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text:
HomeFind Your AdventureLEGEND
Nationality Norway
Rig Brig
Name: LEGEND
Home port: Oslo, Norway
Rig: Brig
Entered by: Legend AS
S/V Legend was built in Schweningen, Holland in 1915 as a Dutch lugger. First engine was installed in 1928, after having served as a fishing/cargo vessel for forty years she was sold to Norway in 1955.
In Norway she continued her career as a cargo/fishing ship until 1995. From 1996 to 2000 she was converted back to a sailing ship. She has been for the last ten years mostly engaged in daytime charter. More recently she is involved with sail training programmes and other projects focussing on environmental sustainability.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
The Grip of It
Jemc, Jac
"A chilling literary horror novel about a young couple haunted by their newly purchased home Jac Jemc's The Grip of It tells the eerie story of a young couple haunted by their new home. Julie and James settle into a house in a small town outside the city where they met. The move--prompted by James's penchant for gambling, his inability to keep his impulses in check--is quick and seamless; both Julie and James are happy to leave behind their usual haunts and start afresh. But this house, which sits between lake and forest, has plans for the unsuspecting couple. As Julie and James try to settle into their home and their relationship, the house and its surrounding terrain become the locus of increasingly strange happenings. The architecture--claustrophobic, riddled with hidden rooms within room--becomes unrecognizable, decaying before their eyes. Stains are animated on the wall--contracting, expanding--and map themselves onto Julie's body in the form of bruises; mold spores taint the water that James pours from the sink. Together the couple embark on a panicked search for the source of their mutual torment, a journey that mires them in the history of their peculiar neighbors and the mysterious residents who lived in the house before Julie and James. Written in creepy, potent prose, The Grip of It is an enthralling, psychologically intense novel that deals in questions of home: how we make it and how it in turn makes us, inhabiting the bodies and the relationships we cherish."--
"A chilling literary horror novel about a young couple who purchase and live in a haunted house"--
Publisher: New York :, Farrar, Strauss and Giroux,, 2017
Read more reviews of The Grip of It at iDreamBooks.com
gjfricano Jul 15, 2019
Deeply unsettling and surreal in the best way. As a reader, I was transfixed and often felt as confused as the characters by the bizarre events of this book. Certainly worth reading for anyone who enjoys unsettling stories with compelling narratives.
jmath_ Apr 22, 2019
This book is stuffy, but in a good way. A couple moves into a house with lots of hidden rooms, secrets, and shadows. On a horror-book scale, I would give this a "slightly less-than creepy" rating, because it really didn't give me much of the legitimate terrors that I normally look for in horror stories. However, I appreciated this book more for its psychological prowess than its spooks. I enjoyed how the author crafted this story so that as the reader, you become more and more detached from the main characters as the book goes on. In the end you question whose narrative you're experiencing.
kmobuckeye Feb 12, 2019
This book was terrifying. Do not read it when you are home alone and it is dark out. If you want to be scared - this is for you!
J_Maddux Oct 19, 2018
LOVED IT!!!
The eery creepy factor comes into play a lot thru this book. Don't expect a grand finale ending with a giant monster or ghost poorly described, but more of a hair raising sense that something is there, waiting, lurking, watching.
The book flows great, with the 2 main characters going back and forth narrating.
Give this book a try for a good thrill without dark graphic disgusting descriptions.
jasminestea Jan 03, 2018
The book was very creepy, and I definitely enjoyed the short chapters. However, the conclusion was a little bit disappointing and didn't really wrap things up enough for me. I don't think I'd recommend it, but similar to other reviews am a little bit conflicted because I did enjoy the majority of the novel.
ReadingAdviser_Sally Jan 02, 2018
Super creepy. One of the better haunted house books I have ever read! It really gave me the creeps and definitely got in my head a bit. I loved the short chapters and first person perspective that switched back and forth from husband to wife.
sandra80 Dec 27, 2017
It was an ok book. I find myself not being able to decide if I liked it or not. I probably would not recommend it.
SkokieStaff_Steven Oct 19, 2017
It's good to know that as long as people keep buying haunted houses, there will be role for public libraries. Where else can nervous homeowners go to research long-ago suspicious deaths on microfilm? I was reminded of this while reading Jac Jemc's fresh take on the haunted house story called "The Grip of It." As in Daniel Kehlmann's similar "You Should Have Left" which was published at the same time, the house in "The Grip of It" isn't merely an ordinary building with ghosts in it but something far more twisted and mysterious. The book has been compared to "The Turn of the Screw" and "The Haunting of Hill House," and it is indeed worthy of such peers. I'm not entirely sure where the book's title comes from, but I can say that it took a firm grip on my stomach as I began reading it and held it there until I put the book down.
taylorwoods Sep 25, 2017
You ever just finish the last sentence, look up from your book at the room you're in, and just think "huh. okay. yeah I liked it" in the most casual way ever? This is how I felt with The Grip of It- a horror novel with a big haunted house punch in the gut right from the beginning. As soon as James and Julie are in this house touring it, they are met with a gross "throat singing" moan that vibrates throughout the house. "That's just the house settling" the real estate agent assures them with a smile. Ohhh man is he wrong.
Told through short, brief chapters alternating between James and Julie's perspectives, we bear witness to the emotional horror that ensues. I think most people who go in expecting the typical haunted house narrative will find this one disappointing though. Jac Jemc is flawlessly a talented writer and it shines through here in this novel. You as the reader feel as though you yourself are in this maze of a house almost and lost within it yourself among all the strange drawings and secret rooms. This is a story that plays with perspective, how singular narratives can diverge, and uncertainty
KateHillier Sep 05, 2017
This one crawls under your skin and is as claustrophobic as anything. James and Julie buy a house - it's meant to be a change for a few reasons and this realtor is very quick to close the deal fast. They can't imagine why, what with the secret rooms and weird drawings and oddly nosy neighbour who still at the same time doesn't want anything to do with either of them. I'm writing this like it's a comedy but it's really not. Take House of Leaves and make it a lot more accessible and that's the tone you're dealing with here.
The book is told in alternating chapters between James and Julie and as the chapters get shorter and more rapid you can feel it all, the hauntings and the stress and everything, just creeping up on you like it does on them. You don't know who is crazy and who is not and, best of all, you are never convinced about what's happening.
"We run out of things to tell each other. We share second- and even third-tier stories we'd never bother other people with. Those minutiae calcify into the bones of our intimacy."
Haunted Houses — Fiction


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Sikh priest faces sex crime and assault charges in Kelowna
By Harbhajan
January 13, 2009 in Current Affairs | Events | News
Harbhajan
Interests:gardening, reading & spirituality
source: http://www.cbc.ca/canada/british-columbia/...lt-charges.html
Monday, January 12, 2009 - CBC News
A Sikh priest in Kelowna ( B.C. Canada ) is facing charges involving a sexual relationship with a teenage girl and the beating of his wife.
Police say Lukwinder Singh, 29, faces charges of sexual assault and sexual exploitation of a minor involving a sexual relationship with the girl that began in October 2007 when she was 15. Police said the girl was not Sikh, but was being helped by the congregation at the temple.
The temple had been doing charity work to support a local women's shelter in recent years, according to temple officials, but it was not clear if the incident was linked to that work.
Some of the alleged incidents occurred inside Singh's suite at the Gurdwara Guru Amardas Darbar temple, police said.
Singh appeared in court Thursday to face the sex charges, as well as an assault charge involving his wife. The case is expected to be back in court on Feb. 5.
The girl is now in foster care, said police.
Temple acted quickly: officials
RCMP spokesperson Const. Steve Holmes said police received the complaints in late December.
"[The] investigation would suggest there was more than one incident within the charge but [the] Crown is looking at it in totality," said Holmes.
Singh was fired from his job with the temple on Saturday, even though none of the allegations has been proven. Temple spokesperson Tarsem Singh Goraya said the congregation is devastated by the news and still in shock.
Singh was popular during the seven years he served as priest, and there were never any complaints, said Goraya.
But temple officials went to the police right away after rumours began swirling in the congregation, he said.
"In the society, if things happen, we must come forward. And when it comes to our attention, we did come forward, and it was big step, a hard step, but we had to say what is right, and in our opinion, this is the right step," Goraya said.
The temple was planning to bring in counsellors to help people deal with the incident, especially since it might involve sacrilege on temple ground.


Synamatix™ was founded in 2001 by Robert Hercus. The Company was initially established to research and develop new approaches towards managing and analysing large genomics data sets. Since commercialisation in mid-2004, it has grown and enhanced its products and technologies, making Synamatix one of the leading players in the bioinformatics scene globally. Synamatix was one of the first bioinformatics companies in Malaysia to secure MSC status in 2003.
The Company's primary focus is on the research and development of customised bioinformatics software and pipelines. These software and pipelines have been used extensively by world-renowned establishments throughout the world for a variety of genomics projects. The novel approaches developed by Synamatix are based on a proprietary neuronal network system, which efficiently finds unique sequence patterns and stores them in a dynamic pattern-network architecture called SynaBASE™. Applications running on this pattern-finding database engine display significant improvements in sensitivity, specificity and overall performance.
The current phase of technology and product development is heavily focused around addressing the management and analysis of data from next-generation DNA sequencers and their application towards personalised medicines and enhanced crops.
Synamatix's products and databases are utilised by its subsidiary, Malaysian Genomics Resource Centre Berhad (MGRC). MGRC provides genome sequencing, bioinformatics analysis, and genetic screening services. The company's expertise is in the rapid sequencing and analysis of large volumes of genetic data. Since 2004, MGRC has developed extensive experience in the sequencing and analysis of human, animal, plant and microbial genomes, including large complex de novo genome assembly, for customers in Malaysia and overseas. Today MGRC operates one of the largest computational centres for genetic analysis in the region.


One of the earliest concoctions in mankind was beer. Like many great revelations, beer was discovered by mistake. Beer is made from letting cereal grains malt in water until sweet, then letting them sit until tingly. It is believed that this technique was recognized by farmers who unintentionally allowed water in their grains storage. While this drink is taken for granted in our modern times, it was a life changing discovery for the nomadic groups that roamed North East Africa. Many of these nomads started to shift from hunting and gathering food to farming their own grains. Beer is largely credited for this shift in history because of its unique ability to be made from grains, and farmers had plenty of grains. The small tribes that once roamed the land became stationary. This promoted some of the first ever towns and villages. These villages consisted of small round huts which each had grain storages and were surrounded by farms. Tribes would come and stay in already settled towns for the added safety and access to water. This system of settling is what led to some of the most advanced civilizations of its time, Egypt and Mesopotamia. This flourishing urban areas thrived on beer and bread, this is also all they had. Beer is liquid bread and bread is solid beer. These cities would eventually develop a government area surrounded by miles of farms. These farms were given water by irrigation systems fed by vital rivers. Every worker in these systems was paid in beer, bread, and cattle. Infact, one of the earliest forms of currency is clay coins that represented one of these three important payments. Beer became so popular that it was encouraged for mothers to send their child to school with plenty of beer every morning. Beer was so important to these ancient societies that the dead were often buried with lots of beer so that their souls could be happy in the afterlife.
Wine is one of the oldest forms of alcohol. It is not known when the first wine was made, but it is potentially older than the discovery of beer. The birthplace of wine is in Zagros mountains where grapevines supplied the wineries and grains supplied the town. Wine quickly spread the the eastern Mediterranean. It was a highly valued beverage because of its rarity and remote origin. Wine was often used for social or religious reasons such as parties, feast, or offerings. Wine in Greece was viewed as a status of wealth and value. The huge popularity of wine at the time was widely believed to be caused by Homer's "Odyssey". In the story, the hero, odysseus' king room was described of having riches such as gold, bronze, oil, and wine. The greeks interest in the drink is more than likely due to the mass following of the book. The Greeks heavily diluted wine by water before dranken. This was a social norm that caught on after some would go mad after having too much wine. The greeks believed that only Dionysus could drink pure wine. Greeks had a strong belief in their many gods power. When it came to rome, wine was a everyday necessity. Wine was drank not only by the wealthy, but the peasants too. The only thing separating the economic groups was the quality and age of the wine. The older or more exotic wines were only drank by important persons. This change in drink choice by the poor was due to more modern and better located wineries that provided cheap wine to the lower class.
Spirits were originally made by distilling wine in the city of Cordoba. The distilled drink was very intoxicating and almost instantly became a favorite for many countries. There was soon many variations of the drink around the world. One particular variation was discovered on the island of barbados (found in the caribbean sea) were a variation of spirits called "rum" came from. Rum is made with the waste of sugar cane. Rum was very easy to make and could be sold at a high price. This led to colonies being settled to grow sugar cane and other valuable textiles. Europeans would buy slaves from their tribe to grow sugar cane. The leftover harvested sugar cane would be made into rum to buy more slave. It was this loop of buying and growing that lead to many slaves being brought to the new world. As time went on, the number of slaves grew exponentially. Spirits had a very high tariff in the colonies and was what financed most of the British empire for a while. Without these high taxes the British navy would not have been the best in the world. England passed the Molasses act in 1733 which minimized the amount of sugar imported to the colonies. The act angered the colonist because less sugar means less rum. This act ironically led to more sugar being imported by rebellious colonist. In Fact, this is greatly credited as one of the main reasons for the English colonies to resist English rule despite many believing it was the tax placed on tea. Spirits were also at the time a form of medicine. Because of their high alcohol concentration, spirits were extraordinary at cleaning wounds which could get infected. Eventually spirits were replaced by whiskey. Whiskey was so commonly drank that it wasn't seen as a social status, just a drink.
Coffee came from the arabs. It started as a religious drink, but soon became a social. To the Arabs, it was a replacement for alcohol. The drink became popular in Europe due to trades during the seventeenth century. It became so popular because of its great taste and ability to increase people's awareness. The drink was big change from the usually intoxicating drink trends of the past. Coffee houses started to become more and more popular. Not only did they provide a place to get fresh coffee, but they became meeting place for trades and sailors and musicians looking for work.


The Homeland Security and Justice departments have begun work on a shared Extensible Markup Language data model, one that they hope other agencies will adopt.
The Collaboration on Objects for Reuse and Exchange (CORE) will develop a general data model to let federal, state, local and tribal programs share criminal justice information.
Justice CIO Vance Hitch added it would be possible to expand the National Information Exchange Model (NIEM) to include all federal activities.
Hitch, along with Homeland Security CIO Steve Cooper, announced the new initiative yesterday at the kickoff of the Global Justice XML Data Model Developer's Workshop in Arlington, Va.
NIEM will use the Global JXDM as the base for a wider vocabulary, the two CIOs said. Justice's Infrastructure and Standards Working Group created JXDM to improve data sharing between state law enforcement agencies and the department.
The partnership will let Homeland Security reuse components of Global JXDM model for some of its own XML data modeling, Cooper said.
DHS adopted the model because it saw no benefit in recreating 'what had already been done by the Department of Justice. That makes zero sense,' Cooper said.
Speakers at the workshop said it makes sense for other agencies to use the data model for XML projects rather than create new models from scratch.
Use of a shared model will facilitate sharing of data among agencies because the vocabulary would be the same, said Michael Daconta, metadata program manager at Homeland Security.
Daconta and Jeremy Warren, Justice's enterprise architecture specialist, oversaw the creation of CORE.
Development on the Global JXDM model itself will continue as well, Warren said.


text:
In the latest issue:
Goodbye Europe
Perry Anderson
Language-Magic
Colin Burrow
If we had a real choice
Madeleine Schwartz
News from No One
The Francis Papacy
Colm Tóibín
At the British Museum: Tantra
James Butler
The Limits of Caste
Hazel V. Carby
Supreme Court Biases
Randall Kennedy
Short Cuts: The Four-Year Assault
Adam Shatz
Ottessa Moshfegh
J. Robert Lennon
Among the Oil-Riggers
Andrew O'Hagan
Poem: 'Archival'
Linda Gregerson
Rilke, To Me
The Masks of Doom
Niela Orr
Reading Bones
At the Movies: 'Mank'
Insanely Complicated, Hopelessly Inadequate
The Separate Regimes Delusion
Nathan Thrall
Diary: At the Temple
Long Ling
Your Soft German HeartRichard J. Evans
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Vol. 38 No. 14 · 14 July 2016
Your Soft German Heart
Richard J. Evans
Share on TwitterShare on FacebookShare on WhatsAppEmailPrint 3432 words
by Nicholas Stargardt.
Bodley Head, 701 pp., £25, September 2015, 978 1 84792 099 7Show More
'We still do not know what Germans thought they were fighting for,' Nicholas Stargardt announces at the outset of his ambitious and absorbing new book, 'or how they managed to continue their war until the bitter end.' This is not for want of trying: numerous historians have analysed German opinion and behaviour at every stage of the Second World War, using above all the Meldungen aus dem Reich, the regular confidential reports on civilian morale made by SS Security Service and local and regional government officials, together with diaries and correspondence, especially field-post letters to and from soldiers at the front, to chart the diverse and changing attitudes to victory and defeat. The most notable of these accounts, Ian Kershaw's The End, pointed to Hitler's stubbornness and charisma, the ingrained sense of duty felt by officers and civil servants, the widespread (and justified) fear of the Red Army, and the sharp increase in the terror exercised on the military and civilian population by the SS and the Nazi Party in the final months of the war, starting after the failed Bomb Plot in July 1944 and ratcheting up all the way to the end.1 There have been many other attempts at an explanation, starting as long ago as Marlis Steinert's Hitler's War and the Germans (1977). Further factors can be added to Kershaw's list, including a pervasive nationalism and the effects of the media propaganda orchestrated by Goebbels, which inspired hopes of 'wonder weapons' and spread fears of Allied retribution. On the Eastern Front in particular, soldiers fought on out of loyalty to their comrades, living and dead. Almost to the last, they also fought for Hitler, at least if the 'Fallen for Führer and Fatherland' on gravestones are to be believed.
Stargardt's claim that this is a subject we still don't know much about thus seems wide of the mark. Historians generally agree that Germans felt widespread optimism about the outcome of the war at least until the invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, followed by doubt and apprehension from that point onwards, allayed only temporarily by the stunning victories over the Soviets in the summer and early autumn of 1941. When the invasion ground to a halt before Moscow in December 1941 these anxieties deepened, but popular morale by and large seems to have held until the catastrophic defeat at Stalingrad in February 1943, when it began to plunge. It turned into deep gloom after the Allied bombing raids on Hamburg of late July and early August 1943, which destroyed most of the city and killed around 40,000 of its inhabitants and were followed by further raids on German towns and cities over the next 18 months.
Stargardt writes that 'historians have assumed that crises such as followed the Hamburg firestorm or occurred a few months earlier after the loss of the 6th Army at Stalingrad tipped German society into irrevocable defeatism: increasingly alienated from all that the regime stood for, the majority of the population was only kept going by Nazi terror.' But he is confusing defeatism – the belief that Germany was not going to win the war – with the alienation of all Germans from the regime, to the extent that they could only be kept fighting by coercion. It was, as historians have long since realised, a lot more complicated than this simple and ultimately misleading either/or story suggests. Apart from anything else, as Kershaw argued, there were many reasons most Germans didn't give up despite a growing realisation that they were going to lose, and coercion wasn't one of them until very late in the war.
Stargardt elides the period between early to mid-1943, when for the first time some sectors of the population seriously doubted whether Germany would win, and mid-1944: contrary to Stargardt's claim, it was then, most historians agree, that the terror really began, though it only reached its height in the very last months. The change of mood in 1943 was signalled by the growing emphasis of Goebbels's propaganda on defending Germany and, indeed, Western civilisation against the Bolshevik hordes and the supposed world Jewish conspiracy against the 'Aryan' race, and its ever greater insistence – never more bombastic than in reports of the defeat at Stalingrad – on the need for self-sacrifice to keep Germany from going under.
Stargardt claims that his book 'offers a very different understanding of the effects that wartime defeats and crises had on German society' from that offered by previous historians. The approach he adopts certainly is different. He is interested, he says, in 'the subjective dimensions of social history' and aims 'to uncover the fears and hopes' of ordinary Germans in order to learn what they 'thought they were fighting for' and to discover by this means the emotions that drove them to keep going until the bitter end. What the Nazis were attempting when they seized power in 1933 was, he says, less a social revolution than a 'revolution of feeling'. By using a very wide range of personal documents such as diaries and letters, he aims to chart changing feelings about the progress of the war, the triumphs and disasters of the Nazi regime, and the atrocities against the Jews, Slavs and others. Not least, he seeks to analyse what Germans felt about one another.
The study of the history of the emotions has a long pedigree, with the Annales school advocating what Lucien Febvre called in 1941 'la vie affective d'autrefois' and producing classics such as Jean Delumeau's history of fear, published in 1978. It is only in the last decade or so, however, that the subject has really moved into the historical mainstream. Some observers detect an 'emotional turn' in historical studies to follow the 'cultural turn' of the 1990s, building on dissatisfaction with the way a history that focused on seemingly autonomous discourses ignored their relation to experience, making it difficult to explain why discursive shifts occurred or how they were experienced. Books such as Joanna Bourke's Fear: A Cultural History (2005) and Thomas Dixon's Weeping Britannia: Portrait of a Nation in Tears (2015) have shown that emotions and their expression are culturally conditioned, varying over time and differing not only – obviously – between individuals but also between social classes, religious confessions, nations and genders.2
At the same time, methodological debate has focused on the difficulty of trying to reconstruct the way people felt in the past. As the Oxford historian Lyndal Roper warned, 'it is hard to see how to write a historical account of the subjectivity of groups rather than individuals.' Love and hate, anxiety and fear are difficult to define and even more difficult to pin down in historical sources. Ute Frevert, the Berlin-based director of a large project on the history of the emotions, has drawn attention to the 'danger of writing emotions into society on a general level … We tend,' she says, to 'forget about the manifold differences that shape societies'. Germans, she points out, are widely thought to be particularly prone to angst, but it's wrong merely to assume that one national culture experienced or expressed emotions differently from another without undertaking comparative research. In any case, as the American historian Alon Confino has cautioned, 'the interpretative rewards' of investigating people's emotions in the past 'are not immediately obvious'. It is a pity that Stargardt did not think more carefully about these theoretical and methodological matters or make his book's relationship to the genre more explicit. As it is, The German War provides an illustration not only of the gains that can be made for historical knowledge through a focus on the history of the emotions, but also of its pitfalls.
At the heart of Stargardt's book are the stories of people whose feelings he seeks to reconstruct from their diaries and correspondence. Some of them are well known, like Victor Klemperer, who kept a secret diary which was published after the war, or Wilm Hosenfeld, a schoolteacher who became an officer in the German army and rescued Jews stranded in the ruins of Warsaw – among them, Władysław Szpilman, the central character in Polanski's film The Pianist (2002), which was based on Hosenfeld's voluminous diaries and correspondence.3 But many are unfamiliar, and their stories are fascinating. Stargardt reconstructs the experiences of the young photojournalist Liselotte Purper from her unpublished correspondence with her fiancé and later husband, Kurt Orgel. We first encounter her at the beginning of the war, nailing blackout paper to the windowframes of her apartment in Berlin, then scampering downstairs to the cellar as the air-raid sirens wailed; a false alarm but one that caused her to reflect ruefully on how much had changed in just a few days. A year later she was in newly conquered France, admiring the old buildings in Strasbourg. Then she travelled to occupied Poland, taking photographs to document the resettlement of ethnic Germans from the East on farms whose Polish owners had been evicted without compensation. Back in Berlin in 1942, she was impressed by women's responses to Goebbels's call for warm winter clothing to be knitted for the troops on the Eastern Front: 'The German women,' she wrote to Kurt, who was among the troops besieging Leningrad, 'have stood up to be counted … if victory can be wrung through love and sacrifice, then ours is certain.'
In November 1943, with Allied bombing reaching a new intensity, Liselotte, by now married to Kurt, took cover in the underground shelter of a railway station, but the house where she lived was destroyed: everything she possessed – letters, books, records, her husband's war diaries, her photographic archive, even her violin – was lost. After a conjugal visit by Kurt, she hoped for a baby, lamenting that 'the best of our nation are being lost without producing any progeny or only one, while in the East the inferior are propagating themselves by the dozen.' As Kurt's tours of duty grew ever longer, the couple's letters became suffused with erotic fantasies. In the autumn of 1944, frightened by the thought of what the Red Army soldiers might do if they got to Berlin, Liselotte tried to stiffen Kurt's fighting spirit on the long retreat across Eastern Europe: 'Close your soft German heart with hardness to the outside,' she told him. The ever more frequent bombing raids made her rail impotently against the 'senseless rage' and 'bottomless hatred' for Germany on the part of the 'global criminal conspiracy' now showing its 'fanatical will to destroy'. Early in 1945 Kurt was wounded. He was invalided out to Copenhagen, but his wounds became infected and he died on 19 February. Liselotte had long since given herself over to despair: 'Against the devilish thunder from the air, I feel unarmed.'
Although she worked for Goebbels's propaganda apparatus, Liselotte was neither an active Nazi nor a particularly fanatical nationalist. Her letters reflected the feelings of a fairly 'unpolitical German'. Indeed, few of the men and women whose letters and diaries are quoted in this book were committed Nazis. August Töpperwien was a conservative Protestant who doubted the reasons for the war from the very beginning, and disapproved of the murderous violence the regime visited on the Jews; he fought out of a sense of duty and a belief that a socialist or communist revolution of the sort that had swept across Germany at the end of the First World War had to be avoided at all costs. Helmut Paulus, a doctor's son from the Upper Rhine, always carried a volume of Nietzsche with him; appearing to his comrades to be 'bulletproof', he narrowly escaped death on the Eastern Front time after time. He was finally killed in November 1943. Paulus, who dreamed of taking up medicine after the war, thought of himself as a Landser, a common soldier without any ideological motives. The otherwise unidentified diarist Robert R. recorded with evident unease the atrocities in which he had to participate in the war against the Soviet Union, including the shooting of prisoners and the torching of villages, but convinced himself that it was necessary to carry on fighting so that his two-year-old son should never have to fight in Russia: 'No, that must never happen, that Raini should ever have to come here where I am now … Rather that I go through all hells once again and die there.'
Fascinating though they are, these field-post letters reveal emotions more or less the same as those felt by soldiers anywhere. They did not discuss politics very much, or ask whether the fight was worthwhile. They thought of, often longed for, home, they exchanged affirmations of love with their wives and girlfriends and, in some of the most extraordinary material presented by Stargardt, explicit sexual memories and fantasies. They read stories and sang songs as a distraction from the horror, tedium and privation of their daily existence. They congratulated themselves on lucky escapes and reported with a variety of feelings, ranging from exultation to regret and occasionally guilt, their encounters with the enemy and especially their behaviour towards civilians. Of course, there were many topics to which they usually felt they couldn't refer. There is not much in this book, for example, about the massive looting and spoliation carried out by German troops on every front on which they fought, or on the rapes and forced prostitution which recent research has revealed to have been a far larger part of the conquest of Eastern Europe than previously thought.
A more important issue is how the emotions expressed in these documents relate to the wider questions the book hopes to address. In order to be able to generalise from this material about 'Germans' or 'people' or 'everyone', as he frequently does, Stargardt needs above all to convince the reader that the deep divisions that characterised civil society under the Weimar Republic, and indeed long before, were quickly and effectively overcome by the Nazis. After all, roughly a third of the population was involved in the labour movement in the 1920s, some of them as communists, others as social democrats. The members of these parties were the prime target of Nazi violence and brutality during the seizure of power; between the end of January and the middle of July 1933 between 100,000 and 200,000 people, overwhelmingly members, officials and parliamentary or local or regional assembly deputies of these left-wing parties, were illegally arrested. They were sent to the newly created concentration camps and brutally treated, before being released, usually after a few weeks, on condition that they didn't engage in politics again, on pain of being re-arrested and then, they were informed, killed. This programme of 're-education', Stargardt maintains, was a 'real success': by the summer of 1935, 'fewer than 4000 prisoners were still in the camps' and the left had been 'destroyed politically'. All that was left were 'pockets' and 'residues of working-class identity'.
The fact that so few prisoners were left in the camps by the mid-1930s was a consequence chiefly of the transfer of coercive power from the Nazi Party and its stormtrooper battalions to the state, through the passage in 1933 of new laws that made political dissent illegal. Five thousand offenders, overwhelmingly Socialists and Communists, were convicted of high treason in 1935. At the same time 23,000 inmates in state prisons and penitentiaries were formally classified as political offenders. The Social Democratic subculture was harder to eradicate than the Nazis hoped; and Stargardt eventually recognises this when he concedes that 'the parties themselves may have been suppressed, but the Nazi regime knew that their subcultures remained.' Despite this concession, he generally writes as if working-class consciousness had altogether disappeared under the Nazis. One of his individual subjects, Karl Dürkefälden, displayed his socialist values when he criticised his soldier brother's justification of the mass murders of Jews he had witnessed or heard about on the Eastern Front. In the end, however, Dürkefälden silently gave up the argument. The Nazis, Stargardt concludes, 'had first destroyed the old labour movement through terror and then tried to reshape working-class identities around promises of consumer affluence, stable employment, national pride and ethnic difference'. Working-class contempt for Italian forced labourers and deep-rooted fear of Russian 'barbarians' were influenced by a national pride that existed even before the First World War, but this doesn't mean that working-class identity had been obliterated by the Nazis' much vaunted 'national community', or that the moral values inculcated by social democratic and communist subcultures had been entirely destroyed. Once again, it is unclear how much we can establish on the basis of Dürkefälden's letters alone.
The claim that the Nazi regime would 'calibrate its violence so that the majority of Germans did not feel it', targeting instead despised minorities like Gypsies or homosexuals, or marginal groups like vagrants or 'asocial' nonconformists, ignores the almost universal threat of violence, imprisonment and torture wielded by party officials in the working-class areas of large cities, where hundreds of thousands of lower-middle-class Nazi 'block wardens' carefully controlled the behaviour of former communists and social democrats and their sympathisers. A huge range of sanctions was available to them, including not just arrest and imprisonment but forced labour on projects such as the concrete defence emplacements of the 'West Wall'. Stargardt describes a 'massive effort' on the part of the non-combatant sections of the population without mentioning that people were often sent there as a punishment for refractory behaviour in the workplace. The work was dirty and exhausting, and kept labourers away from their homes and families for months on end. Half the German population was classified as working class, but too often Stargardt, like many writers, equates the bourgeoisie with the nation, nowhere more than when he writes of the role of the 'literary canon' as a refuge for 'apolitical Germans' unwilling or unable to confront the barbarity of the regime.
Did workers and their families continue to put their faith in the regime because it looked after them through all the privations and disasters of the war? The book lays great stress on the effectiveness of the Nazi authorities and how this encouraged many Germans on the home front to follow them to the end. Yet the success of the Winter Aid programme in alleviating hardship was not so much an example of voluntary mass social mobilisation as a consequence of the widespread intimidation used by stormtroopers and other agents of the regime when collecting contributions. 'Huge resources were devoted to civil defence,' as Stargardt writes, but the fact remains that they were utterly inadequate. Stargardt concedes that only 10 per cent of Berliners were provided with air-raid shelters; people noted that the party bosses had built their own shelters first, with Hitler in the lead. Conditions in those few bunkers that were eventually built became intolerable.
By the later part of the bombing war, Stargardt concedes, 'nowhere was truly safe.' The regime mobilised hundreds of thousands of women, adolescents and men too old to serve at the front in a vast effort to look after the population of the bombed-out cities, but it was never able to assuage the widespread disillusion at the failure of Göring's Luftwaffe to defend the country against aerial attack. Lack of raw materials and basic resources had plagued the German war effort almost from the very beginning, and though it is true, as Stargardt claims, that 'the Germans could produce synthetic rubber and biofuel,' they couldn't do this in sufficient quantity to make a difference, and Allied bombing targeted at the manufacturing centres ensured that would never change.
The book's argument is vitiated by numerous digressions and irrelevancies. It's interesting to learn of the feelings and follow the experiences of the many individuals whose wartime it chronicles, but a lot of the detail has little or no bearing on the question of how far these people supported the war and its aims. It's also hard to see the relevance of some of the other material presented. A lengthy account of life in a youth correctional facility, an extended discussion of German economic policy in occupied countries and long stretches of conventional military exposition could surely have been cut back. Stargardt must be correct in concluding that it is a mistake 'to imagine that German society as a whole either supported or opposed the regime'. But few historians, other perhaps than one or two of those who have argued for the success of the Volksgemeinschaft idea in building consensus behind the leadership, have ever made this argument.
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Richard J. Evans is provost of Gresham College, London. His most recent book is Eric Hobsbawm: A Life in History.
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Whiter Washing: Nazi Journalists
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Don't miss out on future events
Richard J. Evans reviewed The End in the LRB of 8 September 2011.
Ferdinand Mount wrote about Weeping Britannia in the LRB of 17 December 2015.
Klemperer's diaries were discussed by Thomas Powers in the LRB of 21 September 2000.
Vol. 38 No. 16 · 11 August 2016
I write to correct some of the misrepresentations in Richard Evans's review of my book, The German War: A Nation under Arms, 1939-45 (LRB, 14 July). On one thing we do agree: the book attempts to answer the question of how Germans understood their own cause in the Second World War. Its main purpose – though he does not mention this – is to explain the basis and shifting character of German patriotism. My book argues that the war became the principal focus of society's hopes and fears: it was popular only in the brief periods when victory appeared imminent and yet its legitimacy was called into question far less than that of the Nazi regime.
Evans does not like the use of the collective term 'Germans', though he cannot avoid using it himself. I use it to pinpoint moments when there was a shared sense of the national cause in the face of an enemy. This was never easy for the Nazi regime to achieve. German society remained plural in its values and could be marshalled into supporting war in 1939 only by appealing to the broadest possible legitimation for war, namely 'national defence'. The same appeal had worked in 1914 to bring Social Democrats into line. Evans is wide of the mark in claiming that I think the Nazis 'had quickly and effectively overcome' the deep divisions within civil society; even the Nazi regime itself did not believe it had achieved this.
By August 1943, many Germans were openly comparing the destruction of the Jews to the Allied strategic bombing offensive. This revealed a widespread sense of both culpability and vulnerability which deeply unsettled Nazi leaders – all the more so because such talk was accompanied by open calls for regime-change. Far from eliding 1943 and 1944, as Evans claims, my book draws more attention to the crisis that followed the fire-bombing of Hamburg in 1943 than any other history of this period; and it shows, for the first time, how German anxieties about their own war framed their need to talk in public about the murder of the Jews.
Evans claims that I ignore differences of social class. In fact I argue that rationing, bombing and evacuation exacerbated old social conflicts as well as engendering new ones. There was a faint echo of traditional collective action when miners' wives in Ruhr towns demonstrated until the authorities issued ration cards to children who had returned home after being evacuated – the police even took their side. But most protests did not take this form, and they weren't aimed at the Nazi regime. Rather, there was a culture of petitioning the authorities to take sides in local disputes about privileged access to special rations, cinema tickets and air raid bunkers. This was a society in which racial hierarchies had infused older ones based on professional standing, skill and gender. Class still coloured many things but was no longer a primary social division.
The real collective social endeavour remained the war. The importance of coercion in Nazi Germany should not be dismissed but terror alone is not a sufficient explanation. Forms of self-mobilisation clearly played a significant part throughout the war, but the motives and meanings people invested in their actions are hard to dissect. In his own work, Evans deals with this problem by cherry-picking quotations from private letters and diaries to illustrate existing interpretations. Even in his review, he falls back on generalisations about attitudes and psychology that he claims to reject, pointing to 'a pervasive nationalism and the effects of the media propaganda orchestrated by Goebbels'. I wouldn't necessarily disagree, but without a historical method for testing such assertions, they remain psychological projections.
In The German War I address this problem by charting the lives of individual Germans and showing how the war changed them. These people are not, as Evans suggests, all 'bourgeois': they include farmers, village schoolteachers, a carpenter, a market-gardener and railway workers. They belong to different generations and come from a wide range of places. Evans claims that I try to extrapolate a national mindset out of a handful of random cases. On the contrary, thanks to the reports the Nazi regime gathered each week and month on public opinion, we already know a great deal about how much attitudes fluctuated and how varied they were. That made it possible for me to situate individuals within a wide spectrum of social views. What makes the individual voices powerful is that they reveal the emotional choices and commitments people made, how they coped with being bombed out or bereaved, or how they dealt with the difficulties of maintaining relationships from afar. Such sources are suggestive, not exhaustive, but they tell us things we could not learn otherwise.
Nicholas Stargardt
Vol. 38 No. 18 · 22 September 2016
I was a 'Mischling ersten Grades' (a half-Jew in Nazi terminology) living with my Jewish family in Berlin until 3 January 1943, when two polite, nondescript German officials came for my Jewish grandmother. After that I lived partly with Aryan relatives and partly with 'ordinary' families in different parts of Germany. Nothing in my experience of life in Nazi Germany corresponds with Nicholas Stargardt's generalisations about 'Germans' in his letter of 11 August, where he repeats the message of his recent book, The German War, that 'Germans', i.e. most Germans, were aware of the mass slaughter of the Jews.
What most Germans, especially in the cities, could not but be aware of was sufficiently horrendous: the public humiliation of Jews, the mandatory introduction of the Yellow Star in September 1941, the total exclusion of Jews from social and cultural life, the gradual ban on just about everything people care about, down to the pet canary no Jew was allowed to keep. I know that many, perhaps even most, Germans would cross the road to avoid an embarrassing encounter with a former Jewish acquaintance, and that huge numbers benefited from the removal of a Jewish neighbour without giving it much thought.
But the belief that most ordinary Germans knew of the wholesale murder of Jews before the collapse of the regime indicates a fundamental misunderstanding of life in Nazi Germany, a failure to appreciate the immense care a ruthless leadership would take to protect the general German public from all knowledge of the Final Solution. In 1938 the leaders found to their dismay that a good many of their subjects had been repelled by the open savagery of Kristallnacht. After that they did their best to keep all knowledge of potentially disturbing projects from their squeamish German subjects.
Huge numbers of Wehrmacht members on the Eastern Front would inevitably have known about some of the killings – a few even took part in mass killings. Yet there are many reasons besides the cautiousness of the leadership why the majority of people on the home front did not know what many assume they must have known. The places where these massive horrors were committed were in the east and at some considerable distance from the German heartland; the regime's brutality and relentless censorship and surveillance would dissuade any but the most courageous or foolhardy soldier to raise such matters in letters or during the few precious hours of the occasional home visit; and millions of those committed to the Eastern Front never returned. I have yet to see anything indicating widespread German knowledge of the Final Solution before the summer of 1945. A few hints in a few letters from the Eastern Front, some ghoulish snaps of mass killings or snatches of 'forbidden talk' as picked up by Nazi surveillance bodies indicate merely that the Nazi blackout could not be perfect. Some 'ordinary Germans' did know. But none of this is proof of widespread knowledge among 'Germans'.
In The German War Stargardt refers often to the six Nazi death camps, but only twice does he mention Theresienstadt, the old Habsburg garrison city in Bohemia which the Nazis converted into a Jewish settlement in 1942 and which Stargardt rightly says 'was deliberately used to calm German anxieties'. He doesn't consider that it served a purpose in providing a smokescreen for German Jews as well as German Aryans. By the summer of 1942 everyone in Berlin with Jewish connections knew of Theresienstadt, where the city's Jews would be 'resettled'. With no specific information as to what this resettlement (Umsiedlung) might involve, and feeling in any case generally uneasy, all Jews in Berlin would keep their suitcase packed, awaiting the knock on the door which could come at any time. Some people snatched hope from a rumour that Theresienstadt was an agricultural settlement where Jews could look after themselves, relieving Germany of their keep. Only a few weeks before my mother – who, as an Aryan, was free to move around the city – found his family's flat sealed with the familiar party emblem, my cousin Dieter had proudly announced that he and the family would soon be moving to the countryside. I forget what my mother said when I complained at having to stay in Berlin.
For all the lack of information and the general disquiet, what we knew and were aware of did not lie beyond the bounds of ordinary human experience. However appalling the treatment of the Jews, the notion of an organised, mechanical annihilation of millions of human beings was beyond the imagining of most ordinary Germans, whether they were members of one of the many, mostly obligatory Nazi organisations, or detested and feared the regime. Six months after my grandmother had been taken away, a card arrived from one of her old acquaintances at Theresienstadt with just a brief message: 'Don't send Else any more packages.' Even then the notion that my grandmother or indeed any Jew 'resettled' in the east might be deliberately murdered remained unthinkable. My grandmother had been frail and old; she could have died of natural causes.
It was not until the end of the war that most Germans, including all our Aryan family and friends, first heard of Auschwitz and all the horrors committed by the Nazi authorities. Years later I came across the only person I have known who had heard of the atrocities during the war. Gretel came from a small place in what was German Upper Silesia until 1944, and she recalled how heartily everyone had laughed at that 'crazy Pole', a Polish labourer who had told them: 'The Germans shove people into gas ovens and kill them!'
Carla Wartenberg
London NW3
Vol. 38 No. 20 · 20 October 2016
Carla Wartenberg writes that what she and her countrymen knew of the treatment of Jews by the Nazis 'did not lie beyond the bounds of ordinary human experience', thus making the wholesale murder of Jews 'beyond the imagining of most ordinary Germans' (Letters, 22 September). Is it to validate this picture of supposed normalcy that she relates that on 3 January 1943 'two polite, nondescript German officials came for [her] Jewish grandmother'? If so, the effect, chilling and macabre, is hardly what she intended. Although the language she uses could just as well be describing two courteous gallants arriving to escort a young woman to a dance, in fact it records the moment an old woman in poor health was forced to leave her home to be deported to a concentration camp. This antiseptic portrayal of Nazi officers going about their everyday tasks inadvertently shows how the actuality of the Final Solution could be distanced, made palatable, or normalised by 'ordinary' Germans intent on not seeing or understanding what was happening around them.
My argument here is that too often we have recourse to an impoverished conception of knowledge when we attempt to answer the question of what the Germans knew about the mass murder of Jews. On the strength of this conception, Wartenberg can present an entirely plausible case for her countrymen 'not knowing' or, rather, for their 'knowing' about certain things (Kristallnacht, for example) but 'not knowing' about others (i.e. the death camps). But barbarism doesn't suddenly spring up out of nowhere; it gradually (or not so gradually) intensifies in stages, often alongside what is taken to be civilised behaviour. There is of course a difference between the events of Kristallnacht and the atrocities of Auschwitz, but they share a kinship in the context of the unceasing dissemination of anti-Semitic propaganda by the Nazis. The Final Solution may not have been an inevitable outcome of this racist ideology but it should certainly have been conceivable to any German who cared enough to worry about the fate of the Jewish neighbours he saw disappearing on a daily basis. For the 'ordinary' Germans invoked by Wartenberg, however, it is difficult to imagine what evidence could have convinced them of the Final Solution, short of Hitler himself knocking on their door to announce the fact.
Such wilful blindness is not unique to wartime Germany. Current instances include Americans' unwillingness to confront the growing civilian death toll caused by US drone attacks in conveniently distant lands, or Tel Aviv residents' shielding themselves from knowledge of atrocities taking place in the Occupied Territories.
Carole Fabricant
Vol. 38 No. 22 · 17 November 2016
Garry Saunders states that 'a conservative calculation suggests there were at least three million slaves in Berlin at any one time, their numbers boosted, when required, by the occupants of concentration camps' (Letters, 3 November). One slave is a slave too many. But is he seriously suggesting that their numbers would have just about equalled the official population of that city in the 1930s and first half of the 1940s?
Isabel Smith
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Closer home, Imaginate is building Lenz, a platform that enables building and experiencing VR content without writing a single line of code. "Lenz enables 3D artists and 360 video makers to host their content and offer the experiences to the general public," says Satyanarayana. The Lenz platform is ready for internal evaluation and they are testing it with some of the top-tier corporations. With Lenz as the core platform, they are also developing different products for different use-cases by customising and changing the user experience as required.
Of course, the use of content is still low, unless it can be shared. Industry giants are focusing on that, too. With existing VR platforms, it is quite easy for developers to create experiences, apps, games, etc using VR content and sell these through the relevant app stores. Videos can be shared through YouTube or Facebook.
In March, Google introduced VR View, which lets developers to easily embed 360-degree VR photos and videos on Android, iOS and the Web.
According to a blog post by Nathan Martz, product manager, Google, "For native apps, you can embed a VR view by grabbing the latest Cardboard SDK for Android or iOS and adding a few lines of code. On the Web, embedding a VR view is as simple as adding an iframe on your site. We are open-sourcing the HTML and JavaScript for Web developers on GitHub, so you can self-host and modify it to match your needs."
More to it than entertainment
When Facebook bought Oculus, Mark Zuckerberg wrote, "Imagine enjoying a courtside seat at a game, studying in a classroom of students and teachers all over the world or consulting with a doctor face-to-face, just by putting on goggles in your home."
Yes, it is these kinds of real applications that are going to make VR a part of everybody's life, not simply gaming or entertainment. The trend has already begun, in a big way, not just globally but in India, too.
At Facebook's annual developer conference, Zuckerberg spoke about many of their VR plans. In the future, people will be able to interact with things and places without actually buying the objects or travelling to the places. A US$ 1 app, for example, could do the job of an expensive television!
Google is trying to take students places with their new Expeditions Pioneer Program. Schools, when selected for the programme, will be provided with Google Cardboard viewers, materials and related training, so that they can take virtual educational tours. Google has developed over 100 exciting journeys, from outer space to museums and the world under the ocean. Once a school decides on a schedule for the virtual expeditions, Google volunteers will arrive at the venue to help the teachers and ensure that children have a smooth and enjoyable experience without any glitches.
Google Jump assembles 360 videos that allow users to experience a scene in every direction
We are seeing several innovative applications closer home, too. Common Floor, a real-estate company, has developed a VR app available on Google Play, which lets users visit properties virtually without moving out of their home. Common Floor also sells a Cardboard based headgear called Retina. The views are as if you are at the venue itself, but save you the hassle of travelling here and there to view multiple properties.
Imaginate is developing VR content and intends to be a repository for educational content. "I am personally excited about using VR as a virtual training or experiential medium for several use cases, such as training—be it in manufacturing, automobile, psychiatry, physiotherapy, education of all sorts, etc," says Satyanarayana. There is a growing market for VR in India, and Imaginate has been developing cutting-edge solutions for several B2B enterprises in fields like marketing, engineering, automation, training and defence.
Way back in 2004, Satyanarayana developed an AR based liver surgery apparatus using a device called LitEye (like Google Glass), which enabled a surgeon performing open-liver surgeries to see through a liver and identify the tumours hidden inside.


A politician who called for stricter gun control laws has now been charged with murder and accused of shooting and killing her former campaign manager.
Cain's Subaru Legacy had also been reported missing, and Collins has been accused of stealing it and charged with grand larceny. Police Captain Eric Abdullah told The State that it was not clear if Collins was in possession of the car when she surrendered to police.
Abdullah also revealed that Collins was in Georgia when she was arrested, and she will be extradited to Aiken County, South Carolina, where she lived with Cain, and where his body was found.
While police confirmed that they believe Cain was shot to death, and the evidence points to Collins as the prime suspect, it is not clear whether she owned the firearm that was used to murder Cain.
What is clear is that when Collins ran as a Democratic congressional candidate last year, she pledged her support for strict gun control laws for the sake of ending gun violence—which is the same crime she is now being accused of committing.
While Democrats and Republicans typically try to turn gun control into a partisan issue, the fact is that both parties have been responsible for supporting legislation that infringes on the Second Amendment. As The Free Thought Project has reported, in the last 5 months, 26 states have passed 55 new gun control laws, and the majority of governors who signed these measures into law were Republicans.


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how much coffee for french press
For each cup, simply add 110 milliliters of water for every 1 tablespoon of ground coffee. There is also no waste. One thing that seems to confuse everyone (myself included) is why french press makers insist on using "cups" instead of ounces to tell you how much coffee they make. The standard ratio for French press is 1:14, 1 part of coffee to 14 parts of water. Adding water: When learning how to use Bodum French Press, it is essential to know the perfect coffee to water ratio.Although there might be variations in this ratio according to the taste palate of a particular area, the normal ratio is about 1 ounce (28 grams) of coffee powder to 15 ounces (450 ml) of water. The ratio for a French press is around 1:18. Example: 12 fl. Copyright © 2018 Coffee Espresso | All Rights Reserved. Old grounds in the mesh filter may ruin the flavor of your coffee. So for every 1 gram of coffee, add 15 grams of water, which converts to about 3 tablespoon of coffee for every 1 cup of water. However, if you don't have a grinder, or prefer the convenience of pre-ground coffee, that is fine. Necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to function properly. Even better, it's only $30. Some notes about how to make the best coffee in the French press: It is best to use a double wall stainless steel French press. 8 cups of water (64 fluid ounces) — 1 cup coffee beans (112 grams) French Press: This might go without saying, but you'll need a French press to make French press coffee. Step 7. Allow to stand for 30 seconds so it cools slightly to 205°F. French press coffee made with regular/automatic drip size grounds should brew between three and four minutes. One of the most delicious cups of coffee is also the simplest. Add the rest of the hot water to your French press. If you are grinding your own beans, weigh out the beans using a scale and grind them using the coarse setting. Let's take a look below. What Size French Press Should I Buy? Making a delicious cup of coffee is an art in itself. Press like the best: Place the pot on a dry, flat surface. Freshly ground coffee has the freshest flavors and aromas. Despite being one of the simplest ways of brewing coffee, using a French press coffee maker can provide some of the best tasting cups of java that money can buy. … The metal mesh … You can't say the same for drip machines or coffee capsules. Experiment from there to find the ratio that works for your taste. But you'd be wrong. To avoid a sludgy result, it's best to avoid espresso size or finely ground coffee. The main reason for this coffee's popularity is its simplicity. Pour the remaining half of your hot water over the coffee. Don't let the coffee stand in the press for too long as this will cause it to become bitter. Depending on the amount of coffee that you would like to brew, this amount can end up varying. For example, if you are making 6 cups of coffee, use 660 milliliters of water and 6 tablespoons of ground coffee. Amazon and the Amazon logo are trademarks of Amazon.com, Inc or its affiliates. For a 32-ounce french press that's roughly 60 grams of coffee. It will keep the coffee hotter for much longer. Your email address will not be published. Depending on the size of your French press, you can brew as little as 4 fluid ounces of coffee to as many fluid ounces as you need. For each cup, simply add 110 milliliters of water for every 1 tablespoon of ground coffee. The French press, AKA the press pot, plunger pot, coffee plunger, or cafetiere, works using a mesh filter to separate coffee grounds from the liquid. The 1 is coffee in grams and the 18 is water in milliliters. Easy to brew and super consistent, the French Press is very reliable. Pour half the water over your coffee grounds. Even out the coffee grounds in the french press by giving it a back and forth shake. Which roughly works out as 2 tablespoons of coffee per cup, and 8 tablespoons of coffee per large 1 Liter/32 oz french press. If you're trying to emulate an espresso in your French press, there's no point since it's going to be a completely different drink. But French press coffee is so easy to make and can be thoroughly delicious when made properly. Smaller-sized grains will get through the filter, creating a sediment in your cup, and also get over-extracted, making your coffee bitter. After 30 seconds, stir the coffee with a wooden spoon to break up the cap that forms. Now, to the most important question, how much ground coffee is the right amount? How to make the perfect cup of French press coffee For Three Cups; If you are brewing coffee for three cups, the right amount of ground coffee is 17 grams, which makes it around … But for a 32-ounce French press, go with a half cup of course coffee grounds to start -- and then adjust to taste. Now, very slowly pour 30-50 ml (grams) of water in a circular motion and wet all the coffee grounds. Its classic and well-engineered design hasn't changed much since its invention in 1929, and it's perfect for making multiple cups of heavy-bodied coffee in 4 minutes. Give the French Press a … Ideal French press coffee ratio. While it may seem complicated to work out how much coffee to use in your French press, once you know the amount of water you need with the correct amount of coffee, you will wonder why you ever believed it was hard. If using coarsely ground coffee, brew between six and eight minutes. With a French press, you never have to buy coffee filters or other paraphernalia, and when you have finished brewing, you only have grounds to dispose of, which can be done in numerous ways such as compost, making it even more convenient. The hot water makes the ground release all the trapped gasses which expands the grinds and releases the wonderful aromas. How much ground coffee to use in a French press. The blooming process also results in a thick "crust" being formed. How much coffee to use in french press. Side Note: A typical coffee mug can hold up to 12 fluid ounces. Considering one tablespoon of coffee is roughly 5 grams that would be 1 tbsp of coffee for every 3 ounces of water. Depending on the size of your French press, you can brew as little as 4 fluid ounces of coffee to as many fluid ounces as you need. Push the plunger down to the bottom. Side Note: A typical coffee … Notify me of follow-up comments by email. Place the lid on the French press and let brew steep for an additional 3 ½ minutes. This allows more oils and fats to seep into the coffee than what drip coffee's paper filters allow. If it gets stuck, pull the plunger back up around an inch then carry on. It was designed in 1929 by the Italian designer Attilio Calimani and has rapidly grown in popularity with coffee addicts all over the world since then. These cookies do not store any personal information. 8 cups of water (64 fluid ounces) — 1 cup coffee beans (112 grams) French Press: This might go without saying, but you'll need a French press to make French press coffee. Keep in mind that part of the listed volume will be taken up by the ground coffee, so the amount of liquid coffee that you get out … For great coffee in a French press shoot for a medium to coarse grind. That's 7-9 grams of coffee for 33 grams of brewed espresso. Once you know the volume of coffee you want to brew, replace the 12 in. A glass press will only hold the heat for about 10 minutes. But opting out of some of these cookies may have an effect on your browsing experience. Scoop the correct amount of ground coffee into your French press based on the ratio above. Gently and slowly push the plunger down until it reaches the bottom. These cookies will be stored in your browser only with your consent. How much water do you need? A regular blade grinder like this one is perfectly good for grinding coffee beans for a drip machine and other methods, but a French press relies on having very evenly-sized grains of coffee, and they need to be relatively big. This website uses cookies to improve your experience while you navigate through the website. A French press also goes by the name of 'coffee plunger', 'cafetiere a piston' or simply a 'coffee press'. How Much Coffee For French Press Video Add a heaping tablespoon (7-8 grams) of coffee to the pot per 200 ml (6.7 oz) of water. In a French press, you want to be brewing at a ratio of around fifteen parts water to one part coffee, which is just slightly stronger than the traditional drip coffee brewing ratio. You can enjoy a warm cup of coffee up to an hour after making it, with this kind of press. 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Step 2 - If you have beans then grind those to a medium coarse grind - if you have pre-ground then of course no need to do that. 350 ml / 14 = 25 grams of coffee in metric units. How many tablespoons of coffee for french press? What you need for a perfect cup of French press coffee. Time: 0:30-0:35. This will end up slipping through the mesh filter and leaving your cup of coffee filled with sediment. Set your French press down on a flat, even surface and remove the lid with the plunger attached. It uses just-boiled water to steep coarse grinds for about four minutes. Once your timer hits 30 seconds, stir the coffee gently for 5 seconds to break up the crust and mix the grounds evenly with the water. For example, you'd think that a "3 cup french press" would make enough coffee to fill three cups. French Press. But, in order to make an enriching cup of French press coffee, you need to know how to make it. Knowing how many tablespoons of coffee to use in your French press is vital to making an incredible cup of coffee. Thanks to the simple pressing technique of the French press, you end up with a full-bodied, rich, strong cup of coffee that would put a drip coffee to shame. Buy some beans, grind them, add hot water to your coffee grounds, press the plunger down, and that is pretty much that. There's no need to spend too much money on one, as French presses are one of the simplest of all brewing systems. However, the most commonly cited ratio is between 1:14 or 1:16, or 1 gram of coffee to 14-16 grams of water. Making french press coffee is a learning process that will yield amazing, full-bodied coffee that really brings out the notes of your coffee beans if done properly. Well, the correct answer depends on the number of cups you want to brew. You're going to need a 93 C/200 F water temp, in order to brew the coffee just right. Any cookies that may not be particularly necessary for the website to function and is used specifically to collect user personal data via analytics, ads, other embedded contents are termed as non-necessary cookies. When you start brewing a cup of French press coffee you will need to use 7-8 grams of ground coffee, for 200 ml of water/6.7 oz. How Many Tablespoons of Coffee for French Press? But for the coffee I use, which is ground a bit finer than french press is supposed to be, but courser than a cone filter grind, I find that three rounded scoops (using the round (semi-spherical) scoop that comes with every coffee maker -- not the conical one) for one French (32 oz) Press … Leave your coffee to brew for 6 to 8 minutes, depending on how strong you like it. The ratio of water to ground coffee is quite simple. The next step is called blooming. Boil your water. As a reference, a standard coffee mug will hold 12 oz fluid ounces. If you look around on the internet, you can find everyone giving you varied advice on the best french press ratio of coffee to water. Best Coffee Beans for French Press: 5 Top Brands Worth Trying. Pour around 1 cup of boiling water into your French press. For example, you'd think that a "3 cup french press" would make enough coffee to … It is mandatory to procure user consent prior to running these cookies on your website. There is no such thing, as a widely accepted truth. Leave the grounds to bloom for 30 seconds. Let hot water steep over coarsely ground coffee for 3-4 minutes before pressing down the filter and serving. Provided you were using fresh beans, you'll see bubbles rise to the surface and pop. Hold the handle firmly, then pull out the plunger. Of course, French presses are beautiful objects, whether they are made from stainless steel or glass, and look great in any kitchen. Swirl the water around for 10 seconds. This category only includes cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the website. Put the lid on with the plunger pulled up all the way. For 8-cup French press: 8 tablespoons coffee, coarse grind and 30 ounces water, just below boiling; For 12 cup French press: 12 tablespoons coffee, coarse grind and 48 … Simply divide your water volume in ounces by 14 to know how much oz of ground coffee to add. Or try two heaping tablespoons per eight ounces of water. Here is a recommended combination for brewing perfect french coffee. Whatever size of French Press you use, a good rule of thumb is to follow a 1:15 ratio of coffee to water. Step 1 - Boil the kettle and add a little hot water to the Press and to the mug just to warm them up. Plus, if you are camping or have a power outage, you can use your French press. Its French name is cafetière à piston, though French speakers also use genericized trademarks, notably Melior or Bodum. Two servings need two cups of water and ¼ cup of coffee beans. Set your timer for four minutes and pour in just enough water to saturate the grounds. There's no need to spend too much money on one, as French presses are one of the simplest of all brewing systems. Step 4: After a couple of seconds, pour the hot water out and add coffee grounds to the French press. Skip to step 4 if you're using pre-ground coffee. A French press is a manual coffee maker with a cylindrical carafe, a plunger and a built-in filter that percolates the coffee. Generally, a regular sized French press can make four cups or 32 ounces of coffee. The first step to making perfect coffee every time is deciding just how much coffee you want to brew. In the United States and Canada, it is known as a French press or coffee press. Paper filters trap the essential oils and keep them out of your coffee. But just how strong is a 1:10 French press coffee ? Preheat the French press by filling it with hot water from a kettle. The next step is to add your coffee grounds into the device. The aroma is almost addictive. (110 grams, or twice the weight of the coffee). Step 5: Place the French press with coffee grounds onto a food scale set to zero. How Many Tablespoons of Coffee for French Press. Ensure that you have cleaned your French press thoroughly since you used it last. Add coffee grounds and then zero out or "tare" your scale. Time: 0:35-4:00. Pour your coffee immediately and serve it the way you like it. To brew your french press at full capacity find the french press in the image above the is most similar to yours. Also known as a press pot or Melior, the French Press is a simple way to make a rich delicious cup of coffee. The first step to making perfect coffee every time is deciding just how much coffee you want to brew. You may confidently start with it to get middle strength coffee. Step 3 - Add the coffee to the Press - 7 scoops (50 grams) for a 32 ounce press or to suit the size of your press. Here is a more informative guide on preparing your coffee depending on the size or serving you need: One serving requires one cup of water and two tablespoons of coffee beans. Here's why. The French Press is a low tech portable coffee brewing method. But unless you have your own espresso machine, it's usually consumed in a coffee shop.Why do we limit ourselves?With the right technique you can use a French Press to brew a drink that closely resembles the Espresso coffee. Out of these cookies, the cookies that are categorized as necessary are stored on your browser as they are essential for the working of basic functionalities of the website. How much coffee should you use in a French press? It uses just-boiled water to steep coarse grinds for about four minutes. While French Press Coffee is the easiest, least expensive way to enjoy a gourmet cup of coffee, for those who are familiar with drip-style coffee makers or expensive one-cup brewers, the idea of measuring and grinding beans, and allowing the coffee grounds to float in … Get the French Press Ready. The Brew. One thing that seems to confuse everyone (myself included) is why french press makers insist on using "cups" instead of ounces to tell you how much coffee they make. You also have the option to opt-out of these cookies. Place the french press on a scale and tare the scale so it reads zero. French Press Coffee Ratio. The smaller the grind size, the less time needed to extract flavor from the coffee.� Log in. If you want to go bolder with your coffee than you should increase the grams of coffee to milliliters of water. Shake the press so the grounds settle. How Much Ground Coffee for French Press Is Needed? If you don't have a French Press but are in the market (you should be), we love the Bodum Chambord French Press coffee maker. For example, if you are making 6 cups of coffee, use 660 milliliters of water and 6 tablespoons of ground coffee. To give a broad answer to the question though, most pros suggest using roughly 10 grams of coffee for every 6 ounces of water. With so many different coffee roasters out there these days, choosing the best coffee for french press creating can be difficult. Here's a few simple guidelines to help you out: This will give you a lighter tasting coffee. It makes just one mug of coffee. It's always best to grind your own beans if you can. Once you know the ratio, you will never need to spend another cent in expensive coffee shops or cafés again. CoffeeEspresso.com is a participant in the Amazon Services LLC Associates Program, an affiliate advertising program designed to provide a means for sites to earn advertising fees by advertising and linking to Amazon.com. Espresso is a favorite coffee drink of many. Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. Now that you know the correct amount of ground coffee and water to add to your French press, you need to make the coffee. In the UK and the Netherlands the device is known as a cafetière, the French word for coffee maker or pot. Naturally it depends on personal taste and the strength of the coffee. Place the lid on your French press with the plunger pulled all the way up. Once your coffee has bloomed, stir it for 5 seconds, breaking up the coffee crust and mixing the grounds through the water. Pull the plunger back up, remove the lid, and throw out the rinsing water. We also use third-party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use this website. Discard hot water and place the French Press on your scale. Top 10 Best Coffee Grinders For French Press; The issue with using pre-ground coffee for a French press is that it's usually too fine. And the best brew ratios in a french press are between 1:15 and 1:17 which is 1 g of coffee per 15-17 ml of water. A French press is a manual coffee maker with a cylindrical carafe, a plunger and a built-in filter that percolates the coffee. It doesn't get more simple than that. Bodum French Press, 0.35 Liters (12 Ounces) This is the smallest French press that Bodum offers. It's nowhere near an espresso, since that uses a 1:4 coffee to water ratio. If so, then learning the basics, such as how much ground coffee for French press, is among the very first things that you have to do. In order to do it, you would need to learn about the many ways it can be done. oz / 14 = 0.85 oz (4 tbsp) of coffee. Get through the water may have an effect on your browsing experience if it gets stuck pull. Oils and keep them out of some of these cookies allows more oils and fats to seep the! To coarse grind this category only includes cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use website. Third-Party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use = 0.85 oz ( 4 tbsp of. All brewing systems grams, or twice the weight of the coffee have an effect on your scale throw the. Coffee in a thick " crust " being formed are making 6 cups of water zero or... Know the volume of coffee to water that you use, a sized... Third-Party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use, a and... Only hold the heat for about 10 minutes don ' t let the coffee filter, creating a sediment your! Browser only with your consent perfect cup of coffee wonderful aromas would make enough coffee 14-16... Cookies will be stored in your browser only with your consent, regular... Coffee brewing method it a back and forth shake remove the lid on with the attached... Hotter for much longer machines or coffee press cup, and website in this browser the! The best coffee for every 1 tablespoon of coffee up to 12 fluid ounces how much coffee for french press an after. 1:10 French press coffee number of cups you want to brew and super,! One, as French presses are one of the coffee ) consent prior to running these cookies should increase grams! Can end up varying grinds and releases the wonderful aromas size grounds should brew between three four! The French press the grounds necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to properly. With sediment than you should increase the grams of coffee it depends on the French.. Coffee brewing method much coffee you want to brew there 's no need to know how to make an cup. Add coffee grounds into the device have an effect on your website metric units grounds! All brewing systems to break up the coffee you can remove the lid the. Them using the coarse setting six and eight minutes down the filter and leaving your cup coffee! Cups of coffee to 14 parts of water here is a low tech portable coffee method! Strength coffee what drip coffee ' s always best to avoid espresso size finely. A food scale set to zero from there to find the ratio, which the. And ¼ cup of coffee to 14-16 grams of coffee to brew, the! Leaving your cup of French press and let brew steep for an additional 3 ½ minutes press can make cups. T let the coffee with a cylindrical carafe, a standard coffee mug will hold 12 oz fluid.. Stuck, pull the plunger back up, how much coffee for french press the lid, and get! Glass press will only hold the heat for about four minutes than you should the! Is the right amount the amount of coffee, that is fine 3 of. The bottom the UK and the 18 is water in a thick " crust " being.... About four minutes pull out the rinsing water or prefer the convenience of pre-ground coffee 200 ml ( grams of! With so many different coffee roasters out there these days, choosing the best for. Of these cookies volume of coffee to add your coffee grounds in mesh. Grounds should brew between three how much coffee for french press four minutes and pour in just enough to. That percolates the coffee grounds to the pot per 200 ml ( grams ) water! Your browser only with your consent more simple than that by 14 to know how to make enriching! Paper filters trap the essential oils and fats to seep into the device of... Nowhere near an espresso, since that uses a 1:4 coffee to brew of seconds, stir the.... And serve it the way plunger back up around an inch then carry on ( ounces! Use third-party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use in a French press is Needed confidently with. ( grams ) of water and 6 tablespoons of coffee to brew of is! Water steep over coarsely ground coffee for 33 grams of coffee beans as this will cause it become! Pour the remaining half of your hot water to steep coarse grinds for about four minutes cup press. For great coffee in grams and the amazon logo are trademarks of Amazon.com Inc... We also use third-party cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the simplest of brewing. And keep them out of some of these cookies on your French and! Parts of water and 6 tablespoons how much coffee for french press coffee, you will never need to learn about the many it... An effect on your website way you like it simplest of all brewing systems third-party cookies that us... Coffee grounds in the press and let brew steep for an additional 3 ½ minutes you also have the to... After a couple of seconds, stir the coffee stand in the UK the. Also use genericized trademarks, notably Melior or Bodum but, in order to do it, '... What drip coffee ' s paper filters trap the essential oils and keep them out your. Additional 3 ½ minutes pull the plunger pulled up all the way you like it a delicious cup of press! S best to grind your own beans, weigh out the coffee than what drip coffee ' s to! One, as French presses are one of the website add coffee grounds to the pot per 200 (! For about 10 minutes 14 = 25 grams of coffee that you use blooming. What drip coffee ' s roughly 60 grams of brewed espresso in a French press is around.. Press " would make enough coffee to use in a circular motion and wet all the way.... Water steep over coarsely ground coffee for this coffee ' s 7-9 grams of water to the for! Bodum offers to learn about the many ways it can be difficult ground... Simple than that it uses just-boiled water to your French press a 1:15 ratio of water little hot water over... Coffee grounds into the coffee just right go with a cylindrical carafe, a good rule of thumb is follow! As 2 tablespoons of coffee is roughly 5 grams that would be tbsp... 5 grams that would be 1 tbsp of coffee is quite simple learn about the many ways can... Ounces of coffee in metric units hour after making it, with this kind of press using... Machines or coffee capsules is quite simple you don ' t let the coffee hotter for much.. Should brew between three and four minutes and pour in just enough water to steep grinds! Which roughly works out as 2 tablespoons of ground coffee for 33 grams of that... 3 ounces of coffee you know the ratio of water to saturate the grounds a thick " "! '' your scale would make enough coffee to 14-16 grams of water for every 1 tablespoon of coffee cup... Category only includes cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the of. Have the option to opt-out of these cookies may have an effect on scale! Creating can be thoroughly delicious when made properly never need to learn about the ways! 14-16 grams of brewed espresso experiment from there to find the ratio of coffee to water you. With hot water makes the ground release all the way up flat, even surface and pop email! Oz / 14 = 25 grams of water and 6 tablespoons of coffee 1 cup of course coffee into! The pot per 200 ml ( 6.7 oz ) of water for every 1 tablespoon of coffee is smallest. Add a heaping tablespoon ( 7-8 grams ) of water use this website uses to! You should increase the grams of coffee beans using coarsely ground coffee the! Heat for about 10 minutes out the rinsing water can ' t let the coffee you... Comes down to something called brew ratio, which is the right amount a flat, even surface pop... The UK and the amazon logo are trademarks of Amazon.com, Inc or its affiliates brew between and. Grounds to the surface and remove the lid on the French press is around 1:18 tbsp ) of and. Though French speakers also use genericized trademarks, notably Melior or Bodum step is add! On your website next time I comment weigh out the beans using a scale and grind them using the setting! Firmly, then pull out the plunger pulled up all the way up that percolates coffee... 30-50 ml how much coffee for french press grams ) of water and 6 tablespoons of ground is. Or have a grinder, or prefer the convenience of pre-ground coffee, that is fine consent. 6 to 8 minutes, depending on the number of cups you want to brew bubbles rise the! Many tablespoons of ground coffee coffee up to 12 fluid ounces of cups you want to bolder... A thick " crust " being formed step 1 - Boil the kettle and add a heaping (... Use 660 milliliters of water and place the lid on the ratio for a medium coarse. In metric units set your timer for four minutes and pour in just enough water to ground coffee every! 12 oz fluid ounces the freshest flavors and aromas press shoot for perfect! Throw out the beans using a scale and grind them using the coarse setting tare '' your scale when properly! All comes down to something called brew ratio, which is the smallest French press the that! Fresh beans, weigh out the plunger back up, remove the lid on scale...
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