Surgeon General. 1988.
17. Kessler D. A question of intent: A great American battle with a deadly industry: PublicAffairs; 2002.
18. Gilbert DG. Smoking: individual difference, psychopathology, and emotion: Taylor & Francis; 1995.
20. Brook JS, Brook DW, Zhang C. Psychosocial predictors of nicotine dependence in Black and Puerto Rican adults: a longitudinal study. Nicotine & tobacco research: official journal of the Society for Research on Nicotine and Tobacco. 2008;10(6):959–67.
22. Tidey JW, Miller ME. Smoking cessation and reduction in people with chronic mental illness. BMJ (Clinical research ed). 2015;351:h4065.
23. Apollonio D, Glantz SA. Tobacco Industry Research on Nicotine Replacement Therapy:"If Anyone Is Going to Take Away Our Business It Should Be Us". American Journal of Public Health. 2017(0):e1–e7.
24. Leas EC, Pierce JP, Benmarhnia T, White MM, Noble ML, Trinidad DR, et al. Effectiveness of Pharmaceutical Smoking Cessation Aids in a Nationally Representative Cohort of American Smokers. JNCI: Journal of the National Cancer Institute. 2017:djx240-djx.
29. King AC, Smith LJ, McNamara PJ, Cao D. Second generation electronic nicotine delivery system vape pen exposure generalizes as a smoking cue. Nicotine & Tobacco Research. 2017:ntw327.
30. Miller PM. Principles of addiction: comprehensive addictive behaviors and disorders: Academic Press; 2013.
31. Caggiula AR, Donny EC, White AR, Chaudhri N, Booth S, Gharib MA, et al. Cue dependency of nicotine self-administration and smoking. Pharmacology Biochemistry and Behavior. 2001;70(4):515–30.
33. Di Chiara G. Behavioural pharmacology and neurobiology of nicotine reward and dependence. Neuronal Nicotinic Receptors: Springer; 2000. p. 603–750.
34. Balfour DJ, Wright AE, Benwell ME, Birrell CE. The putative role of extra-synaptic mesolimbic dopamine in the neurobiology of nicotine dependence. Behavioural brain research. 2000;113(1):73–83.
37. Ferguson SG, Frandsen M, Dunbar MS, Shiffman S. Gender and stimulus control of smoking behavior. Nicotine & tobacco research: official journal of the Society for Research on Nicotine and Tobacco. 2015;17(4):431–7.
41. Carter A, Hall W. Addiction neuroethics: The promises and perils of neuroscience research on addiction: Cambridge University Press; 2011.
44. Kulik MC, Glantz SA. The smoking population in the USA and EU is softening not hardening. Tobacco control. 2015:tobaccocontrol-2015-052329.
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47. Hill MR. Archival strategies and techniques: Sage Publications; 1993.
48. Cassell C. Qualitative methods in organizational research: A practical guide: Sage Publications Ltd; 1994.
52. Philip Morris. Addiction Concsenus Group Report. August 14 2000. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/ppjv0056. [Accessed 2017 May 03].
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54. Philip Morris. Addiction. July 2000. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/tppc0053. [Accessed 2018 April 16].
55. Philip Morris. Statement of Position. November 05 1996. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/nrgj0008. [Accessed 2017 April 25].
56. Philip Morris. Cigarette Smoking & Causation, ETS and "Addiction" the Facts and Positions. October 02 1997. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/kzcc0096. [Accessed 2017 April 25].
57. Philip Morris. Cigarette Smoking & Causation, ETS and Addiction: the Facts and Positions. October 02 1997. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/tnyj0150. [Accessed 2018 April 18].
58. Philip Morris Worldwide Scientific Affairs, Ellis C. Presentation on Positions. May 10 1999. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/snyj0150. [Accessed 2017 November 03].
59. Knopick P. Memo from Knopick to Kloapfer regarding technical review of conference. September 09 1980. British American Tobacco Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/pkwc0205. [Accessed 2017 October 17].
63. RJ Reynolds. Addiction. September 07 1999. RJ Reynolds Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/glfp0221. [Accessed 2017 October 30].
67. Bondurant S, Wallace R, Shetty P, Stratton K. Clearing the smoke: assessing the science base for tobacco harm reduction: National Academies Press; 2001.
68. Philip Morris. Communication on Harm Reduction. March 15 2007. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/qzdb0219. [Accessed 2017 August 21].
70. Peeters S, Gilmore AB. Understanding the emergence of the tobacco industry's use of the term tobacco harm reduction in order to inform public health policy. Tobacco control. 2014:tobaccocontrol-2013-051502.
71. Altria. 2002 Annual Report. March 07 2002. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/pjhj0223. [Accessed 2017 October 02].
72. Altria. 2006 Annual Report. 2006. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/tzmw0189. [Accessed 2017 October 02].
73. U.S. v. Philip Morris Final Opinion, (2006). Civil Action No 99–2496 (GK). Washington, DC.
74. Takada K. Scientific Consensus—Addiction Objectives. July 27 2001. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/nmmy0218. [Accessed 2017 April 28].
75. Takada K. Scientific Consensus—Addiction. July 14 2000. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/fpyc0053. [Accessed 2017 June 20].
77. Philip Morris. WSA Project Review: Smoke Exposure/Reduced Exposure Product Appeal. February 08 2002. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/mjyv0218. [Accessed 2017 April 17].
78. Philip Morris. Addiction Consensus Group Final Presentation. October 10 2002. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/qrwy0183. [Accessed 2017 November 03].
80. Kobal G. Chippers—Characterization, Drivers and Exposure. May 12 2004. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/nllp0150. [Accessed 2017 August 03].
82. Coggins M, Carchman, and Heidbreder. A Review of the Literature on Non-Daily Cigarette Smokers. December 10 2008. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/ksdh0219. [Accessed 2017 August 03].
83. Zhu SH, Pulvers K, Zhuang Y, Báezconde‐Garbanati L. Most Latino smokers in California are low‐frequency smokers. Addiction. 2007;102(s2):104–11.
84. Heidbreder C. Chippers Review. February 11 2010. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/gzvg0151. [Accessed 2018 April 16].
85. Livermore A. Nicotine and Addiction Consensus Group Meeting. October 25 2005. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/ptgh0151. [Accessed 2017 July 11].
86. Koller D, Lewis JY. E-mail re: Nicotine Addiction Consensus February 16 2005. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/zlwv0151. [Accessed 2017 October 30].
87. Philip Morris. Nicotine Addiction Consensus Group Presentation. February 16 2005. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/qgjf0218. [Accessed 2017 May 03].
88. Adams C. Model of Smoking Behavior. January 07 2005. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/xyvf0150. [Accessed 2017 September 26].
89. Davies BD. Fw: Notes from 11/11/05 Determinants of Smoke Exposure Consensus Group. November 17 2005. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/zkjf0151. [Accessed 2017 September 26].
90. Philip Morris. Determinants of Smoke Exposure Consensus Group Presentation. October 24 2006. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/mrbm0219. [Accessed 2017 August 03].
91. Philip Morris. Determinants of Smoking Exposure Consensus Group Presentation. November 14 2005. Philip Morris Records. https://www.industrydocumentslibrary.ucsf.edu/tobacco/docs/qfyl0219. [Accessed 2017 July 28].
94. Fichtenberg CM, Glantz SA. Effect of smoke-free workplaces on smoking behaviour: systematic review. BMJ (Clinical research ed). 2002;325(7357):188.
97. Convenience Store News. Altria, PMI Expand Alternative Tobacco Pact 2015 [Accessed 18 April 2018]. Available from: https://csnews.com/altria-pmi-expand-alternative-tobacco-pact.
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100. Philip Morris International. Harm Reduction Equation 2017 [Accessed October 2, 2017]. Available from: https://www.pmi.com/glossary-section/glossary/harm-reduction-equation.
102. National Institutes of H. NIH Fact Sheets—Drug Abuse and Addiction. 2018.
103. LeGresley EM, Muggli ME, Hurt RD. Playing hide-and-seek with the tobacco industry. Nicotine & tobacco research. 2005;7(1):27–40.
104. LeGresley E, Lee K. Analysis of British American Tobacco's questionable use of privilege and protected document claims at the Guildford Depository. Tobacco control. 2016:tobaccocontrol-2016-052955.
105. Yach D. Foundation for a smoke-free world. The Lancet. 2017;390(10104):1807–10.
109. Philip Morris International. Summary of Modified Risk Tobacco Product Application Submitted to U.S. FDA on December 5, 2016 2017 [Accessed August 1, 2017]. Available from: http://pmiscienceusa.com/wp-content/uploads/Brief-Summary-of-PMIs-MRTP-Application-May-2017.pdf.
110. Daube M, Moodie R, McKee M. Towards a smoke-free world? Philip Morris International's new Foundation is not credible. The Lancet. 2017;390(10104):1722–4.
112. Benowitz NL. Comprehensive Nicotine Regulation to End the Combustible Tobacco EpidemicComprehensive Nicotine Regulation to End the Combustible Tobacco Epidemic. Annals of Internal Medicine. 2017.
113. Hastings G. The marketing matrix: How the corporation gets its power–and how we can reclaim it: Routledge; 2013.
116. Malone RE, Bialous SA. WHO FCTC article 5.3: promise but little progress. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd; 2014.
117. World Health Organization. Guidelines For Implementation of Article 5.3 of the WHO FCTC. 2008.
118. Douglas L, Szatkowski L. Socioeconomic variations in access to smoking cessation interventions in UK primary care: insights using the Mosaic classification in a large dataset of primary care records. BMC public health. 2013;13(1):546.
Is the Subject Area "Nicotine addiction" applicable to this article?


text:
from conans.model import Generator
from conans.paths import BUILD_INFO_QMAKE

class DepsCppQmake(object):
    def __init__(self, cpp_info):

        def multiline(field):
            return " \\\n    ".join('"%s"' % p.replace("\\", "/") for p in field)

        self.include_paths = multiline(cpp_info.include_paths)
        self.lib_paths = " \\\n    ".join('-L"%s"' % p.replace("\\", "/")
                                          for p in cpp_info.lib_paths)
        self.bin_paths = multiline(cpp_info.bin_paths)
        self.res_paths = multiline(cpp_info.res_paths)
        self.build_paths = multiline(cpp_info.build_paths)

        self.libs = " ".join('-l%s' % l for l in cpp_info.libs)
        self.defines = " \\\n    ".join('"%s"' % d for d in cpp_info.defines)
        self.cppflags = " ".join(cpp_info.cppflags)
        self.cflags = " ".join(cpp_info.cflags)
        self.sharedlinkflags = " ".join(cpp_info.sharedlinkflags)
        self.exelinkflags = " ".join(cpp_info.exelinkflags)

        self.rootpath = '%s' % cpp_info.rootpath.replace("\\", "/")

class QmakeGenerator(Generator):
    @property
    def filename(self):
        return BUILD_INFO_QMAKE

    @property
    def content(self):
        deps = DepsCppQmake(self.deps_build_info)

        template = ('CONAN_INCLUDEPATH{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.include_paths}\n'
                    'CONAN_LIBS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.libs}\n'
                    'CONAN_LIBDIRS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.lib_paths}\n'
                    'CONAN_BINDIRS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.bin_paths}\n'
                    'CONAN_RESDIRS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.res_paths}\n'
                    'CONAN_BUILDDIRS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.build_paths}\n'
                    'CONAN_DEFINES{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.defines}\n'
                    'CONAN_QMAKE_CXXFLAGS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.cppflags}\n'
                    'CONAN_QMAKE_CFLAGS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.cflags}\n'
                    'CONAN_QMAKE_LFLAGS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.sharedlinkflags}\n'
                    'CONAN_QMAKE_LFLAGS{dep_name}{build_type} += {deps.exelinkflags}\n')
        sections = []
        template_all = template
        all_flags = template_all.format(dep_name="", deps=deps, build_type="")
        sections.append(all_flags)

        for config, cpp_info in self.deps_build_info.configs.items():
            deps = DepsCppQmake(cpp_info)
            dep_flags = template_all.format(dep_name="", deps=deps,
                                            build_type="_" + str(config).upper())
            sections.append(dep_flags)

        template_deps = template + 'CONAN{dep_name}_ROOT{build_type} = "{deps.rootpath}"\n'

        for dep_name, dep_cpp_info in self.deps_build_info.dependencies:
            deps = DepsCppQmake(dep_cpp_info)
            dep_flags = template_deps.format(dep_name="_" + dep_name.upper(), deps=deps,
                                             build_type="")
            sections.append(dep_flags)

            for config, cpp_info in dep_cpp_info.configs.items():
                deps = DepsCppQmake(cpp_info)
                dep_flags = template_deps.format(dep_name="_" + dep_name.upper(), deps=deps,
                                                 build_type="_" + str(config).upper())
                sections.append(dep_flags)

        output = "\n".join(sections)
        output += ("""\nCONFIG(conan_basic_setup) {
    INCLUDEPATH += $$CONAN_INCLUDEPATH
    LIBS += $$CONAN_LIBS
    LIBS += $$CONAN_LIBDIRS
    BINDIRS += $$CONAN_BINDIRS
    DEFINES += $$CONAN_DEFINES
    CONFIG(release, debug|release) {
        message("Release config")
        INCLUDEPATH += $$CONAN_INCLUDEPATH_RELEASE
        LIBS += $$CONAN_LIBS_RELEASE
        LIBS += $$CONAN_LIBDIRS_RELEASE
        BINDIRS += $$CONAN_BINDIRS_RELEASE
        DEFINES += $$CONAN_DEFINES_RELEASE
    } else {
        message("Debug config")
        INCLUDEPATH += $$CONAN_INCLUDEPATH_DEBUG
        LIBS += $$CONAN_LIBS_DEBUG
        LIBS += $$CONAN_LIBDIRS_DEBUG
        BINDIRS += $$CONAN_BINDIRS_DEBUG
        DEFINES += $$CONAN_DEFINES_DEBUG
    }
    QMAKE_CXXFLAGS += $$CONAN_QMAKE_CXXFLAGS
    QMAKE_CFLAGS += $$CONAN_QMAKE_CFLAGS
    QMAKE_LFLAGS += $$CONAN_QMAKE_LFLAGS
    QMAKE_CXXFLAGS_DEBUG += $$CONAN_QMAKE_CXXFLAGS_DEBUG
    QMAKE_CFLAGS_DEBUG += $$CONAN_QMAKE_CFLAGS_DEBUG
    QMAKE_LFLAGS_DEBUG += $$CONAN_QMAKE_LFLAGS_DEBUG
    QMAKE_CXXFLAGS_RELEASE += $$CONAN_QMAKE_CXXFLAGS_RELEASE
    QMAKE_CFLAGS_RELEASE += $$CONAN_QMAKE_CFLAGS_RELEASE
    QMAKE_LFLAGS_RELEASE += $$CONAN_QMAKE_LFLAGS_RELEASE
}""")

        return output

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Pensacola City Hall was filled with passionate advocates Monday as it held a workshop discussing the adoption of a Human Rights Ordinance proposed by the ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union).
The University of West Florida is set to host keynote speaker Kevin Hines, who will tell his story "Cracked, Not Broken – The Kevin Hines Story" at 4 p.m. Wednesday in the Commons Auditorium.
The annual Seeds of Hope 5k Walk will take place in Pensacola on Saturday, Nov. 21, to bring awareness and support to the local community about suicide victims and prevention.
On Thursday, students had the opportunity to explore the many academic possibilities offered to UWF students at the annual Day of Declaration and Majors Fair.
With the end of the semester in sight, University of West Florida's students are relying more and more on caffeine and hope to make it till the end of finals.


text:
Unbreakable foi um evento em formato pay-per-view realizado pela Total Nonstop Action Wrestling, ocorreu no dia 11 de setembro de 2005 no Impact! Zone na cidade de Orlando, Florida. Na luta principal do evento A.J. Styles derrotou Christopher Daniels e Samoa Joe para vencer o TNA X Division Championship.

Resultados

Pay-per-views da Impact Wrestling

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Radhanath Swami was born in Chicago in 1950.In his teenage years, the longing for knowledge about God lead him on a journey throughout Europe and the Middle East, during which he undertook a careful study of the scriptures of Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. This journey ultimately led him to India, where he lived for several years, met Srila Prabhupada, and came to reside in Vrindavan. For the pleasure of Srila Prabhupada, Radhanatha Swami moved from Vrindavan to New Vrindavan, where he served for eight years with astounding devotion and austerity. He then began college preaching in America, and in 1987, began to assist in the development of preaching projects in India, a service which he is doing to the present day. His dedicated efforts in congregation preaching developed the Sri Sri Radha Gopinath Mandir at Chowpatty, Bombay and the ISKCON Belgaum temple. Under his auspices, preaching programmes are developing in Kolhapur, Nasik, and Nigidi. Each year, Radhanatha Swami takes thousands of devotees on pilgrimage to holy places of the Vaishnava tradition. Radhanatha Swami is a trustee of Bhaktivedanta College, by providing his spiritual suppport and encouragement. Visit website
Find more photos like this on ISKCON Desire Tree Devotee Network

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Join your local community as we lift our nation in prayer. The City of Chino is hosting a worship and prayer service at 11:45am in front of Chino City Hall, featuring the CCCV Worship Team. In the evening, beginning at 7:00pm, Calvary Chapel Chino Valley will host a special prayer service in the Chapel. Join us as we spend time together in worship and prayer, lifting the needs of the church, our nation, and our leaders.


text:
The Long Blue Line: A brief history of women's service in the Coast Guard
Posted by Diana Sherbs, Thursday, March 16, 2017
This blog is part of a series honoring the long blue line of Coast Guard men and women who served before us. Stay tuned as we highlight the customs, traditions, history and heritage of the Coast Guard.
Written by William H. Thiesen
Coast Guard Atlantic Area Historian
Lighthouse Keeper Ida Lewis, titled "The Bravest Woman in America," for all the water rescues she accomplished while serving as keeper. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
Over the course of its nearly 230-year history, women have played a major role in the United States Coast Guard and its predecessor services. Coast Guard women have helped shape the service and pioneered the role of their gender in the federal government and the nation as a whole.
Women began performing Coast Guard duties even before there was a Coast Guard. In 1776, lighthouse keeper John Thomas joined the American Army to fight the British in the Revolutionary War. Meanwhile, his wife Hannah took over his responsibilities as keeper of Gurnet Point Light in Massachusetts. Later, in the Coast Guard predecessor agency of the U.S. Lighthouse Service, keepers' wives served unofficially as assistant keepers, ensuring that the lights shone year-round even in their husband's absence. By 1830, women received official assignments as lighthouse keepers, making them the first of their gender to serve in highly responsible supervisory positions. Their numbers included some of the first minority women in federal service; and service luminaries, such as Keeper Ida Lewis, titled "The Bravest Woman in America" for her numerous water rescues. Women continued to serve as lighthouse keepers until 1948, when the last one retired.
Genevieve and Lucille Baker volunteered to serve with the Coast Guard during World War I. They were the first women to don a Coast Guard uniform and served at Headquarters. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
During World War I, the U.S. Navy authorized the enlistment of women in the Naval Reserve as female yeomen, with the rating of "Yeoman (F)." The policy was extended to the Coast Guard and these "yeomanettes" served as uniformed clerical workers at Coast Guard Headquarters in Washington. Nineteen-year-old twin sisters Genevieve and Lucille Baker transferred from the Naval Coastal Defense Reserve to become the first women to serve as uniformed military personnel in the Coast Guard. Before war's end, several more yeomanettes would join them at Coast Guard Headquarters.
A group of SPARs pose for a photograph during World War II. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
During World War II, the Coast Guard recruited women for the SPARs (Semper Paratus, Always Ready), a female corps similar to the Navy's WAVES and the Army's WACs. For the war effort, the Coast Guard estimated it would need 8,000 enlisted women and 400 female officers; however, 12,000 women, including minorities, volunteered and served during the conflict. After the war, all women's military reserve branches were disbanded and the SPARs officially ceased to exist, although a few SPARs remained members of the Coast Guard Reserve. During the Korean Conflict, from 1950 to 1953, the Coast Guard did not mobilize former SPARs, but about 200 women volunteered for active duty anyway. Most left the service after the conflict ended and, by 1956, the Coast Guard counted only 12 female officers and nine enlisted women out of thousands of service personnel.
In the early 1970s, the Coast Guard emerged as a policy leader for women in the military. In 1973, congressional legislation allowed women to serve alongside men on active duty in both the regular Coast Guard and Coast Guard Reserves. Under the leadership of Coast Guard Commandant Chester Bender, the service became the first military agency to open its Officer Candidate School (OCS) to women. Within the ranks of OCS Class 2-73 were the first five female officer candidates. These women trained on board the cutter Unimak, the first time in U.S. history that women trained aboard a U.S. military vessel beside their male counterparts. On June 8, the 29 member OCS Class 2-73 graduated from Yorktown Training Center, including all five female officers.
Under the 1973 legislation, the Coast Guard also began to integrate women into its enlisted ranks. On Nov. 1, 1973, enlistment of women was first authorized for four-year tours of active duty. On December 7, the first female enlistees were sworn-in to the regular Coast Guard and, on Jan. 15, 1974, the service's first group of female "regulars" reported to Cape May Training Center. With 30 out of 33 female candidates graduating with this first all-female company, the experiment proved a success, so the Coast Guard began to institute mixed-gender basic training with the next recruit company. In early 1974, the Coast Guard opened the first enlisted ratings available to women, including yeoman, storekeeper, hospital corpsman, photojournalist, dental technician, and musician. By late February, the service opened more ratings, including radioman, fire control technician, telephone technician and boatswain's mate.
While the integration of women into the service began in the last years of Bender's term, the initiative gained headway in the four years under Commandant Owen Siler. In 1975, the service counted 420 enlisted women and 32 female officers among its active-duty personnel. That same year, Siler announced, "that women will join the Corps of Cadets at New London." He pointed out that no legislative statutes barred admission of women to the Coast Guard Academy and that action by Congress was unnecessary. He also noted that his decision was in keeping with the strong commitment of the Department of Transportation to assure equal rights for women. It was the first time in U.S. history that a military academy would offer appointments to female applicants.
The deadline to apply to the Academy for the Class of 1976 was Dec. 15, 1975, and 700 women submitted admission applications out of 10,000 applicants. On June 28, 1976, the class of 1980 swabs reported to the Coast Guard Academy, including 38 women. It was the first time that a U.S. military service had appointed women to its academy. Of the original 38 female cadets in the entering class of 1980, 14 graduated. Three years later, the service counted 129 female officers, many of them Academy graduates, with 35 serving afloat and five serving as aviators.
Commandant Owen Siler with female pioneers Petty Officer 3rd Class Debra Wilson and Ens. Beverly Kelley awaiting a press conference. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
The late 1970s and 1980s saw women break countless gender barriers in the enlisted and officer ranks. On Jan. 1, 1976, the service opened all of its aviation ratings to women. By 1977, the Coast Guard had decided to experiment with mixed-gender crews and, in June, it manned high-endurance cutters Morgenthau and Gallatin with crews that included 10 enlisted women and two female officers. Despite initial misgivings, the experiment proved a success. Ens. Beverly Kelley, a 1976 OCS graduate, served as one of the female officers. In April 1979, Lt. j.g. Beverly Kelley took command of the 95-foot Cutter Cape Newagen, becoming the first woman to command a U.S. military ship. Under her watch, the Cape Newagen received the Meritorious Unit Commendation.
Master Chief Petty Officer Diane Bucci, who broke numerous gender barriers for enlisted service women during her career. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
In August 1978, the incoming commandant, John Hayes, announced that "all personnel restrictions based solely on sex would be lifted," thereby opening all ratings and officer career paths to women. By 1983, the number of enlisted women had also grown to a total of 1,747, including 85 deployed on cutters. Master Chief Petty Officer Diane Bucci advanced through the enlisted ranks during this transitional period. She joined the Coast Guard in 1975, not long after the service opened its enlisted ranks to women, and made history by breaking many of the Coast Guard's early gender barriers. Bucci made history in 1988 when she became the first enlisted woman to command afloat as officer-in-charge of the Coast Guard tug Capstan.
Women began receiving assignments in Coast Guard aviation at the same time they got afloat assignments. In 1977, 1976 OCS graduate Janna Lambine became the first woman in the service designated a Coast Guard aviator. 1973 OCS graduate Vivien Crea was the second and went on to qualify in the C-130 Hercules turboprop, HH-65 Dolphin helicopter, and Gulfstream II jet. Lt. Colleen Cain, another 1976 OCS graduate, attended flight school and became the service's third female aviator and first female HH-52 pilot. In January 1982, a helicopter co-piloted by Cain crashed while flying a rescue mission in Hawaii, making her the first woman killed in the line of duty.
The Coast Guard's first female aviator Janna Lambine. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
In the early 1990s, new opportunities emerged for women in the Coast Guard. In 1990, the service's "Women in the Coast Guard" study led to a systematic effort to support female recruiting and retention, including a new Women's Advisory Council. During operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm, three Port Security Units with female personnel were sent to the Persian Gulf. For the first time, female members received combat assignments, such as manning the .50 caliber heavy machine gun on board PSU Raider boats. In addition, more female officers received afloat commands, including Katherine Tiongson, the first minority female skipper, who in 1991, took command of Cutter Bainbridge Island. That same year, Marilyn Dykman received Coast Guard aviator designation to become the service's first minority female aviator.
A Port Security Unit Raider boat during the First Gulf War with female reservist Sandy Mitten manning the aft .50 caliber machine gun. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
During the rest of the 1990s, women continued to receive advancement to male-dominated areas of the Coast Guard. Patrol boatcrews were integrated for the first time and female officers received commands of Coast Guard bases, including air stations and training centers. Pioneering officer Bev Kelley broke more gender barriers when she received command of cutters Northland in 1996 and Boutwell in 2000, making her the first woman to command medium endurance and high endurance cutters. At the same time, women began to receive greater recognition, including the first female recipients of the Distinguished Flying Cross, Legion of Merit, Air Medal and Meritorious service Medal.
Vice Adm. Vivien Crea, who graduated from Officer Candidate School and broke numerous gender barriers for female officers to become vice commandant of the Coast Guard. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
The 21st century saw women reach the highest officer positions. OCS graduates led the way to flag positions, including Vivien Crea who, in 2000, became the first woman to achieve flag rank. Later, in 2006, Crea was promoted to vice commandant of the Coast Guard, becoming the first woman to hold the second highest position of any military service. And, while serving as acting commandant, she was the first woman in U.S. history to oversee a military service. Crea was followed by a 1976 OCS graduate, Jody Breckenridge, who in 2009, became vice admiral and the first woman to command the Coast Guard's Pacific Area; and 1975 OCS graduate Sally Brice-O'Hara, who in 2010, became the Coast Guard's second female vice commandant. Several Coast Guard Academy graduates have also achieved flag rank during this period, including Vice Adm. Sandra Stosz, current deputy commandant for mission support. Stosz is the first female graduate to achieve flag rank and, as a superintendant of the Coast Guard Academy, she became the first woman to command a U.S. military academy.
Vice Adm. Sandra Stosz, former superintendent of the Coast Guard Academy and current deputy commandant for mission support. All photos from U.S. Coast Guard Collection.
Since the 1970s, women in the Coast Guard have come a long way with female service members occupying nearly every active-duty role formerly reserved for men. However, women's participation in the service still has a long way to go. Today, over 5,800 women serve out of nearly 40,000 active-duty service members, representing only 15 percent of the Coast Guard. While the percentage of active-duty women remains modest compared to total service figures, the proportion of women in the Coast Guard continues to grow.
Women have walked the long blue line since the very beginning of the service. They have helped shape the U.S. Coast Guard into a better institution for all men and women and they will play an even greater role in shaping the service in the 21st century.
Tags: Beverly Kelley, Debra Wilson, Diane Bucci, Ida Lewis, Janna Lambine, Sandra Stosz, spars, vivien crea, Women's History Month


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Saratoga Wine & Food Festival: Eat, Drink And Be Merry…For A Good Cause
FOOD / DRINK, LUXURY / TRAVEL
The 13th annual festival raises over $200,000 for SPAC and the Auto Museum.
Delicious wines were in high supply at the 13th annual Saratoga Wine and Food Festival.
A sold-out crowd filled the Saratoga Performing Arts Center grounds on Sept. 7 for the 13th annual Saratoga Wine & Food Festival and Concours d'Elegance, day two of a three-day celebration of fine wines, fast cars, and fabulous food that drew about 5,000 people. The bacchanalian grand finale to the summer season is SPAC's biggest fundraiser, raising about $200,000 for educational programs at SPAC and the Saratoga Automobile Museum. Museum chairman Anthony Ianniello and restaurateur Angelo Mazzone were honorary co-chairs.
Mo Rocca, the wry correspondent for CBS Sunday Morning and star of My Grandmother's Ravioli on the Cooking Channel, did a culinary comedy routine with Saratoga's own "Mamma Theresa" Viva of DZ Restaurants, who shared pointers on how to make an Italian fruit tart. Rocca later provided an off-beat commentary to master wine connoisseur Kevin Zraly as he solicited bids during the live auction. Was Rudolf Nureyev's foot really ensconced in the hollow center of the five-foot ballet shoe sculpture, which was signed by the entire corps of the New York City Ballet? Michele Riggi, president of the Museum of Dance and creator of the En Pointe project, was high bidder at $20,000. Her yellow Lamborghini was among the high-end cars on display on the SPAC lawn. Lynda and Craig Kinns of Clifton Park, who were high bidders in past years for clubhouse boxes at the track, raised their paddle for a Lake Placid condo and Vero Beach, Florida, vacation, but were outbid. A seven-day stay at a private villa in Rocco d'Evandro, Italy, donated by Ianniello, went for $13,000.
Chef Zak Pelaccio, former executive chef of 5 Ninth and the Fatty Crab in Manhattan, co-founded Fish & Game in Hudson with Jori Emde: "She's the reason I'm here." Pelacio did a pig butchering demonstration sponsored by Flying Pigs Farm in Shushan. Saratoga is "beautiful," Emde said of her first visit here. "It's a very well-curated event…very nice people. We had a great time."
With a 35-car road rally to the Lake George Club and nearly 400 at the gala on Friday, a sold-out grand tasting and sold-out burger bash with bands on Saturday—with Comfort Kitchen winning the judges' best burger award, and Druthers winning people's choice—and a Southern brunch at Saratoga National on Sunday, the weekend had something for everyone.
Pellaccio and Tom Thibeault of Adirondack Appliances were judges for the inaugural Big Green Egg barbecue cook-off, hosted by Times Union foodie Steve Barnes. "We expect you to come back and defend your title," Barnes told Rob Johnson of Castleton, who took first place and won a Big Green Egg cooker with his "Cheap Chicken." Craig Couture of Clifton Park was runner-up with his blackened swordfish, and Jill Kavanagh of Troy came in third with her stuffed pork tenderloin. "I love pork," she said, and she likes Barnes' food blog, too.
Eric Clapton performed at SPAC three times. Fans at the festival got to admire the 2003 Aston Martin DB7 Zagato that he originally owned, and the 2014 Maserati Ghibli that debuted at the Shanghai Motor Show in April. Several Shelby Cobras were exhibited, and a 1957 Porsche that participated in the 2013 Peking-to-Paris rally—a 7,500-mile commute. The 2010 Morgan Aero Super Sport, which can reach 60 mph in four seconds, was one of only 200 produced by the historic British car maker. Dr. Stephen Knoll, a Saratoga dentist and MG enthusiast, was pleased to see British cars at the former Ferrari fest, where Italian cars predominated.
Jim Taylor of Mayfield and Colorado brought four cars from his hefty collection near Sacandaga Lake. Joe Kollmann of Johnstown got to drive Taylor's 2003 Aston Martin Zagato to Saratoga, and Herb Bozer of Gloversville drove his 1965 Cobra. John Miller of Saratoga drove Taylor's 1958 AC Bristol, a Cobra forerunner made by Carroll Shelby.
Bruce and Lucette Levinsky and Leon Knesel of Saratoga Springs, and Lorrie and Saverio Minucci of Loudonville were among those listening to jazz and sampling rare wines, artisan cheeses and charcuterie at the new Connoisseur's Tent. It was his fourth festival, said Saverio, whose black Ferrari Spider convertible was parked on the concourse. "People watching" is what Lorrie liked most.
Juliet Teimoori and Chris Stamatakos of Colonie and Michael and Susanna Lia of Guilderland were attending for the first time. "We always wanted to go," said Susanna.
"A great way to keep the party rolling," added Chris.
"Good cars, good food, good drink," said Michael.
"Good company," added Chris.
The new Infiniti Q50 from Lia Infiniti was parked at the SPAC entrance. "We're buying Saratoga Nissan," Michael mentioned, which will be their 18th dealership, and the first in Saratoga.
Sam Ramic and Mike Rupcic of Wine World Wide, Inc. in New Paltz sampled wines with Ian Thomas, a chef at the Ritz-Carlton in Philadelphia, and Ian's former boss, Sandy Foster of Village Pizzeria in Galway.
Melissa Zieker and Melanie Manuel of the SPAC Action Council were there with husbands Chris and Keith. "We've been coming here for eight years," said Chris Zieker. "If I had to pick one event of the entire year, it would be this."
Chris Harmon and JoAnn Grande were newcomers; Jenn Merriman came last year, too. "I think it is intriguing, tasteful," said Merriman. "It's a people-watching event. You can be seen here."
"It's a good day in Saratoga," added Harmon, "after the races are over."
From Market To Menu, Saratoga County Does Food Right
The Capital Region's Trail System: Saratoga County And Beyond
Staff Report September 17, 2013


Public relations for the Chamber, welcoming new businesses to the community at groundbreaking, ribbon cutting and grand opening ceremonies. Organizes and facilitates events where Chamber members network in a social atmosphere that also provides a forum for member businesses to showcase their locations, products and services. Meets the fourth Tuesday of each month.


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Q: Silex 2 addListener trigger error I'm trying to add an event listener/dispatcher to one of my controller action.
It's goal is to add default data to my entity before persisting it in my database.
Here is what I've got so far.
app.php
$app['dispatcher']->addListener('my_event_name', function (Event $event) {
    // do something;
});

It ends up with the following error :

( ! ) InvalidArgumentException: Identifier "dispatcher" does not contain an object definition. in /var/www/site/vendor/pimple/pimple/src/Pimple/Container.php on line 233

A: Check out this thread. Looks like it has to do with a precise order in which you call and initialize.
$this->before(function () {
    $this['dispatcher']->addListener($eventName, $callback);
});

https://github.com/silexphp/Silex-WebProfiler/issues/70#issuecomment-170399805

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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PRICK AND DING #38 :ATLAS
by Johnno Casson
THIS WEEK: ATLAS
Atlas is Sarah Hezen, a French bedroom producer and singer/songwriter, based in London.
I first heard Atlas on Paul Lester's Amazing Radio show and was instantly smitten with the beautifully gentle @ heartreaching vocals backed by smart leftfield electronica that bleeps,trips & gurgles in all the right places.
My gut tells me Atlas will be breaking out of that bedroom & moving into living rooms over the next year – Your living rooms!!! – and as we all should – always trust the gut.
Sarah has only been performing as Atlas for a little over a year now (appearing live @ White Heat at Madame Jojo's, Secret Garden Party & The Book Club)
She is currently working towards a new live show, alongside Alex Klein on double-bass and DJ and producer Beaton.
This promises to be a treat for ears & eyes with the next date in March at Richard Strange's Cabaret Futura
Up to this moment I had only listened to the beautiful music of Atlas but I just caught sight of the captivating video of Hunter (below).
It was really great just to listen to Atlas but it makes even more sense with the visuals to accompany the audio.
The slightly eastern flavour of the music is beautifully matched with the mesmerising stage presence of Sarah.
As the name suggests – this feels like a worldwide thing.
are Bethan Elfyn's Artist of the week on Amazing Radio this week-nice one Bethan.
Why not take a little time to discover Atlas for yourself,there is much promise held within.
SOUNDCLOUD | YOUTUBE | FACEBOOK | TWITTER
1. What are you up to at the moment?
I'm preparing the new live show with Beaton. I'm also making a stage costume, a lot of organza, feathers and other child princess stuff are involved.
2. Favourite childhood memory?
My dad sat on my bed singing me a song on the guitar to wake me up.
3. Hero?
Jean Anouilh's Antigone
4. Villain?
5. What/who makes you laugh?
6. Describe what you do?
I tell stories, fairy-tale-like, intertwined with my personal experience, fears, awes, what it means to me to be a woman. It is immature, childish, and empowering to me at the same time. I want people to feel something intimate, specific to them when they listen to them.
7. Who's hair would you like to have for just one day?
Brooke Candy's. To swing it like a lasso the way she does. But just for one day…
8. Best musical experience to date
Last year at the O2 to see Tricky and Martina Topley-Bird. Totally mashed, he invited the audience to join him on stage. Around 20 people sneaked in. I managed my way up there, and I don't know how it happened, I eventually ended up with the mike in my hand… Those who hadn't been on the stage were so angry on Twitter… I had a great time!!!
9. What artist inspires you?
I know it will sound like a lack of inspiration but… Radiohead are just so great right? What I find the most inspiring with them is how they manage to renew their sound all the time. They never go for the obvious, never recycle, always provoke amazement in me.
10. What does Fresh On The Net mean to you?
It means a lot to me. It means someone believing in what I do. Thank you Johnno, from the bottom of my heart!
Johnno Casson is a London-born/Colchester-based singer, musician, songwriter and show-off. He also compiles and releases compilations and is a serial supporter of new music. Johnno releases his own music as Snippet ,Old Tramp and also under his own name Johnno Casson.. As far as we know he was the most-played artist ever on Tom's legendary late night Fresh On The Net radio shows on 6 Music - having been featured no less than 18 times and appearing as an interview guest. You can also find Johnno on Twitter, Facebook and YouTube...
SIX DEGREES – (#10)
Too Many Tunes, Too Little Airtime…


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VAST is a universal ad serving specification developed by IAB. It defines the interface for communication between the video player and ad server, enabling the server to pass information to the video player. For example, it passes the location of the ad on the server, how long to run it, the click URL, and the path for the tracking pixel). VAST is lightweight and supports simple in-stream video ad formats that are not executable.
VPAID is also a universal ad serving specification developed by IAB. It offers an API that enables interactive communication between the video player and ad server. For example, VPAID allows you to track interactivity and measure performance such as viewability, completion rate, and click-through rate. The downside to using VPAID is that it can slow down publisher sites.
Visit IAB For more information.


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Parlour: Ozil needs to be consistent like Bergkamp
By PA Sport
Mesut Ozil has been urged to replicate Dennis Bergkamp's consistency and fire Arsenal back into the top four by Gunners' Invincible Ray Parlour.
Ozil's future in north London remains uncertain, with Arsenal chiefs willing to listen to offers for the 30-year-old in a bid to slash their wage bill and free up transfer funds for manager Unai Emery.
Ozil has two years to run on his current deal but it is unlikely another top-level European club will be prepared to match his reported £350,000-a-week salary.
"If Mesut is going to play a part in getting Arsenal back in the top four, then the club should keep him," Parlour told Press Association Sport. "But he has got to work hard.
"I played with Dennis Bergkamp and he very rarely had a poor game – you always knew what you would get out of him – and that is what Mesut needs to do, too.
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"The best players are consistent and I want to see that from Mesut. He is a quality player but he goes in and out of games, and it could be argued that he goes missing in the big matches. That is when you need your top men to perform.
"He should have that in his locker. He has won the World Cup and starred for massive clubs. He just needs to show that desire to play for his team-mates and show more energy."
Emery might have just £45million at his disposal this summer after Arsenal finished outside of the Champions League places and then failed to qualify via the Europa League after losing against Chelsea in the final.
Arsenal made Ozil the highest earner in the club's history only last year and Parlour, who won three Premier League titles with the Gunners, says the former Germany international will call the shots over his future.
"The investment is going to be very important for Arsenal if they want to get back into the top four," added Parlour, 46, who was speaking at the McDonald's & FA Fun Football Festival at Ryan FC.
"Mesut is the one who is on big wages that they might need to free up. It is a massive decision for the club.
"But players hold all the power these days and not every player wants to leave. If they are on a good contract it is very hard to get a player out and that could be hard for Arsenal if they want to move Mesut on.
"Arsenal will do the best for Arsenal Football Club, but Ozil has got two years on his contract and if he doesn't want to go anywhere the club will have to pay him for those two years. That will be the key as to whether he stays or goes."
:: Ray Parlour was speaking at the McDonald's & FA Fun Football Festival at Ryan FC. These festivals are taking place across the UK this summer, giving thousands of children the chance to enjoy the game. Find your nearest festival at www.mcdonalds.co.uk/funfootball
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The Midlands Highway Alliance (MHA) has been working on understanding and responding to climate change and extreme weather risks for a number of years.
An original review of climate change risks by the 3 Counties Alliance Partnership (3CAP – Derbyshire, Leicestershire and Nottinghamshire County Councils) was conducted in 2009 (ref 1) and subsequently updated in 2010/11 to reflect the progress made by the three authorities and to incorporate updates in climate change legislation and climate science (ref 2). A further review was undertaken in 2013/14 to capture any additional measures undertaken by the three authorities in adapting their highway networks, and an assessment of how the wider MHA could benefit from a collaborative approach to climate change adaptation and resilience building through collaborative and partnership working.
In 2015 the MHA again commissioned AECOM Infrastructure & Environment UK Ltd to undertake targeted and focussed engagement with MHA authorities to identify, capture and share examples of how individual MHA authorities are taking action to understand and prepare their highway networks for the future impacts of climate change and an increased frequency and severity of extreme weather events. The output of this project was an evidence base, which promotes a collaborative approach to building resilience to the impacts of climate change and extreme weather, which is nationally applicable and transferable and can be showcased as an example of good practice in the transport sector (ref 3). It is applicable to all MHA authorities and takes into account differences in climate, geography, drivers, policies and standards.
A series of opportunities were also identified for consideration and implementation by MHA authorities to enhance climate change resilience, along with providing multiple, wider benefits. These recommendations include:
the development of Adaptation Risk Registers and Action Plans;
the development of Flood Risk Partnerships and Local Resilience Forums;
the inclusion of climate change considerations and objectives within Local Transport Plans;
the development of flood management guidance and toolkits to enhance community preparedness;
the adaptation and adoption of operational responses, such as enhanced and targeted maintenance regimes;
the trialling of different (more climate resilient) materials and technologies;
the implementation of SuDS on a wider scale;
the expansion of the blue and green infrastructure network; and,
revisions to winter service operations and strategies.
1 Climate change adaptions for highways
2 The effects of climate change on 3CAP's highway network policies and standards – phase 2 March 2011
3 MHA CCA Report Final November 2015
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