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Home » NBA » NBA injury report: Return timeline, updates, impact for LeBron James, Kyrie Irving, Kyle Lowry, other injured stars
NBA injury report: Return timeline, updates, impact for LeBron James, Kyrie Irving, Kyle Lowry, other injured stars
01/05/2019 injury, NBA, Report:, return, time
LeBron James, Kyrie Irving and Kevin Love are united again … in the sense that they are all dealing with injuries. James is still recovering from a groin strain suffered on Christmas Day, while Irving has eye inflammation and Love is two months removed from foot surgery, getting closer to making his return.
A couple more recent and relevant injury updates: DeMarcus Cousins went through a full practice and Robert Covington will be out for a while because of a bone bruise.
We have every single NBA injury chronicled here and updated often to let you know who is in or out each night and beyond. But this page will look at the most important injuries in the NBA and how they are affecting teams and players moving forward.
NBA's biggest injuries
Jan. 4 update: James won't play on Friday against the Knicks, nor will he join the Lakers on their two-game road trip to Minnesota and Dallas, the team announced. He will be re-evaluated in a week, which means he is expected to be out for their game against the Pistons next Wednesday, if not longer. Los Angeles has gone 1-3 in his absence, but it has not been blown out and there have been opportunities for its young players to play larger roles. Brandon Ingram has largely looked more comfortable with more playmaking responsibility, and Josh Hart pulled down a career-high 15 rebounds on Wednesday against the Thunder.
How would you like to get scratched in both eyes? That's what happened to Irving on Monday when he collided with San Antonio's Marco Belinelli, and he sat out Wednesday's game because of the resulting inflammation. He won't play on Friday against Dallas, either, but at least this isn't expected to be a long-term injury — the Celtics have been pretty banged-up for a while now. As long as he is sidelined, the player to watch is Terry Rozier, who has had an underwhelming season but has looked better in the past couple of games. I wonder if Rozier can get himself in a groove as a starter and build on that when Irving comes back. I also wonder if he might be able to play his way out of Boston and into a starting role elsewhere.
Love doesn't have a timetable to return and the Cavs have no incentive to rush him back, but the team released an update on Friday saying that he is ready to start doing "select basketball activities." Cleveland is tanking, but it would still be nice to see Love come back and give the offense some sort of structure. Of course, the second he gets on the court, the trade rumors will start again.
Lowry has missed nine of the Raptors' last 10 games, and the team announced on New Year's Day that he had been given injections to relieve pain and inflammation in his lower back at the Hospital for Special Surgery in New York on Dec. 29. Toronto is 28-12 despite the fact that Lowry has missed so much time and his shooting cooled off after his hot start, but it is still obvious that the team needs him at his best. (Just for fun, look at Serge Ibaka's per-36 numbers with and without Lowry.) He is listed as doubtful for the Raptors' game in Milwaukee on Saturday.
Golden State has had a platoon of centers for the past few years, but it has been rather thin at that position since Damian Jones' injury. Cousins' return will fix that, the team hopes, but no one is giving an exact timetable for his comeback and it would be unwise to set expectations high or play him major minutes. He practiced fully on Wednesday, obviously a significant step, and now he needs to show that his conditioning is where it needs to be to compete in NBA games. When he does get on the floor, he will give the Warriors a look they've never had, and he will have to figure out where he fits in the offense.
The Wolves have played like a top-five defensive team with Covington on the court, holding opponents to 105.5 points per 100 possessions. They are 20th in defensive rating on the season, though, and they have not been stingy in their losses to Atlanta, New Orleans and Boston in the past week. This is why the news that a bone bruise will keep him out for an extended period of time is so rough — Covington is one of the league's best defenders, and, as much as I like watching Josh Okogie play, putting the rookie in the starting lineup is a significant downgrade.
Fultz has missed the Sixers' last 20 games, and he will be re-evaluated next week, according to the Philadelphia Inquirer's Keith Pompey. Mid-January will mark six weeks since it was reported that he would be out 3-to-6 weeks. Philadelphia is in need of healthy bodies, but if he is unable to shoot jump shots, it's hard to see how he can help the team on the offensive end. Wouldn't it be an amazing story if he came back and started knocking shots down?
Pelicans coach Alvin Gentry said on New Year's Eve that Mirotic was nearing a return, but he sat out in Brooklyn on Wednesday and it's not clear if he will be in the lineup on Saturday in Cleveland. New Orleans is mostly healthy aside from this, but it desperately needs to get its act together — despite having playoff talent, this team has lost seven of nine games and owns an atrocious 4-16 record on the road. Gentry has to hope that Mirotic, who has missed the Pelicans' last 10 games, can provide some stability.
Zeller had a terrible New Year's Eve, breaking his hand against the Magic and needing surgery a few days later. The Hornets announced he is expected to miss 4-to-6 weeks, a major blow for a team that is trying to hold onto a playoff spot. Without him (and Jeremy Lamb, who strained his hamstring against Orlando) on Wednesday, they started Willy Hernangomez at center and brought Bismack Biyombo and Frank Kaminsky in off the bench against Dallas. They also gave up 42 points in the first quarter and lost 122-84.
Bazemore hurt his ankle on Dec. 29 against Cleveland and will be out for at least two weeks. This has pushed Daniel Hamilton into the starting lineup, with Vince Carter and DeAndre' Bembry (and, to a lesser extent, Tyler Dorsey and Justin Anderson) picking up the rest of the minutes on the wing, at least until Taurean Prince comes back.
Wednesday marked the first time I've seen the term "bruised fat pad" used in a sentence. That sentence, from the Nets' official Crabbe injury update: "After further evaluation, it has been determined that the bruised fat pad, which has been the cause of the right knee soreness, will require an additional period of recovery." Crabbe will be re-evaluated in a week or two, and when he comes back, he might have to come off the bench. I'm not sure coach Kenny Atkinson will be in a hurry to take Jared Dudley or Rodions Kurucs out of the starting five.
Barton is close to returning, but he is still listed as out for the Nuggets' game against the Hornets on Saturday. They have a road back-to-back in Houston and Miami after that, so perhaps he could come back for one of those games. He has been sidelined since getting hurt in the second game of the season, but Denver has managed to overcome this — and other injuries — because of its depth and insane production from Nikola Jokic and Jamal Murray.
As if the Wizards needed more bad news, they announced Thursday that Morris would be out for six weeks after being diagnosed with transient cervical neuropraxia — this means his neck and back are stiff. Morris initially got hurt on Dec. 16 against the Lakers and aggravated the injury 10 days later in Detroit.
Dec. 29 update: The Wizards haven't exactly had the most success when it comes to the injury front this season. Dwight Howard has played appeared in nine games due to dealing with a back injury. Now Wall has a left heel injury that's been bothering him for a while. He's reportedly leaning toward season-ending surgery. The sidelined star visited a specialist on Saturday to determine the severity of the injury.
Paul strained his left hamstring in the Rockets' 101-99 loss in Miami on Dec. 20, but they earned good wins over the Spurs and Thunder after that. The front office addressed their sudden lack of backcourt depth by signing Austin Rivers on Christmas Eve, and he fared well in his first appearance. If Rivers ends up being a good fit in Houston for the rest of the season, then perhaps there will be a silver lining to what looked like a devastating turn of events. The Rockets have won seven of their last eight games, with James Harden again playing MVP-caliber ball.
The Raptors thought Lowry would return to the lineup on Wednesday in Miami, but his back flared up in the morning. He's already been ruled out for Friday's game against the Magic. Incredibly, through 36 games, Lowry has only played with Kawhi Leonard 21 times — in the other 15, one of Toronto's stars has played without the other, per The Athletic's Blake Murphy. Regardless, the Raptors have the league's best record, and Fred VanVleet has averaged 13.4 points and 5.4 assists while shooting 46.4 percent and 44.4 percent from 3-point range in nine starts.
Washington has been without Porter for eight games — he hurt his right knee on Dec. 10 in Indiana — and it sure could use him. The Wizards are 13-22 and have lost eight of 10, and they needed three overtimes and 40 points from Bradley Beal to beat the Phoenix Suns on Dec. 22. Still, they are only four games out of the playoffs in the East, and a healthy Porter is essential if they still care about salvaging this season.
Prince has been sidelined since hurting his left ankle late in the Hawks' loss to the Warriors on Dec. 3, and coach Lloyd Pierce said Wednesday that the forward has only done light shooting and likely won't be back until January, per the Atlanta Journal Constitution's Chris Vivlamore. The injury has resulted in a return to the starting lineup for Kent Bazemore, who tied a career high with 32 points on 14-for-25 shooting in a loss to the Pacers on Wednesday.
Mbah a Moute's sore left knee was not seen as a big deal when it started bothering him two months ago, but it wound up derailing his season. He tweeted on Monday that he will be back "soon," but the Clippers have yet to officially update his status. When he does return, they will be an even more versatile team than they already are, but coach Doc Rivers will have an even tougher time trying to balance their rotation.
This is a bummer: Despite the fact Parsons has been cleared to return from yet another bout of knee trouble, he will remain a "healthy inactive" for now, per The Athletic's Shams Charania. Coach J.B. Bickerstaff did not rule out the possibility of Parsons playing before the end of the calendar year, but I wouldn't bet on that happening.
Dec. 21 update: The Knicks announced Friday that Porzingis would be re-evaluated in mid-February, a year after he had surgery to repair his ACL. According to the team, his knee is "healing well" (!) and he has made "good progress with rehabilitation" (!!) and will do on-court work with his teammates once he has reached "the remaining rehab benchmarks" (!!!). Reminder: On Nov. 13, GQ published a story quoting Porzingis as saying his rehab was "coming to an end" and his return was so close that he "can taste it." Regardless, I don't know any New York fans who are desperate to see him come back as soon as possible — they're all too focused on Zion Williamson and R.J. Barrett.
Dragic had surgery on his troublesome knee on Wednesday after only appearing in two games in the last month. This will keep him out an additional two months, which is rough news but at least gets rid of the ambiguity about when he might come back and save the day. On the season, the Heat are 22nd in net rating, but have outscored opponents by 3.5 points per 100 possessions with Dragic on the court. The good news, however, is that they have won their last three games without him. Their defense is good enough for them to turn this season around.
Wolves coach Tom Thibodeau said Friday that Teague, who has missed their last two games with an ankle injury, won't be back for another week to 10 days. Derrick Rose played a whopping 38 minutes (and scored 33 points) in Minnesota's loss to Detroit on Wednesday, and Tyus Jones will continue to get backup point guard minutes. The biggest change in the rotation without Teague, though, is the reemergence of rookie wing Josh Okogie, who had basically been buried since the Jimmy Butler trade.
Bagley, who's been sidelined since suffering a bone bruise in his left knee against the Warriors back on Dec. 14, won't participate in basketball activities for at least another two weeks, the Kings announced on Friday. Forward Troy Williams has benefited the most from his absence in terms of picking up minutes. We'll have to wait until mid-January before learning more about tthe rookie's status
Baynes had been in the Celtics' starting lineup in place of Horford when he broke his left hand two minutes into Wednesday's loss to Phoenix. Boston is extremely deep, but its depth is being tested now — Baynes will miss four to six weeks, and coach Brad Stevens will have to rely on Daniel Theis and Robert Williams until Horford is back.
The backup big man sprained his ankle in the Bulls' 96-93 loss to Brooklyn on Wednesday, and the team announced he'd be out for two to four weeks. Portis has only played nine games this season, which is certainly not what he or Chicago had in mind after he looked so good in training camp and had 20 points and 11 rebounds on opening night. If there's a silver lining here for Bulls fans, it's that the team needs to tank anyway and rookie Chandler Hutchison could see an uptick in playing time.
Valanciunas scored six points and grabbed seven boards in just eight minutes in Oakland on Wednesday before a nasty collision with Draymond Green dislocated his thumb. Mostly coming off the bench, Valanciunas has only played 18.8 minutes per game but never averaged more points, a credit to him thriving in his role and the Raptors making a point to involve him in the offense. In his absence, Toronto can turn to veteran Greg Monroe, give two-way player Chris Boucher (who dropped 47 points for Raptors 905 on Wednesday before his call up) a chance or take a look at small lineups with Pascal Siakam at center.
Reporters watched Roberson's post-practice work on Nov. 29 and came away impressed, and Thunder coach Billy Donovan said he has "been on a really good track," per The Oklahoman's Erik Horne. A day later, the team announced he'd suffered a setback in his recovery, as an MRI revealed an avulsion fracture, and he would be re-evaluated in six weeks. Oklahoma City deserves all sorts of credit for having the best defense in the whole league without Roberson, who is a Defensive Player of the Year-caliber stopper when healthy.
Jones had surgery on Wednesday, and he might be out for the remainder of the season. The Warriors announced he will "begin the rehab process" six weeks after the surgery. Jones had started in 22 of his 24 games this season, but only averaged 17.4 minutes — Golden State takes a platoon approach to the center position. If he's done for the year, Golden State will rely on Kevon Looney and Jordan Bell in addition to the still-sidelined Cousins as its traditional 5s. Of course, its best look in the playoffs will probably remain Green playing "center" with Kevin Durant next to him in the frontcourt.
Nov. 29 update: There is never a good time to suffer an ugly leg injury, but it's particularly awful when you're playing at an elite level for the first time. LeVert wasn't even penciled in as a starter before he started schooling everybody in scrimmages a couple of months ago, but he was so phenomenal at the beginning of the season that the Nets were thinking big. He might have been an All-Star this season, and he might have led them to the playoffs. Since he went down, Brooklyn has gone 2-6, but that doesn't tell the whole story: Its offense is extremely dependent on Spencer Dinwiddie and D'Angelo Russell, and fourth-quarter execution has been a major problem. LeVert is obviously missed, but at least the damage wasn't as serious as it looked live.
Howard now needs back surgery on two discs, per Stadium's Shams Charania, and the optimistic timeline is set at eight weeks. It is tempting to say that the Wizards, an awful defensive and rebounding team, could use Howard in the lineup. This, however, ignores that they have actually been worse on both ends with Howard on the court this season. If he ever eventually helps Washington, it will be because he addresses the injuries that have bothered him all season — rather than accompany the team to New Orleans on Wednesday, he went to Los Angeles to see a nerve specialist to try to do just that.
Thomas doesn't officially have a timetable, but ESPN's Adrian Wojnarowski reported in early November that he should be back at some point in December. We should all hope that, this time, he is fully healthy and capable of doing the things he did a few years ago. The tricky part about this situation, though, is that backup guard Monte Morris has been way too good for the Nuggets to simply sideline him. Minutes are going to be hard to come by.
The mysterious Porter continues to be out indefinitely despite saying he was pain-free in the summer. The 20-year-old was only available to the Nuggets because he had two back surgeries, so he should be seen as a long-term, low-risk, high-upside play. There is no meaningful analysis to be done here, but Denver would love to look brilliant for taking him at No. 14 in the draft if/when he is healthy down the road.
This sucks so much for both him and the Spurs — Murray is the their best defender, and they have been 23rd in defensive rating. He was supposed to take the leap this season, but that went out the window when he crumpled to the floor in a preseason game. On offense, San Antonio has relied on DeMar DeRozan's playmaking even more than it planned to, and Bryn Forbes has stepped into a starting role at point guard. We will soon find out if Lonnie Walker can earn a role in the rotation, too.
The Bulls have been hit with a whole bunch of injuries early in the season, from Markkanen's elbow to Bobby Portis' knee and Kris Dunn's knee. Valentine is on this list because he is done for the year after undergoing what the team called an "ankle stabilization procedure" on Tuesday — his injury was initially described as a moderate ankle sprain in September.
NBA injury report: Return timeline, updates, impact for Draymond Green, Victor Oladipo, Kristaps Porzingis, other injured stars
NBA report card: Grading the recent performances of five high-achieving and struggling teams
NBA scores, highlights, updates: Kawhi Leonard back as Raptors battle 76ers; Rockets look to get back on track
NBA Power Rankings: Bucks, Warriors start strong; Lakers, Rockets stumble early
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Star Sixes round-up: England on top after day one in Glasgow →
Kyrie Irving scores 40 points as Boston Celtics beat Philadelphia 76ers in overtime
Harden drops 58 to guide Rockets past Heat
Tom Brady is 'unathletic' but wants to be like Roger Federer and Michael Jordan


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MacIntyre makes history in unlikely Moose win
by theahl
Wednesday's boxscores
MANITOBA 2, CHICAGO 1 (OT)
Drew MacIntyre became the ninth goaltender in AHL history to be credited with a goal when Chicago shot the puck into their own net during a delayed penalty in overtime, giving Manitoba a 2-1 win over the Wolves at Allstate Arena.
See the goal (video courtesy B2 Networks/AHL)
With Ondrej Pavelec on the bench for an extra attacker and a penalty upcoming on Jason Jaffray, Steve Martins' pass from the Moose goal line back to the point eluded its target and sailed the length of the ice for the winning goal. MacIntyre was the last Manitoba player to touch the puck, and by rule is credited with the goal.
In addition to getting the game-winning goal, MacIntyre also made 29 saves on the night.
Manitoba's Pierre-Cedric Labrie and Chicago's Bryan Little traded goals in the second period. Kevin Bieksa, beginning a conditioning assignment with the Moose, recorded an assist.
The loss snapped the Wolves' seven-game winning streak, but the point gained in overtime still allowed them to open up an eight-point lead over Rockford atop the West Division.
Manitoba, which has now won four of five on the road, continues its road trip in Grand Rapids on Friday.
MacIntyre is the first AHL goalie to be credited with a goal since Seamus Kotyk in 2005, and joins current Philadelphia Flyers goaltender Antero Niittymaki as the only ones ever to be credited with an overtime goal.
AHL Goals Scored by a Goaltender:
Darcy Wakaluk, Rochester Americans Dec. 5, 1987 at Utica
Paul Cohen, Springfield Indians Mar. 28, 1992 vs. Rochester
Robb Stauber, Rochester Americans Oct. 9, 1995 at Prince Edward Island
Christian Bronsard, Syracuse Crunch Oct. 30, 1999 at Rochester
Jean-Francois Labbe, Hartford Wolf Pack Feb. 5, 2000 at Quebec
Chris Mason, Milwaukee Admirals Oct. 15, 2001 at Utah
Antero Niittymaki, Philadelphia Phantoms Apr. 11, 2004 at Hershey
Seamus Kotyk, Milwaukee Admirals Apr. 17, 2005 at San Antonio
Drew MacIntyre, Manitoba Moose Feb. 20, 2008 at Chicago
ROCHESTER 2, ALBANY 1 (OT)
Anthony Stewart buried a rebound 90 seconds into overtime and Adam Dennis made 39 saves as Rochester eked out a 2-1 win over Albany at the Blue Cross Arena on Wednesday night.
The Americans are 4-1-1-0 in their last six games overall and have won four of their last five at home.
Jerome Samson scored on a power play 2:14 into the game for the River Rats, and Marc-Andre Gragnani answered with a shorthanded marker 8:27 into the second.
Albany, which dropped to 1-4-1-1 in its last seven outings, held a 34-10 edge in shots through two periods and 40-23 for the game.
Dennis improved to 14-17-2 on the season, and is now 5-3-0 with a 1.60 GAA, a .944 save percentage and two shutouts in February.
HARTFORD 2, LOWELL 1
Ivan Baranka's power-play goal with 2:13 left in regulation lifted Hartford to a 2-1 win over Lowell at the Tsongas Arena on Wednesday.
The Wolf Pack have earned points in 13 of their last 14 games (10-1-2-1), and now trail first-place Providence by four points in the Atlantic Division heading into their battle with the Bruins on Thursday.
Pierre-Alexandre Parenteau also scored for Hartford, and Greg Moore and Dane Byers assisted on both Pack goals on the night.
Al Montoya stopped all nine shots he faced in the first period before yielding to Miika Wiikman, who turned aside 18 of 19 shots in relief.
Barry Tallackson scored the only goal for the Devils, who saw their three-game points streak (2-0-1-0) come to an end.
TORONTO 4, BINGHAMTON 2
Kris Newbury tallied a goal and an assist to lead Toronto to a 4-2 win at Binghamton on Wednesday.
Justin Pogge made 23 saves for the Marlies, who finished above .500 (3-2-0-0) on their five-game road trip. Toronto returns home to take on the Senators on Saturday afternoon.
Chris Harrington, Jeremy Williams and Robbie Earl all scored for the Marlies. Williams' goal went down as his seventh game-winner of the season, tied for the AHL lead.
Greg Mauldin scored for the Sens and Denis Hamel had two points, including Binghamton's league-high 16th shorthanded goal of the year.
WILKES-BARRE/SCRANTON 3, HERSHEY 2 (OT)
Tim Brent tipped home Alain Nasreddine's shot 12 seconds into overtime to give Wilkes-Barre/Scranton a 3-2 win over visiting Hershey.
Dave Gove had a goal and an assist and Jonathan Filewich also scored for the Penguins, who moved into sole possession of second place in the East Division, one point ahead of the Bears.
Marc-Andre Fleury made 27 saves in the win, improving to 3-1-0 on his conditioning assignment from Pittsburgh.
Kyle Wilson and Eric Fehr scored for Hershey while Josef Boumedienne extended his scoring streak to 14 games with an assist.
BRIDGEPORT 4, NORFOLK 3
Former Admiral Matt Keith scored a pair of goals, including the tie-breaking marker with 11:30 left in the third period, to send Bridgeport to a 4-3 win over Norfolk on Wednesday.
Keith, who skated in 237 games for Norfolk from 2003-06, finished with two goals and an assist on the night, doubling his previous output in his first 17 games with the Sound Tigers.
Tim Jackman and Kyle Okposo also scored for Bridgeport and Mike Morrison stopped 28 shots, including all 13 he faced in the third period. With the win, the Sound Tigers moved into fourth place in the East Division, one point ahead of Albany and two up on Binghamton.
Justin Keller and Bracken Kearns each had a goal and an assist for the Admirals, who were kicking off a nine-game road trip through New England.
HAMILTON 5, QUAD CITY 1
Mikhail Grabovski continued his hot streak with three more points as Hamilton posted a 4-1 win over Quad City in Moline, Ill.
The Bulldogs won their fifth game in a row, with Grabovski posting 16 points (6g, 10a) in that time. Hamilton has also won nine of its last 11.
Marvin Degon had a goal and an assist, Corey Locke recorded three assists and Duncan Milroy, Matt D'Agostini and Kyle Chipchura also scored for the defending Calder Cup champions, who remained tied with Manitoba for second place in the North Division. Jaroslav Halak finished with 25 saves.
Tim Ramholt netted the only goal for the Flames, who lost in regulation for just the second time in their last eight games (4-2-0-2).
Americans raise $46,000 for Cystic Fibrosis Foundation
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Vehvilainen's transition has been impressive
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They were originally retailed at FAO Schwartz. Covered in mohair, with glass eyes, and lead antlers, they measure 10 1/2 tall to the tips of their antlers. They both have the "Made in West Germany" sticker on the underside, and all their tack is complete. The item "Antique German Reindeer" is in sale since Tuesday, December 18, 2018. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Holiday & Seasonal\Christmas\ Vintage (Pre-1946)\Figures\Reindeer". The seller is "sfr4art" and is located in Pottstown, Pennsylvania. This item can be shipped to United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Denmark, Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Czech republic, Finland, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Estonia, Australia, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Slovenia, Japan, China, Sweden, South Korea, Indonesia, Thailand, Belgium, France, Hong Kong, Ireland, Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria, Bahamas, Israel, Mexico, New Zealand, Singapore, Switzerland, Norway, Saudi arabia, Ukraine, United arab emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Croatia, Malaysia, Colombia, Panama, Jamaica.
Up for sale is a very original 1952/53 Schwinn Black Phantom! Lots of character on this one some may call it patina! This bike is fairly rough as far as most black phantoms are concerned, but that's what makes this one stand out. With at least 90% of all phantoms out there sitting in restored condition, it's become tough to find unrestored examples. Here's your chance! Obviously the seat is incorrect, but I believe everything else is original on the bike. One other large flaw is the rust hole in the front fender behind the headlight housing. The headlight internals are all present, but rusty. The switch does not move. There are a few pieces missing: the taillight, headlight lens, and key [key half is broken and stuck in the lock] The hubs and bearings have been cleaned and greased. Original Schwinn front brake and handle. The front brake line is not frozen. The front drum brake mechanism actually works, but it is not effective as the pads are worn out I believe. Also, check out the original DeLuxe pedals with killer matching patina! This bike actually rides pretty nice honestly! It could use a little TLC and tires to become an everyday cruiser, or it could be a great candidate for restoration. I literally pulled this bike out of a barn about 3 years ago – so you can safely call it a "barn-find" if you would like! The price we agree to is what you pay to get the bike to your door! Any questions – just message me. The item "1952 Schwinn Black Phantom Antique Vintage Bicycle Rare Original" is in sale since Wednesday, December 12, 2018. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Transportation\Bicycles\Complete Bicycles". The seller is "6172839405" and is located in Velva, North Dakota. This item can be shipped to United States.
The solid brass candy store design features ornate patterns on all 4 sides. There is a glass shelf at the top, and a marble shelf over the drawer. Affixed onto the under side of the drawer are 2 original paper certificates: 1. A guarantee letter from John H. Patterson, then President of NCR; 2. A list of 300 (size) models and patent dates. The register includes its 3 original keys. Is heard when a sale is made and the drawer opens. From the estate of Mr. Allyn became chairman of the board until he retired in 1961. Allyn who had the cash register professionally restored. 17.5H x 12W x 16D. The company thrives today as a publicly traded, global tech company. Please send us a message, and we will promptly reply. The item "Antique NATIONAL CASH REGISTER Solid Brass Model 317. Paper certif on drawer. 1915″ is in sale since Tuesday, July 26, 2016. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Banks, Registers & Vending\Cash Registers". The seller is "supermall" and is located in Cincinnati, Ohio. This item can be shipped worldwide.
This is hand cranked. Total weight with wood board is 16lbs. Total height with board is 12 from wheel to wheel it measures 7 1/5 outside measurements. When tested it did not really grind the coffee beans just cracked a few. It may need to be adjusted or I may be doing something wrong. Listing is for what you see in picture. Makes a good decorative item. Expect some kind of wear from use and age. The item "Antique Coffee Grinder Enterprise Philadelphia Cast Iron" is in sale since Saturday, July 15, 2017. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Kitchen & Home\Kitchenware\Small Appliances\Coffee Grinders, Mills". The seller is "marie_01-81″ and is located in West Palm Beach, Florida. This item can be shipped to United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Denmark, Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Czech republic, Finland, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Estonia, Australia, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Slovenia, Japan, China, Sweden, South Korea, Indonesia, Taiwan, Thailand, Belgium, France, Hong Kong, Ireland, Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria, Bahamas, Israel, Mexico, New Zealand, Singapore, Switzerland, Norway, Saudi arabia, Ukraine, United arab emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Croatia, Malaysia, Chile, Colombia, Costa rica, Panama, Trinidad and tobago, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica.
4 shakers- 4″ to 4 1/2″ tall. 3 have 2 holes for salt, one has 3 holes. One tiny nick on hat of "L". No other damage or repairs. Very nice used condition. Please shop my stores for many similar items. Very good used condition- normal wear from use and cleaning. Very nice used condition-minimal wear from use and cleaning. Excellent used condition- minor wear from use and cleaning. Used items often have odors from age-use-storing and cleaning. If your spam blockers prevent this from being received, you need to make adjustments. I expect buyers to respond to my notification of final settlement. Questions are always welcome. Please take the time to read the title and description and review the images before asking a question. Most items I sell are old and used. Any other complaints you have with the carrier, register them with the carrier. I rarely relist items. If I do relist- they are put into my stores. They will not get any cheaper. The item "Antique Ucagco Japan Plaster Noel Snowmen Shaker Set- OB" is in sale since Monday, November 30, 2015. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Holiday & Seasonal\Christmas\ Modern (1946-90)\Figures\Snowmen". The seller is "wahoo-mercantile" and is located in Wahoo, Nebraska. This item can be shipped worldwide.
Underwood Standard Typewriter No. This is a collector item only and will not guarantee of the functionally of this typewriter. All auctions are final sale. The item "Vintage Antique 1929 to 1930 UNDERWOOD No. 5 Black Steel Standard Typewriter RARE" is in sale since Sunday, December 31, 2017. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Pens & Writing Instruments\Typewriters". The seller is "easy168″ and is located in Sacramento, California. This item can be shipped to United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Denmark, Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Czech republic, Finland, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Estonia, Australia, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Slovenia, Japan, Sweden, South Korea, Indonesia, Taiwan, Thailand, Belgium, France, Hong Kong, Ireland, Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria, Israel, Mexico, New Zealand, Singapore, Switzerland, Norway, Saudi arabia, Ukraine, United arab emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Croatia, Malaysia, Bahamas, China.
I BELIEVE THIS AUTOMATON WAS FROM A MACY'S DEPARTMENT STORE WINDOW DISPLAY. HER RIGHT HAND HOLDS TWO GOLD EARRINGS AND IT MOVES UP AND DOWN WHEN YOU PLUG IT IT. THE ELECTRIC CORD HAS SOME CRACKING DUE TO AGE. THERE IS AN INSPECTION STICKER DATED 1962 SO I BELIEVE THAT IS WHEN IT WAS MADE. HER LEFT ARM HAS BROKEN OFF AND I HAVE NOT TRIED TO MEND IT. IT LOOKS LIKE A SIMPLE REPAIR WITH THE PROPER EPOXY GLUE. I BELIEVE A PLASTIC EPOXY GLUE WOULD HOLD WELL. THIS WOULD MAKE A GREAT RESTORATION PROJECT AND WOULD DISPLAY WELL AFTER THE ARM IS REPAIRED. DUE TO AGE IT WILL NEED SOME GENTLE CLEANING. THE BROKEN ARM IS FIXED AND NOT MECHANICAL LIKE HER RIGHT ARM. THE MECHANICAL ARM GOES UP AND DOWN AND IT STOPS AND STARTS AT RANDOM TIMES. THERE IS A SMALL MECHANICAL WHEEL (SYNCHRON CLOCK MOTOR) THAT TURNS THAT STARTS AND STOPS THE MECHANICAL LIFT ARM THAT GOES UP AND DOWN. I THINK SHE LOOKS LIKE A FORTUNE TELLER HOLDING THE GOLD EARRINGS IN HERE HAND. THE EARRINGS ARE REAL, THEY ARE CLIP-ON AND THEY ARE VINTAGE COSTUME JEWELRY. THERE WAS A VINTAGE BEAD NECKLACE THAT BROKE AND SOME OF THE PLASTIC BEADS ARE MISSING. WE WILL INCLUDE THE NECKLACE IN CASE YOU WANT TO REPAIR AND ADD TO THE DISPLAY. THIS HAS A WOOD BASE THAT STANDS ABOUT 12 TALL. THE SITTING WOMAN IS ABOUT 26 TALL. THE WOOD BASE IS ABOUT 14 IN DIAMETER. THE DISPLAY WEIGHS ABOUT 16 POUNDS. THE ENTIRE DISPLAY IS ABOUT 37 1/2 TALL. IT WILL BE FULLY INSURED IN CASE THE POST OFFICE DOES NOT HANDLE THE PACKAGE PROPERLY. THE WOOD BASE HAS A PAINTED WOOD TWIG MATERIAL THAT WRAPS AROUND IT HIDING THE MECHANICAL ELECTRIC MOTORS. THERE IS AN INSPECTION TAG THAT READS THAT IT WAS PRODUCED BY THE ART MFG. I BELIEVE THIS WAS MADE IN THE USA BUT NOT SURE. THE SHOES AND CLOTHING ARE WORN AND TATTERED AS EXPECTED FOR THE AGE OF THIS DISPLAY. I SEE A SMALL CHIP IN THE BISQUE UNDER THE SCARF ON THE NECK THAT I POINT OUT IN THE PHOTOS. I ALSO SEE A SMALL CRACK IN THE ELBOW OF THE BROKEN ARM THAT WILL NEED JUST A LITTLE GLUE TO REPAIR. I WILL SPEND WELL OVER AN HOUR PACKAGING THIS SO PLEASE PLAN ON SPENDING SOME TIME GENTLY REMOVING THE PROTECTIVE BUBBLE WRAP WHEN YOU RECEIVE IT. THIS DOES NOT PLAY ANY MUSIC. I DO NOT BELIEVE IT WAS DESIGNED TO PLAY MUSIC. PLEASE SEE PHOTOS CLOSELY, WE DON'T WANT YOU TO GET SOMETHING YOU WON'T ENJOY. WILL INCLUDE SIGNATURE CONFIRMATION. PLEASE LET US KNOW IF YOU HAVE QUESTIONS. WE WORK DURING THE DAY SO WE MAY NOT BE ABLE TO GET BACK TO YOUR QUESTIONS UNTIL EVENING. The item "VTG ANTIQUE AUTOMATA AUTOMATON WINDOW STORE ART DISPLAY MECHANICAL GIRL DOLL TOY" is in sale since Sunday, February 15, 2015. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Advertising\Merchandise & Memorabilia\Store Displays". The seller is "justcleaninghouse" and is located in Salt Lake City, Utah. This item can be shipped worldwide.
Great size on this slag glass lamp with bronze patina. 24 inches tall x 21 inch wide shade. Slag shades have a textured surface with a reverse painted/printed pattern – which is very unusual. Great color and design. Base is in good condition, we suggest rewiring. Clips that hold the shades in place are missing on most spaces, so when photographed we used tape to hold panels in place. There's are also two breaks in the outer shade rim, see photos. It is still structurally sound because it is s very well made shade. There is a (original to the piece)thick wire welded to the outer underside rim of the shade for support. There is tape residue on the underside of shades that should be removed. We photographed the lamps underside with the blue tape I used to hold the shades in place for the photograph. See partial pic of blue tape. Fine detail from the base to the rim of the shade with the curly wave like design… The finial is also interesting, like an urn. This is a great looking lamp that is different from most and would be a great addition to your collection. Track Page Views With. Auctiva's FREE Counter. The item "Antique Arts & Crafts Nouveau Handel Era Reverse Pattern Slag Glass Lamp Repair" is in sale since Sunday, November 12, 2017. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Lamps, Lighting\Lamps\ Electric\Table Lamps". The seller is "maxiesmix" and is located in Warren, New Jersey. This item can be shipped to United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Denmark, Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Czech republic, Finland, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Estonia, Australia, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Slovenia, Japan, China, Sweden, South Korea, Indonesia, Taiwan, Thailand, Belgium, France, Hong Kong, Ireland, Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria, Israel, Mexico, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Switzerland, Norway, Saudi arabia, Ukraine, United arab emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Croatia, Malaysia, Chile, Colombia, Costa rica, Panama, Trinidad and tobago, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, Bahamas.


text:
Greater Manchester alcohol-related hospital admissions up more than 130% in the last decade, new data shows
By James Haviland
Alcohol-related hospital admissions for Greater Manchester have risen by 11% on last year and over 130% in eight years according to new data.
Although the statistics released by the North West Public Health Observatory show the rate of increase is about the national average, Manchester City Centre, Tameside and Trafford all saw significantly higher increases over the eight year period.
Michael Linnell of The Lifeline Project, which helps individuals and families deal with alcohol and drug abuse, described alcohol as the major problem affecting Manchester and the North West.
He said: "It is the drug that causes the most problems, by far, affecting all age groups from young to old and all classes.
"Although the use of alcohol has fallen by young people, those drinking seem to be drinking more and the big rise of alcohol harm has been seen in older people regardless of social class."
Health Secretary Andrew Lansley blamed reckless Labour policies such as 24-drinking on the rise pointing to a serious problem with binge drinking and long-term excessive alcohol abuse in a minority of people.
"These consistent rises show that Labour took their eye off the ball on tackling alcohol abuse during their 13 years in power.
"Unlike the last government, we have taken real action by imposing high taxes on super strength beers and ciders and banning below cost alcohol sales."
Shadow public health minister, Diane Abbott, said the figures showed that alcohol admissions were spiralling out of control.
"The alarm bells should be ringing with the publication of these figures. It is clear that this government is rapidly pushing us towards a binge-drinking crisis."
binge drinkingGreater ManchesterManchesterMichael Linnell


text:
Endnotes4
Editorial #4
Brown v. Ferguson
A History of Separation
Strange Victory
Afterword
gather us from among the nations
its own peculiar decor
An Identical Abject-Subject?
The infrastructure of the modern world
The workers could have failed in their essay to defeat the old regime; we've certainly dwelled on the many obstacles that they faced. But in spite of all that, the movement was successful in achieving some of its goals. The labour movement shaped history (if not always as it had intended). That it did so, we argue, had everything to do with the emergence of infrastructural industries, that is, industries producing goods whose use depended on the construction of massive networked infrastructures: roads, electricity grids, plumbing, radio towers, etc.
If the persistence of the old regime set the scene or provided the stage on which the workers' movement was born, then these infrastructural industries supplied the dramatic action. It was in and through their growth that the drama of the workers' movement played out. These new industries came online just as those of the first industrial revolution — e.g., food processing, textiles, ironworks and railroads — were maturing. Taking their place at the leading edge, the infrastructural industries included, at first, everything to do with electrification and steel: safety razors, sliced bread, radios, and precision machines. There followed the heyday of so-called "Fordism": cars, refrigerators, washing machines, and all manner of consumer durables. Altogether, these industries employed huge masses of semi-skilled workers.
It was because they employed so many workers, and made their employment so central to the functioning of the wider economy, that the infrastructural industries determined the course of the workers' movement. The growth of these industries meant that, for a time, the development of the productive forces really did swell the size and power of the industrial workforce. Workers were also unified within massive factory complexes, which employed thousands of them at a time. Development therefore seemed to represent the growing strength of the proletariat and the shrinking relevance of its old-world enemies.
However, this growth in unity and power turned out to be a temporary phenomenon. Both were washed away in the 1970s, as industrialisation became deindustrialisation. Meanwhile, the expansion of infrastructural industries did not unify the wider class as expected. On the contrary, it deepened the imbrication of the proletariat within the unity-in-separation of capitalist social relations. Unity-in-separation was, at first, merely a formal feature of market exchange. But over time, this formal feature was "realised" in the transformation of the earth — a mess of steel and glass, concrete and asphalt, high-tension wires — taking place not only within the space of the factory, but also beyond the factory gates.
INFRASTRUCTURAL INDUSTRIES, SEMI-SKILLED WORKERS
Production in infrastructural industries was not tendentially automated. That made these industries unlike the ones Marx was thinking of in his famous fragment on machines: once chemical plants had been constructed, for example, they mostly needed to be maintained or monitored. Unlike chemicals production, the industries of the second industrial revolution required huge quantities of labour, not only for the construction of the plants, but also, once constructed, for the assembly of goods. The result was, from the standpoint of Marx's theory, a wholly unexpected support for the growth of labour demand.1 On that basis, two waves of strong industrial employment growth took place in the 100 years after Marx's death: from the 1880s to 1914, then again from the 1950s to 1973. Both the fin-de-siècle upturn and the postwar boom seemed to confirm workers' sense that the fate of capital and of labour were tied together: accumulation of capital was multiplication of the proletariat.
This proletariat was, increasingly, a respectable class. It became respectable in the figure of the male, semi-skilled, heavy industrial worker (which is not to say that all such workers were male, only that they were imagined to be so, ideally). This figure became hegemonic in the course of the workers' movement: like the artisan, he really could define himself in relation to his work. That was because — at least until the 1960s, when the loss of shopfloor autonomy reached a tipping point — he was able to see his work as a source of growing collective power. He provided a model for the rest of the class: what it could be, what it was becoming.
Semi-skilled workers not only provided a model, they also had a measure of security denied to other members of the class. They were difficult to replace on a moment's notice, and they set in motion huge quantities of fixed capital, which were worthless when left idle. That security provided a firm basis from which to fight for freedoms for the class as a whole. The time of the workers' movement was simply the time of the rise and decline of the semi-skilled male worker and of the industries where he worked. Together they made it possible to imagine that capital was tendentially unifying the class by means of an affirmable workers' identity. But it was only insofar as those industries were expanding that the workers' movement could see the semi-skilled worker as its future being realised in the present. Once those industries went into decline, the glorious future declined as well.
THE ROLE OF THE STATE
But we will come to that later. For now, it is important to point out that, on the continent, the new industries emerging in this era did so only in the context of late development. As we saw above, late development was rooted in alliances between aristocratic and capitalist elites. Those alliances allowed European powers to institute "the American system".2 The American system had four essential components. Late-developing regimes had to: (1) erect external tariffs to protect infant industries; (2) abolish internal tariffs and support infrastructure building, to unify the national market; (3) fund big banks, both to stabilise inflation and provide a boost to national capital formation; and (4) institute public education programmes, to consolidate allegiance to the state, standardise the national language, and promote literacy (literacy was a prerequisite for a lot of semi-skilled factory work, as well as office work).
Late development commenced in the 1860s and early 1870s. Then, in the course of the First Great Depression (1873–96), many states dropped pretenses to Manchestertum; they began to intervene extensively in national economies. That they did so made it possible to build a vast infrastructure, on which the new industries ran. Here were the canals, railroads and telegraph wires; here, too, the roads, telephone wires, gas lines, plumbing, and electrical grids. At first, this infrastructure was one dimensional: railroads and canals cut through the landscape. Then, it became increasingly two (or even three) dimensional: networks of roads, electrical grids and radio towers covered entire areas.
These latter necessitated some sort of urban planning. For example, the laying down of tram lines was associated with the separation out, on the one hand, of working class neighbourhoods, and on the other hand, of industrial zones (it was no longer the case that workers had to live within walking distance of their places of work).3 Such residential and commercial districts had to be designated in advance, when the infrastructure was laid.
This sort of undertaking was often too difficult for capitalists, and not only because of the huge scale of investment required. To build a massive infrastructure requires an army of planners: to promote a wide reach, to prevent wasteful duplication and to decide on industry standards. That meant a growing role for the state, as the only part of society capable of becoming adequate to this task — the task of planning society. Late development occurred alongside a burgeoning state apparatus, at once more centralised and more dispersed than ever before (although this apparatus remained relatively small until the World Wars spurred its growth).
The changed role of the state dramatically transformed proletarian visions of communism. In Marx's theory, there had been no role for the state to play, either before or after the revolution. Free-market capitalism was to be replaced by socialism: that is, the "conscious planning of production by associated producers (nowhere does Marx say: by the state)."4 Marx's model of planning was not the state, but the workers' cooperative on the one hand, and the joint-stock company on the other. Likewise, Engels famously suggested in Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State that after the revolution, the state was to find its place in "a museum of antiquities, by the side of the spinning-wheel and the bronze axe."5 Neither anticipated the massive role that states would play in the near future, in capitalist societies. Nor did they therefore anticipate the role the state would play in the socialist imaginary. Here's Kautsky:
Among the social organisations in existence today there is but one that has the requisite dimensions, that can be used as the requisite field, for the establishment and development of the Socialist or Co-operative Commonwealth, and that is the modern state.6
State-led infrastructural development revealed the irrationality of capital, but in a particular way. It seemed irrational to consume commodities privately when they ran on an efficient public infrastructure. Why sell cars to individuals, when it was possible to build networks of collectively utilised trams? Why not just plan everything? Socialism became a vision of the endless extension of the state — from partially to totally planned society.7
This new vision generated debates among revolutionaries: how would this total planner state come about, through nationalisation or socialisation? Would everything be directed from above, by national parliaments, or would it be necessary to wholly replace that bourgeois apparatus with one more appropriate to proletarians, for example, a federation of workers' unions? In either case, the problem was to figure out how separate units — still organised around economic activity, and thus surviving more or less intact from the capitalist era — would exchange their products with one another, while putting aside a portion of their output for the growth of the productive apparatus. Of course, automation would eventually solve these problems, but what about in the meantime? There were no easy answers:
On the one hand, as Korsch … Wigforss … and others pointed out, direct control of particular firms by the immediate producers would not remove the antagonism between producers and consumers, that is, workers in other firms. On the other hand, transfer to centralised control of the state would have the effect of replacing the private authority of capital by the bureaucratic authority of the government.8
How one saw the future role of the state affected one's strategy in the present. Is the state a committee for managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie, or a neutral instrument, reflecting the balance of class forces? This question was not merely theoretical. Alliances between Iron and Rye seemed to suggest the state could strike a balance between classes. Would it be possible, then, for the working class to enter the fray, to reform capitalism on the way — or as the way — to socialism? Such debates gave rise to fundamental splits within the workers' movement, and later, to its fragmentation.
THE CONTAINER OF THE NATION
The workers' movement was born not only in the context of a growing role of the state, but also of the nation: late development was national development. That explains why, when the Great War arrived, socialists were largely willing to jettison their internationalism. They justified their support for war by reference to the movement's success, following the wars of national consolidation in the 1860s and 70s.9 Most assumed that the return of war merely presaged another wave of national consolidation, which would remix the interstate framework and set up the conditions for the further expansion of the industrial proletariat. By supporting the war effort, workers would prove themselves respectable. They would inch closer to power, or maybe even obtain it for the first time, during the next cycle of economic growth.
Luxemburg bemoaned this interpretation of the war in her Junius Pamphlet. She saw — almost uniquely among Social Democrats — that the 1914 war would be different: it would be a long one, and it would leave massive destruction in its wake. She scolded her comrades for their failure to understand the changing nature of war: "Today war does not function as a dynamic method of procuring for rising young capitalism the preconditions of its 'national' development. War has this character only in the isolated and fragmentary case of Serbia."10 The implication was that war really had functioned that way in the past.
Indeed, in the 1860s and 70s wars of national consolidation had ushered in a period of rapid growth for the labour movement. Social Democratic parties and Anarchist federations were founded throughout Europe (and even beyond, e.g. in Argentina). Movement strategists knew their success was tied to the framework of the nation. If the accumulation of capital was the multiplication of the proletariat, then the strength of the nation was the degree of organisation of its working class: "the alternative to a 'national' political consciousness was not, in practice, 'working class internationalism', but a sub-political consciousness which still operated on a scale much smaller than, or irrelevant to, that of the nation-state".11 The labour movement swelled with the consolidation of national languages and cultures, both of which were in large part effects of public education (and the associated growth in literacy), as well as of rail networks. The link between the fate of the nation and that of the class was clearest for those sections of the workers' movement that were able to contest national elections. Of course, these were the very same sections that patriotically voted for war credits in 1914.
Here is the point: in many ways, it was state-led infrastructure building, in the context of national development, that created a growing role for parliaments. Those parliaments had the power of the purse. They controlled taxation. It was because states were able to raise taxes regularly, via parliaments, that they were able to borrow on bond markets to fund their infrastructure projects: "The maintenance of the special public power standing above society requires taxes and state loans".12 Thus, it was in the interest of the old regime to share power with national parliaments, in order to foster development. In return, the old regime got a massive boost to its military power. As a result the importance of parliament rose steadily (even though the levels of taxation involved remained low, compared to what would become possible in the course of the World Wars).
That was why it was worthwhile for the workers' movement to break into parliaments. From the perspective of the middle of the nineteenth century, that workers might have representatives in government was a fool's dream. However, by the century's end, Engels was publicly calling for a peaceful transition to socialism. The ballot box replaced the barricade: "the two million voters whom [the SPD sends] to the ballot box, together with the young men and women who stand behind them as non-voters, form the most numerous, most compact mass, the decisive 'shock force' of the international proletarian army."13 The peaceful victory of socialist electoral parties seemed all but assured (even if it might be necessary to rout the counter-revolution by force):
It was only a question of time, according to systematic and statistically minded German socialists, before these parties would pass the magic figure of 51 percent of the votes, which in democratic states, must surely be the turning point.14
That hope survived down to the Great War. After the war, attempts to roll back constitutionalism and democracy proved successful (especially in Central, Eastern, and Southern Europe, where both were of recent vintage); by contrast, before the war, the expansion of the franchise through struggle had seemed inevitable. Social Democracy became the dominant form of the workers' movement in countries where workers had been enfranchised. In states where workers had not won the vote, they could look to those where workers had, in order to see their own future emerging in the present. In that way, stagism extended itself: Russia looked to Germany as a model, both economically and politically.
As it turned out, the trajectories of late-late developing countries did not actually replicate those of the late developing ones. Outside of Western Europe, movements had to have a more revolutionary orientation, since the old regime was more resistant to recognising workers' interests. Anarchism was strongest in Southern and Eastern Europe for that reason (and also because, there, advance was impossible without the peasantry). But stagism was also wrong for another reason: with the further advance of the technological frontier, catch-up was no longer possible on the basis of late development: "In the 20th century, the policies that had worked in Western Europe, especially in Germany, and the USA proved less effective in countries that had not yet developed."15 The only way forward was through big push industrialisation. As we will see later, the latter required not alliances with the old regime, but rather its liquidation as the very precondition of catch-up growth.
INTEGRATING WORKERS INTO THE POLITY
As the workers' movement developed within national zones of accumulation, it also fractured (that was true even before the Great War broke the movement apart). The movement became destabilised because — at least in the most "advanced" capitalist countries — it proved possible to ameliorate workers' conditions via national development in a way that dispelled workers' revolutionary energies. Reform and revolution split off from one another. Social Democrats had initially argued that such a split was impossible:
The elevation of the working-class brought about by the class-struggle is more moral than economic. The industrial conditions of the proletariat improve but slowly, if at all. But the self-respect of the proletarians mounts higher, as does also the respect paid them by the other classes of society. They begin to regard themselves as the equals of the upper classes and to compare the conditions of the other strata of society with their own. They make greater demands on society [which society is unable to fill] … increasing discontent among the proletarians.16
According to Kautsky, it was a "children's disease" to think that reforms would make exploitation more palatable; reforms were necessary for the revolutionary effort — they afforded workers a little security, so they could focus on organising for the final battle.17
Kautsky could say so only because, like all Second Internationalists, he still believed in the Kladderadatsch, the coming collapse of the system, which was going to unfold regardless of what reforms were won. The onset of the First Great Depression, in 1873, seemed to confirm that belief. In the course of the Depression, capital centralised to an extreme degree; it concentrated in industrial combines, linked together through cartels. On that basis, socialists announced that proletarians — along with most capitalists, peasants, artisans and small-business owners — would soon find themselves thrown out onto the street.
The connection socialists perceived between industrial concentration and unemployment was the key to their revolutionary position: technical development would force capitalists to replace men with machines. In societies organised around the capitalist mode of production, that reduction necessarily issued in unemployment for many people. As it turned out, further technical development in the infrastructural industries did not generate unemployment, especially in large manufacturing combines. Instead, the growth of the productive forces created jobs — and even more so after the end of the First Great Depression in 1896.
Simplifying somewhat, we can explain this phenomenon as follows. Although there were huge technical advances in production in the course of the nineteenth century, few such advances took place in assembly. Here, human hands were still needed. As a result, infrastructural industries absorbed huge quantities of both capital and labour. They required a small army of engineers, but also a large army of hired hands, who actually put together all the precision-made parts. Moreover, the infrastructural industries were organised in such a way that whenever those hands obstructed the assembly process, they forced machines worth huge amounts of money to stand idle. Development thus created not impoverishment, but the possibility for some workers to win higher wages through work stoppages.
Under these changed economic-political conditions it was moreover the case that some workers were able to win dignity while remaining tethered to capital. Thus, the working class was no longer the class with radical chains — the class as a purely negative force which was going to rise up and negate society. Instead, the working class was integrated, slowly and haltingly (and, it should be added, far from completely), into society as a positive force for change. As Paul Mattick argued in 1939: "consciously and unconsciously, the old labour movement [came to see] in the capitalist expansion process its own road to greater welfare and recognition. The more capital flourished, the better were the working conditions."18
The consequences of this new situation were immense: the organisations of the workers' movement were able to gain recognition as part of society, and they won gains for their members on that basis. However, to accept social recognition required that they no longer promote revolution as their goal. It wasn't possible to accept the constitutional framework and simultaneously, to argue for its overthrow. That risked the possibility that the movement might lose its recognition and therefore also the gains that it had won: "the choice between 'legal' and 'extra-parliamentary' tactics had to be made."19 This dilemma was clearest in the case of the unions, the key molecules that make up the collective worker.
LABOUR LEADERS AND THE RANK-AND-FILE
The main problem faced by unions was the same as that faced by every organisation of workers: "class interest is something attached to workers as a collectivity rather than as a collection of individuals, their 'group' rather than 'serial' interest."20 Workers' class interest had to be instantiated in some way. Towards that end, unions created organs to punish behaviours that maximised individual well-being (e.g. scabbing) at the expense of the collective. They then began to exert power by threatening to withdraw collective labour, and sometimes, by actually withdrawing it. Here was the crux of the issue: in a context where unions set out to improve workers' wages and conditions, while remaining roughly within the bounds of legality, unions needed to demonstrate not only a capacity to strike, but also a capacity not to strike, so long as their demands were met. Otherwise, they could not gain leverage.
For that reason, unions had to develop disciplinary mechanisms which, in addition to suppressing behaviour that maximised workers' serial interests, ensured that the collective acted in line with negotiated settlements. Developing such mechanisms did not necessitate a stable separation between an organisational leadership and the rank and file. However, that separation could be avoided only where rank and file militancy was continuously operating. Since struggles tended to ebb and flow, the only way for unions to remain effective, over time, was to build formal structures that allowed negotiators to appear as if they had the capacity to turn rank and file militancy on and off at will (when in fact, they could do neither).
At this point, the interests of leaders and of the rank and file diverged. Rank and file militancy became a liability, except when under the strict control of the leadership. Meanwhile, the leadership became a permanent staff paid from union dues, and no longer depended on employers for wages. Leaders' interests were increasingly identified, not with the defense of union members, but with the survival of the unions. Leaders thus tended to avoid confrontations with employers that put the future of the union at risk. In this way, substantive reform, let alone revolution, became an increasingly distant goal.
The very organisations that workers had built up to make the revolution possible — the organisations that instantiated the collective worker — became an impediment to revolution. For "a party oriented toward partial improvements, a party in which leader-representatives lead a petit-bourgeois lifestyle, a party that for years has shied away from the streets cannot 'pour through the hole in the trenches', as Gramsci put it, even when this opening is forged by a crisis."21 From here on out, revolution emerged not as an internal tendency of capitalist development, but rather, as an external effect of geopolitics. Revolutions occurred only where capitalist development destabilised national frameworks of accumulation, pitting nation-states against one another.
In the background was also this gnawing predicament: as the productive forces developed, it became increasingly difficult to know what it would mean to win, to run all these massive apparatuses in the interest of the workers. Just as the galaxy, when seen dimly, appears as a single point of light, but when seen up close turns out to consist mostly of empty space — so too the productive forces of capitalist society, when seen in miniature, appeared to give birth to the collective worker, but on a larger scale, gave birth only to the separated society.
ADDENDUM ON CLASS IDENTITY
The workers' movement promoted the development of the productive forces as a means of pressing the collective worker into being, as a compact mass. As it turned out, the extension and intensification of the factory system failed to have the desired effect; the collective worker really existed only in and through the activity of the workers' movement itself. But the mediations of the workers' movement did make workers' collective interest into something real. As we have argued, unions and parties constructed a working class identity as a key feature of their organising efforts. This is not to say that class unity, or the identity with which it was associated, was somehow merely imposed by union and party leaderships; that unity and identity were integral to the project of the labour movement itself, in which millions of workers participated.
Within the labour movement, workers claimed that the class identity they promoted and affirmed really was universal in character. It supposedly subsumed all workers, regardless of their specific qualities: as mothers, as recent immigrants, as oppressed nationalities, as unmarried men (and at the outermost limit: as disabled, as homosexuals, and so on). In fact, the supposedly universal identity that the worker's movement constructed turned out actually to be a particular one. It subsumed workers only insofar as they were stamped, or were willing to be stamped, with a very particular character. That is to say, it included workers not as they were in themselves, but only to the extent that they conformed to a certain image of respectability, dignity, hard work, family, organisation, sobriety, atheism, and so on.22
Earlier, we examined the historical genesis of this particular class identity — in the struggle against the old regime, and with the expansion of the infrastructural industries. It is possible to imagine that, in changed conditions, certain particular features of this identity may have turned out differently. To be sure, even within Europe, one would find many completely contradictory characteristics ascribed to workers as a class in different national and regional contexts. In that regard, however, we should exercise some caution. Even in the United States, where universal manhood suffrage was achieved early, and there was no old regime to defeat, a worker's identity was still constructed in the late nineteenth century around a similar set of markers: productivity, dignity, solidarity, personal responsibility. In a nation of immigrants, where African and Native Americans were at the bottom of the social hierarchy, whiteness represented an additional marker, sometimes complimenting class identity and sometimes competing with it. The latter partly explains the weakness of a worker's identity in the US, and its earlier demise. But it also points to the deeper structural factors that gave rise to that identity, in spite of vast national and cultural differences.
There was something necessary, something spontaneous, in the narrowing of the class identity that took place in the workers' movement. The key point here is that the collective interests of workers cannot be determined simply by adding up their serial interests as individuals. This fact distinguishes workers from capitalists, and also puts the former at a disadvantage in negotiations. After all, the collective interests of capitalists are, to a large extent, simply a matter of arithmetic (or more accurately, a matter of solving complex systems of equations): costs must be kept as low as possible, while keeping profits as high as possible. There aren't, for example, environmentalist capitalists and feminist capitalists, who come to blows with other capitalists over the way a company should be run. Such considerations come into play only insofar as they do not affect a company's bottom line.23
Workers, by contrast, face much harder sorts of calculations: "how much in wages, for instance, can 'rationally' be given up in exchange for which amount of increase in job satisfaction? The answer to this question cannot be found by any calculus that could be objectively applied; it can only be found as the result of the collective deliberation of the members of the [workers'] organisation."24 The answers that any particular workers might give to such a question depend on their individual preferences, as well as on the vagaries of their situations: young unmarried men have different interests from single mothers.
And yet, to deliberate every point, to reach some sort of consensus or compromise, which would ensure that every worker got at least something they wanted, would make workers' organisation difficult. The "costs" of organising would be too great. The solution is to be found in the formation of a collective identity: "only to the extent that associations of the relatively powerless succeed in the formation of a collective identity, according to the standards of which the costs of organisation are subjectively deflated, can they hope to change the original power relation."25 That is precisely what the unions achieved, by promoting the workers' identity: by getting workers to perceive their interests through this identity-lens, the unions "simultaneously express[ed] and define[d] the interests of the members."26
Individual workers had to recognise the union as acting in their interests, in a broad sense, even when their own, particular interests were not being served by the union's bargaining strategies. This is a feature of all routinised, demand-based struggle: insofar as a collective wants to make demands, and in that sense, to engage in a sort of bargaining, the members of that collective must either share an immediate interest, or else they must be capable of forming an identity to plug gaps among their overlapping interests (paradoxically introducing a non-utilitarian element into a demands-based struggle).27 It is because workers' organisations had to partly redefine interests in order to meet them that they were forced to rely on "non-utilitarian forms of collective action", based on "collective identities".28 Indeed, the capacity for demand-making in a given struggle may be grasped as structurally linked with its capacity to draw upon an existing — or forge a new — collective identity; demand-making and composition are two sides of the same coin.29
In the context of the workers' movement, this point applies not only to negotiations with bosses, but also to the expansion of political parties, and to the growth of all other organisations existing in urban environments full of ex-peasants and/or recent immigrants. The sheer number and diversity of situations makes it hard to decide on common "intermediate" goals (that is, prior to the conquest of power). But even if this wasn't a problem, the costs of organising remain high in other ways. Workers have few monetary resources; they pay the costs of the class struggle mostly with their time and effort (joining a demo, attending a meeting, striking). If one has to work 12 hour days, or to look after children, as most women workers did, all of this is extremely difficult. Moreover, there is no way for workers to monitor each other's contributions. Together with the sheer size of the movement, that creates massive collective action problems. We see this in the moral centre of the workers' movement — cultivating a sense of duty, solidarity — but also in the means of discipline — the closed shop, attacks on scabs. Even with these assets, the attraction of workers' organisations varied greatly, as did their organisational capacities. It still usually took a tragedy, such an industrial fire or a massacre by company goons, to bring the majority of workers out onto the street.
On Marx's theory see 'Misery and Debt' Endnotes 2, April 2010.
Allen, Global Economic History, p. 80. The list that follows also comes from Allen's text.
See Wally Seccombe, Weathering the Storm (Verso 1993). Seccombe shows the extent to which capitalism really came into its own only with the 'second industrial revolution'. Until then, proletarian homes were not only located in the vicinity of factories, but also frequently functioned as extended sites of production for sale: families did 'finishing work' at home. The modern wage contract, which employed individuals rather than families to work outside the home, was generalised only at the end of the nineteenth century. Seccombe argues that, as a result, married women were increasingly relegated to non-income-earning activities.
Ernest Mandel, 'Karl Marx' in John Eatwell et al., eds., The New Palgrave Marxian Economics (Norton 1990).
Friedrich Engels, Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State, 1884 (MECW 26) p. 272.
Kautsky, The Class Struggle. This was of course the thesis that Pannekoek and Lenin contested.
This vision of the total planning of society, as opposed to its partial planning, somehow mirrors the vision according to which the workers obtain not a portion, but the full value of the products of their labours.
Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy, p. 33.
Engels had written about those wars retrospectively: 'the irony of history had it that Bismarck overthrew Bonaparte, and King Wilhelm of Prussia not only established the little German Empire, but also the French Republic. The overall outcome, however, was that in Europe the independence and internal unity of the great nations had become a fact... on a scale large enough to allow the development of the working class to proceed.' Engels, 'Introduction to The Class Struggles in France, 1848–50', (MECW 27) p. 506.
Rosa Luxemburg, The Junius Pamphlet, 1915. Earlier than anyone else, she saw precisely what was coming: 'Another such world war and the outlook for socialism will be buried beneath the rubble.'
Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Capital (Vintage 1996) p. 93.
Lenin, State and Revolution. (Haymarket 2015) p. 48.
Friedrich Engels, 'Introduction to Karl Marx's The Class Struggles in France, 1848–50, 1895, (MECW 27) p. 522.
Hobsbawm, Age of Empire, p. 117.
Allen, Global Economic History, p. 2.
Kautsky, The Class Struggle (Norton 1971)
This is, of course, where Lenin gets his idea that left communism is an infantile disorder: he sees it as an early form of socialist consciousness, rather than a late one.
Paul Mattick, 'Karl Kautsky: from Marx to Hitler' (1939), in Anti-Bolshevik Communism (Merlin 1978), p. 4. In this dark moment, Mattick claimed: 'Science for the workers, literature for the workers, schools for the workers, participation in all the institutions of capitalist society – this and nothing more was the real desire of the movement.'
Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy, p. 15.
Ibid, p. 15.
'It is always in the heart of the worker aristocracy that a hegemonic fraction forms, presenting itself as the proletariat and affirming the proletarian capacity to organise another social order, starting with the skills and values formed in its work and its struggle.' Jacques Ranciere, 'Les maillon de la chaine', Les Revoltes Logiques #2, Spring–Summer 1976, p. 5.
Capitalists can also express their particular interests in philanthropic settings: they damage or destroy in one moment that which they, with great fanfare, attempt to remedy in the next.
Claus Offe and Helmut Wiesenthal, 'Two Logics of Collective Action' in Offe, Disorganized Capitalism (MIT 1985), p. 179.
Offe and Wiesenthal, 'Two Logics of Collective Action', p. 183.
Anyone who participated in Occupy can see that: if unity of demands is to be obtained across diverse sections and then presented to the world – without a shared identity – that can be achieved only through an endless deliberation, and/or at the cost of many people not getting what they want.
Offe, 'Two Logics of Collective Action', p. 183.
For a development of this point in relation to a specific contemporary struggle, see 'Gather Us From Among the Nations', in this issue, pp. 210-14.


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Dublin Theatre Festival 2017: Josephine K and the Algorithms
We live in a digitized society where everything we do is recorded, monitored, and evaluated in some fashion. Watches can track your physical activity, surveillance cameras see you everywhere you go, credit and debit cards note every transaction you make, and every online purchase tries to match you to possible future purchases based on your previous history. Smart phones and personal computers of all shapes and sizes fuel your social media, online presence that presents streams of information about you, while retaining things you would rather weren't known. Things which even deleting your browser history won't make disappear, which in the wrong hands could have devastating consequences. Exploring life in the digital age, Stacey Gregg's latest play, "Josephine K and the Algorithms," borrows from Franz Kafka to craft a work that purports to be an amped up version of a familiar world. Alas, despite its ambitious intentions, there's nothing here that hasn't been said before, and said, and presented better. Long winded despite its fifty minute length, with little new insights or points of interest to offer, "Josephine K and the Algorithms," delivers a thunderously dull experience founded on a surprisingly weak script.
Loosely based on Kafka's The Trial, "Josephine K and the Algorithms" sees the eponymous Josephine K waking on her birthday to find a man in her apartment eating her breakfast. As they converse in a stunted fashion, he informs her she has been arrested and will have to face trial for something he's not able to tell her. Going about her daily business, Josephine begins to ask questions about the trial, and herself, but answers are not forthcoming. All of which leads Josephine to conclude she must be in some way complicit in every conceivable ill of modern society, from global warming to promoting pornography. Her defense speech at her trial sees her become a hashtag celeb of a kind, but it really doesn't matter. In a world where the court finances once were rebels, activism and protest are little more than emojis you can use to promote your moral portfolio or else be damned for. It's all just a potential catastrophe waiting to happen when you can be judged, and condemned, by virtue of your online information.
From 1984, to Anthem, to Snowden, and The Trial, as well as through countless other examples, tales of an intrusive society that sees, judges, and ultimately controls everything its people say or do have proven to be fertile ground for some thought provoking works over the decades. Such is not the case with "Josephine K and the Algorithms." It's not just that Gregg's dialogue feels stunted and underdeveloped throughout, and its character's interactions uninteresting as a result, it's also that the script has little of interest to say with regards to the questions it sets out to address. Whether as an algorithm, the court officer Jordan, or the activist Caleb, sound designer Carl Kennedy's one size fits all delivery might want to suggest we're all impersonal algorithms at the end of the day, but it only succeeds in reinforcing "Josephine K and the Algorithms" feeling of near lifelessness, which Kennedy's sound design somewhat compensates for. Orla Fitzgerald as Josephine K undertakes a thankless task, often crafting moments that spark with throwaway charm. Yet Fitzgerald's interactions with Kennedy make "Josephine K and the Algorithms" feel like an early script reading of a work in progress. Director Caitriona McLaughlin's decision to play "Josephine K and the Algorithms" in the round causes more problems than any possible benefits it might yield, as does Kate Moylan's set design, with performers essentially obscured to large portions of the audience for long periods. All of which undermine other visual aspects of Moylan's design, such as her emoji balloons, which look quite impressive.
In a post-Snowden landscape, "Josephine K and the Algorithms" has little to offer on the question of media monitoring and digital intrusion. Indeed, with many colleges and employers now looking at your social media presence as a matter of form, its efforts to interrogate the normalization of these practices brings little of interest to the table. With its script feeling both thematically, and theatrically, under developed, everything else suffers as a consequence. Which is a shame, for Gregg is a far better writer than "Josephine K and the Algorithms" would suggest, feeling, as it does, like a cheap Kafkaesque knock-off. Thank God for the bird cat, which brought some much-needed humour. As well as a reminder of just how truly imaginative and engaging Gregg can be.
"Josephine K and the Algorithms," by Stacey Gregg, runs at The Peacock Stage of the Abbey Theatre as part of Dublin Theatre Festival 2017 until October 21st
For more information, visit Abbey Theatre or Dublin Theatre Festival 2017
Josephine K and the Algorithms.
Stacey Gregg
The Abbey Theatre
Dublin Theatre Festival 2017


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