text:
Alhama de Almería es una localidad y municipio español situado en la parte suroriental de la comarca de la Alpujarra Almeriense, en la provincia de Almería. Limita con los municipios de Huécija, Alicún, Terque, Alhabia, Santa Fe de Mondújar y Enix. Por su término discurre el río Andarax.

El municipio alhameño comprende los núcleos de población de Alhama de Almería —capital municipal— y Huéchar.

Toponimia
Alhama viene del árabe alhamman que se traduce por agua sagrada, lo que da a entender la relevancia que tuvo el llamado hoy día Balneario de San Nicolás que aún se conserva.

La localidad se ha denominado a lo largo de su historia: Alhama la Seca, Alhama de Salmerón y Alhama de Almería.

Historia
En los alrededores del municipio, se hallan restos prehistóricos como la necrópolis de la Loma Galera, existiendo en el municipio limítrofe de Santa Fe de Mondújar el poblado de los Millares. Hay pruebas evidentes de la existencia de un asentamiento romano, como atestiguan numerosos hallazgos, sobresaliendo la aparición, en 1984, de una estatua de mármol de figura femenina, la Dama de Alhama, encontrada en las cercanías del manantial hidrotermal. Bajo el Frontón municipal se halló los restos de una imponente villa romana.

Sobre la cristianización del municipio no existen dudas, pues también se hallaron restos de lucernarios con el característico Crismón (signo de Jesucristo). Desde antiguo perteneció a la Diócesis de Urci (Pechina).

La existencia de una fortaleza de carácter defensivo (que ocupa un promontorio a unos 50 m de las últimas casas del pueblo y que fue construida sobre un asentamiento de la edad del Bronce), su enclave estratégico y sus baños termales contribuyeron a dotar de importancia y prestigio al pueblo. Esta fortaleza, conocida como Los Castillejos, construida a finales del S. XIII, era el cuartel general del mítico Señor de Alhama, Azomar. Este árabe osó rebelarse contra el poderoso califa cordobés Abderramán III, muriendo tras una oposición de más de seis años.

Al-Idrisi, famoso geógrafo árabe de la segunda mitad del , nos ofrece algunos datos sobre la Alhama ocupada por los musulmanes:

A finales del  la población se encontraba en la Taha de Marchena. En esta época, y como recoge Luis Mármol de Carvajal en su Historia de rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reyno de Granada, la cría de gusanos de seda era también un floreciente comercio en el municipio. Actualmente, siguen conservándose centenarias moreras y la cría de estos gusanos, aunque ya no con fines comerciales, sino como entretenimiento infantil.

Al término de la Guerra de Granada los reyes concedieron mercedes para el pago de los servicios prestados a la Corona, de tal manera que Alhama. junto con otras diez poblaciones como Huécija y Terque, se integró en el señorío del Estado de Marchena otorgado a Gutierre de Cárdenas y Chacón, que en el  pasó a integrarse en la Casa de Arcos.

A finales del  se cultivó también el Alhama, como en el resto de poblaciones del valle del Andarax, la uva de Ohanes comercializada internacionalmente por vía marítima. De 1890 data la estación Santa Fe-Alhama dentro de la línea Linares Almería construida fundamentalmente para la exportación de mineral de plomo por el puerto de Almería y que actualmente no presta servicio. En 1873 el abogado y catedrático de filosofía alhameño Nicolás Salmerón fue nombrado Presidente de la Primera República. De esta época señalar también la infraestructura civil del puente de los imposibles sobre el río Andarax.

Durante el primer tercio del  se produjo la emigración de sus habitantes, sobre todo a América. La emigración de mediados del  tuvo como destino las poblaciones industriales de Barcelona y países centroeuropeos como Francia, Holanda y Alemania. En lo años 60 el Balneario San Nicolás fue adquirido por el empresario afincado en Barcelona José Artés de Arcos, que realizó obras de rehabilitación.

Geografía física

Ubicación
Su extensión superficial es de 26 km² y tiene una densidad de 140,5 hab/km². La localidad se encuentra situada a una altitud de 520 m s. n. m. y a una distancia de 25 km de la capital de provincia, Almería.

Naturaleza
Por el término municipal, que se encuentra en el valle del Andarax en las estribaciones de la sierra de Gádor, discurre el río Andarax. Menos del 1 % del término municipal se encuentra protegido en la Zona de Especial Conservación (ZEC) de Ramblas del Gérgal, Tabernas y Sur de Sierra Alhamilla que destaca por su diversidad y paisajes singulares. Señalar la vía pecuaria Colada de la Loma de Palomar. También pertenece a la Zona de Especial Conservación Sierra de Gádor y Enix, que abarca más de 2600 hectáreas que suponen el 33 % del término municipal.

Geografía humana

Demografía

Economía

Evolución de la deuda viva municipal

Comunicaciones

Carretera
Por el municipio discurren las siguientes carreteras:

 Carretera de la Alpujarra, une Benahadux con Lanjarón.

 Roquetas de Mar-Alicún. Une ambos municipios atravaesando la parte oriental de la Sierra de Gádor. Es conocida popularmente como Carretera de Alicún.

 Une la A-348 con los pueblos del valle del río Nacimiento .

Ferrocarril
La estación de ferrocarril más cercana es la de Almería, que se encuentra a 30,3 kilómetros.

Autobús
Existe una línea de autobús gestionada por ALSA que conecta al municipio con el de Almería, con 4 frecuencias diarias en días laborables y dos frecuencias en sábados, domingos y festivos.

Transporte aéreo
El aeropuerto más cercano es el de Almería, que se encuentra a 26,9 kilómetros.

Transporte marítimo
El puerto de pasajeros más cercano es el de Almería, que se encuentra a 29,7 kilómetros.

Servicios públicos

Otros equipamientos
Está dotado con un Centro de Defensa Forestal (CEDEFO) y un puesto de la Guardia Civil.

Educación
Está dotado con el CEIP Inmaculada Concepción y el IES Cerro Milano además de un centro de educación de adultos. Al IES están adscritos alumnos procedentes de Huécija, Alicún, Gádor y Alhabia.

Sanidad
En el municipio existe un Centro de Salud que pertenece al Distrito Sanitario de Almería y  tiene como referente el Hospital Universitario Torrecárdenas.

Cultura

Patrimonio

En el municipio existe una serie de yacimientos arqueológicos de la Edad del Cobre, algunos de ellos protegiso como BIC:

 Necrópolis megalítica de Loma de Galera:Yacimiento formado por 38 tumbas que datan del milenio III a.C.
 Necrópolis megalítica de Alhama: Yacimiento ubicado en una meseta formado por 55 tumbas y 3 alineaciones.
 Fortín 12. Millares: Yacimiento formado por restos estructurales y material cerámico de la Edad del Cobre.

Civil
Uno de los principales hitos del municipio es La Puente que cruza el barranco del moralillo , se trata de un puente de estilo neoclásico, 45 metros de longitud y 25 de altura, destacan los 7 metros de luz del vano central.

Otro edificio de patrimonio civil es el balneario de San Nicolás, construido en 1874, que sustituye a otras instalaciones que aprovecharon las aguas termales. Hubo uso de esas aguas en época romana y árabe, así como desde el .El edifico actual, terminando de ampliarse en 1881, fue dotado con numerososos departamentos de baños, con pilas de mármol de una sola pieza, todo toipo de dichas, baños de vapor y una balsa independiente para los pobres. Tambiuñen disponía de un salón social con espejos y piano, que fie epicentro de la vida social de la localidad.

La Casa Consistorial rehabilitada y ampliada entre 1996 y 2000, presenta diferentes fachadas a distintos rasantes, los volúmenes se organizan alrededor de sendos lucernarios que estructuran las circulaciones, sean pasillos o escaleras. Para la fachada se utilizó piedra de Alhama.

Militar
Existe los restos de una fortaleza del  conocida como el Castillo de los Castillejos. Estaba constituido por un recinto amurallado que se adaptaba a las irregularidades del terreno al situarse sobre un cerro. Constaba de dos torreones cuadrados, uno en la parte más elevada del conjunto, y otro en la más baja. Se conservan lienzs de muralla, los restos de uno de los torreones y el arranque del otro. Los elementos estaban realizados en mampostería, unido con mortero de cal. El recinto interno tenia un suelo muy irregular de yeso y cal. También se disponían distintos compartimentos señalados por un muro. Existen materiales en superficiede vasijas de origen nazarí, otros restos de un yacimiento de la Edad del Cobre y alguno de sigilata romana.

Religioso

Iglesia San Nicolás de Bari

Historia

Tras la reconquista, el Papa Alejandro VI (1492-1503), creó la parroquia de Alhama mediante una Bula del 1 de julio de 1500, concediendo el Señorío a Gutierre de Cárdenas y sus sucesores. Desde un principio se consideró miembro de la diócesis de Almería, pero el Arzobispo Hernando de Talavera, como metropolitano en visita pastoral, incorporó estas tierras a su Archidiócesis granadina. Tras su muerte, el deán de Almería, Francisco de Ortega se apresuró a tomar posesión de la parroquia el 27 de mayo de 1507, en nombre de su tío el Obispo Juan de Ortega (primer obispo almeriense tras la reconquista y que nunca se dignó a pisar su diócesis). Sin embargo, todas las parroquias pertenecientes al Señorío de los Cárdenas, incluida la de Alhama, continuó siendo parte de la Archidiócesis de Granada. Hasta 1953 no volvió Alhama a ser parte de su primitiva diócesis almeriense, siendo su primer obispo Alfonso Ródenas (se hizo cargo de la Diócesis entre 1947 y 1966).

Primeramente el culto se desarrolló en la Mezquita, dedicándose a Santa María de la Encarnación, según el deseo de la piadosa Reina Católica Isabel I de Castilla. Luis Mármol de Carvajal en su Historia de rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reyno de Granada, recoge que la prueba del levantamiento morisco en las Alpujarras (Pascua de 1568) que fue enviada al gobernador de Almería fue el misal roto de la Parroquia de Alhama.

El terremoto de 1522 y la Rebelión de las Alpujarras dieron el templo al traste, si bien en 1578 el Alfonso López de Carvajal, en nombre del Arzobispo Juan Méndez de Salvatierra, declaró que la iglesia se había salvado de la quema, aunque estaba hundida y convertida en corral de aves. La negación de los Señores de Cárdenas a reedificarla, atrasó mucho su reparación. El levantamiento morisco de 1568 acabó con la vida de los cristianos de Alhama, a cuya cabeza estaba el beneficiado Juan Luque. Todos se refugiaron en el torreón de los PP Agustinos de Huécija (que aún se conserva). Como los moriscos no podían llegar a ellos por la fortaleza de la torre, tomaron el piso bajo y levantaron una gran hoguera, martirizándolos a todos de esta cruel manera. En 1588 Jeronimo Briceño de Mendoza, compró al Rey, el cargo de Alférez Mayor del Consejo de Alhama para su hijo Iñigo Briceño de la Cueva

Finalmente, hacia 1650 se levantó una de nueva planta, modificada en 1747 ante las necesidades de una mayor población. Este templo, salvo la rapiña de los franceses, era el que existió casi intacto hasta 1936. Un precioso artesonado mudéjar lo cerraban a los vientos. Para entonces el templo se consagró a San Nicolás de Bari.

El Siervo de Dios, Federico Salvador Ramón (1867-1931), fundador de las Esclavas de la Inmaculada Niña (Divina Infantita) y en proceso de beatificación, fue párroco de Alhama en 1927. El actual pro vicario general de la Diócesis, así como vicario para la Acción Pastoral y clero y canónigo de la S. A. I. Catedral de la Encarnación de Almería, el presbítero fondonero Juan José Martín Campos fue también párroco de Alhama. De esta parroquia han salido tres presbíteros: Rafael Zurita Jiménez, Rector del Santuario de Ntra. Sra. del Saliente, arcipreste de Albox y párroco de Santa María de Albox; Francisco Escámez Mañas, canónigo archivero de la S. A. I. Catedral de la Encarnación de Almería y párroco de Santiago el Mayor de Almería y Antonio Jesús Saldaña Martínez, párroco de Cristo Resucitado de Puente del Río y de Ntra. Sra. Santa María de la Vega de La Curva. La Guerra Civil convirtió al templo en el mercado municipal, quemando todas las imágenes y ropas litúrgicas, si bien el Archivo pudo salvarse engañando a los incendiarios, que se contentaron con un único libro. La Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939) no se cobró ningún mártir, pues el mismo presbítero fue puesto en alerta por sus verdugos. Tras la contienda, con gran esfuerzo, volvieron a recuperarse enseres de culto e incluso José Artés de Arcos (natural de Alhama) donó un espléndido retablo. El mal estado del artesonado, y la penuria del tiempo, unido a las exigencias que se creía pedía el Concilio Vaticano II, obligaron al párroco Andrés Anés a llevar, en 1968, a cabo una nueva reforma. Finalmente el templo, libre de imágenes (excepto la de los santos patronos y el crucifijo), así como retablos, tribunas o púlpitos, presentó una planta de cruz latina, sobria y clara. El obispo Ángel Suquía bendijo el reformado templo en 1969.

En 2005, el párroco Rafael García Yebra, comenzó una nueva reforma que continuó el siguiente párroco Juan José Martín Campos y posteriormente Ángel Beltrán Velasco. Gracias a la generosidad de José Antonio Picón, Hijo Predilecto del Pueblo, y gracias al valor e ilusión del párroco, Ángel Beltrán Velasco, se retomaron las obras con mayor vigor. Se llevó a cabo un ambicioso proyecto de rehabilitación del templo. Se instaló un moderno sistema anti-humedad, calefacción, megafonía, iluminación, solado, revestimiento de paredes, retablo, baptisterio, lámparas, revestimiento de techumbre, mobiliario. El excelente resultado dejó un templo de aspecto contemporáneo, formado por elementos elaborados del municipio, como el hierro, el vidrio, el mármol y la madera. Actualmente, la Iglesia Parroquial de San Nicolás de Bari de Alhama de Almería es un referente artístico de destacada importancia en la Diócesis de Almería. Actualmente, el párroco de Alhama se encarga de las parroquias de Huécija, Alicún y Bentarique. Las antiguas cofradías son sustituidas por pujantes Mayordomías. La vitalidad parroquial se percibe en los numerosos grupos de catequesis que imparte un gran número de mujeres dirigidas por el párroco. El 20 de febrero de 2007 quedó constituido su Consejo Pastoral Parroquial. Entre los años 2009 a 2012 los Padres Agustinos Recoletos (O.A.R.) se hicieron cargo de la Parroquia. Rafael Rodríguez Sierra, presbítero diocesano, es el actual párroco.

El 29 de noviembre de 2008, día en que comienza el Septenario a los Santos Patronos, se fijó la fecha para la Consagración y Dedicación de la Iglesia y el Altar. A pesar del frío y las amenazas de lluvia, toda la liturgia católica se desplegó para solemnizar el rito y la Santa Misa. Monseñor González Montes, Obispo de Almería, presidió una emocionante y dignísima celebración litúrgica. Además, el Sr. Obispo quiso participar en la ilusión de los hijos de Alhama, obsequiándolos con una reliquia de San Isidoro de Sevilla, colocada junto a las otras bajo el altar.

San Nicolás de Bari
El culto a este obispo turco del S. IV, fomentó desde tiempo inmemorial en Alhama, hasta llegar a ser el titular de la Parroquia. El 28 de enero de 1704 se fundó su Cofradía, que en noviembre de 1783 consiguió la rúbrica del Arzobispo que declaraba patrón de Alhama a San Nicolás de Bari, tras la votación de todo el pueblo (incluidas las mujeres y niños). Actualmente la Asociación Cultural San Nicolás de Bari se ocupa de velar por esta secular tradición, si bien se están dando los pasos para constituir una Hermandad.

La imagen primitiva del Santo ardió en 1936, sustituyéndose por otra de estilo bizantino, rechazada por el pueblo que quería una imagen barroca como la pérdida. En 1949 la actual imagen fue donada por Mario López (natural de Alhama), espléndida talla estofada en oro del imaginero sevillano Antonio Castillo Lastrucci.

Los cultos a San Nicolás de Bari, siempre unidos a los de la Inmaculada Concepción de la Virgen, decaídos a finales de los setenta se retomaron en los ochenta y cada año toman nuevo vigor. Actualmente se realiza un septenario y solemnes Misas y procesiones los días 6 y 8 de diciembre. El 6 de diciembre de 2005 la celebración de San Nicolás de Bari fue presidida, por primera vez, por el obispo de la diócesis, ya que tuvo la caridad de presidirla Adolfo González Montes.

Capillas
Además del templo, existen otros lugares donde se realiza el culto el día de su titular (Santa Misa y procesión), realizándose antes alguna devoción y festejos típicos (verbenas). De todo esto se encargan los Mayordomos, que recogiendo limosnas mantienen las ermitas y sufragan la fiesta. Normalmente, en estas fiestas, suelen repartirse roscos o panecillos bendecidos por el sacerdote, guardándose al menos uno de los obtenidos durante un año para que la prosperidad no falte a la casa que los guarda.

Existen dos Mayordomías dedicadas a la Santa Cruz (3 de mayo), de gran tradición; sobresale la de San Antonio de Padua (13 de junio) que comenzó en el S. XVIII y la romería de la Virgen del Río (fuera del casco urbano), donde se celebra la Asunción de Ntra. Sra. (15 de agosto); es muy típica la de San Marcos Evangelista (25 de abril), donde tiene lugar la bendición de los animales. Recientemente se fundó la de San Juan el Bautista (24 de junio), cuya futurista ermita, obra de la joven arquitecta local Mª Dolores Martínez López, fue bendecida el 23 de junio de 2007.

Mención aparte merece la de las Ánimas Benditas del Purgatorio, bajo la protección de Ntra. Sra. del Carmen. Alejada de fiestas y cultos, es la más visitada por todos los alhameños de toda condición, que dejan generosas limosnas por los fieles difuntos y los que aún viven. Otrora poderosa Hermandad (llegó incluso a poseer los Baños, actual Balneario), sus bienes se limitan hoy en día a la Ermita del S. XIX, pero muy reformada.

Entidades culturales

Existe una biblioteca llamada "Nicolás Salmerón" abierta cinco días en semana, ubicación también del Centro Guadalinfo.

De 1995 data la publicación cultural El Eco de Alhama.

Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial

Semana Santa
Si bien la Semana Santa, decayó significativamente en los años sesenta, su popularidad se ha recuperado. Es de destacar la afluencia al Vía Crucis de la madrugada del Viernes Santo, muy sobrio. Lo que más sobresale es la procesión del Domingo de Resurrección, la del Niño Dios, que ante la devoción de los alhameños debe anunciarse en la Vigilia Pascual para calmar los ánimos. Esta emotiva tradición, que hacía las delicias del mismísimo y anticlerical Salmerón, consiste en procesionar al son de pasodobles una imagen del Niño Dios (ataviado con un racimo de uvas que simboliza el municipio) y otra de su Madre Santísima, entre carreras y gozosos bailes y encuentros de las imágenes mientras los alhameños se encargan de que no cese una enorme lluvia de papelitos. Prohibida, por considerarse obsceno el típico grito de: ¡Viva la pitica del Niño Dios! que suele decirse en la procesión, se recuperó ante la insistencia del pueblo en 1977.

Fiestas populares

 Candelaria (2 de febrero), que conmemora la Presentación del Niño Jesús al Templo y la Purificación de María. En ella tiene lugar la presentación de los bebés y la bendición de sus madres. Igualmente se sortea entre los niños la conocida como torta de la Virgen (una tarta de muchos pisos) y dos pichones (en alusión a la ofrenda de San José de Nazaret por el Niño Jesús en el Templo de Jerusalén) entre los recién nacidos.
 Víspera de San Antonio Abad (16 de enero), se reúnen los vecinos por barrios y acumulan maderas y objetos fuera de uso para prenderlos por la noche, mientras observan el espectáculo de fuego con cantos típicos y dulces. Esta fiesta se conoce como las barbas de San Antón.
 Carnaval: festividad retomada con nuevo vigor donde las comparsas recorren las calles del municipio satirizando los sucesos de todo el año. En 2008 Alhama acogió el Carnaval Provincial.
 Fiestas de San Marcos el 25 de abril.
 Jueves lardero. En este día las excursiones al campo y los cortijos son los protagonistas, junto con los tradicionales dulces conocidos como papaviejos.
 Fiestas de verano.
 Triduo de los días 25, 26 y 27 de noviembre en honor a Ntra. Sra. de la Medalla Milagrosa ha fomentando con ahínco e ilusión esta devoción mariana, agrupando a un considerable número de personas durante todo el año que se dedican a actividades piadosas.
 Fiestas Patronales en honor a San Nicolás de Bari y la Inmaculada Concepción los días 6 y 8 de Diciembre.

Deportes
Dentro de la Copa Provincial de CxM se celebra la prueba CxM La Rosquilla.

Existe un sendero homologado, el PR-A 359, que transcurre por la Sierra de Gádor, de tipo circular y con una longitud de 11,4 kilómetros.

Localidades hermanadas
En el año 2015 en Pleno se aprobó el hermanamiento con el resto de Alhamas de España:

Personajes destacados

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Ayuntamiento de Alhama de Almería

Localidades de la provincia de Almería
Municipios de la provincia de Almería
Alpujarra Almeriense


text:
The Emperor as Living Image in Late Antique Authors
Valerio Neri
Between the early imperial and early Byzantine periods, in descriptions of the ruler's body we can identify, grosso modo, two main tendencies: A realistic strain (as exemplified by the imperial portraits in Svetonius) that is anti-iconic in that it prevented the idealisation of the ruler often found in his sculpted portraits; and another, present in particular in encomiastic literature, that followed these idealised artistic presentations. The encomiastic literature from Constantine's I (r. 306–337) to Theodosius' I (r. 379–395) time still places the accent on the ruler's physical beauty as an expression of the particular relationship he had with the divine sphere. The first impression that Constantine's appearance leaves in the bishops gathered at Nicaea in the description of Eusebius of Caesarea is that of an angelic apparition. In Late Antiquity both in Christian and pagan authors, the main characteristic of the new canon of imperial beauty was light. This light prevents the perception of the sovereign's body and is considered in texts of the time as either an expression of the absolute distance between the emperor and common human nature, or a vain spectacle. The key text for imperial self-display in Late Antiquity is the famous description of Constantius' II (r. 337–361) adventus to Rome. In Christian authors writing about angels, the model of beauty that the emperor referenced was the glorious Christ reigning in heaven.
Contesting the man-god in the early imperial period
From god to living icon in Late Antiquity
[1] Present in both public and private spaces, imperial statues reproduced, even if in a stylised and simplified manner, the physiognomic traits of the ruling emperor and the symbols of his power and charisma. In doing so, imperial portraits substantiated the presence of the ruler around the empire.1 The manner in which the emperor was perceived thus was shaped by his statuary representations, along with schematic depictions on coins and rare moments of physical presence. Literary descriptions add a complementary perspective on imperial self-presentation, rounding the image we have from visual sources and allowing us to discern the associations sought in official propaganda. We thus focus on accounts of imperial bodies in order to cast light on both the dynamic between physical beauty and divinity in Antiquity, as well as on the change in aesthetic canons of sanctity that takes place in Late Antiquity.
[2] Already in the writings of early imperial historians there is mention of the tendency of despotic rulers to identify themselves with their iconic representation: in the Vitae of Suetonius (70–126), Caligula (r. 37–41) demands that his stature is assimilated to that of a colossal statue.2 Seen as deranged by authors of the time, such claims were rooted in the logic of the emerging imperial propaganda, which proposed an assimilation between the living emperor, his representations, and statues of the gods.3 In the first century of the empire, statues of living emperors were presented, and to a certain extent perceived, as perfect reproductions emanating from the very person of the ruler. Produced using iconographic models developed in the capital, they functioned as cult objects in the context of the imperial cult, and the same reverence due to the emperor was expected towards them. Offences against these images were crimes of lèse-majesté.4 When describing the equestrian statue of Domitian (r. 81–96) from the Roman forum, Statius (40-96) claimed that it perfectly reproduced the beauty of the emperor, without artful embellishments.5
[3] This veristic type of representation was slowly abandoned, and real and idealised physiognomic traits were enriched with motifs borrowed from statues of the gods; a synthesis that underlined the liminal ontological status of the emperor, who mediated between the human and divine spheres.6 As the imperial policy of self-representation departed more and more from a realistic towards an idealised, godlike portrait, authors made a point of stressing the physiognomic particularities of the various emperors, as a way to stall the process of divinisation.
[4] The phenomenon is not easy to disentangle. On the one hand, the models that artisans used to render emperors godlike were manifold, with them ranging from Jupiter and Sol to Alexander the Great. On the other, the physiognomic details mentioned by ancient authors were not the fruit of objective observation but referenced particular character traits, in accordance with the physiognomic culture of the time.7 Furthermore, while at times written and artistic sources converge, with the latter corroborating the former, in other instances the traits mentioned in one category of sources cannot be identified in the other. The so-called Epitome de Caesaribus, an anonymous history written towards the end of the fourth or in the first years of the fifth century, as well as the Historia Augusta that is almost contemporary to it, ascribe to emperor Caracalla (r. 211–217) the tendency to imitate the common depictions of Alexander the Great by creasing his forehead and leaning his head towards the left.8 The many extant portraits of the emperor confirm the information provided by the author. The crease is rather a frown, the mark of Caracalla's portraits, and the craned neck is an energetic turn towards an enemy rather than a contemplative gaze. Nevertheless, despite the threatening vigour emanated by Caracalla's interpretation of the stance, the imitation persists, in particular in the portraits that reproduce also the upward gaze of the Macedonian prince, such as the one in The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (Fig. 1).
1 Portrait of emperor Caracalla (r. 211–217), marble, ca. 212–217 CE (photo: © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)
[5] An imitatio Alexandri is attributed by written testimonies, in particular by Ammianus Marcellinus (d. ca. 400), also to emperor Julian (r. 361–363). Ammianus's description of Julian as "leonine"—the way Plutarch (46–120) had described Alexander—with broad shoulders, burning gaze, and wide mouth could recall a physical likeness to Alexander. The reference to Alexander does not, nonetheless, manifest in the emperor's gestures or, as in the case of Caracalla, in his iconography, but likely indicates Ammianus' appreciation of Julian.9
[6] Between the early imperial and early Byzantine periods, in descriptions of the ruler's body we can identify, grosso modo, two main tendencies: A realistic strain that is anti-iconic in that it prevented the idealisation and thus consecration of the ruler often found in his sculpted portraits; and another, present in particular in encomiastic literature, that follows these idealised artistic presentations. In between, we find descriptions that combine elements from both, and which require a thorough analysis in order to decipher the ruler concept they expose.
[7] In his Vitae, Suetonius underscores defects in almost all descriptions of imperial bodies; flaws which were obviously left out of official representations: Domitian's baldness; the short stature of Augustus, Otho, and Titus; or the excessive height and general corporeal disharmony in the case of emperors such as Caligula.10 Among the defects signalled by Suetonius feature also a prominent stomach, as those of Titus and Domitian, or the slenderness of limbs and joints, as the legs of Claudius and Domitian and the feet of Nero. Furthermore, in contrast to iconographic representations that stressed the immobility of rulers, Suetonius insists on the manner in which his subjects moved. In particular, the ambulatio, the way of walking is used to cast light on the ruler's character.11 Thus, Augustus' left foot was weak, which made him limp at times; Tiberius walked with his neck and face stiff; Claudius walked with difficulty due to his weak legs, and thus annulled the image of authority he managed to project while still. Even in emperors whose beauty and harmony of shape Suetonius openly praised, such as Augustus, he mentioned defects that prevented the assimilation of the body he described with its image: the shape of the emperor's body is excellent in all periods of his life, yet he is short, his teeth are sparse, and he has blemishes and bald spots all over his body. Even when he occasionally mentions charismatic traits such as the divinus vigor of Augustus' gaze, Suetoniusdistances himself by stressing that it was a characteristic that the emperor himself liked to be praised as the feature that associated him to Apollo—thus identifying an instrument of self-presentation rather than making an objective observation.12 In essence, the Suetonian description of imperial bodies seems rooted in an anatomical analysis similar to objective medical observations. The reason behind this incisiveness is to be sought in official propaganda, which produced objects such as the statue of Prima Porta (now in the Vatican Museums) or the Great Cameo of France (Bibliothèque nationale de France) in which personal traits served only to differentiate between embodied gods. In underscoring the emperors' realistic traits, and in particular those which revealed them as regular human beings, authors followed the aesthetic canons of the time, in which beauty and harmony stood for perfection, and physiognomic features translated character. In the following centuries, as the ruler's privileged relationship with the divine became a given, the semiotic of the divinised body changed.
[8] Late antique historians continue the practice of their early imperial predecessors and describe the outlook of rulers both 'realistically' and in an idealised manner. Within this traditional dynamic, a momentous change is discernible, one that mirrored a new way of conceptualising the relationship between the human and divine spheres. With the adoption of Christianity by emperors beginning with Constantine the Great (r. 306–337), the iconographic assimilation of the emperor's image with those of the gods is discontinued, and new ways of expressing the divinity of the imperial body are sought by authors and artists. For Late Antiquity we thus have texts, often by pagan authors, that continue the Roman tradition while concurrently, in writings mainly of Christian bishops, a new corporeal aesthetic of sanctity appears.
[9] The encomiastic literature from Constantine's to Theodosius' I (379–395) time still places the accent on the ruler's physical beauty as an expression of the particular relationship he had with the divine sphere. In the panegyric that a rhetor from Gaul addresses to Constantine in 310, (in which he tells the vision of Apollo that Constantine had had inside the god's temple at Andesina [today: Grand, Dép. Vosges]), the sovereign recognises himself in the god on account of both of them being iuvenis, laetus and salutifer.13 The emperor's beauty reveals an extraordinary likeness to the divine: upon seeing Constantine, the soldiers are convinced that they are obeying a god on account of his beauty, which testifies to the divine residing in his mind.14
[10] The concept is further developed and detailed in the panegyric to Theodosius written by the Gallic rhetor Pacatus. Theodosius is perfectly suitable for his role as emperor not only due to his moral characteristics but also due to his physical ones.15 The importance of the two features is presented as equal, just as equal are the attraction and the admiration that these stir in onlookers. In a panegyric dedicated to the same Theodosius, Themistius (d. 388) states that the emperor's outlook is composed of the perfect correspondence between two beauties, that of the soul and that of the body.16 The anonymous author of a history written shortly after the death of Theodosius, the so-called Epitome de Caesaribus, a text which ends with the commendation of the deceased emperor, compares the beauty of Theodosius with that of his political and military model, emperor Trajan (r. 98–117). Theodosius is more beautiful than Trajan, especially due to the size of his eyes, the ingentes oculi, and on account of the dignity of his gait (dignitas in incessu).17
[11] In the same vein, Ammianus Marcellinus (d. ca. 400) stresses the low height and short and curved legs of Constantius II (r. 337–361), despite the emperor's attempt to have the Roman audience recognise him as colossal in the context of his adventus in Rome. Even in the case of the hero of his Res gestae, emperor Julian, Ammianus cannot ignore the physical defects derided by the emperor's opponents, the low height and slim shoulders, but paints an image within which these elements are recontextualised.18 Valentinian I (r. 364–375) emerges from the text of Ammianus as closest to his iconographic representations; quite surprisingly since the historian did not sympathise with his rule. Regarding Valentinian's body Ammianus notes that it was perfectly suitable to the dignity required by the imperial function: tall and muscular, with harmonious limbs, a luminous complexion, and bright eyes and hair. As only negative trait Ammianus mentions Valentinian's grim gaze.19
[12] In the sixth century, in John Malalas' Chronographia, which tells the story of the world from its creation to the reign of Justinian I (527–565), we find a nearly complete gallery of imperial portraits from Augustus (27 BCE–14 CE) to Diocletian (284–305), that interrupts with Constantine and restarts with detailed descriptions of rulers of John's time: Anastasius I (491–518), Justin I (518–527), and Justinian I.20 In the description of the latter, physical defects such as short stature and hair loss are not concealed but dwarfed by positive traits such as the general harmony of his body, the εὐμορφία, within which beautiful characteristics such as the nose or chest are singled out.21
[13] It is Eusebius of Caesarea (263–339) who introduces in his Vita Constantini new ways of idealised representation of the ruler's outlook, influenced by his Christian faith. The first impression that Constantine's appearance leaves on the bishops gathered at Nicaea is that of an angelic apparition, as his body is surrounded by the blinding and variegated light emanated by the purple, gold and jewels of his costume:
And now, all rising at the signal which indicated the emperor's entrance, at last he himself proceeded through the midst of the assembly, like some heavenly messenger of God, clothed in raiment which glittered as it were with rays of light, reflecting the glowing radiance of a purple robe, and adorned with the brilliant splendor of gold and precious stones.22
[14] The author's attention then shifts to the physical traits and to the emperor's deportment. The ruler dominates those present through his height, beauty, and vigour. This obvious superiority is toned down by the emperor's piety, fear of God, gentleness, downward-looking gaze, modest blush, and solemnity of gait.23 The ruler's beauty on which encomiastic literature insists is the same that is perceived in his iconic representations, despite the fact that we can discern realistic physiognomic traits in late antique portraits. Gregory of Nyssa's (d. 394) statement that whoever drew dysmorphic features in an emperor's portrait would rightly stir the ruler's anger, because the beauty of the archetype would be damaged, indicates that a degree of realism was expected even in idealised portraits. We thus have, during the fourth century, a hybrid semiotic of the body; one that combined corporeal beauty with the physiognomic appreciation of the Romans and with the late antique taste for light as symbol of divinity.
[15] The main characteristic of the new canon of imperial beauty was light. This emanated from the purple, gold and jewels of the imperial costume, and blinds the gaze, as with the bishops gathered at Nicaea.24 This light prevents the perception of the sovereign's body, and is considered in texts of the time as either an expression of the absolute distance between the emperor and common human nature, or as a vain spectacle. More radical Christian voices criticised this display. In his treatise De regno Synesius of Cyrene (373–414) is contrary to what he considers an empty show-off; a shiny spectacle of colours alike to those of peacocks.25 In his Vita Martini, Sulpicius Severus (363–425) has the Devil appear to the saint as Christ, dressed as an emperor enveloped by the light of the purple.26 Martin exposes the Devil and forces it to vanish, claiming that Christ would not have returned dressed in purple and adorned with a precious diadem. Peter Chrysologus, bishop of Ravenna around the middle of the fifth century, contrasts in one of his sermons the two sides of the late antique imperial image: the dominus and the miles. When, Peter asks rhetorically, is the ruler more glorious; when he displays himself shining in purple, donning the diadem, and covered in gold, sitting on the raised throne placed in his palace during solemn occasions; or on the battlefield, dressed with simplicity?27
[16] Despite these reserves, the luminous emperor was there to stay, as living image of the Christian god. The luminosity of his body conciliated the two strains, the imperial and the Christian, and assured the survival of the ruler's iconic dimension in the new religious milieu. The key text for imperial self-display in Late Antiquity is the famous description of Constantius' II adventus to Rome.28 In his encounter with the Senate and the people of Rome outside of the city as well as during his entrance in the old capital, a collage of visual registers containing paintings and statues, the emperor and his entourage, and, finally, the populus romanus and its leaders, creates meaningful similarities and contrasts between the partakers in the ceremonial, whether living or represented. This symbolic synthesis of Roman society that the adventus catalysed, and which the sculptor of Galerius' Arch in Thessaloniki managed to reproduce in stone (Fig. 2), had as focus and raison d'être the figure of the living emperor.
2 Adventus scene, Arch of Galerius, Thessaloniki, 289–299 CE (photo: Dan Diffendale)
[17] Upon passing the city gates, Ammianus observes Constantius' behaviour and stresses an element that is perhaps to be considered the apex of the irony that pervades his description of the Roman adventus: although short, the emperor bows when passing the tall gates; thus seeking an assimilation of his body with that of a colossal statue as the text's continuation demonstrates.29 The assimilation to a statue is sought by the sovereign, and carefully constructed through deportment, costume, and contrast with the entourage. From the ruler and his guard, thanks to the purple, gold, jewels and metal weapons and armour, a constellation of variegated lights emanates—corusco lumine radians. The armoured knights, the clibanarii, are described on account of their metal shell as similar to statues by Praxiteles. The emperor himself displays a statuesque immobility—figmentum hominis: as if his neck was stiff, he never turned his head, whether to react to the carriage's movement or to respond to salutes. Ammianus insists on Constantius' immobility, which emerges as a characteristic of his behaviour in Rome and the provinces, and presents it as a highly personal trait: a quasi-inhuman patience. Together with behavioural patterns such as having never taken anyone with him on his carriage, or associated in consulship with a private—unlike other principes consecrati—his incredible discipline casts light on his ruler concept.30 In the final description of the virtues and vices of Constantine's son, which Ammianus makes after the sovereign's death, the statue-like immobility is placed among his virtues, but associated with his strange custom of not eating fruit; a trait that the writer abstains from commenting.31 Ammianus' ambiguous reading of Constantius' behaviour could reflect the debatable nature of these traits: some saw them as reflecting perfectly the image of the autocratic ruler while some, like Ammianus himself, found them incongruent with their own image of the ideal civilis princeps. The Roman adventus of Constantius brings together the old and the new in imperial self-presentation: the reference to statuary art and the luminosity of late antique divinities. Constantius' iconic aura comes equally from his immobility and luminosity, with physiognomic features losing relevance.
[18] The growing accent placed on light in the description of the emperor's body—an aura which almost canceled his carnality—is certainly related with the Christianisation of imperial culture and ideology. The sovereign can no longer have the carnal appearance of a deus praesens, of a god that takes human form, but that of an ethereal and luminous angel; as Eusebius had described Constantine at Nicaea. The dominant characteristics in Byzantine representations of angels are the blinding whiteness of their clothes and the light emanating from their bodies. The beauty of angels has neither individualistic traits nor seducing characteristics, it is a beauty that one admires from afar; an inaestimabilis pulchritudo. Nevertheless, angels crowd the countless celestial and terrestrial spaces and cannot thus reflect the uniqueness of the imperial figure. Above angels, the model of beauty that the emperor referenced was the glorious Christ reigning in heaven. The celestial court was the model on which the earthly one was shaped, as attested by mosaics in the sixth-century church of San Vitale in Ravenna (Fig. 3). There, both Christ reigning in heaven and the emperor are shown flanked by white-clad entourages adorned with gold and jewels.32
3 Mosaic panels showing Christ reigning in heaven flanked by angels and saints, and Emperor Justinian I (527–565) with his entourage and the bishop of Ravenna. Apse of San Vitale in Ravenna, ca 548 AD (photos: Carole Raddato, www.followinghadrian.com)
[19] The beauty of Christ, whose scriptural roots are to be found in a Christological reading of Psalm 45, in which royal beauty was commended, is one which the Church Fathers detach from physical beauty. According to Basil of Caesarea (d. 379), Christ's was an intelligible beauty that had nothing in common with human beauty. This, the chosen apostles had witnessed at the Transfiguration, during which the human body of Jesus was pervaded by a light that annulled its materiality.33
[20] As the new imperial concept takes root, the light mentioned in descriptions of imperial bodies comes increasingly more from the body itself (especially the eyes) of the sovereign, rather than the costume and setting. In the two panegyrics dedicated to Constantine at Trier, one in 310 and the other in 313, the rhetor celebrates the fulgor oculorum of the emperor. Similarly, Ammianus reminds us of the scintillating beauty of Julian's eyes, which revealed not the divinity of his mind but rather his penetrating intelligence.34 The same author describes the burning light of the eyes, oculorum flagrantior lux, and the bright and pleasant beauty that emanated from the entire body of young Gratian (375–383) at his coronation (reliqui corporis iucundissimus nitor).35
[21] The motif of the light enveloping the emperor and which almost hides his body becomes increasingly frequent, although maybe not dominant in early Byzantine culture. In the Vita of bishop Porphyry of Gaza (347–420), written in the first decades of the fifth century by his deacon Mark, emperor Arcadius' (r. 395–408) presence at the baptism of his son Theodosius (the future Theodosius II) is described. The light coming from the imperial body, we are told, surpassed that of his purple vestment, shining among a constellation of lights and flashes coming from the white garments and lit candles of his entourage.36 Flavius Corippus, in his laudative discourse on Justin II (r. 565–574), avoids describing the imperial body—with the exception of a reference to the angelici oculi—even when discussing ceremonies that had it as their focus. Concurrently, he insists on the light, on the bright whiteness that emanates from the body of Justin, as well as on that coming from the costume's purple, gold and jewels which, nonetheless, cannot shadow, but rather complements that coming from the very body.37 In this, the emperor synthesises the new Christian model in which physical beauty manifested as light; an aesthetic rooted in the tradition of Adam's creation in the luminous image of God which was revealed at the Transfiguration.38 Thus, immobility and light stood for the ruler's epiphanic dimension, with him constructed as living image of the divine; a divine at times identified with Christ and at times, as often in the fourth century, left unnamed.
Valerio Neri graduated from the University of Bologna in 1971. At first assistant professor of Greek and Roman Antiquities, and from 1983 on associate professor of History of Ancient Economics, he became full professor of Roman History at the University of Bologna in 2000. Eventually, he taught Roman History at the University's School of Letters and Cultural Heritage from 2014 to 2017. In the biennium 2017–2019, he hold the honorific title of professore Alma Mater. Among his main fields of interest are: the pagan and Christian historiography of Late Antiquity; Roman laws and late ancient society; Cassiodorus and the ostrogothic kingdom. He has also conducted research on the body and its social and cultural values as well as on the lower classes in late ancient society.
E-Mail: valeriolieto.neri@unibo.it
Special Issue Editors
Michele Bacci and Vladimir Ivanovici, eds., From Living to Visual Images. Paradigms of Corporeal Iconicity in Late Antiquity, in: RIHA Journal 0222-0229.
Susanne Kubersky-Piredda, Bibliotheca Hertziana, Rome
Valerio Neri, The Emperor as Living Image in Late Antique Authors, RIHA Journal 0223, 30 September 2019, URL: https://www.riha-journal.org/articles/2019/0222-0229-special-issue-paradigms-of-corporeal-iconicity/0223-neri, URN: [see metadata].
The text of this article is provided under the terms of the Creative Commons License CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0
1 On the relationship between imperial statues and their referents, see e.g. Rudolf H. W. Stichel, Die römische Kaiserstatue am Ausgang der Antike: Untersuchungen zum plastischen Kaiserporträt seit Valentinian I. (364–375 n. Chr.), Rome 1982 (= Archaeologica, 24); Marianne Bergmann, Die Strahlen der Herrscher. Theomorphes Herrscherbild und politische Symbolik im Hellenismus und in der römischen Kaiserzeit, Mainz 1998; Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, Berkeley 2000, 212-233; Peter Stewart, Roman Art, Oxford 2004 (= New Surveys in the Classics, 34); Luke Lavan, "Political Talismans? Residual Pagan Statues in Late Antique Public Space", in: Late Antique Archaeology 7 (2011), no. 1, 437-477. Due to the extensive bibliography on the topics touched upon in the text references are indicative.
2 Suetonius, Cal. 33 (ed. Henri Ailloud: Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, Vies des doux césars, II, 5th rev. ed., Paris 1980, 87-88).
3 Christian Witschel, "'Verrückte Kaiser'? Zur Selbststilisierung und Außenwahrnehmung nonkonformer Herrscherfiguren in der römischen Kaiserzeit", in: Einblicke in die Antike. Orte – Praktiken – Strukturen, ed. Christian Ronning, München 2006, 87-129 (= Münchner Kontaktstudium Geschichte, 9).
4 E.g. Pliny the Younger, Ep. 10.74 (ed. Mauriz Schuster: Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, Epistularum libri novem. Epistularum ad Traianum liber. Panegyricus, Berlin 1992, 405).
5 Statius, Silv. I.1.17-18 (ed. and trans. David R. Shackleton Bailey: Statius, Silvae, Cambridge, Mass. and London 2003, 30) nec veris maiora putes: par forma decorque, par honor cf. also Arrian, Per. Pont. Eux. 1 (ed. Aidan Liddle: Arrian, Periplus Ponti Euxini, Bristol 2003, 54) where the historian, while governor of Cappadocia (130–137 CE), mentions seeing a dissimilar statue of Hadrian and asks the emperor to send one that shows his true features.
6 Augustus, for example, had himself depicted in the library of the temple of Apollo in Rome habitu ac statu Apollinis (cf. Ps.-Acron ad Horace, Ep. 1.3.17, after Duncan Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, Leiden 1993, 2nd ed., vol. 1.1, 82); while a preserved statue of Claudius, currently in the Vatican Museums, shows the emperor as Jupiter.
7 On physiognomy in Roman antiquity, see e.g. Elizabeth Cornelia Evans, Physiognomics in the Ancient World, Philadelphia 1969 (= Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 59.5); Maud W. Gleason, Making Men: Sophists and Self-Presentation in Ancient Rome, Princeton 1995; Tamsyn S. Barton, Power and Knowledge: Astrology, Physiognomics, and Medicine under the Roman Empire, Ann Arbor 1995.
8 Epitome de Caesaribus 21.4 (ed. Michel Festy: Pseudo-Aurelius Victor, Abrégé des Césars, Paris 1999, 55); cf. also Hist. Augusta: Caracalla 2.1-2 (ed. David Magie, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 2, Cambridge, Mass. and London 1993 [= Loeb Classical Library, 140], 4). On the Epitome, see Jörg A. Schlumberger, Die Epitome de Caesaribus. Untersuchungen zur heidnischen Geschichtsschreibung des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr., Munich 1974; on the Historia Augusta, see Mark Thomson, Studies in the Historia Augusta, Bruxelles 2012.
9 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae 25.4.22 (ed. Wolfgang Seyfarth, Ammiani Marcellini Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt, Leipzig 1978, I, 364); cf. Evans, Physiognomics in the Ancient World, 76-77; Guy Sabbah, La méthode d'Ammien Marcellin. Recherches sur la construction du discours historique dans les Res gestae, Paris 1978, 422-423.
10 Cf. David S. Rohrbacher, "Physiognomics in Imperial Latin Biography", in: Classical Antiquity 29 (2010), 92-116; Valerio Neri, La bellezza del corpo nella società tardoantica. Rappresentazioni visive e valutazioni estetiche tra cultura classica e cristianesimo, Bologna 2004, 125-128; Jacques Gascou, Suétone historien, Rome 1984, 592; J. Couissin, "Suétone physiognomiste dans les Vies des XII Césars", in: Revue des Études Latines 31 (1953), 234-256.
11 Gait was an important indicator of character in the late Republican and early Imperial period, betraying one's self-control and masculinity, see Gleason, Making Men, 60-62.
12 Colleen Conway, Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity, Oxford 2008, 35-50 analyses Augustus' claims to divinity in relation with notions of masculinity of the time. On how that reflects in the representation of the emperor, see pp. 47-50.
13 Pan. 6(7)21.3-7 (ed. Charles E. V. Nixon and Barbara Saylor Rodgers, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Introduction, Translation and Historical Commentary with the Latin Text of R. A. B. Mynors, Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford 1994 (= Transformation of the Classical Heritage, 21), 248-251; 582-583); cf. Brigitte Müller-Rettig, Der Panegyricus des Jahres 310 auf Konstantin den Großen. Übersetzung und historisch-philologischer Kommentar, Stuttgart 1990, 275-289. I find correct Müller-Rettig's critique of the fragment's interpretation proposed by Rodgers, "Constantine's Pagan Vision", in: Byzantion 50 (1980), 259-278, according to which the person to which totius mundi regna deberi vatum carmina divina cecinerunt would be Augustus, and thus the first Roman emperor would be the character with whom Constantine identifies.
14 Pan. 6(7)17.3.4 (ed. Nixon and Rodgers, 243; 581).
15 Pan. 2(12)6.2-4 (ed. Nixon and Rodgers, 455-456; 650); Neri, La bellezza del corpo nella società tardoantica, 133; Michael Mause, Die Darstellung des Kaisers in der lateinischen Panegyrik, Stuttgart 1994, 151-162.
16 Themistius, Or. 15.188C (ed. Wilhelm Dindorf, Themistii Orationes ex codice mediolanensi, Leipzig 1832, reprint Hildesheim 1961, 231-232).
17 Epitome de Caesaribus 48.8 (ed. Festy, 55).
18 In associating them with the power of his gaze, Ammianus could be trying to associate Julian with Alexander the Great, or Ulysses.
19 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae 30.9.6 (ed. Seyfarth, II, 157).
20 Cf. Elizabeth Jeffreys and Michael Jeffreys, "Portraits", in: Studies in John Malalas, eds. Elizabeth Jeffreys, Brian Croke, and Roger Scott, Sydney 1990 (= Byzantina Australiensia, 6), 231-244.
21 John Malalas, Chron. 18.1 (ed. Hans Thurn, Ioannis Malalae Chronographia, Berlin 2000, 232).
22 Eusebius of Caesarea, Vita Const. 3.10.3 (ed. Friedhelm Winkelmann, Vie de Constantin, Paris 2013, 365) Πάντων δ' ἐξαναστάντων ἐπὶ συνθήματι, ὃ τὴν βασιλέως εἴσοδον ἐδήλου, αὐτὸς δὴ λοιπὸν διέβαινε μέσος οἷα θεοῦ τις οὐράνιος ἄγγελος, λαμπρὰν μὲν ὥσπερ φωτὸς μαρμαρυγαῖς ἐξαστράπτων περιβολήν, ἁλουργίδος δὲ πυρωποῖς καταλαμπόμενος ἀκτῖσι, χρυσοῦ τε καὶ λίθων πολυτελῶν διαυγέσι φέγγεσι κοσμούμενος.
23 Cf. Valerio Neri, "Il corpo luminoso dell'imperatore", in: I disegni del potere, il potere dei segni, eds. Claudia Giuffrida and Margherita Cassia, Ragusa 2017, 57-66; Ignazio Tantillo, "Attributi solari della figura imperiale in Eusebio di Cesarea", in: Mediterraneo antico 6 (2003), 41-59, and "L'impero della luce. Riflessioni su Costantino e il sole", in: Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome. Antiquité 115 (2003), 985-1048.
24 Maria Cristina Carile, "Imperial Icons in Late Antiquity and Byzantium. The Iconic Image of the Emperor Between Representation and Presence", in: Ikon 9 (2016), 75-98.
25 Synesius, De regno 16 (ed. Antonio Garzya, Opere di Sinesio di Cirene, vol. 1: Epistole, operette, inni, Turin 1989, 26-27).
26 Sulpicius Severus, Vit. Mart. 24.4 (ed. Philip Burton, Sulpicius Severus' Vita Martini, Oxford 2017, 124).
27 Peter Chrysologus, Serm. 72ter.4 (ed. Gabriele Banterle et al., Santi Petri Chrysologi Collectio Sermonum, vol. 2, Milan and Rome 1997 [= Scriptores circa Ambrosium, 2], 88).
28 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 16.10.1-17 (ed. Seyfarth, I, 82-85). Ammianus's account of Constantius' reign recommends him as the most coherent model of absolute ruler in the Res gestae, cf. Richard Flower, "'Tamquam figmentum hominis': Ammianus, Constantius II and the Portrayal of Imperial Ritual", in: Classical Quarterly 65 (2015), no. 2, 822-835; Roger C. Blockley, "Ammianus, the Romans and Constantius II: Res gestae XIV.6 and XVI.10", in: Florilegium 16 (1999), 1-15; Robert Owen Edbrooke, "The Visit of Constantius II to Rome in 357 and Its Effects on the Pagan Roman Senatorial Aristocracy", in: American Journal of Philology 97 (1976), 40-61.
29 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 16.10.10 (ed. Seyfarth, I, 84) nam et corpus perhumile curvabat portas ingrediens celsas. In the following lines, Ammianus masterfully suggests a contrast between the actual height of the emperor, that of his imagined self, and the scale of Roman monuments at the end of which the emperor is forced to admit his defeat: 16.10.14 Deinde intra septem montium culmina per adclivitates planitiemque posita urbis membra conlustrans et suburbana, quicquid viderat primum, id eminere inter alia cuncta sperabat: Iovis Tarpei delubra, quantum terrenis divina praecellunt: lavacra in modum provinciarum exstructa: amphitheatri molem solidatam lapidis Tiburtini compage, ad cuius summitatem aegre visio humana conscendit: Pantheum velut regionem teretem speciosa celsitudine fornicatam: elatosque vertices scansili suggestu consulum et priorum principum imitamenta portantes, et Urbis templum forumque Pacis et Pompei theatrum et Odeum et Stadiu, n.s.m aliaque inter haec decora urbis aeternae.
30 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 16.10.12 (ed. Seyfarth, I, 84).
31 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 21.16.7 (ed. Seyfarth, I, 246).
32 For an analysis of the setting and its meaning see Vladimir Ivanovici, Manipulating Theophany: Light and Ritual in North Adriatic Architecture (ca. 400 – ca. 800), Berlin 2016 (= Ekstasis: Religious Experience from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, 6), 126-212.
33 Basil of Caesarea, Hom. in Ps. 44, 5 (ed. Adriana Regaldo Raccone, Omelie sui salmi. S. Basilio di Cesarea. Versione, introd. e note, 2. ed., Alba 1978, 118).
34 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 25.4.22 (ed. Seyfarth, I, 364).
35 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 27.6.15 (ed. Seyfarth, II, 44).
36 Mark the Deacon, Vit. Porph. Gaz. 47 (ed. Henri Grégoire and M.A. Kugener, Vie de Porphyre, évêque de Gaza, Paris 1930, 128).
37 Corippus, In laud. Iust. 2.100-101, 2.299, 3.220, 3.255, 4.243-247, 4.329 (ed. Averil Cameron, Flavius Cresconius Corippus. In laudem Iustini Augusti minoris, London 1976); Neri, "Il corpo luminoso dell'imperatore"; Paola Castronuovo, "Luce e splendore di Giustino II: la metafora della luce imperiale nel secondo libro dell'In laudem Iustini", in: Storia, poesia e pensiero nel mondo antico. Studi in onore di Marcello Gigante, ed. Francesco del Franco, vol. 2, Napoli 1994, 247-258.
38 See e.g. the contribution by Bogdan G. Bucur and Vladimir Ivanovici in this special issue, with bibl.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Enhance the western mood of your bathroom with the Horseshoe & Star Bath Hardware, crafted with horseshoes with lone star accents.
The Horseshoe & Star Towel Bar & Shelf adds western style to your bathroom with horseshoes with lone star accents.
Bring western style to your bathroom with the Horseshoe & Star Coat Rack & Shelf. This wall shelf with hooks has horseshoes with lone star accents.
Bring western style to your bathroom with the Horseshoe & Star Toilet Paper Stand/Magazine Rack, featuring horseshoes with lone star accents.


Nasabah menggunakan Mesin Tunjangan Mandiri (ATM) di salah satu pusat perbelanjaan di Jakarta, Senin (31/12)./pho KONTAN/Carolus Agus Waluyo/31/12/2018.
Throughout 2018, PT Bank Central Asia Tbk (BBCA) recorded a comprehensive net income for the year worth Rp. 25.55 trillion. Based on BCA's monthly report until December 2018, the profit increased 12.11% year on year (yoy) compared to the profit in December 2017 worth Rp 22.79 trillion.
BCA's profit growth was supported by lending which reached Rp 537.91 trillion. It grew 15.03% (yoy) compared to December 2017 with a distribution of Rp. 467.61 trillion.
While the collection of third party funds (DPK) reached Rp 630.09 trillion. This figure grew 8.14% (yoy) compared to December 2017 worth Rp 581.18 trillion.
From this achievement, until 2018 BCA assets were recorded to reach Rp 808.63 trillion. It grew 10.05% (yoy) compared to December 2017 valued at Rp 734.78 trillion.
Previously, on several occasions BCA President Director Jahja Setiaatmadja said, despite satisfactory performance, this year BCA installed a conservative target. The reason is that liquidity is predicted to still tighten.
"Last year we grew 15%, the projection for this year will remain in the range of 10% -11%. This year's deposits will be even harder, so it is difficult if credit is asked to be aggressive. If the DPK runs smoothly," Jahja said recently.


text:
MORMON CHANNEL
12 Step Videos
The 12 Steps in a Generic Form
Online meeting Resources
12 Step Fellowships
Summaries of groups in our directory
How the 12 Steps are used in the Mormon Church
An overview of how the 12 Steps are used within the Church of the Latter Day Saints (LDS) or Mormon Church. More information is available at Mormon channel.
Click the View button below to watch the video
12 Step Rap
Enjoy a Rap song about the 12 Steps, from Santa Monica Sam. Gives a catchy overview of all the steps. Peace-In. Peace-Out.
Fr. Martin
Fr. Joseph C. Martin provides an overview of the A.A. 12 Step program of recovery based on his extensive understanding and experience.
Sober MD
Dr. Douglas Cook provides an overview of the 12 step program and how it has worked in his own life as well as in his practice as a physician.
Rehab Center
A brief overview of how the English Mountain Recovery Center uses the 12 Step program to help people build a firm foundation for recovery.
Eric C of Lansing, MI, founder of the Secular AA Michigan gives a clear FAQ for agnostics and atheists in 12 step fellowships.
A.A. Study
Largest scientific meta-study to date on A.A. Scientists from Harvard and Stanford share their findings as published on 11 March 2020.
Sober James explains in one of his YouTube videos how the 12 steps of A.A. and going to meetings have worked for him.
Practical suggestions for the substance abuse counselor, including contributions from both psychology and the 12-Step programs
Tommy Rosen is a Yoga teacher in Los Angeles. He talks here about effectively combining Yoga and the 12 steps for maximum recovery.
Dick Van Dyke talks about alcoholism as a disease and in his own life on the Dick Cavett show from November 14, 1974.
AA Study
Bill and Lois
Bill W Documentary
History of A.A.
Lois W on Al-Anon
1.Understanding (Carran)
2.Pathophysiology (Carran)
3.Psychology (Carran)
4.Consequences (Carran)
5.Relapse (Carran)
6.Smoking (Carran)
Brain Imaging (Volkow)
Brain Disease (Volkow)
Addiction as Disease


text:
BIG NEWS: Wal-Mart workers get a raise
Victory: Wal-Mart workers get a raise
Dear 5849376,
This is big news: Wal-Mart just announced that the company will be giving raises to about 500,000 of its hourly workers, nearly 40% of the entire company.1
As the nation's largest employer, this move by Wal-Mart could have a ripple effect across the entire retail industry, resulting in higher wages for hourly workers who are struggling to make ends meet.
The work of CREDO members helped make this victory possible. Since early 2013, CREDO activists, including current and former Wal-Mart employees, have launched petitions calling on Wal-Mart and its directors for higher wages, an end to the company's retaliatory actions, and more, resulting in nearly 600,000 signatures. They have also made thousands of phone calls and attended on the ground rallies in solidarity with those workers.
In addition, CREDO members have stepped up to support this fight by donating $50,332 to OUR Walmart which helps Wal-Mart workers organize and fight back for fair wages and humane working conditions.
But, the fight for higher wages and better working conditions at Wal-Mart is not over. While the announcement from Wal-Mart represents progress it still falls short of demands of workers, who have been fighting for access to full-time, consistent hours and respect for their hard work.
These campaigns on CREDO Mobilize targeting Wal-Mart prove how powerful grassroots organizing truly is. When progressive activists step up and fight for change on the issues we care about, we can make decision-makers listen.
Are you ready to lead your own campaign for progressive change? Click here to start your own CREDO-style campaign today.
We couldn't have done this without you. Thanks for everything you do to support worker's rights.
Murshed Zaheed, Deputy Political Director
CREDO Action from Working Assets
"Nearly 40 Percent of Wal-Mart's US Workers to Get Pay Raises," The Associated Press, February 19, 2015
© 2015 CREDO. All rights reserved.
To change your email or mailing address, please click here: https://act.credoaction.com/me/update/?t=5&akid=13176.3291973.G_5lgp
To remove yourself from this list, please visit our subscription management page at: http://act.credoaction.com/cms/unsubscribe/unsubscribe/?t=7&akid=13176.3291973.G_5lgp


text:
Asante Cleveland (born March 21, 1992) is a former American football tight end. He played college football at the University of Miami and attended Christian Brothers High School in Sacramento, California. He has been a member of the San Francisco 49ers, New England Patriots, and San Diego / Los Angeles Chargers.

Early years
Cleveland played high school football for the Christian Brothers High School Falcons. He earned all-league honors as a junior after leading the team with 21 receptions for 262 yards and four touchdowns. He recorded 24 receptions for 412 yards and seven touchdowns during his senior year.

College career
Cleveland played from 2010 to 2013 for the Miami Hurricanes.

Professional career

San Francisco 49ers
Cleveland was signed by the San Francisco 49ers on May 10, 2014, after going undrafted in the 2014 NFL Draft. He was released by the 49ers on August 30 and signed to the team's practice squad on August 31, 2014. He was promoted to the active roster on September 20, 2014. Cleveland made his NFL debut on September 21, 2014, against the Arizona Cardinals.

New England Patriots
Cleveland was traded to the New England Patriots for Jordan Devey on August 18, 2015. He was released by the Patriots on September 5 and signed to the team's practice squad on September 6, 2015. He was promoted to the active roster on November 27, 2015 and appeared briefly, recording one catch for one yard, in the Patriots' 30–24 loss to the Denver Broncos on November 29, 2015. Cleveland was released by the Patriots on December 25, 2015.

San Diego / Los Angeles Chargers
Cleveland signed with the San Diego Chargers on December 28, 2015. On September 4, 2016, he was released by the Chargers. He was then signed to the Chargers' practice squad. He was promoted to the active roster on September 24, 2016.

On August 7, 2017, Cleveland was waived/injured by the Chargers and placed on injured reserve.

References

Living people
1992 births
Players of American football from Sacramento, California
American football tight ends
African-American players of American football
Miami Hurricanes football players
San Diego Chargers players
San Francisco 49ers players
New England Patriots players
Los Angeles Chargers players
21st-century African-American sportspeople

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Head of the Class is an American sitcom developed by Amy Pocha and Seth Cohen that was released on the streaming service HBO Max on November 4, 2021. It is based on Rich Eustis and Michael Elias' series of the same name that ran from 1986 to 1991. In December 2021, the series was canceled after one season.

In December 2022, the series was removed from HBO Max. On January 31, 2023, it was announced that the series will be released on The Roku Channel and Tubi.

Cast and characters

Main
 Isabella Gomez as Alicia Gomez, a new young teacher of the honors debate class at Meadows Creek High School bearing a similar personality to Charlie Moore, a history teacher who taught honors class at Millard Fillmore High School on the original Head of the Class.
 Dior Goodjohn as Robyn Rook, captain of the debate team and secretly a gamer.
 Gavin Lewis as Luke Burrows, member of the debate team who is obsessed with business and politics.
 Adrian Matthew Escalona as Miles Alvarez, Luke's best friend and member of the debate team who likes to sing.
 Brandon Severs as Terrell Hayward, son of Darlene Merriman (Robin Givens) from the original run of Head of the Class, member of the debate team and a swimmer.
 Jolie Hoang-Rappaport as Makayla Washington, member of the debate team who is very interested in big social issues.
 Jorge Diaz as Elliot Escalante, an English teacher at Meadows Creek High School
 Katie Beth Hall as Sarah Maris, Principal Maris' daughter who is a student at Meadows Creek High School and a swimmer. She has a close friendship with Terrell. She is initially reluctant to join the debate class but eventually joins the team.

Recurring
 Christa Miller as Principal Maris, the principal at Meadows Creek High School and Sarah's mother

Special guest star
 Robin Givens as Darlene, Terrell's mother and the co-chair of the Parents Association at Meadows Creek High School. Much like her son, Darlene was an honors student herself, having been in the Individualized Honors Program at Millard Fillmore High School on the series' first 5 seasons.

Production

Development
On May 12, 2020, HBO Max gave a reboot pilot order and five additional scripts for Head of the Class. The pilot was written by Amy Pocha and Seth Cohen. On March 31, 2021, HBO Max gave the reboot a series order consisting ten episodes. The series is developed by Amy Pocha and Seth Cohen who are expected to executive produce alongside Jeff Ingold and Bill Lawrence. Phill Lewis directed the pilot. The series is based on Michael Elias and Rich Eustis' Head of the Class. Production companies involved with the series were slated to consist of Doozer Productions and Warner Bros. Television. The series was released on November 4, 2021, with all ten episodes. On December 17, 2021, HBO Max announced that they would not be moving forward with a second season.

Casting
In November 2020, Isabella Gomez and Jolie Hoang-Rappaport were cast in starring roles. On December 17, 2020, Gavin Lewis joined the main cast. In January 2021, Jorge Diaz, Dior Goodjohn, Brandon Severs, Adrian Matthew Escalona, and Katie Beth Hall were cast to star while Christa Miller was cast in a recurring role. On October 12, 2021, a first-look clip revealed Robin Givens reprises her role as Darlene Merriman in undisclosed capacity.

Filming
Production began in the summer of 2021 in Los Angeles.

Episodes

Reception

The review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes reported a 67% approval rating with an average rating of 5.8/10, based on 9 critic reviews. Metacritic, which uses a weighted average, assigned a score of 63 out of 100 based on 5 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".

References

External links

2021 American television series debuts
2021 American television series endings
2020s American high school television series
2020s American teen sitcoms
2020s American workplace comedy television series
English-language television shows
HBO Max original programming
Television series reboots
Television series about educators
Television series about teenagers
Television series by Warner Bros. Television Studios
Television shows set in the San Francisco Bay Area


text:
Jean-Baptiste de Sénac (1693–1770) was a French physician was born in the district of Lombez in Gascony, France.

Early life and education
Details of his early life are sketchy, however, it is generally thought that he studied medicine at the University of Leyden, and later in London, where one of his instructors was John Freind (1675–1728). Beginning in 1723, he practiced medicine in Paris, later serving (from 1752 to 1770) as a personal physician to King Louis XV.

Contributions to medicine
Sénac is remembered for important studies of the heart in an era when cardiological medicine was rudimentary. In 1749 he published a book on cardiology called Traité de la structure du coeur, de son action, et de ses maladies (Treatise on the structure of the heart, its action, and its diseases), an influential work that systematically dealt with physiological, anatomical and pathological issues involving the heart. In the treatise, he discusses heart disorders and diseases that he analyzed personally, as well as diagnoses that were determined by other physicians.

Many of Sénac's discoveries were derived from autopsies. He was the first physician to describe the correlation between atrial fibrillation and mitral valve disease, as well as the first to provide a comprehensive study of cardiac hypertrophy. He also conducted research of cinchona extract and rhubarb as possible treatments for cardiac irregularities.

Gabriel Sénac de Meilhan was his son.

References

1693 births
1770 deaths
People from Gers
French cardiologists
18th-century French physicians
Leiden University alumni


for more information about this company please search on our business directory.
If Variovac GmbH has registered himself in our Germany b2b portal you will find full information on his/her profile.
You are in great portal about German trade shows events and best place for online advertising and marketing in Germany.
You will find here not only the information about German trade fairs events and featured exhibitors but you can easily introduce your company in our portal.
and marketing and sales in europe for your brand.
Please do not hesitate to contact us for any comments and questions about our services to help you grow up your brand in europe and Germany and even international markets.
It would be our pleasure to be at your service.
Discover the latest innovations in production and process automation, robotics, assembly and materials handling systems. Find out why technical professionals in the mechanical engineering sector have to embrace change in order to keep up with the fourth industrial revolution.
Find more about international fairs held in Germany on Bhowco.de at German trade fairs reportage or German trade fairs centers. We are happy to help you providing more information. So feel free to contact our experts via email contact: support@bhowco.de.
Digital Factory is hugely relevant for Industrie 4.0: with technologies such as CAE, MES and PLM, the industrial software solutions on display at this show are driving innovation.
Intelligent integration allows for the optimization of processes and the development of new products that conserve resources. Discover first-hand how market leaders from across the globe are helping shape the future with their new concepts and leading-edge production systems. The global players at HANNOVER MESSE include Siemens and Microsoft.
Trade show is organized by Deutsche Messe.Industrial Supply / Hannover Messe is a part of Hannover Messe.
Providing global sources, transferring knowledge and Networking, Industrial Supply can lead improvement of your business by encountering you with target visitors at the same time and place.
The energy transition is surely one of the most important issues of the future – and not just for politicians. Making the shift from finite raw materials to sustainable energy production is unavoidable, and yet the various means to implementation are extremely varied.
But what sorts of technologies and solutions offer the best chance of meeting these challenges? What options are currently available, and what is the best way of combining and managing them? At the international Energy trade show, exhibitors from around the world will present their electrifying answers to these questions and more. At HANNOVER MESSE, you will discover future-defining solutions for all stages of the energy production and supply chain.
That's everything, from renewable and conventional power generation, to transmission, distribution, storage and smart grid technology.
Experience the energy of tomorrow; experience This trade show of HANNOVER MESSE!
As the world's leading trade fair for quality assurance, This trade show brings together users from all over the world with the international market leaders and innovative suppliers of all QA related technologies, products, subsystems and complete solutions in hard and software.As the world's leading trade fair for quality assurance, Control brings together users from all over the world with the international market leaders and innovative suppliers of all QA related technologies, products, subsystems and complete solutions in hard and software.
With over 900 exhibitors from 32 countries around the world, This trade show is the number 1 source of information for all companies that see first class quality as the basis of their business success. At a very early stage, the specialist visitors gain insights into the production and test engineering spheres of the future. In this, Control relies on the transfer of knowledge and technology between research & development and the users in industry.
To achieve this objective in the best way possible, Control works intensively with the pioneering institutions of the sector. Those on board include Fraunhofer-Allianz Vision, Fraunhofer IPA and the German Society for Quality (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Qualität – DGQ). This concentrated know-how is made available to visitors in special exhibitions, theme parks and specialist presentations, thereby generating direct value added for users.
"If quality and productivity are not continuously improved at all times, it gives carte blanche to all competitors," Paul Eberhard Schall as the organiser of Control summarises the existential importance of quality assurance. So, year by year, Control offers the world of specialists a world-class provision. The optimal mix of theory and practice is rounded off with forward-looking supporting events.
Join Us For Free !


text:
Q: How do identity server validate the token at API or when we use Authorize attribute? I am using Identity server 4 as identity provider.
After getting the token for a successful login, we pass this token to the resource server.
My question is how does the Identity Server provider at the resource server end validate the submitted token ?
When I observed the traffic using fiddler I didn't see any request submitting the token to the provider to check.
Which means Identity Server provider at the resource server end itself is validating the token ?
Then why do we need to provide Authority when it is not checking against it?
How does the identity server provider at resource end make sure it is issued by a valid token provider ?

A: JWT tokens are self-contained, and do not need a round-trip to verify that they are still valid with each use ... they are valid so long as they haven't expired, providing they haven't been tampered with which only involves signature checking.
You can set your client up though to request reference tokens (and set up your API to accept them), and these tokens will involve a round-trip every time they are used. You have the ability then to revoke tokens, which you can't do with JWTs.

A: The resource server will not send the token over the wire to the identity provider to validate a token. This would incurr quite an overhead to your resource server.
Instead the resource server pulls down (and might cache) your identiy providers discovery document located at {identityserverUrl}./well-known/openid-configuration. This document contains materials that allow the resource server to validate the token within its own context. This is ofcourse assuming that the token is an access_token (issuer,jwks_uri)
If your resource server is using something like JwtBearerAuthentication middleware or IdentityServer4.AccessTokenValidation middleware, these things will do that for you.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Toll free :1(888)305-4540
Call us : 1(877)733-2745
Live chat: online
Services Prices Discounts Order Now About us Benefits Our process FAQ Testimonials Contact us
5% OFF more than 30 pages 10% OFF more than 50 pages 15% OFF more than 100 pages
Samples → Review → Jewish and Muslim Views → Buy essay
← International Terrorism The Health of Children →
Free Example of Jewish and Muslim Views Essay
Both Jewish and Muslim represent great contemporary religions which emerged in the Near East and were grounded in the power of divine words addressed against evil and death (Davies 118). According to the book Death, ritual and belief: the rhetoric of funerary rites Continuum "behind the beliefs of both Jewish and Muslim about death there lays the problem of death as timely or untimely as just or unjust as well as the desire to reconcile bodily decay with some inner sense of life as consisting in more than simple bodily existence" (118). An important aspect about this aspect in these two religions is the separation or distinction between the body and the soul after death.
Jewish is known to be one of the most ancient religions of the world with a history extending thousand years. Davies says that the beliefs of the Jewish faith have emerged and developed with time and circumstance as far as death is concerned (118). Death, ritual and belief: the rhetoric of funerary rites Continuum continues to indicate that "a firmer belief in an afterlife does not take shape until the time of the Maccabees which was the period of self sacrifice in war and was the one which placed a premium on a future life after death which followed after martyrdom in this world" (119).
On the other hand, Davies says that Muslim belief that after death there is the resurrection of the body which is by contrast very firmly established to the point that the practice of cremation is strongly opposed (122). He continues to say that Allah is the one who creates people from clay, sustains or keeps them, causes them to die and finally calls them from their graves. The book Death, ritual and belief: the rhetoric of funerary rites Continuum further says that "at death the body is washed b people of the same sex, is dressed in white and carried for prayer a the mosque prior to interment and he prayers are focused on the holiness and greatness of God with requests that the persons death God have mercy on the deceased" (122).
Like in the Muslim religion, in the ancient Jewish religion the major emphasis lied on the resurrection o the body and not upon an immortal soul. It should be noted that among medieval Jewish philosophers the doctrine of the resurrection was never abandoned and the emphasis was on the immortality of the soul (Davies 119). The book Death, ritual and belief: the rhetoric of funerary rites Continuum establishes that "some more conservative Jews do believe in the resurrection of the body while other traditional Jews continue practice burial and only relatively few adopt cremation" (119). Majority Jewish religious people approach death especially in terms of the mixed belief in resurrection and immortality of the soul.
The prayers after death in Muslim religion shows clearly how the Islamic rhetoric of death sets the single individual firmly into the total community of Islam's past and present (Davies 122). Muslim's belief that death is not usually the end but that much usually follows. Death, ritual and belief: the rhetoric of funerary rites Continuum also says that some "Muslim's response to death is not grounded to hysteria, sobbing or expressions of grief but a calm languid letting go, a brief ritualized relinquishment of a relationship no longer possible" (123). In this context the overall rhetoric of death is set within the goal of an attitude of life which is sought as a general outlook one in which an afterlife is given an important place. In their religion, Muslims belief in life after death and this lies on the argument that there are three separate notions of life after death which are held concurrently by Muslims. The first is the idea of death, resurrection and reward or punishment in heaven, another one involves simple extinction at death and the third embraces the notion of reincarnation after death.
Solomon, Harries and Winter says that in both Jewish and Muslim religions the understandings in of the language of life after death can be rejected and regarded as a metaphor or symbol such metaphors can be treated very differently (319). The book Abraham's children: Jews, Christians, and Muslims in conversation says that death in these two religions may convey value judgments about normal life, hence highlighting and underlining the value and importance of the way we live now and for others death is a metaphor about the consummation of this life beyond space and time.
In addition, Irish, Lundquist and Nelsen commented that death is frequently discussed within the Muslim religion and thus some times a Muslim is taught more about life after death than about life itself (139). Death is thus considered as a natural part and process of life and is also considered as a return to God. According to Irish, Lundquist and Nelsen death for Muslim believer's means to be rid of the ugliness of this world and to join the beauty of the afterworld while for non believer's death means to return to the ugliness of the afterworld (139). In their further studies Irish, Lundquist and Nelsen indicated that Muslims believe that those who are afraid of death are those who panic when they are aware of entering the afterworld and the hell it probably holds for them (140).
In conclusion, unlike in the Muslim religion, in the Jews religion belief that a person is a fully person until the very last breath and that life is sacred. American Geriatrics Society (107) thus says that death is inevitable and therefore Jews should neither hasten death nor prolong the dying process. In addition American Geriatrics Society (107) continue to say that "beliefs regarding the afterlife vary widely among Jews from nothing exists beyond this life on earth to there is a definite existence for the soul after life" (107). In both cases American Geriatrics Society says that Jews believe one lives on through being remembered by others and others in bodily resurrections of the dead and for some in reincarnation. In both religions, there are some similarities on the view of death but the variations also exist depending on the believer's perspective.
Order Now!Hesitating?
The Health of Children
95% of satisfied returning customers
Customer support 24/7/365
The largest source database
A wide range of services
Certified writers only
Custom-written papers only
Direct communication with a writer
Free plagiarism report(on demand)
Free revision upon request
Renee S., Portland, OR
Your writing company delivers for me every time. I have never been disappointed.
Marcus W., Seattle, WA
Thank you for fulfilling my writing order in such a timely manner. I have already recommended your writing service to several people that I know. I liked everything about doing business with you. However, I especially liked the world-class writing that took place to create my fantastic paper! I got an A on it, and I am so pleased. Thanks again!
Our services Discounts Order Prices About us Benefits Blog Testimonials FAQ Contacts Terms and Conditions | Privacy Policy | Delivery Policy Sitemap
Admissions Essays Be Careful! Case Studies Coursework Custom Essay Dissertation EditingWriting Help VIP Services Research papersTerm paper Writing Help Sitemap AnalysisArticles SamplesBook ReportsBusinessDescriptionDiscussion Board Post ExamplesEconomicsExploratoryHistoryLiterary AnalysisManagementResearchResearch ProposalReview
© 2021 EssaysWriters.com. All rights reserved.


This device is used to turn over aluminium ingots moving on a conveyor. The grippers are pushed in by pneumatic cylinders to grab the ingot, and a motor which is connected to a synchronising shaft turns the grippers using sprockets and a connecting chain. Inductive sensors are used to activate the motor and pneumatic cylinders.
Operators safety during operation of the turn over device.
The motor is installed in an in-line position for direct drive to the synchronising shaft.
This is done to reduce the number of components in the system which can fail and to improve the precision at which the ingots are turned. A custom designed coupling/clutch (indicated by a red arrow) is fitted to the top sub-assembly to prohibit the cylinder from rotating when the ingot is turned over.
The safety guarding surrounding the chains and other moving parts of the turn over device can be removed by removing four bolts which give you complete access for maintenance or repair work. The turn over device is a modular design with separate replacement sub-assemblies in order to minimise installation time when maintenance or repairs are required.


Samsung has announced a couple of updates to its mobile Windows 8 PC lineup that adds some higher-tier options to the company's ATIV Smart PC Pro and Series 9 Premium ultrabook ranges. First up, the ATIV 700T can be equipped with support for AT&T's 4G LTE, which was notably absent on older models and made the hybrid device less suitable for business customers who are frequently on the move.
Strangely, that seems to be the only tweak and it comes with a significant price premium. Samsung's press release says the system will cost $1,600, which is $200 over the base Wi-Fi-only 700T. Other specs include an 11.6-inch 1080p display, a Core i5-3317U with HD Graphics 4000, 4GB of RAM, a 128GB SSD, 2MP front camera and 5MP rear camera, a USB 3.0 port, as well as Bluetooth 4.0 and WiDi support.
Naturally, that initial $1,600 purchase doesn't include an actual data plan from AT&T, and you'll have to part with another $150 if you want the ATIV's keyboard dock for hybrid functionality. That part adds a full-size keyboard sans numpad along with a touchpad and two USB 2.0 ports. The tablet itself weighs 1.96lbs, measures 0.47 inches thick, offers up to eight hours of run time and ships with Windows 8 Pro.
Meanwhile, the second Samsung update adds a higher resolution display to the nine-month-old Series 9 ultrabook. The updated version replaces last year's 13.3-inch 1600x900 display with a 1080p panel that also touts a "SuperBright" technology which supposedly makes the display 50% brighter than you'll find on other notebooks. Pricing will be set at $1,900, which includes an i7-3517U and a 256GB SSD.


Pittsboro - Mrs. Willa Marie Whyburn Austin, 90, wife of the late George Austin, died Thursday, April 4, 2019 at The Arbor at Galloway Ridge.
Mrs. Austin was a proud graduate of Bryn Mawr College, Class of 1949. She had a stellar career working as a scientist for NASA and Lockheed Aerospace. She worked on the Apollo program, the moon landing, the Space Shuttle program and handsat.
Willa is survived by her children, William Bussard of Durango, CO, and Elise Bright of Austin, TX; grandchildren, Zack Bright, Larissa Diaz, Sarah Bright; four great grandchildren; brother, Clifton Whyburn, and his wife, Kay, of Cincinnati, OH; and her niece and nephew, Elizabeth and Robert.
A memorial service will be held at the Chapel of the Cross, Chapel Hill, on aday and time to be announced.
The Austin family is under the care of Walker's Funeral Home of Chapel Hill. Please express your online condolence by using the tab below.


text:
The Weekly Nerd 30
On Dec 19, 2015 11:00 am, by Dave Alberto
Do you know how hard it was for me to peel away from Star Wars? DO YOU?!?!? Good. You better.
Why do I have to love this franchise so much? It's just so cute! Flaws… Do I think that an entire Village of Pandashas the ability to do what Po does? No, but this may be the step to getting him to become the Sifu of that temple and unlocking some of the mysteries hidden by Oogway.
As promised!! Last week I said we would cover this trailer release so here we go. This is only a short teaser, which I am beginning to prefer. It shows quick clips of the lead cast and a basic introduction to what the hell is going on. I think that this has some potential. I will outright say that while I enjoyed the HP movies for what they were, I was NOT a big fan of them. This shows promise and I hope that they take the world into a slightly different direction. It looks like they may be developing more of the muggle world with this and I would like to see how the wizards really interact.
Lastly, here's the first trailer for Star Trek Beyond. I'm not going to dive too deep here. It looks good, though the trailer is hyperpaced and it feels like they tried to cram so much into a short trailer. hmmm.
Alrighty, we are going to hop right in to news.
Matt K dropped a piece this week about the new Independence Day trailer. What you may have noticed in the trailer.. or rather didn't notice… was Will Smith's Col. Hiller. It looks like the movie runners did Smith a solid. We knew going in to this that Smith did not come back to do the sequel, but seeming as a nod to the character and likely to Smith, this bit was found on the website that launched with the trailer. The site itself is really well done and I enjoyed bombing around in it, there is a lots of information on the post ID4 world and how the original movie was really just the first battle. I highly suggest you take a look a it.
"While test piloting the ESD's first alien hybrid fighter, an unknown malfunction causes the untimely death of Col. Hiller. Hiller's valor in the War of '96 made him a beloved global icon whose selfless assault against the alien mothership lead directly to the enemy's defeat. He is survived by his wife Jasmine and son Dylan."
Mark Wahlberg has confirmed to CinePop at the red carpet premier of his new film "Daddy's Home" that he will be returning for Transformers 5. This next film is coming after what is believed to be a structural remapping of the entire movie franchise earlier this year. It is expected that this will be the last movie featuring Optimus Prime and that the torch will be handed off to Ultra Magnus.
Lastly, Mike Colter (Luke Cage) has spoken with Collider about the themes and differences between the current Netflix heroes (DD and JJ) and the upcoming Luke Cage series. When asked about how Cage will be different from the other shows, he had this to say
"I feel like they all have their own story and their own thing that they're doing, and they're not going to be compared to one another, except for the fact that they are in the same genre. Jessica's storyline is so different from Daredevil's storyline. Daredevil's storyline is so different from mine. There's a social aspect involved with Luke Cage, there is a criminal element involved, and there is a procedural element involvement.
We focus on a variety of different things. I think it will be a surprise. I don't know if we'll be taking things to the next level because Jessica did such a great job. I don't know what to expect, as far as the response, but I know it's going to be different."
Maybe the Cage plot and story will be one that starts to bring a little bit of light into the very gritty world that netflix is developing. I am looking forward to the development of Iron Fist into that world, since he will likely just flick the switch and illuminate this very dark and dangerous edition of Hells Kitchen.
Now, It's time for me to get back to Star Wars. I've got pondering and theorizing to do.
Dave Alberto Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them ID4 Independance Day 2 Kung Fu Panda 3 Luke Cage Transformers weekly nerd