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HomeNewsRound-Up of the Latest Senior Appointments For You 27.11.2020
Round-Up of the Latest Senior Appointments For You 27.11.2020
27 November 2020 alastair walker News 0
A round up of the latest senior hires across the insurance sector, plus some interesting broker news from Harbour Underwriting;
HARBOUR UNDERWRITING
Harbour Underwriting has launched this month with an ATE commercial dispute insurance proposition. This product is purchased after a dispute has arisen and protects the claimant or defendant by reducing the potential downside in bringing or defending a legal claim.
The launch of Harbour Underwriting, formerly known as QLCC, is led by Sharon Brown who joined the business last year. Sharon was previously chief sales officer at Miles Smith where she spearheaded the development and successful distribution of a number of schemes specialising in hard markets and high risks areas.
Sharon says: "I joined Harbour because I saw a tremendous opportunity for brokers in the evolving world of ATE insurance. Law firms we are speaking to are already seeing an upsurge in potential cases following the pandemic and the legal complexities relating to the lockdown. Lawyers involved in litigation are under a duty to advise their clients on all appropriate insurance and funding options, including where relevant ATE insurance. Brokers should be aware of the opportunities this presents.
"Harbour Underwriting is here to have a conversation with insurance brokers and their clients about how an ATE insurance policy can help to mitigate the risk of adverse costs, own side expenses and solicitors' fees, whichever side of the dispute their client is on.
"We're looking forward to working in partnership with more brokers to explain the many ways in which ATE can help their clients and become part of the conversation about risk mitigation."
The underwriting team is led by Rocco Pirozzolo, who for the last 20 years has been at the forefront of developing legal costs insurance policies.
GALLAGHER RE
Gallagher Re, the specialist global reinsurance broker, has appointed Thiago Navega as Director of its Brazilian operation.
Reflecting Gallagher Re's growing presence and investment in Latin America, Thiago's appointment will bolster the expertise of the reinsurance broker's expanding team in the region, with a particular focus on the global energy sector. With offices in Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Santiago and Miami, Gallagher Re's Latin American operation, established in 2016, offers the full range of treaty reinsurance solutions across the region. In Brazil, the service extends to facultative placements, facilities and portfolio solutions.
GALLAGHER UK
Insurance, risk management and consulting firm Gallagher announces that Gareth Parry-Jones has been appointed Regional Managing Director of the Midlands.
In his new role, Gareth is responsible for leading over 200 colleagues across branches in Birmingham, Coventry and Leicester. Gallagher looks after a wide range of businesses in the region from SMEs to large corporate organisations, and also operates teams specialising in risk management for charities, real estate, construction, professional indemnity and life sciences. Gareth will report into Peter Matthews, Managing Director of the North in Gallagher's UK Retail division.
Gareth has over 30 years' insurance experience and joined Gallagher in 2014 as Managing Director of the East Midlands. Prior to that, he held several leadership roles at The Oval Group, which was acquired by Gallagher in 2014.
Leading legal expenses and assistance provider ARAG has appointed Simon Barrett as the company's next Chief Financial Officer, in preparation for the retirement of longstanding CFO Bob Moreton, next year.
Simon has worked in the insurance industry for most of his career, including senior roles with Mitsui Sumitomo, QBE, XL Group, Hamilton Insurance Group and Markel International.
"I'm very pleased to be welcoming Simon to the ARAG team." commented Managing Director, Tony Buss. "He obviously brings with him a wealth of experience from several major insurance businesses that will be a great benefit to us as ARAG continues to grow."
Responding to Tony's comments, Simon added "I'm excited to be joining ARAG at such an important time in the company's growth. It is clearly a very difficult time for so many businesses, all around the world, but ARAG has established a strong market position and has the backing of a very large and secure European group, which has provided a very solid foundation on which to build."
Allianz Engineering, Construction & Power has appointed Peter Carless as chief engineer. He replaces Martin Butler who recently retired from the business.
Having originally joined Allianz in 1999 as the principal mechanical engineer, Peter is returning to the company after working in the energy and water sectors. During the past 12 years he has held the positions of operations and engineering manager in the directorates of waste water operations and asset management.
As chief engineer, Peter will be responsible for maintaining the health, safety, quality and engineering standards which apply to the delivery of Allianz's inspection services. In addition, working in partnership with customers and brokers, he will be assisting the Allianz Engineering, Construction & Power senior management team in preparing the business for the future and ensuring a world class inspection service.
Peter is a fellow member of the Institute of Mechanical Engineers and has sat on the members council of the Pump Centre for the past six years. This has given him a broad understanding of the water industry, combined with 20 years' experience working in the marine and land based inspection business.
Charles Taylor, the leading provider of services and technology solutions to the global insurance market, today announced that it has promoted Michael Guy and Dallas Hirsche as Managing Director and Regional Head of Canada, and Deputy Managing Director and Deputy Regional Head of Canada, respectively.
These appointments represent the continued growth of Charles Taylor's Canadian Adjusting business and its strategy to bring strong talent to the leadership team. Michael will report directly to Damian Ely, CEO, Charles Taylor Adjusting.
"With their strong track record of success within our adjusting business, I'm pleased to welcome both Michael and Dallas to their new roles in our Canadian leadership team," said Damian Ely. "We want to thank Bob Moore for his distinguished work for Charles Taylor for the last 23 years, and his contributions to help create a market-leading practice in Canada."
Grant Strickland has joined Global Risk Partners (GRP) in the newly created role of Chief Data & Analytics Officer.
Grant, who will report to Group CEO, Mike Bruce, has over thirty years of experience in data and analytics, including leading the business intelligence functions for AJ Gallagher and Hyperion.
This role will build on GRP's data strategy, leading the development of the Group's data infrastructure, and using data analytics to deliver business insight which in turn drives value for clients and insurer partners.
Mike Bruce, GRP CEO said: "Grant is a valuable addition to GRP's team. Harnessing the power of our data assets has always been central to our organic growth strategy, and we have made significant progress in creating a data warehouse which integrates with our various businesses systems and holds data from over 300,000 clients.
RGI SOLUTIONS
As RGI Solutions celebrates our 30-year anniversary, they are thrilled to announce the appointment of two new members to the board.
After helping to shape and develop the Company for many years Sarah Glenn and Anthony Byrne will take on the respective positions of Commercial
Director and Operations Director. Ray Glenn said:
"Joyce, Tim and myself are excited to welcome Sarah and Anthony on to the board, paving the way for the future success and sustainability of our company. Their competencies and skills have grown over their years at RGI and we are confident that we have achieved a business leadership team that will take us to new heights. We wish them every success".
BRIDGE INSURANCE BROKERS
Bridge Insurance Brokers Ltd has made three senior appointments at its Manchester headquarters.
Rob Morrison has joined the Real Estate team as an account executive following 12 years in the property team at Reich, while Laura Whitby and Joanne Pitcher have been appointed into the FlatGUARD division. Laura takes on the role of client service executive, moving over from RSA, while Joanne joins as a claims executive following 14 years at Mansons.
Michael Regan, director of Real Estate, comments: "The construction industry has had a kickstart this year after a period of uncertainty, and we are hugely busy thanks to the Owner-Controlled Insurance Programmes, which cover a range of risks and puts the developer back in control. Rob's experience means we can continue to drive this industry shift with existing and new clients."
Martin Kent-Heath, FlatGUARD operations manager, adds: "The residential flat insurance business has been the focus of much interest, and rightly so. Our team has been working hard to support any changes in the industry and the result of that work is that we now need to expand the team to manage the growth – which is across the UK. We're delighted to welcome Laura and Jo to the team."
Bridge is celebrating 50 years of business this year and employs over 100 people in its London office and Manchester offices on Charlotte street.
As well as the Real Estate, Property and Construction teams, Bridge specialises in Credit, Corporate, International, Specialist Risks and operates bespoke schemes.
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text:
module HorbitsSPR.SpritePointExploration where

import           Control.Lens
import           Control.Monad
import           Data.List
import           Data.Ord
import           Graphics.Rendering.OpenGL     as GL
import           Graphics.UI.Gtk

import           Horbits.Data.Binding
import           Horbits.OpenGL.PointSpriteARB
import           Horbits.UI.Camera
import           Horbits.UI.GL.GLIso
import           Horbits.UI.GL.GLSetup
import           Horbits.UI.GL.GLTextures

spritePointWindow :: Window -> IO ()
spritePointWindow window = do
    cam <- newVar $ initOrthoCamera (linearZoom 1 (1, 20)) :: IO (IORefBindingSource (OrthoCamera Double))
    canvas <- setupGLWithCamera 600 600 cam
    onGtkGLInit canvas $ do
        tex <- bodyTexture
        onGtkGLDraw canvas $ readVar cam >>= flip draw tex
    containerAdd window canvas

draw :: OrthoCamera Double -> TextureObject -> IO ()
draw cam tex = do
    drawSimplex $ Vertex4 0 0 0 1
    drawSprites cam tex [ (Vertex3 0 0 (-1), Color3 0 0.8 0.8),
                          (Vertex3 0 (-1) 0, Color3 0.8 0 0.8),
                          (Vertex3 (-1) 0 0, Color3 0.8 0.8 0),
                          (Vertex3 1 1 1, Color3 0.5 0.5 0.5) ]

drawSimplex :: Vertex4 GLdouble -> IO ()
drawSimplex (Vertex4 x y z w) =
    let (o, a, b, c) = ( Vertex3 x y z
                       , Vertex3 (x+w) y z
                       , Vertex3 x (y+w) z
                       , Vertex3 x y (z+w)
                       ) in
        renderPrimitive Triangles $ do
            color (Color3 1 0 0 :: Color3 GLfloat)
            vertex o
            vertex a
            vertex b
            color (Color3 0 1 0 :: Color3 GLfloat)
            vertex o
            vertex a
            vertex c
            color (Color3 0 0 1 :: Color3 GLfloat)
            vertex o
            vertex b
            vertex c
            color (Color3 1 1 1 :: Color3 GLfloat)
            vertex a
            vertex b
            vertex c

drawSprites :: OrthoCamera Double -> TextureObject -> [(Vertex3 GLdouble, Color3 GLdouble)] -> IO ()
drawSprites cam tex ps =
    withStateVar (texture Texture2D) Enabled .
    withStateVar (textureBinding Texture2D) (Just tex) .
    withStateVar blend Enabled .
    withStateVar blendFunc (SrcAlpha, OneMinusSrcAlpha) .
    withStateVar depthFunc (Just Lequal) .
    withStateVar pointSpriteARB Enabled .
    -- TODO lots of parameters (point_fade_threshold, point_distance_attenuation, others?)
    withStateVar pointSize 64 $
        renderPrimitive Points $ forM_ (sortPoints ps) $ \(v, c) -> do
            color c
            vertex v
  where
    sortPoints = sortBy (comparing (zIdx . fst))
    zIdx v = orthoCameraZIndex cam (v ^. from glV3)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
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Mixed martial arts fighter Ryan Ford tackles Ginch Gonch
William Yeoman	on April 4, 2009
"I'll knock out anyone who makes fun of me in my Ginch," warns Ryan "The Real Deal" Ford. And he means it too. Standing 5 feet 11 inches and weighing 170 pounds, the mighty-muscled, multi-tattooed mixed martial arts welterweight fighter is the new celebrity face of underwear fave, Ginch Gonch. "Ginch Gonch reminds me to take at least two moments each day from my rigorous training and smile. After all, I'm living my childhood dream."
"In it to win it" Ford aims to become champion of the MFC (Maximum Fighting Championship) and the UFC (Ultimate Fighting Championship) leagues. With his record five wins and no losses, he's on his way. His most recent and most anticipated win was against Pete Spratt of the UFC via submission, where Ford first used the move he has become famous for, the Rear Naked Choke.
He is the son of retired boxer Allen Ford, once ranked third in the world and recently inducted into the Boxing Hall of Fame. As the celebrity face of Ginch Gonch, the young Ford is making history of his own, becoming the first professional Martial Arts Fighter to win an endorsement contract with a leading underwear brand.
- - - advertisement - - -
How did you become the new face of Ginch Gonch?
A lot of my buddies wear it and I reached out to the company for some digs. After chatting with them, badda boom badda bing, I was in the back of a dump truck doing my thing.
Did you have to fight former campaign model Benjamin Bradley for the job?
Who is Benjamin Bradley?
He was one of the original Ginch Gonch boys.
Not familiar with him. So, to answer your question, I didn't fight him. I don't fight "boys" anyway.
Fighting is in your blood. Is it true your dad was a boxing champ?
Yes, he was. My dad, Allan Ford, was ranked third in the world and was inducted into the Canadian Boxing Hall of Fame.
Did he inspire you to get into the ring?
I guess he did. I always wanted to be like Dad.
But you went a different route — the mixed martial arts ring. Why?
I started boxing, but it just wasn't hardcore enough for me. I wanted to go crazier in the ring and nothing is more intense than MMA fighting.
How do you explain the overwhelming popularity of the sport?
MMA fighting is raw and animalistic. It's not controlled. Anything can happen and that really appeals to a lot of people.
Is the sport aware of its huge gay following?
Gays are guys and every guy likes to see a good fight.
Yeah, but many gay men aren't watching for the fight. Many are watching because half-naked guys wrestling is, well, pretty hot…
(Laughs) I don't know how to respond to that except to say that, yeah, I'd agree I'm pretty hot.
Is homophobia a problem in the league?
Not that I'm aware of.
Would an "out" fighter be accepted?
If someone's hardcore enough to kick ass in the ring, they deserve to be there. What they do outside of the ropes doesn't matter after the bell rings.
What would you say to guys who believe two grown men wrestling in a ring is pretty gay?
If it was said as an insult, I'd punch him out. You know what, I'd punch him out anyway because hateful, bigoted words should not be tolerated anymore.
What has been your toughest match?
They've all been tough, but I can say my favorite fight so far was when I won against Pete Spratt of the UFC. I brought him down with a Rear Naked Choke.
What's a Rear Naked Choke hold?
It's a move where your arm wraps around your opponent's neck and then you grab your own biceps on the other arm. No one can get out of my Rear Naked Choke.
Who is your biggest rival in the ring and how do you plan to bring him down?
Every single fighter in the league is my biggest rival. I'm bringing them all down!
What is your ultimate goal?
My goal is to become welterweight champion of the MFC (Maximum Fighting Championship) and the UFC (Ultimate Fighting Championship). I'm on my way.
You're the first Mixed Martial Arts fighter to win a national apparel campaign. Why were you chosen?
Because I'm rough and tough and I look great in my Ginches.
Does your vigorous training help you look good in briefs?
I train three times a day including five-mile runs, boxing, wrestling, kick boxing, weight lifting, strength and conditioning. Yeah, I'd say it helps.
Ginch Gonch is a wild and crazy underwear brand. Are you as wild and crazy?
Look at me. What do you think? Yeah, I'm crazy. I like to party like a rockstar and kick ass "Real Deal" style in the ring.
You've said in interviews that your athletic idol is "Pretty Boy" Floyd Mayweather. Why is that?
Because he walks the walk and talks the talk. He has incredible ambition and an animalistic passion for competing that makes him unstoppable.
Do you subscribe to Ginch Gonch's philosophy of "live like a kid"?
You bet I do. Everyone has to have fun in life.
Besides the new Load'N & Dump'N's, what is your favorite Ginch collection?
The multiple stars because they remind me what I'm shooting for.
What do other fighters say about your underwear when they see you changing in the locker room? Have any dared to make fun of you?
No one has made fun of me. In fact, the opposite. I got all my buddies wearing Ginch in the ring now. Dudes are constantly asking me to get them free gear.
How have your fans reacted to the campaign?
They love it man! I think they've come to expect crazy shit from me so they like it.
The most important question: briefs or boxers?
Both. I switch depending on the day.
— Ginch Gonch's newest line, The Load'N & Dump'N collection, featuring playful dump trucks, is in stores now, and available at The White Rabbit in Charlotte and Raleigh.
For more, visit www.GinchGonch.com.
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Politics during 2020 were certainly a rollercoaster ride. Highly contested races saw candidates stretching themselves to exhaustion to win. And, no other candidates did so more than those from the LGBTQ community. Across the U.S. the Rainbow Wave swept into every corner of our world. And, for the first time ever in history, Congress has the most diverse class of lawmakers in history. Our feature on this dynamic tells some stories of what all this looked like against the political landscape in the year that just passed. In our efforts to look ahead, a number of community members share their hopes for 2021 and what they want to do to help achieve those aims. On the light side, we have a feature on singer/songwriter Susan Werner, a remembrance of the faithful Johnny Johnson, and a news piece on newly named diversity advisor and reigning Miss USA Cheslie Kryst. We also have current local, regional, and national news, along with other pieces, that will serve to enlighten and entertain our readers.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Home News Channels Business & Finance Agencies Unite to Increase Economic Opportunities for Minority-Owned Businesses
Agencies Unite to Increase Economic Opportunities for Minority-Owned Businesses
BODY { FONT-SIZE: 0.83em; COLOR: black; FONT-FAMILY: "Arial" } A { COLOR: blue } #divWide { margin:0; margin-top:1.33em; } LI { FONT-SIZE: 10pt; COLOR: black; FONT-FAMILY: "Arial" }
WASHINGTON, Dec. 4, 2014 /PRNewswire-HISPANIC PR WIRE/ — The U.S. Department of Commerce's Minority Business Development Agency (MBDA) and the Initiative for a Competitive Inner City (ICIC) have entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) aimed at increasing referrals between the two entities and ultimately increasing economic opportunities for minority-owned businesses.
"This partnership provides a great opportunity to help more of our nation's minority business enterprises advance through increased access to capital," said MBDA National Director Alejandra Y. Castillo. "It is significant to join with an organization that believes in the power and importance of helping small and minority businesses navigate through capital hurdles so that they can equally compete and have chances at long-term success. It also supports our continued effort in helping to grow, transform and diversify our minority business community."
MBDA maintains a national network of 44 Business Centers equipped with specialists that help the nation's minority-owned firms grow through access to capital, contracts, and new markets. ICIC is a nonprofit research and strategy organization that aims to strengthen inner city economies by providing businesses, governments and investors with comprehensive and actionable information in the field about urban market opportunities. Through their Inner City Capital Connections (ICCC) program, they help small businesses in economically distressed areas access capital, achieve sustainable growth, and provide a forum to connect directly with debt and equity providers.
"We are excited to execute the MOU and continue our work together to help minority-owned businesses reach their full potential," said Hyacinth Vassell, Director, Inner City Capital Connection (ICCC) of ICIC. "The ICCC program is well positioned to help minority-owned businesses build capacity and access the capital needed to grow and create jobs in America's inner cities.
A major provision of the MOU includes establishing a referral system whereby ICIC will refer minority-owned businesses to the MBDA Business Center network for business development assistance and technical support. Likewise, the MBDA Business Centers will nominate and refer clients to ICCC for training, education, on the opportunities and program they offer.
About the Minority Business Development Agency (MBDA)
MBDA, www.mbda.gov, is the only Federal agency dedicated to the growth and global competitiveness of U.S. minority-owned businesses. Our programs and services better equip minority-owned firms to create jobs, build scale and capacity, increase revenues and expand regionally, nationally and internationally. Services are provided through a network of MBDA Business Centers. After 45 years of service, MBDA continues to be a dedicated strategic partner to all U.S. minority-owned businesses, committed to providing programs and services that build size, scale and capacity through access to capital, contracts and markets. Follow us on Twitter @usmbda.
The Initiative for a Competitive Inner City
The Initiative for a Competitive Inner City (ICIC) is a national not-for-profit organization founded in 1994 by Harvard Business School professor Michael E. Porter. ICIC's mission is to promote economic prosperity in America's inner cities through private sector engagement that leads to jobs, income and wealth creation for local residents. ICIC brings together business and civic leaders to drive innovation and action, transform thinking and accelerate inner city business growth and investment. www.icic.org
Inner City Capital Connections
Inner City Capital Connections (ICCC) is a national program that helps small businesses in economically distressed areas access capital, achieve sustainable growth, and connect with debt and equity providers. Executive education seminars, provided by top-tier professors from leading entrepreneurship institutions, offer participants an immersion experience in practical skills ranging from talent management and entrepreneurial finance to marketing and investor pitch presentations. Participant executives are also matched for intensive coaching sessions with high-profile capital investors, provided through an exclusive portfolio with our partners.
Follow us at @iccc_icic or iccapitalconnections.org
Contact: MBDA Public Affairs
Email: abetancourt@mbda.gov
Website: www.mbda.gov
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UNITED STATES POET LAUREATE JOY HARJO NAMED FIRST ARTIST-IN-RESIDENCE AT TULSA'S...


Adorable cards, Jen! Love the washi strips grounding this sweet panda on the first card.
A very cute pair of cards with the sweet little bear! I like the patterns you added to the first one!
You nailed it! These are too cute!
it looks like most everyone fell in love with that bear but I love what you've done with him, Jen. That washi works beautifully and gives a bamboo feel and using the pierced circles as a background is a great idea for texture.
You have some beautiful washi tapes, Jen! What a great way to add color, and a platform for that cute little guy, with the circles, too!
Such an adorable and versatile panda. So fun to see how you have used him (her) in different ways. I especially love your embossed concentric circles.
Who needs a Silhouette if you can fuzzy cut like this!
2 Fab makes with this cutie pie!


No Formal assessment. The children are assessed on the basis of day to day observation, through general discussion and revision worksheets.
A checklist is also prepared at the end of each term to verify the child's conceptual understanding.
The student's performance is evaluated on the basis of unit tests, oral tests and project work.
Weekly tests are held in rotation for all subjects for Classes III to V throughout the year.
Each term shall have (UTs) and one Term exam (Half Yearly / Annual Exam). Both terms carry equal weight-age.
Periodic assessment will include unit test, maintenance of notebooks and subject enrichment activities.
Student has to secure minimum 33% marks in each subject as well as in aggregate in Term –II for the promotion to the next class.
CBSE Board will conduct Class-X Examination for 80 marks in each subject covering 100% syllabus of the subject. The remaining 20 marks are set aside for periodic assessment which will comprise of periodic test (10 marks) notebook submission (5 marks) and subject enrichment activities (5 marks) in each subject.
Each term shall have (UTs) and one Term exam (Half Yearly / Annual Exam). Both terms carry equal weight-age for class XI.
Student has to secure 33% marks in each subject and in aggregate to be promoted to the next class.
Moreover a student has to secure minimum 33% marks in Theory and Practical separately in the subject involving practical examination.


text:
Avoiding a Free-for-all in Syria's North East
العربية Overview
"Enduring Defeat"
Kurds Betrayed, Again
Will the Americans Abandon Us?
A man gestures at U.S military vehicles driving in the town of Darbasiya next to the Turkish border, Syria. on 28 April 2017. REUTERS/Rodi Said
Briefing 66 / Middle East & North Africa 21 December 2018
President Donald Trump has ordered U.S. troops to withdraw from north-east Syria. This risks chaos and drives home the urgent need for a deal that restores Syrian state sovereignty to its north east, assuages Turkish security concerns and allows for some degree of Kurdish self-rule.
What's new? President Trump's surprise decision to withdraw U.S. troops from Syria followed previous warnings that he justified their presence only as part of the campaign to defeat the Islamic State (ISIS). Trump said the mission is accomplished, though ISIS remains active in both Syria and Iraq.
Why does it matter? The U.S. has not laid the political groundwork for withdrawal without precipitating new conflicts. Its Syrian partners fighting ISIS, led by Kurdish fighters, will be vulnerable to attack by either the Syrian regime or neighbouring Turkey. The ensuing conflict could have devastating humanitarian consequences and provide ISIS with the chance to regroup.
What should be done? The U.S. needs to press Turkey not to attack the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). It should encourage the SDF to reach a stabilising deal with the Syrian regime, as, in parallel, Russia engages the SDF, the regime and Turkey. More space and time granted by Washington, even if limited, could allow for an orderly U.S. exit.
On 19 December, days after U.S. President Donald Trump spoke with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, U.S. officials announced that the U.S. had begun to withdraw its military forces and civilian personnel from north-eastern Syria. Trump had told Erdoğan that such was his intent, but to most everyone else, the news came as a surprise and, to many, a perilous one: if made precipitously, the move risks leaving chaos in its wake. Washington's Syrian partners in the fight against the Islamic State (ISIS), led by Kurdish fighters, will be vulnerable to attack by either the Syrian regime or neighbouring Turkey, which considers them terrorists. The ensuing conflict could also provide ISIS with the opening it needs to regroup.
It almost certainly was unwise to commit the U.S. to an open-ended military presence in Syria's north east, as U.S. officials had previously done. But if the U.S. is to pull out its troops, it should ensure that its partners in the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) can survive without them. At this point, the U.S. has not yet laid the political groundwork that would allow it to withdraw responsibly.
As it reaches the final stages of its military campaign against ISIS, the U.S. needs to press Turkey not to attack the Kurdish forces and simultaneously to facilitate a stabilising deal between the Kurdish-led SDF and the Syrian regime. It will not be easy. Talks earlier this year between representatives of Syria's north east and Damascus stalled after the regime refused to bend on demands for decentralisation and local autonomy. The regime's negotiating position may become even more inflexible now that the U.S. has announced its departure and thus the guarantee of its military protection is set to expire.
Still, an imminent U.S. withdrawal should drive home the urgent need for a deal – one that restores Syrian state sovereignty to Syria's north east; moves Syrian forces to the border with Turkey, with Russian backing, thus assuaging Turkish security concerns and forestalling an attack on the SDF; and allows for a degree of Kurdish self-rule. In recent months, the U.S. had not encouraged the SDF to seek such a deal; that posture must now change. The SDF needs the space and time to bargain seriously with Damascus. The alternative could be a military free-for-all resulting from a conflict among the SDF, Turkish and Syrian forces that could have devastating humanitarian consequences and regenerate ISIS.
II. "Enduring Defeat"
Trump's decision to pull military forces out of Syria is the latest wild swing in U.S. Syria policy during his presidency, as the U.S. national security staff has repeatedly battled the president's own instinct to avoid open-ended engagements in the Middle East.[fn]See Aron Lund, "The Making and Unmaking of Syria Strategy under Trump", The Century Foundation, 29 November 2018.Hide Footnote Until Trump's about-face, those officials tied the presence of U.S. troops to ISIS's "enduring defeat", which, per their expansive definition, required fundamental change to Syria's political system and the exit of Iranian-commanded forces from Syria.[fn]"Briefing on Syria Meeting and U.S. Strategy", U.S. Department of State, 27 September 2018. Ambassador James Jeffrey, the U.S. special representative for Syria engagement, elaborated on the logic of "enduring defeat" in his 29 November testimony to a House of Representatives foreign affairs subcommittee: "First of all, you cannot ensure the enduring defeat of ISIS – that's what we experienced, including me personally in Iraq in 2010 to 2012, of any terrorist organization –if you don't deal with the root causes of it. Well, the root causes of ISIS, mainly in Syria but to some degree in Iraq, have been, first of all, the horrific behavior of the Assad regime against its own people, giving those people no other chance but to turn to whomever would take up arms against Assad, and that was, unfortunately, including terrorists. Secondly, it is the role of Iran, spreading its tentacles around the Arabic Sunni world. This is an outside force that creates malignant antibodies if we – that is, the international community – do not respond in a proper way. We did not respond in a proper way to Iran's encroachment into these areas so the peoples of the area, in desperation, fell victim to the false claims, the false promises of ISIS and other terrorist organizations. So we do have to do all three. We cannot just rely on the military defeat of the Caliphate right now along the Mesopotamia, the Euphrates, along the Iraqi border. We have to go after the root causes, and our policy is aimed at that". "U.S. Policy in Syria", C-SPAN, 29 November 2018 (at minute 15:12).Hide Footnote Now Trump has reasserted himself. "We have defeated ISIS in Syria, my only reason for being there during the Trump Presidency", he tweeted on the morning of the 19 December withdrawal announcement.[fn]Tweet by Donald J. Trump, @realDonaldTrump, U.S. president, 7:29 am, 19 December 2018.Hide Footnote
President Trump first made the policy shift – unbeknownst to the State Department or the Pentagon – during a 15 December telephone call with Turkish President Erdoğan. Over the previous month, Turkey had stepped up its pressure on Washington over the U.S. presence in north-eastern Syria. It had become clear to Ankara that ISIS's "enduring defeat" meant Washington's continued sponsorship of the SDF and support of an SDF-controlled territorial entity. The SDF is led by the People's Protection Units (YPG), the Syrian manifestation of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which has waged a decades-long insurgency in Turkey; Ankara accordingly considers it a terrorist organisation and any U.S. support for it intolerable. When the U.S. military established observation posts along the Syrian-Turkish border in late November – to protect Turkey from cross-border infiltration, U.S. officials claimed – Ankara only grew angrier, viewing the move as a hostile act designed to shield its mortal enemy, the PKK.[fn]David Vergun, "U.S. Setting Up Observation Posts on Syria-Turkey Border", U.S. Department of Defense, 21 November 2018.Hide Footnote
On 12 December, Erdoğan announced that Turkish forces would intervene in Syria "within days". This declaration set off alarm bells in Washington.[fn]"Turkey will launch new military operation in Syria within days: Erdoğan", Hürriyet Daily News, 12 December 2018.Hide Footnote The Pentagon warned that an attack on Syria's north east would be "unacceptable".[fn]Ryan Browne, "US warns Turkey not to attack Syria", CNN, 12 December 2018.Hide Footnote When Trump spoke to Erdoğan on 15 December, U.S. officials expected him to forcefully reiterate that message. He did not. Instead, he shocked his own staff by telling the Turkish president that an attack by Turkey made no sense since the U.S. would be imminently withdrawing from Syria. Summarising the mood among some, a top official, referring to the chaotic U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam decades ago, reportedly commented, "I was not hired to preside over another Saigon".[fn]Crisis Group interview, senior U.S. official, December 2018.Hide Footnote
[President Trump] has consistently emphasised that his interest in Syria is limited to defeating ISIS.
Stunning as it was, Trump's decision should not have come as a real surprise. He has consistently emphasised that his interest in Syria is limited to defeating ISIS.[fn]For example, see Monica Langley and Gerard Baker, "Donald Trump, in exclusive interview, tells WSJ he is willing to keep parts of Obama health law", Wall Street Journal, 11 November 2016.Hide Footnote In March 2018, he undercut a previous open-ended commitment to remaining in Syria by declaring, unprompted, that the U.S. would withdraw its forces from Syria "very soon".[fn]Michael Crowley and Nahal Toosi, "Trump wants 'out' of Syria 'very soon,' contradicting top officials", Politico, 29 March 2018. For the iteration of U.S. Syria strategy that President Trump upended with his March and April remarks, see "Remarks on the Way Forward for the United States Regarding Syria", U.S. Department of State, 17 January 2018.Hide Footnote In subsequent internal deliberations, he opted to pull out of Syria even at the potential cost of leaving a vacuum that, his aides warned, could be filled by Russia and Iran.[fn]Matthew Lee and Josh Lederman, "Trump wants out of Syria, but don't say 'timeline'", Associated Press, 6 April 2018.Hide Footnote
In the ensuing months, Trump's national security staff – with an assist from French President Emmanuel Macron[fn]"Syria air strikes: Macron says he convinced Trump not to pull out troops", BBC, 16 April 2018.Hide Footnote – convinced him to remain in Syria as part of a regionwide strategy of "maximum pressure" on Iran.[fn]Karen DeYoung, "Trump agrees to an indefinite military effort and new diplomatic push in Syria, U.S. officials say", Washington Post, 6 September 2018.Hide Footnote But that consideration could only override his hard-wired preferences for so long.
In truth, from the outset the Trump administration's plan to use the U.S. presence in Syria's north east to curtail Iranian influence in Syria was both unrealistic (a few thousand U.S. troops were never going to make a discernible difference to Iran's influence) and impracticable. It also risked inviting a dangerous counter-escalation by the Syrian regime and its allies. The withdrawal announcement arguably solves those potential problems.
But if it might address some problems, it could create another: for all their talk of ISIS's "enduring defeat", U.S. officials may have given it a new lease on life. Indeed, if a rushed withdrawal prompts a military free-for-all involving the SDF, Syrian regime and Turkish forces, ISIS could exploit the ensuing chaos to stage a comeback. More broadly, and ironically, by stretching the concept of ISIS's "enduring defeat" to include an assortment of dubiously related goals over an unlimited timeframe – rather than setting a discrete goal and planning for a managed exit – U.S. officials may have missed the opportunity to secure the counter-ISIS campaign's gains after a U.S. withdrawal. Instead, they may have set up the U.S. for a sudden, wrenching exit that raises the risk that ISIS's defeat could be at least partially undone.
Trump's tweet notwithstanding, ISIS is not yet defeated. It retains a stubborn territorial foothold along the banks of the Euphrates near the border with Iraq, where its fighters have held off the SDF for more than a year.[fn]Falih Hassan and Rod Nordland, "Battered ISIS keeps grip on last piece of territory for over a year", The New York Times, 9 December 2018.Hide Footnote It has underground cells that continue to carry out bombings and assassinations beyond that river enclave in both Syria and Iraq. It also has an unknown number of sympathisers among local communities that the organisation ruled for three years.[fn]See Liz Sly, "America's hidden war in Syria", Washington Post, 14 December 2018.Hide Footnote
Effectively defeating ISIS does not require a long-term U.S. military presence in north-eastern Syria. An ongoing U.S. military deployment could in fact stoke destabilising resentments over the medium term, as the Syrian regime and others encourage loyalists and disgruntled locals to engage in violence and sabotage.[fn]Crisis Group interviews and communications, January-May 2018. See Crisis Group Middle East Report N°190, Prospects for a Deal to Stabilise Syria's North East, 5 September 2018.Hide Footnote Eventually, U.S. forces were going to – indeed should – leave. But this ought to have been preceded by a minimum of preparation. Instead, promises of a sustained presence were followed by the announcement of a swift exit. An abrupt, uncoordinated U.S. withdrawal could expose the U.S.'s Kurdish allies to deadly attack by Syrian regime and Turkish forces, with the ensuing chaos allowing ISIS to make a resurgence.
III. Kurds Betrayed, Again
The most immediate and troubling effect of the U.S.'s withdrawal announcement is to leave the north east's residents and the U.S.'s main local ally in the counter-ISIS campaign, the Kurdish-led SDF, in the lurch.
In recent months, the SDF has engaged in talks on future administrative and political arrangements with the Syrian regime, albeit without success. Trump's March 2018 remarks which suggested the U.S. was leaving had spurred the SDF to initiate talks with Damascus; in July and August, an SDF-linked civilian delegation met with government officials in the Syrian capital. Behind the scenes, Russia also was playing a brokering role. Negotiations quickly reached an impasse, however. Damascus suggested only minor adjustments to local civil administration within the regime's current structure, while the SDF-linked representatives insisted on negotiations over Syria's constitution and more substantive decentralisation.[fn]Crisis Group interviews, YPG/PYD officials, north-eastern Syria, July-August 2018. See Crisis Group Report, Prospects for a Deal to Stabilise Syria's North East, op. cit.Hide Footnote Meanwhile, once the Trump administration had (seemingly) decided to remain indefinitely, U.S. officials assured their SDF partners that the U.S. was staying, relieving any pressure to deal. U.S. officials shifted their tone on negotiations with the regime, discouraging the SDF from pursuing talks.[fn]Crisis Group interviews, U.S. officials, December 2018.Hide Footnote
Now, the SDF will need to resume the talks in earnest, albeit from a far weaker bargaining position. Historical YPG/PKK ties with Damascus could help push them forward, but the impasse previously reached demonstrates the wide gap between what the SDF wants and what Damascus is willing to give. That gap must be closed if the two sides are to arrive at a deal that can plausibly forestall a Turkish attack on the SDF.
Both sides have reasons to deal. The SDF undoubtedly has the greater incentive; it is the party facing the prospect of Turkish invasion somewhere along Syria's long northern frontier. Ankara is justifiably confident that it can crush an SDF deprived of U.S. military support after overwhelming the YPG earlier this year in Afrin, an enclave in Syria's Aleppo province with more difficult hilly terrain. But Damascus also needs an agreement. Without a deal, the regime risks losing more Syrian territory to Turkey. Syria is still protesting Turkey's "salkh" (skinning off) of coastal Iskanderun from Syria in 1938.[fn]"On the anniversary of the crime of skinning off Liwa Iskanderun… A right does not die so long as demands are behind it", SANA, 29 November 2018 (Arabic). Iskanderun – today, Turkey's Hatay province – joined Turkey in a 1939 referendum whose integrity Syria still disputes.Hide Footnote Since 2016, Turkey has seized additional territory in Aleppo to pre-empt the YPG's westward advance along Turkey's southern border and deployed Turkish troops to observation points around rebel-held Idlib governorate. It remains unclear how or when Turkish forces will leave. For the regime, a Turkish invasion of north-eastern Syria could mean indefinitely ceding the Syrian territory richest with oil and wheat.
Turkish officials have only limited confidence in the Syrian regime's ability or willingness to secure Syria's Turkish border.
Turkish officials have only limited confidence in the Syrian regime's ability or willingness to secure Syria's Turkish border and neutralise what Ankara sees as a YPG/PKK threat. In Afrin, Turkey continued its offensive despite the entry of pro-regime paramilitary units into combat alongside the YPG.[fn]See Crisis Group Report, Prospects for a Deal to Stabilise Syria's North East, op. cit.Hide Footnote Still, the deployment of Syrian army forces along the north-eastern frontier could make Turkey think twice. Turkey may not be prepared to attack the official military forces of its sovereign neighbour, particularly if Russia extended these forces its protection.
The U.S. can play a salutary role in restraining Turkey as the SDF and Damascus negotiate. The U.S. has obvious coercive leverage over Turkey, such as the sanctions it deployed against Turkey to secure the release of detained pastor Andrew Brunson.[fn]American pastor Jonathan Brunson was held in Turkey for nearly two years on espionage charges, eventually prompting the Trump administration to impose sanctions on Turkey to press for Brunson's release. A Turkish court ordered Brunson's release in October 2018. See Adam Goldman and Gardiner Harris, "U.S. Imposes Sanctions on Turkish Officials Over Detained American Pastor", The New York Times, 1 August 2018; Carlotta Gall, "Turkey Frees Pastor Andrew Brunson, Easing Tensions With U.S.", The New York Times, 12 October 2018.Hide Footnote But the Trump administration has also worked enough to repair bilateral ties with Turkey, including with measures like the Manbij "roadmap" and now the withdrawal from north-east Syria, to have generated some goodwill.[fn]In June 2018, Turkey and the U.S. announced a "roadmap" for defining and implementing agreed-upon governance and security arrangements in the SDF-held eastern Aleppo town of Manbij. See Crisis Group Report, Prospects for a Deal to Stabilise Syria's North East, op. cit. The two sides have since moved forward with the phased implementation of the agreement, although not always swiftly enough for Ankara's liking. Turkish and U.S. officials, Crisis Group interviews, Ankara and Washington, November 2018.Hide Footnote Trump should use it to get Turkish agreement not to launch an attack in the north east. After Trump's announcement, Turkey's Erdoğan said he would delay any new military action.[fn]"The phone call we made with Trump, as well as the contacts of our diplomatic and security units, and the statements made by the American side led us to wait for a while [for an operation east of the Euphrates river] …. Of course this is not an open ended waiting process". Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, "Turkey to delay operation east of Euphrates, Syria", Anatolian Agency, 21 December 2018.Hide Footnote
Still, it is Russia's genuine backing of an agreement that would be critical. Russia is well positioned to take into account both Syrian and Turkish concerns in that it supports a return of Damascus' sovereignty over the entirety of the territory while also having an interest in maintaining strong ties to Ankara. In the earlier case of Afrin, Russia was unwilling to support a merely symbolic regime return that would have left the YPG in effective control and Turkey's security concerns unaddressed.[fn]In Afrin, Russia stressed to the YPG that only the full return of the regime, including its army and security services, could avert a Turkish attack. The YPG refused, and so Russia stood aside as Turkey invaded. The YPG's counter-offer of a token Syrian military deployment on the border and the restoration of the symbols of the Syrian state, including flags, was not accepted by Damascus. By the time the Syrian regime decided to send Syrian military forces into Afrin in support of the YPG, Turkey was already mid-offensive and would not be deterred. Ibid.Hide Footnote This time could be different: as Russia did with Israel and Jordan in Syria's south west earlier this year, it could work toward a solution that genuinely returns the north east to regime control while also meaningfully addressing Turkey's security concerns.[fn]Ahead of the Syrian regime's offensive to retake Syria's opposition-held south west, Jordan's foremost concern was a rush of would-be refugees toward its border, while Israel was worried about Iranian-linked military units approaching the occupied Golan Heights and establishing a permanent presence. See Crisis Group Middle East Report N°187, Keeping the Calm in Southern Syria, 21 June 2018. Russia and the Syrian regime sequenced their offensive and pursued negotiated settlements with rebels in a way that dispersed an initial buildup of displaced people along the Jordanian border and then cut off the Jordanian border entirely as the offensive proceeded toward the Golan. Despite some unconfirmed reports to the contrary, there was seemingly no large-scale involvement by Iranian-controlled units in the offensive. Israeli officials now say that the Iranian-linked presence in the south west is at tolerable levels. According to one Israeli official: "It is very limited for now. Not a significant concern at present. We keep watching, of course". Crisis Group interview, November 2018.Hide Footnote For neighbouring countries with non-existent or dysfunctional relationships with the Syrian regime, indeed, Russia appears prepared to be their interface with Damascus.[fn]According to one Western diplomat: "It's that way with everyone – the U.S., the Jordanians, the Arabs. Nobody wants to talk to the regime – wants to, or can. Everyone talks to the Russians because they can. How messed up is this situation that Russia is the moderate intermediary?" Crisis Group interview, Amman, October 2018.Hide Footnote
Whether Russia will be willing to argue on behalf of the SDF is a more difficult issue. In the south west, Russia has smoothed the return of the Syrian regime: deploying military police, mediating between state authorities and locals, and interceding to secure the release of individual detainees. But it has not stopped the regime in its tracks, or prevented the Syrian state from exercising sovereign control over Syrian citizens.[fn]One Syrian aid worker said: "Even Russia doesn't try to minimise the power of Syrian intelligence. The Russians say, 'You're a Syrian citizen, this is your government. It can do what it wants if it has something against you'". Crisis Group interview, Amman, October 2018.Hide Footnote Given its ties to the SDF, Russia is likely interested in arranging preferential terms for it under restored regime authority – but preferential within limits, if the past is a guide.
Still, Russia's interests would be served by helping Syria's Kurds. Russia's chief priority in Syria appears to be restoration of the Syrian state's sovereignty over the entirety of Syrian territory. It has an incentive to prevent Turkey from taking over more of the country, including the north east, and to broker an arrangement for the SDF that allows the regime to return with minimal violence. In so doing, it could claim to have assisted all three constituencies and thus bolstered its regional position: Syria by allowing it to restore its sovereignty; Turkey by limiting the Kurds' authority and denying them control of the Turkish border; and the Kurds by avoiding a military attack against them.
A U.S. withdrawal from Syria is not necessarily the wrong decision, or a trigger for lethal conflict; it is the "how" of that withdrawal that is acutely important. While another U-turn cannot be excluded, Trump seems to have set the U.S. on a course toward leaving Syria, but details remain unclear. There may yet be some flexibility on the move's pace; any additional time, even limited, could allow the U.S. military and coalition allies to prepare an orderly exit.
In whatever time is left, the U.S. needs to do all it can to press and persuade Turkey not to launch an attack on SDF-controlled territory while allowing SDF-Damascus talks to proceed.[fn]Crisis Group described the outlines of such a deal in Crisis Group Report, Prospects for a Deal to Stabilise Syria's North East, op. cit.Hide Footnote The SDF fought alongside and on behalf of the U.S. to expel ISIS from its territorial seat, from which it plotted or at least inspired terror attacks worldwide. Abandoning the SDF would have lasting negative consequences for the U.S.'s ability to cultivate counter-terrorism partners; it would also be wrong.
Russia also should use what time it has to ensure the post-U.S. phase does not devolve into chaos. Russia should initiate talks with Turkey, the Syrian regime and the SDF aimed at effecting a transition in north-eastern Syria that would avert a violent free-for-all. This transition will likely require the return of Syrian regime forces to the Syrian-Turkish border as well as a political arrangement leaving Syrian Kurds with a measure of local self-rule.
Beirut/Brussels, 21 December 2018
Prospects for a Deal to Stabilise Syria's North East
Commentary / Humanitarian Fallout of Conflict
Voices of Idlib
Our Journeys / Middle East & North Africa
People gesture at a U.S military vehicle travelling in Amuda province, northern Syria, on 29 April 2017. REUTERS/Rodi Said
Our Journeys / Middle East & North Africa 17 July 2017
Our Senior Analyst for Syria Noah Bonsey visits the north east of the country to meet a Syrian Kurdish organisation that has made the region relatively secure, yet knows that it still has far to go in its struggle – particularly for long-term U.S. support.
Noah Bonsey
Former Senior Analyst, Syria
NoahBonsey
QAMISHLI, Syria – Abd al-Menaam picks me up as usual from the customs shed on the Syrian bank of the Tigris river. As we drive west toward the town of Qamishli, we pass beneath a hilltop command centre bombed by Turkish warplanes some five weeks earlier. Glancing across from the driver's seat, Abd al-Menaam asks: "Can it really be that the Americans had no idea those strikes were coming?"
The Turkish attack killed twenty members of the People's Protection Units (YPG), the Kurdish military formation controlling much of northern Syria. To Abd al-Menaam and many Syrian Kurds, this is a real shock: despite deepening relations between the YPG and U.S. forces on the ground, the latter had neither deterred the Turkish strikes nor provided sufficient warning for the YPG to evacuate the buildings targeted.
Beneath his query lies a deeper question I hear countless times during my trips to northern Syria: "Will the U.S. abandon its Kurdish allies?" It's a question with no definitive answer, and a reminder of a fragility partially obscured by impressive wins against Islamic State, or ISIS. The YPG is entering explosive geopolitical territory, surrounded by adversaries and competitors, with no guarantees from its American partners.
On this trip and subsequent visits to Ankara and Washington, part of my job is to explore means of ensuring that the advance of U.S.-backed, Kurdish dominated forces in northern Syria is not simply the prelude to another deadly conflagration of the country's six-year-old war.
Northern Syria, Western Kurdistan
This is my fifth trip to northern Syria in the last two years, and it begins in familiar fashion with a quick ride in a small metal barge, ferrying me and a couple of aid workers across the muddy Tigris from Iraq's Kurdistan region.
Crossing the river Tigris into northern Syria, June 2017. Noah Bonsey
I lived in Damascus for a couple stints before the war. I made close friends there, learned Arabic, and still speak it more-or-less fluently (with a comical American accent). Yet I'm also conscious of my outsider status, and particularly at entry and exit since crossing borders is a privilege that my contacts here don't have. Even as I write this, I worry about making the experience of entering a war zone seem exotic, since nobody around me has the option to write about their experience as an excursion. This imposes a responsibility I share with all my Crisis Group colleagues: to faithfully represent and respect the voices that we hear in the parts of the world we cover. My privilege inheres not just in physically crossing borders, but in reaching audiences that my interlocutors cannot.
My privilege inheres not just in physically crossing borders, but in reaching audiences that my interlocutors cannot.
Two young Syrian Kurdish security types check my bags where we step off onto the Syrian river bank. I throw my bag in Abd al-Menaam's car, and we make the short drive up to a new customs building where a young employee checks my passport and papers. The formalities and atmosphere have all the trappings of a Middle Eastern border crossing, minus one key thing: the symbols of an internationally recognised state.
There are no flags around the border point and the official inks the territory's stamp on a loose piece of paper, not my passport. There is an alphabet soup of militias, parties and administrative entities that figure on the north-east Syrian stage, many of them officially tied to the self-styled "Democratic Self-Administration" that administers YPG-held areas. But most of the lines of real authority in the three cantons of their administration's "Democratic Federation of Northern Syria" run through cadres with years of experience in a 40-year-old armed organisation with its origins in Turkey and with deep pan-Kurdish ambitions: the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK.
Browse the slideshow to see where Noah travelled during his field research in Syria in June 2017. International Crisis Group/KO
The PKK's name is rarely used here, however. Most Western countries, including the U.S., list it as a terrorist organisation, thanks to its long and often intense war with the Turkish state. Kurds simply call the territory they now run in northern Syria "Rojava", which is Kurdish for "the west", or the western part of the lands populated by the 30 million Kurds split for the past century or more between Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran and other neighbouring states.
My papers in order, Abd al-Menaam and I are pretty much free to move about as we please. First comes the long, hot drive to the town of Qamishli, through the oil fields and past the big nodding-donkey oil wells that used to provide income to the Damascus government. A few of the great iron beams are still dipping up and down, pumping oil out into a network of makeshift oil-refining outfits that produce a coarse kind of diesel that is steadily ruining truck and other engines all across northern Syria.
The road takes us along the border with Turkey, so close and yet so far. Since three million Syrian refugees poured in over the past five years, the border has been more or less sealed off. I see new apartment buildings past the border watchtowers, and connect to the Turkish signals on my mobile phone, but only the hardiest smugglers risk trying to cut through the wire fences or climb new sections of concrete wall.
All Quiet in Qamishli
It's rare that I hear sounds of war, though, even in areas recently captured from ISIS. The truth is that in general these areas feel remarkably safe – at least to a foreign visitor. Of course feelings are more raw in newly liberated places, where old ISIS graffiti still adorns some walls and trust between residents and their new rulers remains thin. And there have been occasional bombings in Qamishli and in other YPG-held areas. But those have become fewer and further between, at least in the last year.
It's early afternoon when we reach Qamishli. I link up with my friend and colleague Yazer Uthman, and we head to the city's open-air market to buy food for iftar, the breaking of the fast at sunset during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. These long June days are very hot, but Yazer notes that the "Ramadan atmosphere" is stronger than in recent years – more of the city's residents seem to be fasting, perhaps due in part to the prevailing sense that security has improved.
Yazer at Qamishli's market, shopping for food for iftar. June 2017 Noah Bonsey
But while stability may be increasing in much of YPG-held territory, the margin for political competition is not. My Crisis Group colleagues and I generally make a point of meeting with opposition figures during our visits, many of whom are aligned with the PKK's Iraqi Kurdish rival, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). Upon arrival in Qamishli, however, I learn that most of the figures I've met on previous trips have either been arrested, or departed the country fearing detention. The YPG's Democratic Self-Administration justifies these measures by citing the opposition's refusal to register with it as political parties; for their part, the YPG's Kurdish opponents reject registration because they do not recognise the Self-Administration's authority nor wish to legitimise the YPG's unilateral military and political dominance. These parties maintain some popular support within the Kurdish community, but have no means of countering the YPG's current ascendancy. Indeed, some YPG officials I meet complain that arrests of opposition figures are counterproductive, saying they target individuals who pose no tangible threat, while fuelling local and international criticism of authoritarian tactics.
Government troops at a checkpoint in central Qamishli. Parts of the city are still under government control. March 2017. Heiko Wimmen
The YPG is not alone, of course. It has an arrangement with the Damascus regime that President Bashar al-Assad's forces are allowed a symbolic presence in a few blocks in the centre of town. I can walk on foot or drive through areas that are technically under regime control, looking up at posters of Assad and passing by regime military personnel. More meaningful are a few places that the Assad regime controls firmly, like Qamishli airport, where I don't go. Planes still fly to and from Damascus and it's widely understood there are Russian and Iranian elements there. At the same time, several small bases in YPG areas host the few hundred American military personnel currently based in the north, who are also hard for me to approach. For now, the balance of daily power in civilian areas is firmly tilted in favour of the YPG, not the regime. Occasional arrests or even clashes punctuate an ongoing back and forth between these two competitors. They have to deal with each other, but don't necessarily like each other.
As iftar time nears, Yazer briefs me on recent local developments. We discuss potential meetings and trips for the days ahead. When the sun sets, we gather with his family for an animated meal.
One central subject of conversation is who's still here and who's gone. People feel that huge chunks of their communities and many of their neighbours have left because of the general instability created by the war, the economic hardship that has followed, and conscription. The regime now wants all males up to the age of 42; men do have a concern that if they stray too deep into the pockets it controls they could end up detained, and ultimately sent to some far-flung front. More importantly, there's a second conscription run by the YPG for males between eighteen and 30 years old, which has expanded the ranks of YPG and subordinate forces, but also pushed many youth out toward Turkey and Europe. On the other hand, there are a lot of new inhabitants who have arrived from parts of the country that are less stable.
"Democratic Self-Administration"
On my second day, Yazer and I begin with a visit to Ahmed Suleiman, a friend and leading member of a small political party that has sought to chart a middle course between the YPG and its rivals. We discuss a recent Russian attempt to jump-start talks among Damascus, the YPG, and other Kurdish parties – thus far to no avail. Our chat touches on one of the Syrian war's central questions: the extent to which Moscow might be willing and able to pressure the Assad regime toward meaningful political concessions. For now at least, that extent appears minimal.
That evening we drive a half-hour west to the town of Amuda, for a meeting with two senior local officials. One is the head of foreign relations, and the other a kind of power behind the scenes. It's hard to be concise about names and titles due to the variety of political facades and acronyms used by PKK affiliates and spin-offs in the region. The civilian authority is the Democratic Self-Administration, the YPG is the armed force and the political wing is called the PYD, the Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat or Democratic Union Party. The two men have requested the meeting to discuss Crisis Group reports based on fieldwork I and fellow Crisis Group colleagues have conducted on previous trips. They have made clear that I should stop by before attempting to travel further afield.
Above all, they want to push back about the way we say they are linked to the PKK. They accept that they adhere to the secular, Marxist-inspired thinking of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, who has been in jail in Turkey since 1999, and his prescriptions for local governance. Indeed, Öcalan's picture is inescapable in north-east Syria – along roads, in town squares, and in the offices of some "self-administration" and YPG officials.
The two men insist that their north Syrian structures are "completely separate organisations" from the PKK, echoing the official line. Adding nuance to their argument, they say we put too much emphasis on the PKK link relative to other matters, like positive aspects of their governance. They worry that we are making it easier for Turkey to justify attacking them, as it has done in the airstrikes a few weeks before my visit. I point out that denying the PKK link isn't convincing, and that to be credible they will have to do more to strengthen the local character of governance and security arrangements in the areas under their control. I note that their north Syrian cantons are expanding while forces around them are weak and while the U.S. needs them in the fight against Islamic State, but these circumstances will eventually change. To protect what they've achieved, I suggest, they need a more distinct, separate identity to obtain external security guarantees, either from the U.S. or in an understanding with Turkey, or both.
Field interviews are a mix of listening, learning, explaining and researching.
Field interviews are a mix of listening, learning, explaining and researching. Getting to know officials like this is a huge part of it. I know one of them from before, and this is my first meeting with the other. I throw in how we as Crisis Group view the broader conflict challenges they face locally, with regard to Turkey, with regard to the complex U.S. position toward them. At first the conversation is tense, but it warms as the evening goes on. I tell them of policy insights I have from trips to see officials in Ankara and Washington DC, places they can't go. The more I and my interlocutors learn from each other, the more we can build our relationships, the more valuable that experience and the lessons that come from it can be.
The result is a friendly ending. My interlocutors say they are satisfied that I understand their concerns, and tell me I can travel where I like. But this is a mixed blessing. They want me to take a minder during my visits to Arab-majority towns to the west: Tel Abyad, Manbij and Ain Eissa (roughly 50km north of Raqqa). This, in theory at least, is partly for my security, but it's also to check that what is said to me is consistent with what we write in our reports. The arrangement is not ideal, but acceptable under the circumstances. In the coming days I do not feel like anyone is watching me too closely.
On the Road to Manbij
The next day I wake up early, link up with the minder and head to Manbij, which is the westernmost edge of YPG-held territory. One extension of the YPG is an alliance called the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which includes Arab elements and captured Manbij in August 2016. It's a hot, five-hour drive west. The road is busy, now part of a new direct land route to Aleppo, Damascus and other areas controlled by the regime. Residents of YPG-held areas are hoping that the opening of this trade route will eventually lead to lower prices and fuller shelves in local shops, now that ISIS no longer controls the link between YPG and regime-held territory. I also see a lot of displaced people on the road, moving north west to get away from the escalating U.S.-backed campaign to capture Raqqa.
To get to Manbij, I have to cross the Euphrates river. The water is bright blue, a contrast to the muddy white brown of the Tigris. People are jumping in and swimming. At the same time, as we approach the bridge, we pass dozens of vehicles and hundreds of people lined up waiting to pass through a YPG checkpoint. They're fleeing the recent fighting, the sun is beating down, it's Ramadan, and they don't know where they are going to sleep tonight. The YPG constrains movement of displaced persons as part of a robust, sometimes draconian security effort to prevent ISIS infiltration into areas under YPG control. Most of those trying to cross the river have likely already passed some preliminary screening. Still, to be allowed entrance into Manbij generally requires having somebody there to vouch for you.
A bombed building in Manbij. The battle to liberate the city was the toughest thus far of the anti-ISIS campaign in Syria. June 2017. Noah Bonsey
As we drive into Manbij, the city seems relatively full, even in the middle of the day in Ramadan. That's even more striking because Manbij was the toughest battle thus far of the anti-ISIS campaign in Syria. It went on for weeks longer than expected and the city still bears many scars, with bullet-riddled walls and blown up buildings. Now the YPG and its local allies are establishing an impressive degree of security, all things considered. It is still able to function as a city. The YPG, prodded by the U.S., has made some small but important adjustments to the way they govern there. It's noticeable as soon as I set foot in the city. I don't see Öcalan posters, I don't see YPG flags, the only flag flying is the one for the local military council. I meet local youth recruited into the security forces. The relative stability is persuading people to stay, others to return, and attracting many internally displaced.
Manbij is an Arab-majority city, but it's pretty diverse, and the new local civil council charged with administering the city is fairly diverse too. One of the top figures is Arab, an anti-regime activist in the early days of the uprising there. There are also Kurds in the council and people from other minority groups. We chat about what they have accomplished in Manbij and the challenges ahead. I am trying to get a sense of how they are actually running things, and how much responsibility the PKK-trained cadres – who remain the backbone of governance in YPG-held areas – are placing in the hands of local council members.
The flag of the local military council flying in Manbij. At time of Noah's visit, there were no YPG flags flying in the city. June 2017. Noah Bonsey
Unease in Tel Abyad
After several hours in Manbij we double back north east to Tel Abyad, a mostly Arab city on the Turkish border that was captured from ISIS in June 2015. Here the population appears less at ease with their YPG rulers. I see YPG flags, I see Öcalan's poster in one of the town's squares. As an outsider visiting, it feels like a bit of an occupation. The social contract is not explicit, but nevertheless seems clear: in return for civil obedience, the YPG brings security, services and the basic needs of life. On this trip, as on a previous visit in March, I have time to check what I'm hearing in offices by talking with local residents. People seem to appreciate the stability, which is pretty good by current Syrian standards. The economic situation is difficult, but it could be worse. There is food in the markets, and a bit more electricity than in Qamishli, because it's closer to a big Euphrates hydro-electric dam.
The civil council in Tel Abyad - a mostly Arab city near the border with Turkey that was captured from ISIS in June 2015. June 2017. Noah Bonsey
I've mainly come to see a local official close to YPG leadership who coordinates the efforts to build civil councils in areas liberated from Islamic State. He has been the pointman for setting up the Tel Abyad Council, the Manbij Civil Council and now he is doing the same for Raqqa. On this visit he lets me spend the day with him and join in the conversations he's having as he goes about building up these new administrations. I try to make the point to him that the lighter touch in Manbij is a step in the right direction, and argue that in Raqqa they will need to go further.
After two nights in Tel Abyad I head south to Ain Eissa, a town nearly half way to Raqqa city that was captured from ISIS in 2015 and is now the temporary headquarters of the new Raqqa Civil Council. I spend a day meeting with many of the members of that council, getting a sense of their concerns. I ask them: what challenges do you face, in your order of priority? What are you looking for in terms of external support? How do you feel about your relationship with the YPG cadres, are you given enough space?
The council includes folks from a pretty wide range of society in Raqqa and its adjacent countryside. By everyone's admission it is not yet a sufficiently representative sample of the population, but they are preparing to administer the city and plan to expand the council's ranks once it is completely captured. It's fascinating to watch them gearing up for it.
The U.S. is backing the campaign to capture Raqqa and is more and more involved in all these processes. In Ain Eissa, I cross paths with American personnel liaising with the new council, but we don't chat in person. While it is easy for me to meet U.S. officials in Washington, I have yet to do so inside Syria. Indications of the American presence dot northern Syria, however, and U.S. military personnel have made a habit of appearing very publicly at YPG bases and other sensitive areas if they think there's danger that Turkey might be preparing to attack. In so doing, they are playing an ambiguous, but thus far largely effective role somewhere between monitors and human shields.
Having such a powerful ally has a potential downside, of course. The Americans might leave. That's why YPG officials and other Syrian Kurds so often probe me for an answer to the question: "Will the Americans abandon us?"
Wrapping up in Qamishli
Crisis Group on the Ground Crisis Group Senior Analyst for Syria Noah Bonsey in Qamishli. September 2016. Yazer Uthman
I return to Qamishli in time for the Champions League football final. Yazer and I discuss Manbij as we watch Juventus collapse; the electricity stays on through the end of Real Madrid's victory ceremony, much to the chagrin of the neighbourhood's many Barcelona fans.
The following morning we go together to meet a top official, a Syrian cadre with a PKK background. Our conversation touches on a major problem for the PKK and YPG: that the former's activity and full range of objectives inside Turkey are a threat to what the latter has built in Syria. That's because Ankara, with its powerful military, will not acquiesce to YPG-rule dominated by PKK-trained cadres in Syria while an active PKK insurgency is continuing in Turkey. Turkey may share a lot of blame for the continued rebellion, but it's a huge risk for the YPG in Syria to allow their long-term security to be pinned to the PKK's agenda in Turkey.
On this fifth trip and my recent visit alongside Crisis Group colleagues in March, I hear more brainstorming among YPG officials about the need to think through compromises that might be necessary, and more defining of the YPG's best interest in Syrian terms than I had on previous trips. From our perspective at Crisis Group, this is encouraging: the central goal of our engagement with YPG, PKK and Turkish officials is to find means of averting mutually damaging escalation in their trans-border conflict, and doing so will ultimately require concessions on both sides.
[The] central goal of [Crisis Group's] engagement with YPG, PKK and Turkish officials is to find means of averting mutually damaging escalation in their trans-border conflict.
Back in Qamishli, Yazer and his family invited Noah for dinner. (Photo from previous visit by Noah and other Crisis Group colleagues). March 2017. Heiko Wimmen
Over the course of our meetings with YPG officials, we have repeatedly advised that their relationship with the U.S. is not a substitute for de-escalating conflict with Turkey. As the 25 April Turkish strikes showed, even now the YPG cannot count on Washington to completely deter an Ankara determined to attack. And, as ISIS continues to lose ground in Syria, interest in Washington in maintaining robust partnership with the YPG may wane, leaving the latter further exposed before both Turkey and the resurgent Syrian regime and its allies.
On this trip and in other recent conversations, I do see some signs that our message is resonating. At this point I am meeting with people who I've met several times before, often senior officials. Many of them have strong memories of our previous conversations, both with me and with my colleagues who sometimes join me. They bring up points that we've raised in previous chats. In a couple of cases, relatively senior people have come back and said: "You told me this more than a year ago and it turned out you were right". On other issues, I could say the same to them in return. In northern Syria, as in Ankara, and indeed with most of our interlocutors, building relationships entails learning from each other.
This commentary is part of Crisis Group's series Our Journeys, giving behind the scenes access to our analysts' field research.


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Content Discovery Platform Curiyo Raises A Million To Help Online Publishers Increase Visitors' Time On Site
Sarah Perez @sarahintampa / 8 years
Curiyo, a company that makes software which consumers, bloggers and publishers use to enhance an online article with subtle links that direct you to useful facts and other information, has raised an additional round of just under $1 million in funding. Included in the round were both new and existing investors, crowdfunding platform OurCrowd, Morton H. Meyerson, Tom Glocer (former Reuters CEO) and Techra Investments.
The Jerusalem-based startup was founded in 2011 by Bob Rosenschein, the founder and former CEO of the site Answers.com.
For consumers, Curiyo's software works as a free web browser extension for all the top browsers on both Mac and PC. Once installed, it places a lightly dotted line under words it recognizes and can link to, including things like names, terms and phrases that readers might want to learn more about. When users hover over the link, a question mark appears and they can click to see the Curiyo box pop up with more information that can be read without having to leave the webpage.
However, over the past year or so, Curiyo has been more focused on the business side to its service. The company offers a plug-in for blogging platforms, as well as integrations for online publishers that let them brand the Curiyo box themselves. For publishers, explains Rosenschein, product is about increasing readers' time on site, showing visitors more data, insights and even social media posts, that are relevant to the terms and the article they're reading.
"The pain point we try to address is people leaving the site," says Rosenschein. "So much traffic today comes from Twitter and Facebook, from people that aren't necessarily brand-loyal. They're people who saw an article recommended, so they're on the site. And every link is a one-way ticket off the site," he adds.
Today, Curiyo is in pilot testing with a small handful of large media publishers. One is USA Today, which over the past few months has been trialling the product in its "Life" section. Here, readers have been using Curiyo's links to learn more about names and other things mentioned in an article. For instance, following the recent SAG awards coverage, readers were clicking links to learn about some of the lesser-known actors who were nominated.
Curiyo's content comes from a number of sources, including Wikipedia, social media, online videos and more. The idea is not to send people away to these other properties from the Curiyo box, but instead smartly curate the content on behalf of readers.
It's "bite-sized, easy to digest information," Rosenschein says, noting how it's ideal for those who don't have time to read a whole article and just want a snapshot of information.
The company also plans to make curation more of a focus going forward, the founder hints.
In addition, publishers will also in the future be able to monetize the space Curiyo provides using video, in-stream display, or native and premium sponsorships. While Rosenschein won't comment specifically on the business model details, he did say the opportunity is there with the advertising model.
A mobile platform is available, too. On the mobile web, Curiyo pops open websites as separate tabs, while Curiyo's current native apps represent demonstrations of the technology it's making available to publishers for integrations into their own mobile properties.
The additional funding will be put toward hiring, growing the technology, and business development, as appropriate.
Curiyo is a team of five today, and had previously raised $1.9 million in seed funding. The company doesn't plan to pursue an institutional round until the pilot testing phases with online publishers wraps up later this year.


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Over 100 million Americans under frost or freeze alerts
By Judson Jones, CNN Meteorologist
Published 10:20 AM EDT, Tue October 18, 2022
Extremely cold temperatures warrant freeze alerts for the East
A wintry air mass will cake decorative pumpkins with frost and put people in the mood for hot apple cider Tuesday and Wednesday.
Freeze warnings, watches and frost advisories are in effect for over 100 million people from eastern Colorado to the Appalachians – and all the way south to the Gulf Coast.
"Many places will experience their first freeze of the season over the next couple of nights, which will be particularly impactful to sensitive crops and livestock," the Weather Prediction Center said.
"This first freeze is 10-15 days early at most climate stations," the National Weather Service in Memphis wrote Tuesday morning, "with Memphis' mean first freeze day being a bit later at Nov 12."
The prediction center said temperatures will be 15 to 30 degrees below average the next couple of days.
"Widespread high and low temperature records may be tied or broken over Middle/Lower Mississippi Valley and Southeast today, then over the Central/Southern Appalachians and Florida on Wednesday," the prediction center said.
The cold will bring snow to portions of the Great Lakes.
Over a foot of snow has already fallen in the eastern Upper Peninsula of Michigan into Wisconsin over the last few days. "Moderate to heavy snow is also expected over portions of northern Michigan and the Upper Peninsula today," the prediction center said.
Cold northwesterly winds on the backside of the storm system will continue to generate lake-effect snow in some areas.
By this weekend, the above normal temperatures in the West will have pushed across the country's eastern half, bringing a quick end to this early arrival of winter temperatures.


How to make safety the primary design criterion? What is stopping it? How can we reinforce this with regulation?
Where does perpetual treatment fit into the precautionary approach?
What do communities need to be engaged and how?
How do we share knowledge and understanding? Access to tools?
Share risk and shared decision making – how are they related? Is there a role for FOV? Co. manage during operations?
How do we engage with communities around tailings – site, design, monitoring – what capacity building is needed?
Who else could help in designing engagement? Are there other disciplines for which we could learn?
How do we deal with uncertainties in the information and risks?
What is the potential for civil suits related to aboriginal rights?
When / how should exploration compromises deal with tailings related questions?
Could risk registers be made public? How could we make this process more transparent?
Move towards aligning regulated requirements for tailings facility process with TSM protocols?


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Home / Sports / Golf
Sluman savoring scenic Anhui test
By SHI FUTIAN | China Daily | Updated: 2019-06-21 10:18
American Trevor Sluman tracks a drive during Thursday's opening round of the PGA Tour Series-China Huangshan Championship in Huangshan, Anhui province. After a downpour temporarily suspended play, most of the field was unable to complete the 18 holes. [Photo/CHINA DAILY]
American Trevor Sluman is looking forward to competing on a second straight Gary Player-designed course after taking over the lead in the PGA Tour Series-China order of merit with his runner-up finish at last week's Suzhou Open.
This week's Huangshan Championship is at picturesque Hidden Tiger Golf Club in Anhui province, featuring stunning natural scenery.
Unlike the expansive metropolitan courses that tour players are accustomed to, Hidden Tiger, designed by South African legend Player, is relatively compact and tucked away between spectacular mountain vistas. Players even have the option of riding a ferry from their hotel to the course on scenic Taiping Lake.
There was some rain during the practice rounds, but the weather was clearing up by Tuesday evening and Sluman is planning to make the most of his visit. The New York native has already seen much of China, having played a full season on the tour in 2018.
"It's amazing to be out here. The hotel is right on the water, and I never would have thought that I'd be playing at a place like this," said Sluman.
"It's very cool to be surrounded by all these mountains, and I've already taken a lot of nice photos and videos. It's definitely special and a nice change of scenery."
While he thinks the course suits him, Sluman said the tight, unforgiving fairways are more challenging than what he faced last week in Suzhou.
"The course is very different compared to last week, but I really like them both. Hidden Tiger is more narrow so you have to play smart off the tee and try your best to not get in any trouble," he said.
"It definitely suits me because I've been playing great, and I like the greens here. Hopefully I can plot my way around the course and shoot a low score."
Sluman had a solid 2018 season, finishing ninth on the order of merit to get into the Korn Ferry Tour qualifying tournament, but with only conditional Korn Ferry Tour status, he wasn't able to secure any starts.
Now more than halfway through the season, the big-hitting American has already secured one win-the Sanya Championship-and is on track to play on the 2020 Korn Ferry Tour. He leads the order of merit with 572,709 yuan ($83,000)-roughly 80,000 yuan ahead of compatriot Max McGreevy.
"My goal is to win the order of merit, so this event is really important to me because I want to keep the momentum going and try to extend my lead," said Sluman.
"It's difficult because a lot of guys are playing really well. I just need to stay focused and keep doing what I'm doing and hopefully the results will keep coming."
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Home / Contract Awards / Serco Inc. Gets $95M USPTO Patent Classification Recompete Contract; Dan Allen Comments
Serco Inc. Gets $95M USPTO Patent Classification Recompete Contract; Dan Allen Comments
Jane Edwards December 1, 2015	Contract Awards, News
Serco Group's North American subsidiary has secured a potential five-year, $95 million contract to continue to provide patent classification support services to the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office.
Serco Inc. will continue to perform work in Harrisonburg, Virginia, under the recompete contract, which has a one-year base term and four option years, the company said Monday.
Dan Allen
The award covers quality assurance, knowledge management, software development, information security, performance management, training, information technology support and services related to the Cooperative Patent Classification standard.
"We are extremely honored to have been selected to continue to deliver patent classification services to the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, " said Dan Allen, Serco Inc. chairman and CEO.
Tags Contract Award Cooperative Patent Classification standard CPC Dan Allen featured govcon IT patent classification support quality assurance recompete contract Serco Group Serco Inc software development U.S. Patent and Trademark Office USPTO Virginia
Paradigm Mechanical Corp. and the Sapper West-Spectrum Service Group joint venture have won five-year, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contracts worth $147M combined to build, alter, repair or renovate facilities for the U.S. Marine Corps.
Raytheon Awarded $88M to Help Engineer Radar at Forces Surveillance Support Center
Raytheon (NYSE: RTN) has secured a 60-month, $87.7M contract to help the U.S. Navy's Forces Surveillance Support Center in Virginia engineer an over-the-horizon radar system. The company will provide engineering and programmatic services under the indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract, the Department of Defense said Wednesday.


Elizabeth Warren made a big announcement this week in introducing her new bill called the "Accountable Capitalism Act." Her bill aims to "eliminate skewed market objectives" and return America to an era in which "American corporations and American workers did well together." It's unclear when the utopia like conditions were according to Warren; however her website lists the 1980's as the time period in which corporations shifted focus to maximizing shareholder returns. In any business college, it is taught that the job of a CEO is to maximize shareholder wealth. Senator Warren wants to shift this mentality with her new bill. In the statement on her website, she asserts that the "shift" has led to booming profits and less reinvestment into the companies themselves. She claims that wages have not increased despite booming corporate profits. Elizabeth Warren then moves to make the argument that the top 10% owns 84% of American stock and only 50% of households own stock. Thus, she claims, that this reinforces a cycle of the rich getting richer. This is a growing socialist sentiment that poor people, and even middle class, are incapable of affording stock. The main bullet points are outlined below. Read the text of the bill here.
The bill creates a new administration within the Department of Commerce. Corporations earning more than $1 billion in revenue are required to obtain a charter from the federal government, per this new created office. The charter obligates these large corporations to consider the interests of all stakeholders. Failure to obtain this permit to exist results in loss of corporation, which in business terms mean, it would no longer be treated as a separate entity. Therefore there would be no liability protection. The Director of this office would be a Presidential appointee and requires Senate confirmation. The term last four years. Warren seeks to create a new and powerful tentacle of the Federal government.
Employees, not shareholders, will have the ability to choose no less than 40% of a company's board of director. This bullet point is perhaps the most ridiculous and anti-capitalist. Company boards serve to set goals for the company. The board is usually chosen by investors. In the world of private investment, the board of directors is a bargaining chip for control of the company, as opposed to just percentage of stock. Warren's bill doesn't outright say it, but she wants unions to control company boards. Meaning instead of the company's interest, the board will be powerful weapon of the union. Boards start out as founding members, investors and their appointees, and neutral parties because entrepreneurs and investors craft such interesting deals. Insisting that 40% must be elected by employees renders a board relatively useless for small investment worthy companies or inflates company boards well beyond what they should be for their size (ie small company with GM size board.) This will possibly lead to more empowered officers and weakened boards so that CEOs can perform their fiduciary responsibilities without a labor union threatening their disposal. This could also make companies more risk adverse because undoing mistakes, laying off workers, and other rainy day measures are now more difficult to undo. Ultimately this would empower worse CEOs, ones who aren't as interested in shareholder wealth. The Securities and Exchange Commission along with the National Labor Relations Board are responsible for enforcing this part of the act, as further indication that this applies to all corporations. Stiff daily fines are to be imposed for failing to comply.
Elizabeth Warren claims top executives are compensated mostly with stock options. Her bill restricts these executives ability to sell their shares for five years so that they can focus on long term company success. Basically these executive will be given stock, but will have no real ownership of that stock. This would be the government restricting private property. These types of issues are best left to corporations and shareholders who already impose vesting periods to ensure the same exact goal.
This is a jab at Citizens United because Elizabeth Warren and others are butthurt about the outcome of a critical first amendment case Supreme Court case. It forces company shareholders to vote in order for a corporation to make any political expenditures. It imposes a 75% supermajority threshold. Conspicuously absent from this requirement are labor unions.
The corporate charter resembles a "rule of club" for large companies. If they don't meet the requirements of their charter or have a history of illegal activity, they will have their corporation status removed in time. The question is how political will the enforcement of these charters be? Will there be a separate set of rules for democrats and republicans? If the rest of government is any indication, the answer is clearly foreshadowed.
The socialist movement wants to fundamentally change the purpose of starting a business and running a company. This would most certainly lead to lower caliber CEOs. The bill makes no mention of labor unions yet it's intentions are clearly to empower them in companies that still allow them and to create politics in organizations that do not. This ideas pressed fourth in this bill are sure to gain traction, just as "Medicare For All" became a socialist rallying point. It brings about questions of how business literate politicians like Senator Warren are? Do they fundamentally misunderstand what a corporation is, or do they not care? The bill aims to reduce a shareholder's power and return on investment which will only hurt our economic growth. While Elizabeth Warren's bill isn't socialist, it is heavily anti-capitalist.