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Chirac-official.jpg
President of France
Term in office:
Succeeded by:
First Lady:
Bernadette Chodron de Courcel
UMP (not officially a member)
Jacques René Chirac (born November 29, 1932) is a French politician. (Template:Audio) He was elected President of the French Republic in 1995 and 2002. As President, he is an ex officio Co-Prince of Andorra.
In 1959, after completing studies at the École Nationale d'Administration, Jacques Chirac entered high-level civil service, then soon entered politics. He has since occupied various high-level positions, such as minister of finances, prime minister, mayor of Paris, and finally president of France.
Jacques Chirac's politics are, broadly speaking, conservative and Gaullist. He has generally stood for lower tax rates; the removal of price controls; strong punishments for crime and terrorism; and business privatization. However, he also, at other times, argued for more "social" economic policies and was elected in 1995 after a campaign where he said he would reduce the "social rift" (fracture sociale). On economic policies, he has at various times advocated both laissez-faire and dirigiste positions.
Currently married to Bernadette Chodron de Courcel, Chirac has two daughters, one of whom has long been his public relation assistant and personal advisor (Claude Chirac). He is a Roman Catholic.
1 Youth and studies
2 Early political career
3 Prime minister, 1974-76
4 Mayor of Paris
5 Presidency
5.1 First term as president
5.2 Second term as president
6 Parody
7 Chirac's First Ministry, 28 May 1974 - 27 August 1976
8 Chirac's Second Ministry, 20 March 1986 - 12 May 1988
Youth and studies
Jacques_Chirac_young.jpg
Young Jacques Chirac
Jacques Chirac studied at:
Lycée Louis-le-Grand (graduated 1950)
Institut d'études politiques de Paris (more widely known as Sciences Po) 1951-1954 (public service and politics)
Harvard summer school in 1953
armored cavalry officer academy in Saumur (ranked 1st)
École Nationale d'Administration (ENA) in 1959 (elite school for government service; ranked 10th)
Jacques Chirac was initially attracted towards left-wing causes, leading him to sell the Communist newspaper l'Humanité and to sign the Communist-inspired Stockholm Call against nuclear weapons in 1950. These left-wing ties proved later a hindrance to him, for instance in his first visit to the United States and his military career. Indeed, even though he finished first of his class at the armored cavalry officer academy of Saumur, the military wanted to de-rank him because they did not wish a "Communist" to become an officer. However, Chirac's extensive family acquaintances had him ranked back at the correct position.
After completing officer's school, Jacques Chirac volunteered to be deployed in Algeria (while the Algerian War of Independence was raging), even though his family relations would easily have allowed him to obtain a safe position away from the war. He was wounded during his tour of duty.
Early political career
Inspired by General Charles de Gaulle to enter public life, Chirac continued pursuing civil service in the 1950s. He attended Harvard University's summer School before entering the ENA (the elite, competitive-entrance college that trains France's top civil servants) in 1957.
After earning a graduate degree from the ENA in 1959, he then became a civil servant and rose rapidly through the ranks. In April 1962, only three years after having graduated from the École Nationale d'Administration, Chirac was appointed head of the personal staff of Georges Pompidou, then prime minister under de Gaulle. This appointment launched Chirac's political career.
Pompidou considered Chirac his protégé and referred to him as "my bulldozer" for his skill at getting things done. The nickname "Le Bulldozer" caught on in French political circles. Chirac still maintains this reputation. "Chirac cuts through the crap and comes straight to the point. ... It's refreshing, although you have to put your seat belt on when you work with him," said an anonymous British diplomat in 1995. [1] (http://www.abcnews.go.com/reference/bios/chirac.html)
At Pompidou's suggestion, Chirac ran as a Gaullist for a seat in the National Assembly in 1967. Chirac won the election and was given a post in the ministry of social affairs. (Gaullists have historically supported a strong central government and independence in foreign policy.) Although more of a "Pompidolian" than a "Gaullist," Chirac was well situated in de Gaulle's entourage, being related by marriage to the general's sole companion at the time of the June 1940 Appel.
Chirac already rose to become economy minister in the late 1960s, serving as department head and a secretary of state. As state secretary at the Ministry of Economy and Finance (1968-1971), he had worked closely with Giscard d'Estaing, who had then headed the ministry. In 1968, when student and worker strikes rocked France (see May 1968), Chirac played a central role in negotiating a truce. The young technocrat from ENA then rose to fame; Chirac was caricatured as the archetypal brilliant ENA graduate in Astérix.
Chirac's first high-level post came in 1972 when he became minister of agriculture and rural development under his mentor Georges Pompidou, who was elected president in 1969. He quickly earned a reputation as a champion of French farmers' interests. As minister of agriculture, Chirac first attracted international attention when he assailed U.S., West German, and European Commission agricultural policies that conflicted with French interests.
In 1974 Chirac was appointed Minister of the Interior. As minister of the interior from March 1974 he was entrusted by President Pompidou with preparations for the presidential election then scheduled for 1976. However, these elections were brought forward by Pompidou's sudden death on 2 April. In 1974 former minister of economy and finance Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, a non-Gaullist centrist, was elected Pompidou's successor amid France's most competitive election campaign in years.
Prime minister, 1974-76
When Giscard became president, Chirac was nominated as prime minister by Giscard on 27 May 1974. At the age of just 41, Chirac stood out as the very model of the jeunes loups ("young wolves") of French political life.
However, the government could not afford to ignore the narrow margin by which Giscard d'Estaing had defeated the United Left candidate, François Mitterrand, in 1974. Giscard, not himself a member of the Gaullist Union des Démocrates pour la République (UDR), saw in the essentially pragmatic Chirac the qualities needed to reconcile the "Giscardian" and "non-Giscardian" factions of the parliamentary majority.
As prime minister, Chirac quickly set about persuading the Gaullists that, despite the social reforms proposed by President Giscard, the basic tenets of Gaullism, such as national and European independence, would be retained.
Citing Giscard's unwillingness to give him authority, Chirac resigned as prime minister in 1976. He proceeded to build up his political base among France's several conservative parties, with a goal of reconstituting the Gaullist UDR into a neo-Gaullist group, the Rally for the Republic.
Mayor of Paris
By an astute move he secured his election as secretary-general of the Gaullist UDR in the face of potential opposition from the party "barons" and soon afterwards consolidated his hold over the majority by easily defeating an opposition motion of censure. Chirac also formed the conservative Rally for the Republic movement in 1976 to perpetuate the policies of Charles de Gaulle.
With the new party firmly under his control, Chirac was elected mayor of Paris in 1977, a position he held until 1995. As mayor of Paris, Chirac's political influence grew. As mayor, he provided for programs to help the elderly, people with disabilities, and single mothers, while providing incentives for businesses to stay in Paris.
In 1978, he attacked pro-European Valéry Giscard d'Estaing's Union for French Democracy as being the "pro-foreign party" (in the "call of Cochin").
In 1981, Chirac made his first run for president. Chirac ran against sitting president Giscard in the presidential election, thus splitting the center-right vote; both Chirac and Giscard were defeated by Socialist François Mitterrand. Giscard has always blamed Chirac for his defeat in the 1981 elections.
When a strong conservative coalition won a slight majority in the National Assembly in 1986, Mitterrand appointed Chirac prime minister. This power-sharing arrangement, known as cohabitation, gave Chirac the lead in domestic affairs. However it is generally conceded that Mitterand outmanouvred Chirac - using the areas granted to the President of the Republic - defence and foreign affairs - to belittle his Prime Minister.
Chirac sought the presidency and ran against Mitterrand for a second time in 1988, but was defeated in runoff elections. However, he remained mayor of Paris and active in parliament.
Chirac has been named in several cases of alleged corruption and abuse which occurred during his office term as mayor, some of which have already led to felony convictions against other politicians and aides. However, a controversial judicial decision from 1999 grants him virtual immunity, as current president of France. He has refused to testify on these matters, arguing that this would be incompatible with his presidential functions. See Corruption scandals in the Paris region.
Chiracinauguration.jpg
The Grand-Croix of the Legion of Honor is conferred on Chirac during his inauguration as President of the French Republic on 17 May 1995.
In September 1998 Chirac first met with German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder.
First term as president
His 18 years as mayor of Paris finally proved the launching pad for his first successful bid for the French presidency. To win he had to first see off a challenge from a fellow Gaullist – prime minister Édouard Balladur (who ran as an independent, though supported by a large share of Chirac's RPR, and finished third in the first round). He then narrowly beat Socialist Party challenger Lionel Jospin in the final runoff election. On his third attempt to win the French presidency, Jacques Chirac finally succeeded in being elected president in May 1995.
Shortly after taking office, Chirac – undaunted by international protests by angry environmental groups – insisted upon the resumption of nuclear tests at Mururoa Atoll in French Polynesia in 1995. Reacting to criticism, Chirac said, "You only have to look back at 1935. ... There were people then who were against France arming itself, and look what happened."
Chirac announced on 1 February 1996 that France had ended "once and for all" its nuclear testing, intending to accede to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
Chirac was elected on a platform of tax cuts and job programs, but his policies did little to ease the recent labor strikes during his first months in office. On the domestic front, neoliberal economic austerity measures introduced by Chirac and his conservative prime minister Alain Juppé, including budgetary cutbacks, proved highly unpopular. At the year's end Chirac faced major workers' strikes.
One of his nicknames is Chameleon Bonaparte. Another is La Girouette ("the weathervane"). At one point an anti-European Gaullist, he became a champion of the Euro as president.
Chirac_with_bush.jpg
Jacques Chirac with George W. Bush, President of the United States of America.
Trying to firm up his party's government coalition, in 1997 Chirac dissolved parliament for early legislative elections in a gamble designed to bolster support for his conservative economic program. But this strategy backfired. Chirac's dismissal of the parliament created an uproar, and his power was weakened by the subsequent backlash. The Socialist Party, joined by other parties on the left, soundly defeated Chirac's conservative allies, forcing Chirac into a new period of cohabitation with Jospin as prime minister. This power-sharing arrangement between Chirac and Jospin lasted five years.
Cohabitation significantly weakened the power of Chirac's presidency. The French president, by a constitutional convention, only controls foreign and military policy—and even then, allocation of funding is under the control of Parliament and under the significant influence of the prime minister. Short of dissolving parliament and calling for new elections, the president was left with little power to influence public policy regarding crime, the economy, and public services. Chirac seized the occasion to periodically criticize Jospin's government.
Second term as president
President Chirac and United States President George W. Bush talk over issues during the G-8 sessions, 21 July 2001.
At age 69, Chirac faced his fourth presidential campaign in 2002. He was the first choice of fewer than one voter in five in the first round of voting of the presidential elections of April 2002. It had been expected that he would face incumbent prime minister Lionel Jospin on the second round of elections; instead, Chirac faced controversial right-wing politician Jean-Marie Le Pen of the law-and-order, anti-immigrant National Front, and won re-election by a landslide; most parties outside the National Front had called for opposing Le Pen, even if it meant voting for Chirac.
"We must reject extremism in the name of the honor of France, in the name of the unity of our own nation," Chirac said before the presidential election. "I call on all French to massively vote for republican ideals against the extreme right." [2] (http://www.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/europe/04/19/chirac.profile.bittermann/)
Chirac_July_14_motorcade_DSC00776.jpg
While Jacques Chirac was reviewing troops in a motorcade such as this one on Bastille Day 2002, he was shot at by a deranged bystander.
The left-wing Socialist Party being in thorough disarray following Jospin's defeat, Chirac reorganised politics on the right, establishing a new party — initially called the Union of the Presidential Majority, then the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP). The RPR had broken down - a number of members had formed Eurosceptic breakaways. While the Giscardian liberals of the Union of French Democracy (UDF) had moved sharply to the right. The UMP won the parliamentary elections that followed the presidential poll with ease.
On 14 July 2002 during Bastille Day celebrations, Chirac survived an assassination attempt by a lone gunman with a rifle hidden in a guitar case. The would-be assassin fired a shot towards the presidential motorcade, before being overpowered by bystanders. The gunman, Maxime Brunerie, underwent psychiatric testing; the violent far-right group with which he was associated, Unité Radicale was then administratively dissolved. Brunerie had also been a candidate for the Mouvement National Républicain far-right party at a local election. Brunerie's trial for attempted murder begun on December 6, 2004; a crucial question was whether the court found that Brunerie's capacity for rational thought was absent (see insanity defense) or merely altered. On December 10, the court, exceeding the sentence pushed for by the prosecution, sentenced Brunerie to 10 years in prison.
Chirac emerged as a leading voice against US president George W. Bush's administration's conduct in the Middle East. Despite intense U.S. pressure, Chirac threatened to veto any resolution in the U.N. Security Council that would authorize the use of force to disarm Iraq until UN weapons inspectors in Iraq were given more time. (cf. Governments' pre-war positions on invasion of Iraq, Global protests against war on Iraq). Chirac was then the target of various American and British commentators supporting the decisions of president Bush and prime minister Tony Blair, some, like The Sun, engaging in harsh comparisons. See also anti-French sentiment in the United States.
During a state visit to China on April 21, 2005 Chirac's Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin lent support to new "anti-secession" law on Taiwan, allowing China invade Taiwan in the event of Taiwanese independence, and continued to push for a lift of the EU arms embargo against China.
Chirac_EU.jpg
Jacques Chirac giving a speech to the French People to vote "Yes" on the European Constitution.
On 29 May 2005 a referendum was held in France to decide whether the country should ratify the proposed Constitution of the European Union. The result was a victory for the No campaign, with 55 per cent of voters rejecting the treaty on a turnout of 69 per cent, dealing a devastating blow to Chirac and the UMP party. Chirac's decision to hold a referendum was thought to have been influenced in part by the surprise announcement that the United Kingdom was to hold a vote of its own. Although the adoption of a Constitution had initially been played down as a 'tidying-up' exercise with no need for a popular vote, as increasing numbers of EU member states announced their intention to hold a referendum, the French government came under increasing pressure to follow suit.
After french voters turned down the proposed document by a wide margin as a rebuke to Chirac and his government, two days later, Jean-Pierre Raffarin resigned and Chirac appointed Dominique de Villepin as Prime Minister of France.
In an address to the nation, Chirac has declared that the new cabinet's top priority would be to curb the unemployment level, which consistently hovers above 10%, calling for a "national mobilization" to that effect.
One of the main promises of Jean-Pierre Raffarin as he became Prime Minister was to spur growth and that "the end of President Chirac's term would be marked by a drop of the unemployment." The French economy is growing sluggishly and a significant drop in unemployment is yet to be seen.
Another issue is the European Constitution which, since it has been rejected by both France and the Netherlands in referenda held during the week of June 6, 2005, appears condemned.
Villepin has set himself a deadline a hundred days from now to restore the French people's trust in their government, a statement which can be viewed as ironic from a man whose first published book is titled The Hundred Days or the Spirit of Sacrifice.
SuperLiar.png
The satiric show Les Guignols de l'Info portrays president Chirac as incompetent and a liar. When questions become too pressing, Chirac's latex character becomes his super hero alter ego: Super Liar (Super Menteur), who can say the most outrageous lies and the most untenable promises without blinking.
Because of Jacques Chirac's long career in visible government position, he has ofteen been parodied or caricatured:
Young Jacques Chirac is the basis of a character in Astérix: that of a young, dashing bureaucrat just out of the bureaucracy school, proposing methods to quell Gallic unrest to elderly, old-style Roman politicians.
He was featured in Le Bêbête Show.
Jacques Chirac is one favourite character of Les Guignols de l'Info, a satiric latex puppet show. He is shown as a kind of dilettante and incompetent who pilfers public money and lies through his teeth. His character has lately developed a super hero alter ego, Super Menteur ("Super Liar") in order to get him out of embarrassing situations.
Chirac's First Ministry, 28 May 1974 - 27 August 1976
Jacques Chirac - Prime Minister
Jean Sauvagnargues - Minister of Foreign Affairs
Jacques Soufflet - Minister of Defense
Michel Poniatowski - Minister of the Interior
Jean-Pierre Fourcade - Minister of Economy and Finance
Michel d'Ornano - Minister of Industry and Research
Michel Durafour - Minister of Labour
Jean Lecanuet - Minister of Justice
René Haby - Minister of Education
Christian Bonnet - Minister of Agriculture
Robert Galley - Minister of Equipment
Simone Veil - Minister of Health
Pierre Abelin - Minister of Cooperation
Vincent Ansquer - Minister of Commerce and Craft Industry
Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber - Minister of Reform
André Jarrot - Minister of Quality of Life
9 June 1974 - Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber leaves the cabinet and is not replaced as Minister of Reforms.
1 February 1975 - Yvon Bourges succeeds Soufflet as Minister of Defense.
12 January 1976 - Jean de Lipkowski succeeds Abelin as Minister of Cooperation. Raymond Barre enters the ministry as Minister of External Commerce. André Fosset succeeds Jarrot as Minister of Quality of Life.
Chirac's Second Ministry, 20 March 1986 - 12 May 1988
Jean-Bernard Raimond - Minister of Foreign Affairs
André Giraud - Minister of Defense
Charles Pasqua - Minister of the Interior
Édouard Balladur - Minister of Economy, Finance, and Privatization
Alain Madelin - Minister of Industry, Tourism, Posts, and Telecommunications
Philippe Séguin - Minister of Employment and Social Affairs
Albin Chalandon - Minister of Justice
René Monory - Minister of National Education
François Léotard - Minister of Culture and Communications
François Guillaume - Minister of Agriculture
Bernard Pons - Minister of Overseas Departments and Territories
Pierre Méhaignerie - Minister of Housing, Equipment, Regional Planning, and Transport
André Rossinot - Minister of Relations with Parliament
Michel Aurillac - Minister of Cooperation
Michel Cointat Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development
1972–1974 Succeeded by:
Raymond Marcellin
Raymond Marcellin Minister of the Interior
1974 Succeeded by:
Michel Poniatowski
Pierre Messmer Prime Minister of France
Raymond Barre
Alexandre Sanguinetti General Secretary of the Union of Democrats for the Republic
André Bord
— President of Rally for the Republic
Laurent Fabius Prime Minister of France
Michel Rocard
François Mitterrand President of France
1995–present Succeeded by:
current incumbent
François Mitterrand and Joan Martí Alanis Co-Prince of Andorra
with Joan Martí Alanis (1995–2003) and Joan Enric Vives Sicília (2003–present) Succeeded by:
</table> </center>
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Le bruit et l'odeur
List of national leaders
Politics of France
French presidential election, 1981
BBC news article (http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/newsid_2127000/2127946.stm) on the assassination attempt
Claude! Papa! - Article about him and his daughter Claude from the election 2002 (http://www.leisure.scotsman.com/families/headlines_specific.cfm?articleid=6061)ar:جاك شيراك
ca:Jacques Chirac da:Jacques Chirac de:Jacques Chirac es:Jacques Chirac eo:Jacques CHIRAC fr:Jacques Chirac ga:Jacques Chirac gl:Jacques Chirac he:ז'אק שיראק hi:ज़्याक सिराक ia:Jacques Chirac id:Jacques Chirac it:Jacques Chirac lt:Žakas Širakas li:Jacques Chirac zh-min-nan:Jacques Chirac nl:Jacques Chirac nds:Jacques Chirac ja:ジャック・シラク no:Jacques Chirac pl:Jacques Chirac pt:Jacques Chirac ro:Jacques Chirac ru:Ширак, Жак scn:Jacques Chirac simple:Jacques Chirac sr:Жак Ширак fi:Jacques Chirac sv:Jacques Chirac zh:雅克·希拉克
Retrieved from "https://academickids.com:443/encyclopedia/index.php/Jacques_Chirac"
Categories: 1932 births | Alumni of the École Nationale d'Administration | Mayors of Paris | Presidents of France | Prime ministers of France | Alumni of Sciences Po | Current national leaders | Members of the National Order of Quebec


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Home Insights Resources Blogs Seriously! Whatever defamation is, it is not trivial
seriously! whatever defamation is, it is not trivial
In the High Court recently, the Telegraph Media Group Limited successfully defended a claim of defamation made by Dr Sarah Thornton, the author of Seven Days in the Art World. The Telegraph successfully argued that the words complained of in its review of the book were not capable of being defamatory.
The judge recognised that any definition of "defamatory" must incorporate some qualification or threshold of seriousness, so as to exclude trivial claims. He preferred the following definition:
"the publication of which he complains may be defamatory of him because it substantially affects in an adverse manner the attitude of other people towards him, or has a tendency so to do".
This interpretation provides defendants with another weapon in their armoury. Plus in an increasingly pro-publisher environment, coupled with the prospect of claimants not being able to recover success fees and ATE insurance premiums from defendants, it may make potential claimants think twice before commencing an action.
Impact of Covid-19 upon level of fine
Two cases have considered the issue of Covid 19 as part of the sentencing exercise. In the most recent, failures by a principal contractor Modus Workspace, who design and refit refurbishments, led to a £1.1 million fine after an engineer was injured from a fall from a roof.
Important opportunity to comment on case law precedent
The UK government is considering extending this power to depart from retained EU case law to additional lower courts and tribunals, namely the Court of Appeal in England and Wales and the High Court of Justice in England and Wales and their equivalents.
Sky's overly broad trade marks narrowed as found partially invalid for bad faith
Lord Justice Arnold has applied the guidance of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) to the evidence before him, in the long standing trade mark dispute between Sky and Skykick.
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The Patrick D. Hanan Book Prize for Translation (China and Inner Asia) was established in 2015 and is given biennially to an outstanding English translation of a significant work in any genre originally written in Chinese or an Inner Asian Language, from any time period.
There are no citizenship or residence requirements for nominees. Translators need not be AAS members to be considered. The winner of the prize will receive $1,000 and be honored at the AAS annual conference the following spring. Nominations may be made by trade book publishers, university presses, or any member of the Association for Asian Studies. Self-nomination is not allowed.
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FIFA World Cup 2018: Russia's Calm in the Midst of a Corruption Storm – A Comparative Case Study With South Africa
Abhimanyu Baheti
The FIFA World Cup is up and running in Russia. The tournament has already seen multiple upsets, last minute winners and refereeing controversies galore. The stadiums have been magnificent, the telecast flawless and all fears of Russia's ability to host an event of this magnitude, have been allayed. From the looks of it, Russia has done everything right in its efforts. However, the mass perception leading up to the tournament wasn't unanimously positive. Russia has been at the heart of several sporting scandals in the recent past, including the mass doping and eventual banishing of Russian athletes from the Rio Olympics 2016, the killing of 2 million stray dogs for the Sochi Winter Olympics 2014 and noted acts of hooliganism and racism by Russian football fans against English fans in Euro 2016.
The most noteworthy controversy however, was Russia's bid to host the World Cup. Ever since Russia won the bid to host the FIFA World Cup in 2018 (along with Qatar's winning bid for the 2022 edition), their win has been shrouded under a cloud of corruption. After losing out to Russia on the bid, the English FA urged FIFA to investigate the claims of corruption surrounding Russia's winning bid. FIFA appointed neutral outside parties to investigate these claims. However, the report from the investigation wasn't published and only a summary of the findings was made accessible to the public. The summary noted that Russia had only provided limited documents for review and due to the lack of any insinuating documents, Russia's name was cleared. It can thus be assumed that a transparent investigation into the bid wasn't/couldn't be conducted and hence those allegations, even though officially put to rest by FIFA, still persist and taint this edition of the FIFA World Cup.
FIFA World Cup bids, like any other international sporting competition of such magnitude, compels a higher level of legal and financial scrutiny. In light of the allegations of corruption surrounding Russia's bid, we will take a look back at the 2010 edition of the FIFA World Cup held in South Africa, which was also incidentally mired in controversy surrounding the commercial arrangements between the organizing committee and local businesses. M & G Media Ltd. v. 2010 FIFA World Cup Organising Committee South Africa Ltd. (2010) addressed the issues of accessibility to information regarding the activities of the organizing committee and the conditions of disclosure of such information.
It is customary for any nation hosting a major sporting event such as the FIFA World Cup to institute an organizing committee. For the 2010 FIFA World Cup to be held in South Africa, the South African Football Association ("SAFA"), in lieu of instituting a local organizing committee, registered a private company ("LOC") to perform all the obligations required to host such an event including security, finance, vending, marketing, brand partnerships and every other organizational aspect of the event. One of the responsibilities of the LOC was to release tenders and enter into agreements with local businesses for providing services related to the abovementioned organizational obligations of the company.
A South African newspaper 'Mail & Guardian' ("Applicant") sought access to the transactional documents for these tender-based agreements with local businesses, for a story it was planning to write on organizational corruption in the FIFA World Cup. The South African newspaper requested access to these agreements pursuant to the Promotion of Access to Information Act, 2010 ("PAIA"), whereby the responsible body, the private company in this instance, was constitutionally obligated to furnish copies of these agreements with the Applicant. The LOC denied access to these records and in response to the refusal, the Applicant approached the South Gauteng High Court in South Africa ('Court") in order to compel the LOC to make this disclosure.
The Court noted Article 32 of the South African Constitution which holds that all citizens have access to information held by the state and/or by other citizens. In furtherance of this constitutional right of access, PAIA further guarantees the citizens' right of access to information held by public bodies, unless there is a valid ground for refusal. In order to compel the LOC to make any disclosures, it was imperative to determine the nature of the LOC i.e. whether it was a public body and could it be compelled to disclose.
The Court held that while the LOC was a private incorporated company, the Court noted that even a private company might be considered a public entity under the PAIA. Specifically, it was held that a private company could be considered a public entity, if it performing the functions of a public entity, be significantly controlled by the government, and have exercised public power or performed a public function.
SAFA, a public entity, delegated to LOC the authority for overseeing the planning of the World Cup. Furthermore, LOC was using public money in organizing the World Cup, the details of which the applicant had requested. Additionally, the LOC had 8 government ministers on its board of governors. Moreover, the LOC was performing a largely public function in planning the World Cup, which the Court considered a national event of importance.
However, the Court also noted that these factors in themselves were not enough to determine whether an entity is public or not. The Court then considered whether the entity enjoyed statutory protection. Herein, the Court concluded that the LOC enjoyed the protection of several public measures that provided protection to the LOC while planning the World Cup, especially in pursuing business deals in preparation of the World Cup. Therefore, it was held that due to the composition, functioning and funding of the LOC, it was a public body under the ambit of PAIA.
As a public body, LOC must state a valid ground for refusing disclosure. The LOC's official reason for refusing disclosure was that the disclosure would adversely affect their business model by making it public. The Court, however, did not consider this as a valid ground for refusal to disclose. The Court opined that as per the South African Constitution and PAIA, the requested records must be disclosed in a transparent and unambiguous manner. Failing to do so, would be "more harmful to democratic discourse than any harm incurred by disclosure".
The above rationale is a useful tool which can be used to access information – the very same information that Russia did not furnish during the investigation of its bid. This is especially relevant for investigation of corruption claims given the underdeveloped state of anti-corruption laws in Russia.
Image Credits: Kremlin.ru (Creative Commons)


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text:
The floating platforms would be located about 20 miles off California's coast. BOEM
CA - California offshore wind promises a new gold rush while slashing emissions
Installation of enormous floating wind turbines needed to turn West Coast ocean gales into clean electricity remains years off, but results of a federal lease auction this month off California promised to kickstart a work boom on the state's northern and central coasts.
John Upton / Climate Central (KQED)
The farming of wind power from American waters will be crucial in efforts to slash emissions of heat-trapping pollution from fossil fuels and ensure reliable supplies of electricity. While offshore wind farms are plentiful abroad and onshore wind energy is common through the U.S., just a handful of offshore turbines have so far been installed with many more planned along the East, West and Gulf coasts and potentially off Hawaii.
The redevelopment of 80 acres of waterfront land in Humboldt County into a hub for offshore wind operators and their vessels is imminent following the auction. Similar work will be needed in Morro Bay, onshore from three planned clusters of wind turbines.
"The work starts now," said Jeff Hunerlach, a building trades union leader based in Humboldt County after energy companies and joint ventures committed a total of $757 million to develop five floating wind farms clustered into two swaths of open ocean off Humboldt and Morro Bay.
Unions representing electricians, laborers and other trades — groups that for decades were frequently at odds with the green movement — joined environmental groups in celebrating the lease auction's results.
Massachusetts regulators uphold offshore wind contracts, WorkBoat / December 30, 2022
"It's a brand new industry," said Hunerlach, district representative at Operating Engineers Local No. 3 and local leader of 16 affiliated locals representing a variety of trades laborers. "For Humboldt," Hunerlach said,"this means growing the middle class."
Substantial new waterfront infrastructure will be needed at Humboldt and Morro Bay to bring electricity from offshore wind turbines onto shore, where it will power homes, electric vehicles and industry.
At the Humboldt port, Hunerlach anticipates hundreds of union workers will be employed during construction, with additional permanent jobs once the facility is running. Statewide, he expects the number of jobs created to support the new industry will be in the "tens of thousands."
The wind farm development rights were secured by large energy companies already developing wind farms on the East Coast, where shallower waters allow for the use of traditional tower-based designs. Some of the winning bidders are transitioning or expanding from fossil fuel to clean energy production.
"On an overall basis for offshore wind, we see the U.S. market as one of the top one or two markets globally that we'll be investing in over the next decade and a half," said Sam Eaton, a U.S.-based executive at RWE, a German energy company founded more than a century ago that secured the rights to build one of the wind farms off Northern California.


text:
One Sunday Afternoon (1933, Stephen Roberts)
1933, ★★½, Classics, Directed by Stephen Roberts, Film	by Andrew Wickliffe 3 September 2008 18 November 2020
One Sunday Afternoon suffers from some of the standard play-to-film problems. The scenes go on too long, especially in the first half, which only contains three real scenes. The opening, which is a lengthy, seemingly direct adaptation from the play, features Gary Cooper and Roscoe Karns talking to each other as way of establishing the characters and setting. It's problematic to say the least, since their dialogue isn't particularly interesting and because it just drags the film down, right from the start.
What's strange about the opening is the make-up. One Sunday Afternoon is told mostly in flashback, with the opening and end in the modern day. The film establishes Cooper and Karns in old age make-up at the start. It's a conventional narrative move and what's strange about it has nothing to do with it as a storytelling device. The strange thing is the fantastic make-up work. I can't find any credits for it, but whoever came up with it did an amazing job. It's more of a shock seeing Cooper without the make-up on than it is seeing him without.
So after the three or fourth lengthy scenes, the film skips forward a couple years and drastically changes. The scenes are shorter, more filmic, and it has a lot more weight. The long, early scenes seem more like foundation for the brief middle section. It doesn't seem like an intentional, deliberate move, just fortuitous pacing.
What makes the film is Cooper's performance. He's not playing a smart guy here or even a nice one. Cooper does a great job of it, never making his character amusing in his denseness or self-absorbtion. He never makes him entirely bad either, the stupidity excuses just enough of the inconsideration.
It leads to some good scenes with Frances Fuller, who starts the film with a weak character, but–no shock–she strengths in the middle section.
Unfortunately, both Fay Wray and Neil Hamilton are weak. Wray, just like most everyone, is more interesting in the middle, but she's barely present. The plotting for the first part of the flashback is too melodramatic for Wray's character in particular. Even though she's amusing as she leaves the film, she really never brings anything to it. Hamilton's generally bad throughout, though he's a little better in the present day setting. His excellent make-up probably helped out a little.
The film greatly suffers from being too short in the good parts and too long in the middling. Cooper's performance does wonders for it–and the fine production values as well–but there's no creative direction. As a director, Stephen Roberts is entirely passive. I can't remember seeing a single surprising frame of film. But the positive elements–running high off the middle–bring the film nicely to its conclusion. The end's a little stretched, as the film suffers from wholly deceiving the audience until the last act, but it's solid.
Directed by Stephen Roberts; screenplay by Grover Jones and William Slavens McNutt, based on the play by James Hagan; directors of photography, Victor Milner and Karl Struss; edited by Ellsworth Hoagland; music by John Leipold; produced by Louis D. Lighton; released by Paramount Pictures.
Starring Gary Cooper (Biff Grimes), Fay Wray (Virginia Brush), Frances Fuller (Amy Lind), Roscoe Karns (Snappy Downer), Neil Hamilton (Hugo Barnstead) and Jane Darwell (Mrs. Lind).
OTHER FILMS STARRING FAY WRAY
OTHER FILMS DIRECTED BY STEPHEN ROBERTS
Fay WrayGary CooperJane DarwellKarl StrussNeil HamiltonOne Sunday AfternoonRoscoe KarnsStephen Roberts
Youth Runs Wild (1944, Mark Robson)
Son of Dracula (1943, Robert Siodmak)


text:
Affidavit: Former Hoxie water clerk admits to theft
A former Hoxie employee admitted to stealing money from water customers, newly released documents revealed. (Source: KAIT-TV)
By Region 8 Newsdesk | September 12, 2018 at 3:27 PM CDT - Updated September 12 at 3:27 PM
HOXIE, AR (KAIT) - A former Hoxie employee admitted to stealing money from water customers, newly released documents revealed.
Keri Smith is charged with theft greater than $5,000 but less than $25,000.
She posted bond and was released from custody on Sept. 12.
The former water clerk of Hoxie is charged with stealing more than $20,000 from customer's cash payments. (Source: Lawrence County Sheriff's Office)
Region 8 News obtained the probable cause affidavit, which outlines the investigation. The affidavit was filed on Aug. 30. Region 8 News first reported the investigation in June.
In total, Smith is accused of stealing $20,252.94.
The investigation began, according to court records, on March 22, 2018 after Iberia Bank contacted city officials regarding a deposit by Hoxie Water Department employee Keri Smith. The bank said Smith did not include cash in the deposit which was for money collected for Entergy electric bills.
After being notified, the City Clerk began searching for the cash, but couldn't find any.
"[The city clerk] also noted that several customers had complained that their water bills were not correct," the affidavit explained. "The customer complaints were that they paid their water bills and their accounts did not reflect those payments."
The customers paid in cash.
Mayor Lanny Tinker immediately contacted the city's accountant and auditor to audit the water department accounts for March 2018.
The auditor found that accounts received cash payments, but those payments were reversed and deleted. The customer's accounts were then adjusted to cover the missing money. The auditor noted that the cash payments could not be found in the bank deposits.
Once that was uncovered, Mayor Tinker ordered a larger audit.
The audit found that missing cash payments extended back to October 2017 - the same month Keri Smith was hired as the water department clerk.
The auditor also found that cash payments for water meters; new customers, and changes in customers' addresses, which had paid in cash, were also missing.
Investigators questioned Smith about the missing money. "Smith confessed to taking cash money from customers, which she then used for her personal use," the affidavit said.
A bench warrant for Smith's arrest was issued on Sept. 11 and served on Sept. 12.
Court records show that Smith posted bail Thursday morning. She was ordered to appear in court again on Oct. 3, 2018.


text:
#include "dfs.h"

#include <iostream>                           // for operator<<, cerr, ostream
#include "annis/graphstorage/graphstorage.h"  // for ReadableGraphStorage

using namespace annis;

DFS::DFS(const ReadableGraphStorage &gs,
                                                     std::uint32_t startNode,
                                                     unsigned int minDistance,
                                                     unsigned int maxDistance)
  : startNode(startNode), gs(gs), minDistance(minDistance), maxDistance(maxDistance)
{
  // add the initial value to the stack
  traversalStack.push({startNode, 0});
}

DFSIteratorResult DFS::nextDFS()
{
  DFSIteratorResult result;
  result.found = false;

  while(!result.found && !traversalStack.empty())
  {
    std::pair<uint32_t, unsigned int> stackEntry = traversalStack.top();
    result.node = stackEntry.first;
    result.distance = stackEntry.second;

    // we are entering a new node
    if(beforeEnterNode(result.node, result.distance))
    {
      result.found = enterNode(result.node, result.distance);
    }
    else
    {
      traversalStack.pop();
    }
  }
  return result;
}

bool DFS::enterNode(nodeid_t node, unsigned int distance)
{
  bool found = false;

  traversalStack.pop();

  if(distance >= minDistance && distance <= maxDistance)
  {
    // get the next node
    found = true;
  }

  // add the remaining child nodes
  if(distance < maxDistance)
  {
    // add the outgoing edges to the stack
    auto outgoing = gs.getOutgoingEdges(node);
    for(const auto& outNodeID : outgoing)
    {

      traversalStack.push(std::pair<nodeid_t, unsigned int>(outNodeID, distance+1));
    }
  }
  return found;
}

boost::optional<nodeid_t> DFS::next()
{
  DFSIteratorResult result = nextDFS();
  return result.found ? result.node : boost::optional<nodeid_t>();
}

void DFS::reset()
{
  // clear the stack
  while(!traversalStack.empty())
  {
    traversalStack.pop();
  }

  traversalStack.push({startNode, 0});
}

CycleSafeDFS::CycleSafeDFS(const ReadableGraphStorage &gs, std::uint32_t startNode, unsigned int minDistance, unsigned int maxDistance, bool outputCycleErrors)
  : DFS(gs, startNode, minDistance, maxDistance), lastDistance(0),
    outputCycleErrors(outputCycleErrors),
    cycleDetected(false)
{
  nodesInCurrentPath.insert(startNode);
  distanceToNode.insert({0, startNode});
}

void CycleSafeDFS::reset()
{
  nodesInCurrentPath.clear();
  distanceToNode.clear();

  DFS::reset();

  nodesInCurrentPath.insert(startNode);
  distanceToNode.insert({0, startNode});
}

bool CycleSafeDFS::enterNode(nodeid_t node, unsigned int distance)
{
  nodesInCurrentPath.insert(node);
  distanceToNode.insert({distance, node});

  lastDistance = distance;

  return DFS::enterNode(node, distance);
}

bool CycleSafeDFS::beforeEnterNode(nodeid_t node, unsigned int distance)
{
  if(lastDistance >= distance)
  {
    // A subgraph was completed.
    // Remove all nodes from the path set that are below the parent node:
    for(auto it=distanceToNode.find(distance); it != distanceToNode.end(); it = distanceToNode.erase(it))
    {
      nodesInCurrentPath.erase(it->second);
    }
  }

  if(nodesInCurrentPath.find(node) == nodesInCurrentPath.end())
  {
    return true;
  }
  else
  {
    // we detected a cycle!
    if(outputCycleErrors)
    {
      std::cerr << "------------------------------" << std::endl;
      std::cerr << "ERROR: cycle detected when visting node " << node << std::endl;
      std::cerr << "distanceToNode: ";
      for(auto itPath = distanceToNode.begin(); itPath != distanceToNode.end(); itPath++)
      {
        std::cerr << itPath->first << "->" << itPath->second << " ";
      }
      std::cerr << std::endl;
      std::cerr << "nodesInCurrentPath: ";
      for(auto itPath = nodesInCurrentPath.begin(); itPath != nodesInCurrentPath.end(); itPath++)
      {
        std::cerr << *itPath << " ";
      }
      std::cerr << std::endl;
      std::cerr << "------------------------------" << std::endl;
    }

    lastDistance = distance;
    cycleDetected = true;

    return false;
  }
}

CycleSafeDFS::~CycleSafeDFS()
{

}

UniqueDFS::UniqueDFS(const ReadableGraphStorage &gs, std::uint32_t startNode, unsigned int minDistance, unsigned int maxDistance)
  : DFS(gs, startNode, minDistance, maxDistance)
{

}

UniqueDFS::~UniqueDFS()
{

}

void UniqueDFS::reset()
{
  DFS::reset();
  outputted.clear();
}

bool UniqueDFS::enterNode(nodeid_t node, unsigned int distance)
{
  // always visit all nodes, but do not output a result twice
  if(DFS::enterNode(node, distance))
  {
    if(outputted.find(node) == outputted.end())
    {
      outputted.insert(node);
      return true;
    }
  }

  return false;
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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