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Blog Israël in de media
"If you don't read the newspaper, you are uninformed;
if you do read the newspaper, you are misinformed."
Deze blog van de Werkgroep voor Accuratesse en Authenticiteit in Reportages (W.A.A.R.) wil actuele informatie over Israël geven die u vaak niet via de Nederlandse media krijgt. De aangehaalde artikelen komen uit diverse bronnen en zijn zo mogelijk van een link voorzien.
Twijfel over aantal burgerdoden Gaza Oorlog
De media nemen kritiekloos de cijfers van Palestijnse bronnen over, en Israel wordt ervan beschuldigd een wel erg brede definitie te hanteren van wie en wat een legitiem doelwit is. Echter, uit onderstaande blijkt dat de Palestijnen wel een erg brede definitie hanteren van wie een onschuldige burger is.
How many civilians were killed in Gaza?
Ben-Dror Yemini
Maariv 20.07.09 [translated]
http://zionism-israel.com/israel_news/2009/07/how-many-civilians-were-killed-in-gaza.html
Every week new reports are published on the number of civilians killed in the Gaza Strip during Operation Cast Lead. Again and again, Israel is blamed for "disproportionate casualties among civilians." Here and there, claims of "war crimes" are raised. It must be said that, first, any civilian death is deplorable and everything possible must be done to prevent such deaths. Second, any reasonable allegation must be investigated. There is not an army in the world that has not made mistakes, and the IDF is no exception. But apparently there are many entities that are enamored of lies. Hamas claimed from the start that only a small number of those killed in Gaza were fighters. Many human rights organizations adopted the claims made by Hamas and other Palestinian organizations. So the time has come, if truth has any meaning whatsoever, to present the real story.
Abdullah Abdel Hamid Muammar, a 22-year-old student from the village of el-Nassar north of Rafah, was killed in Operation Cast Lead. So we are told by the official report of the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR). This report contains details about the war casualties that purport to be accurate. The purpose is obvious: to prove to the whole world that most of the casualties were innocent civilians who were hurt by the bombing of the civilian population.
Many human rights organizations, including Amnesty, B'Tselem and Human Rights Watch (HRW), relied, in whole or in part, on the PCHR data, which turned Muammar into an innocent victim. But there's a problem with that. According to a publication issued by the Press Department of the Al Qassam Brigades, Muamar was a member of Hamas, and he appears in a picture on an Arabic website in which he is carrying a Qassam missile. This is also the case with many other "innocent civilians." They were terrorists. It turns out that, to discover that lie - which was just one of many - meticulous investigations were required. Dr. Tal Pavel of the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya, and Jonathan Dahoah-Halevy, a researcher at the Jerusalem Center, investigated each name on the list of casualties.
The various organizations announced that between 1,200 and 1,400 were killed in Gaza. The number may have been inflated, as claimed, for example, by journalist Lorenzo Cremonesi, reporting from the Gaza Strip for the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera about inflation of the numbers and the manipulations by Hamas. We should also mention the investigation conducted by the IDF which appears to be a bit more reliable and puts the number of killed at 1164, as well as the fact that Hamas issued explicit instructions to conceal and deceive.
According to Pavel's research, 564 of the dead were members of Hamas. All of them were honored, as fallen fighters, on Hamas websites. In addition to them, according to IDF investigations, about 100 Islamic Jihad members were killed. Assuming that other terrorists were killed, for example those belonging to Fatah, then most of the dead were not innocent civilians. And that's just the beginning.
The bombing of the Hamas Police Academy earned wall-to-wall condemnation because, according to international law, police are considered civilians. Here we will go into the results of the research conducted by Dahoah-Halevy. According to a name-based investigation of each of the "policemen", it turns out that 88.4% of them belong to the security - i.e., terrorism - mechanisms of Hamas. One of them, Muhammad el-Dasuqi, a member of the Resistance Committee, is suspected of being one of the perpetrators of the terrorist attack on the American convoy in 2003.
One of the most prominent events in the Gaza operation was the bombing of the UN school in the Jabalya refugee camp on January 6. All the media around the world publicized horrific pictures of "over 41 killed in the Al Fakhura school." The condemnation was worldwide, from the UN Secretary General, through the President of the United States, to the Prime Minister of Great Britain.
Many long weeks passed before it was shown to be a libel. First, the three artillery shells did not hit the school at all. Second, Hamas people were firing from the area and the IDF aimed its fire at them. Third, the number of killed was far smaller than originally reported. Most of the media and human rights organizations that publicized the original news did not bother to publicize the information that was disclosed. Those who are infatuated with libel are not prepared to be confused by the facts.
There were still many killed who are not identified as fighters. That is also worth investigating. If the IDF strike lacked discernment, the demographic breakdown of the casualties (erroneously called "uninvolved civilians") should have been identical to the demographic breakdown of the general population. However, a different picture emerges. A quarter of the population are adolescent girls. Actually, 8% of those killed were adolescent girls. A quarter of the population are adult women. Only 14% of those killed were women. The higher percentage of male casualties – much higher than their proportion of the population – proves that among them were a higher percentage of men involved in the fighting. In other words, the percentage of civilian casualties was dramatically smaller than the claims made against Israel. According to a more in-depth investigation by a team of researchers from the Interdisciplinary Center, between 900 and 1,070 of the casualties (63% - 75%) were killed because they were involved. If we add to that the fact that Hamas used civilians as human shields, or adolescent boys who were forced to participate in the fighting, the percentage of the casualties who were involved in the fighting only increases.
It is interesting to note the behavior of the armies of western countries when they had to conduct a similar war. Let's assume that there is no comparison with the World War II Allied bombing of Tokyo and Dresden. We'll deal with something more similar and closer in time. In 1999, NATO forces conducted a similar war, mainly by aerial bombing, against Yugoslavia (Operation Allied Force). 462 soldiers, 114 policemen and 489-512 civilians were killed.
Because there, the policemen were actually policemen, and in Gaza they are terrorists, the general balance shows that Israel hurt far fewer civilians than NATO did. And with regard to the demographic breakdown and the forced use of adolescent boys and civilians, the number of innocent casualties is apparently far lower.
The Israeli media, which publicized the stories of soldiers from the pre-military preparatory course - which turned out to be rumors and outright fabrications - did not publish the results of the serious investigations below. On the contrary. An editorial by Ha'aretz stated that it involved the "criminal killing of dozens of policemen…knowing that these policemen were nothing but enforcers of civilian order." Hamas is snickering. They publicize pictures of the "policemen" armed with Qassams, and Ha'aretz calls them "enforcers of civil order." The West reads Ha'aretz in English, not Hamas in Arabic. So sometimes, when Ha'aretz is around, Hamas does not need a propaganda department.
Even when this research was available, no one bothered to make corrections. On the contrary. The hara-kiri continues. The media, in Israel and around the world, are tainted with a peculiar selectivity. Any serious research that proves that there were no war crimes is rejected. Any fabrication that doesn't have a shred of basis in fact rates enormous headlines. That is what happened with the bombing of the Al Fakhura school in Jabalya, and in other cases as well.
Prof. Arnold Toynbee, who was no friend of Israel, wrote in one of his books, "In the history of man's endeavors to develop culture, there has never been a society whose progress and cultural level were so advanced that in time of revolution or war, its members could be depended upon not to commit evil acts." That is true of Israel and it is true of every country that finds itself in a state of war. So I will reiterate that every deviation should be investigated. But by the same token, there is no need to hide the true picture: with regard to the fact that Gaza is controlled by an entity whose way is terrorism, whose platform is anti-Semitic, and whose official objective is the destruction of the State of Israel, the number of innocent casualties in the course of the operation was far smaller than the stories fabricated by Palestinian organizations, human rights organizations and newspapers in Israel and around the world, such as Ha'aretz, which feeds many news agencies worldwide. We can, and should, publicize serious claims of deviations. But we also can, and should, at least to the same extent, present the serious research.
Ben-Dror Yemini is a researcher and a columnist in Maariv, daily newspaper
Posted by Ratna at woensdag, juli 22, 2009 Geen opmerkingen: Links to this post
Labels: Gazastrook
Breaking the Silence of Breaking the rules?
Tegenover de anonieme getuigenissen van soldaten over gepleegde oorlogsmisdaden tijdens de Gaza Oorlog die Breaking the Silence verzamelde, staan ook vele getuigenissen van soldaten die tot het uiterste gingen om burgerdoden te voorkomen. Deze getuigenissen verschijnen (uiteraard) niet in onze kranten en niet op het NOS journaal.
MICHAEL DICKSON , THE JERUSALEM POST
It is clear from its latest report that the goal of Breaking the Silence is not to bring offending soldiers to justice or even to encourage reforms in IDF policy. If these were its goals, it would include names, ranks, facts, place names and dates; it would have released a detailed report to the authorities to encourage an investigation. Without this information, it is impossible to probe the veracity of the claims.
The organization's efforts to defame Israel in the international arena are successful. Despite the precedent of previous claims made against the IDF being disproved, and without waiting for an investigation into the allegations, supposedly reputable media organizations such as the BBC choose to report them as fact. Defamation of Israel is the order of the day.
Breaking the Silence is misleading in its name and its aim. There is no silence to break. Israel is an open and democratic society that regularly criticizes its own actions, but this one-sided and shoddy report fails to stress the context of the war - a battle against Hamas terrorists hiding behind civilians and it omits names, ranks and facts about soldiers and their stories.
THE REPORT writers are keen to thank their funders, which shamefully include the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the British Embassy in Tel Aviv, Christian Aid and OXFAM, two charities which have in the past launched vitriolic anti-Israel campaigns, as well as the European Union which gave them $75,000 to "contribute to an atmosphere of human rights respect and values" and "to promote prospects for peace talks and initiatives." The EU is deceiving taxpayers if it is telling them that their money paying for this shoddy report is helping to promote peace.
If members of Breaking the Silence were sincere, they would be presenting accurate facts about terrorism, the goals expressed in the charter of Hamas, the deadly rocket fire coming from Gaza, the anti-Israel incitement and the ways the Palestinians have contributed to perpetuating the conflict and to harming the lives of ordinary Palestinian civilians. If they were sincere, they would be raising awareness about the moral dilemmas the IDF faces. But this vital context is missing from their account.
In response to this report, our organization set about filming testimonials and uploading them to a Web site called Soldiers Speak Out - a platform for Israeli soldiers to share their personal combat experiences with the world. The site, created by soldiers to share their personal experiences of serving in the IDF, contains testimonials from soldiers which contrast sharply with the reports of alleged IDF misconduct made by Breaking the Silence.
Breaking the Silence is breaking the rules for any kind of serious reporting. Its report is compiled from anonymous "testimony" from up to 30 people. In contrast, the soldiers who feature on our Web site give testimony on camera without their face blurred out and speak from their own personal experience.
The IDF has more than 700,000 citizen soldiers and reservists - thousands of whom served in Gaza in the campaign against Hamas - who try to live up to its high ethical standards. Attempting to slander an IDF campaign on the basis of the anonymous reports is ridiculous.
It is unlikely that the international media will give the Soldiers Speak Out site the kind of publicity they are currently lavishing upon Breaking the Silence. When it comes to Israel, good news is no news, but, as in previous occasions and despite those who exist to defame the IDF, the truth will out.
The writer is Israel director of StandWithUs which educates about Israel through student fellowships, speaker programs, conferences, written materials and Internet resources. Soldiers testimony can be viewed at www.soldiersspeakout.com .
This article can also be read at http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1246443851732&pagename=JPArticle%2FShowFull
Posted by Bloggers at dinsdag, juli 21, 2009 Geen opmerkingen: Links to this post
Labels: NGO's
Hamas krijgt geld van Arabische sjeik om grond te kopen in Jeruzalem
Interessante vragen...
http://israel-palestijnen.blogspot.com/2009/07/hamas-krijgt-geld-van-arabische-sjeik.html
Hamas zou geld van een Arabische sjeik hebben gekregen om grond in Oost-Jeruzalem te kopen. Tegelijkertijd zijn de Amerikanen boos op Israel vanwege een goedgekeurd bouwproject in Oost-Jeruzalem. Die grond werd in 1985 gekocht door een Amerikaanse (!) miljonair, die het oude hotel dat daar stond verhuurde aan de Israelische grenspolitie en daar nu zo'n 20 woningen wil bouwen. Strikvraag: als het een Arabische miljonair was, zou de bouw dan wel mogen??
Open vragen: wie mogen die woningen straks kopen of huren? Sommige Israelische bouwprojecten in Oost-Jeruzalem worden steeds meer overgenomen door Arabische huurders terwijl Joden daar wegtrekken. Wellicht bouwt de Amerikaanse miljonair mee aan de toekomstige Palestijnse staat? En als Hamas gaat bouwen in Oost-Jeruzalem, mogen Joden die woningen dan ook huren? Of alleen antizionistische Joden?
In de PA staat intussen formeel de doodstraf op het verkopen van land aan Joden; laten we voor Hamas hopen dat Israel niet een vergelijkbare wet invoert. Die vormt immers ook een democratisch gekozen regering.
Sommige berichten roepen meer vragen op dan ze beantwoorden in de complexe situatie van het Midden-Oosten.
Last update - 15:30 19/07/2009
Shin Bet: Qatar sheikh funding Hamas activities in Jerusalem
By Barak Ravid, Haaretz Correspondent, Haaretz Service, and The Associated Press
Qatar-based Sheikh Yousuf Qaradawi has allocated $21 million to a charity funded by Hamas to allow the Palestinian group to buy land and set up infrastructure in Jerusalem, Shin Bet chief Yuval Diskin said on Sunday.
Qaradawi, an 82-year-old Egyptian-born Muslim scholar with strong links to the Muslim Brotherhood, is a keen supporter of suicide bombings in Israel, which he describes as "martyrdom operations".
Abbas aide Rafiq Husseini dismissed the report. "We wish there was Arab money to buy threatened houses," he told The Associated Press, "but that's not the case." Qaradawi could not be reached for comment.
Diskin made the comments during the weekly cabinet meeting in Jerusalem. He also told the ministers that the Palestinian Authority and its security forces have been working actively to thwart the sale of Palestinian land to Jews, particularly in East Jerusalem.
He added that Hamas was placing political and diplomatic moves higher on its agenda. Diskin said public statements by senior Hamas officials show the militant group's efforts to portray itself as interested in an end to the conflict with Israel.
The officials say they seek a Palestinian state along the pre-1967 borders in exchange for a long-term hudna, or ceasefire, Diskin said.
"This is not because of an abandonment of fundamental ideological values," he noted. "Hamas' move toward to the political theater is designed to challenge the sole leadership of Abu Mazen [Mahmoud Abbas]."
The security service chief also told ministers that there had been a steady trickle into Gaza of foreigners linked to global jihad.
Diskin did not elaborate or cite evidence.
Gaza's Hamas interior minister Fathi Hamad dismissed Diskin's charge as baseless propaganda. The militant group Hamas controls the Gaza Strip.
He added that there is no Al-Qaida or any other organization in Gaza.
The Shin Bet chief's briefing came after it emerged that the United States has demanded Israel halt a construction project in East Jerusalem, which would see a hotel converted into housing units.
The Jerusalem municipality said it signed a deal for the project under completely legal terms, and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated Sunday that Jerusalem would not be included in any discussion on settlement construction.
But the PA responded harshly to Netanyahu's declaration, saying peace was impossible without Jerusalem as a Palestinian capital.
Labels: Hamas, Israelische media, Nederzettingen
PEACE moet misleidende uitspraken over Israël intrekken
"PEACE", een pseudoniem voor een radikaal antizionistische organisatie, beweerde ten onrechte dat Israel op grote schaal knoeit met de labels op producten om zo te verhullen dat ze uit de nederzettingen komen. Daarom moeten consumenten alle producten uit Israel boycotten, aldus de organisatie in een oproep die zij huis aan huis heeft verspreid. In werkelijkheid geeft Israel wel degelijk aan waar producten vandaan komen, en staat bij producten uit de Westoever de plaats van herkomst vermeld. Als er 'made in Israel' op staat zonder concrete plaatsaanduiding, komt het gewoon uit Israel zelf, en niet van een nederzetting.
Het is natuurlijk te gek voor woorden dat een organisatie op zo'n grote schaal ongestoord leugens kan verspreiden, en de uitspraak van de Reclame Code Commissie is dan ook niet meer dan logisch. Helaas heeft deze alleen een adviserend karakter en kan anti-PEACE deze dus naast zich neer leggen. Opvallend is hoe weinig aandacht deze uitspraak, die natuurlijk wel een belangijke morele waarde heeft, heeft gekregen. Onder het artikeltje van het RD staat een uitvoeriger persbericht van het Israel Producten Centrum.
"Peace moet uitspraken over Israël intrekken"
14-07-2009 11:42 | Binnenlandredactie
http://www.refdag.nl/artikel/1422326/Peace+moet+uitspraken+over+Israel+intrekken.html
NIJKERK – De consumentenvereniging Peace is in een voorlopige uitspraak op de vingers getikt door de Reclame Code Commissie (RCC) over haar uitlatingen over producten uit Israël.
Dat meldde Pieter van Oordt van het Israel Producten Centrum in Nijkerk maandag. Het centrum daagde Peace voor de commissie "omdat zij grove leugens over Israel schreef", aldus Van Oordt.
In de voorlopige uitspraak zegt de RCC volgens Van Oordt dat Peace "niet meer mag schrijven dat het verboden is producten van de Westbank te importeren of te verkopen; dat Israël documenten vervalst om uit de West-Bank en de Golan te exporteren.
Peace gaat tegen de uitspraak in beroep. Daarom wilde de RCC de uitspraak in de zaak dinsdagmorgen niet vrijgeven. De zaak komt in september opnieuw voor.
Reclame code commissie: Beweringen van Peace in boycotcampagne "in strijd met de waarheid"
Consumentenvereniging Peace misleidt de consument met onwaarheden
http://christenenvoorisrael.nl/nieuws/nieuws/peace-misleidt-de-consument.html
De 'consumentenorganisatie' Peace doet in haar campagne voor het boycotten van producten uit de Israelische nederzettingen beweringen die "in strijd zijn met de waarheid". Dit besliste de Reclame Code Commissie op 23 juni na een klacht die op 10 februari werd ingediend door het Israel Producten Centrum (IPC). Het Israel Producten Centrum importeert en verkoopt producten uit Israel. Het voelt zich door de onware beweringen van Peace aangetast in zijn goede naam en bovendien zakelijk benadeeld.
De klacht betrof een folder met antwoordkaart, die begin dit jaar is meegezonden met de Volkskrant en met de omroepgids van de VPRO. De folder staat ook op de website van Peace, en is bovendien huis aan huis verspreid.
Peace roept daarin op tot een boycot van producten uit de Joodse nederzettingen. Omdat Peace bovendien beweert dat er "massaal wordt gefraudeerd met valse papieren van herkomst" en dat de consument "systematisch wordt misleid met vervalste etiketten", geldt die oproep in feite alle producten uit heel Israel, ook alle producten van het Israel Producten Centrum.
Bovendien wekt Peace de indruk dat het IPC zich bezighoudt met illegale activiteiten, door te suggereren dat de verkoop van producten uit de nederzettingen in strijd zou zijn met de wet.
Die beweringen van Peace zijn echter in strijd met de Reclame Code, besliste de Commissie, omdat zij eenvoudig niet waar zijn:
De Commissie, schrijft zij, "acht de uiting in strijd met de waarheid en derhalve met artikel 2 NRC" voor wat betreft de mededelingen:
- "Om de nederzettingenproducten toch te kunnen verkopen, wordt door Israel bij de invoer in Europa al jarenlang massaal gefraudeerd met valse papieren van herkomst"
- "Ook worden de Europese consumenten door vervalste etiketten systematisch misleid"
- "Verkoop van deze producten is in strijd met (…) het beleid van de Nederlandse regering en met dat van de Europese Commissie".
Zij adviseert Peace om niet meer op een dergelijke wijze reclame te maken.
Uitspraken van de Reclame Code Commissie hebben, anders dan bijvoorbeeld gerechtelijke uitspraken, slechts een adviserend karakter.
Peace had betoogd dat de Reclame Code Commissie niet bevoegd zou zijn de klacht te behandelen, omdat zij als consumentenvereniging een politieke campagne voerde en slechts de rechter zou mogen beoordelen of ze daarmee binnen de in de wet verankerde grenzen van vrijheid van meningsuiting begaf. De Commissie stelt echter, dat Peace denkbeelden propageert en dat dit een reclame-uiting is. Denkbeelden vallen onder de vrijheid van meningsuiting, maar als iemand zich op feiten beroept moeten die feiten "controleerbaar en in overeenstemming met de waarheid"zijn.
Dat is hier dus niet het geval. Andere punten, die naar de mening van de Commissie geen feiten maar meningen zijn, verklaarde de Commissie daarom niet ontvankelijk.
Het IPC is blij met de uitspraak, maar voelt zich nog steeds in zijn goede naam aangetast.
Posted by Bloggers at woensdag, juli 15, 2009 Geen opmerkingen: Links to this post
Labels: Lobby, Nederzettingen, NGO's
Human Rights Watch vraagt geld in Saoedi-Arabië voor anti-Israel campagnes
Het is te gek voor woorden, en leest bijna als een satire. Human Rights Watch dat geldt inzamelt onder rijke oliesjeiks in Saoedi-Arabië om actie te voeren tegen Israel. Ik dacht dat HRW voor mensenrechten strijdt, altijd en overal? In de woorden van David Bernstein:
Finally, some would defend HRW by pointing it that it has criticized Saudi Arabia's human rights record rather severely in the past. The point of my post, though, is not that HRW is pro-Saudi, but that it is maniacally anti-Israel. The most recent manifestation is that its officers see nothing unseemly about raising funds among the elite of one of the most totalitarian nations on earth, with a pitch about how the money is needed to fight "pro-Israel forces," without the felt need to discuss any of the Saudis' manifold human rights violations, and without apparent concern that becoming dependent on funds emanating from a brutal dictatorship leaves you vulnerable to that brutal dictatorship later cutting off the flow of funds, if you don't "behave."
Ikzelf ben geen fan van Eurabia-achtige theorieën of om organisaties die zich wel erg focussen op (vermeend) Israelisch onrecht, meteen te beschuldigen van banden met de Arabische wereld, maar dergelijke zaken nodigen daar wel toe uit.
Human Rights Watch Goes to Saudi Arabia
Seeking Saudi Money to Counterbalance "Pro-Israel Pressure Groups"
BY DAVID BERNSTEIN
The Wall Steet Journal - JULY 13, 2009, 10:19 P.M. ET
A delegation from Human Rights Watch was recently in Saudi Arabia. To investigate the mistreatment of women under Saudi Law? To campaign for the rights of homosexuals, subject to the death penalty in Saudi Arabia? To protest the lack of religious freedom in the Saudi Kingdom? To issue a report on Saudi political prisoners?
No, no, no, and no. The delegation arrived to raise money from wealthy Saudis by highlighting HRW's demonization of Israel. An HRW spokesperson, Sarah Leah Whitson, highlighted HRW's battles with "pro-Israel pressure groups in the US, the European Union and the United Nations." (Was Ms. Whitson required to wear a burkha, or are exceptions made for visiting anti-Israel "human rights" activists"? Driving a car, no doubt, was out of the question.)
Apparently, Ms. Whitson found no time to criticize Saudi Arabia's abysmal human rights record. But never fear, HRW "recently called on the Kingdom to do more to protect the human rights of domestic workers.
There is nothing wrong with a human rights organization worrying about maltreatment of domestic workers. But there is something wrong when a human rights organization goes to one of the worst countries in the world for human rights to raise money to wage lawfare against Israel, and says not a word during the trip about the status of human rights in that country. In fact, it's a virtual certainty that everyone in Whitson's audience employs domestic servants, giving her a perfect, untaken opportunity to boast about HRW's work in improving the servants' status. But Whitson wasn't raising money for human rights, she was raising money for HRW's propaganda campaign against Israel.
Someone who claims to have worked for HRW wrote to me, "I can tell you that the people on the research and policy side of the organization have little, if any, contacts with people on the donor side." If that's true, apparently this is yet another exception HRW makes for Israel: Ms. Whitson, who gave the presentation to potential Saudi donors, is director of HRW's Middle East and North Africa Division.
Also, as a Nathan Wagner comments at OpinionJuris: "Surely there is a moral difference between raising funds in free nations through appeals to ideals of universal human rights and raising money in repressive nations through appeals highlighting pressure brought against their enemies. [Moreover], the former type of fundraising does not imperil the organization's mission, but fundraising Bernstein highlights does, since any significant reliance on such funds will necessarily mute criticism of the repressive government."
Labels: Lobby, NGO's
Brits wapenembargo voor onderdelen Israelische marine
Het is een vreemde constructie en niet erg werkbaar, dat aan het gebruik van de wapens die Israel importeert allerlei voorwaarden zijn verbonden, en men die alleen mag gebruiken wanneer het land waarvan men ze kocht meent dat daar voldoende aanleiding toe is. Israel kan moeilijk voor een aanval eerst met allerlei landen gaan overleggen en onderhandelen over welke wapens voor welke operaties precies gebruikt mogen worden. De oplossing lijkt dan ook dat Israel minder afhankelijk wordt van andere landen, en haar eigen defensie industrie verder ontwikkelt.
The British embargo is not expected to have any impact on the navy's operational capability. However, it has great political significance, and could encourage other countries to halt defense exports to Israel. The country considered most likely to be next is Belgium, which sells Israel equipment used to disperse demonstrations.
Het is natuurlijk vooral van belang dat Israel haar eigen positie goed en overtuigend verdedigt en (vermeende) misstanden en fouten van het leger ook grondig onderzoekt en hiervoor verantwoording aflegt. Het was bijvoorbeeld bepaald onhandig dat Israel niet reageerde op de vele concrete voorvallen die Amnesty in haar rapport over oorlogsmisdaden in Gaza beschreef, en slechts met een algemene en nogal obligaat aandoende verklaring kwam. Het is waar dat Amnesty bevooroordeeld is, maar je komt er niet mee weg door dat slechts te stellen. Er is nou eenmaal continu een vergootglas gericht op wat Israel doet, en steeds meer mensen zien Israel als de grote agressor die een weerloze bevolking onderdrukt.
U.K. hits Israel with partial arms embargo over Gaza war
By Barak Ravid, Haaretz Correspondent
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1099701.html
Britain has slapped a partial arms embargo on Israel, refusing to supply replacement parts and other equipment for Sa'ar 4.5 gunships because they participated in Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip earlier this year.
Britain's Foreign Office informed Israel's embassy in London of the sanctions a few days ago. The embassy, in a classified telegram to the Foreign Ministry in Jerusalem, said the decision stemmed from heavy pressure by both members of Parliament and human rights organizations.
The embargo followed a government review of all British defense exports to Israel, which was announced three months ago. In total, the telegram said, Britain reviewed 182 licenses for arms exports to Israel, including 35 for exports to the Israel Navy. But it ultimately decided to cancel only five licenses, all relating to the Sa'ar 4.5 ships. The licenses in question apparently cover spare parts for the ship's guns.
The British said the embargo was imposed because these ships participated in Operation Cast Lead. In so doing, the British claimed, they violated the security agreements between Britain and Israel, which specify what uses may be made of British equipment.
Last week, Britain's foreign and defense ministries informed the relevant companies that they would have to cease their planned arms deals with Israel's navy.
Ever since the Gaza operation, British MPs and nongovernmental organizations have been trying to persuade London to impose a complete arms embargo on Israel. However, the British government has rejected this demand.
In February, Amnesty International published a report on arms sales to Israel in which it highlighted Britain's role in supplying engines for Hermes 450 drones. According to Amnesty, Israel uses these drones to conduct assassinations in Gaza. The report prompted the Palestinian organization Al-Haq to file a suit against the British government, arguing that British arms sales facilitate Israeli operations in Gaza.
In April, Foreign Secretary David Miliband informed Parliament that Britain would reexamine all its defense exports to Israel in light of Operation Cast Lead. An Israeli Foreign Ministry official said that since then, Britain's military attache in Israel has requested information on the uses Israel made of various types of British-supplied equipment during Cast Lead.
Foreign Ministry officials said that only a small percentage of Israel's defense-related imports come from Britain. According to data suppled by Britain's department of trade, these sales total some 20 million pounds - about NIS 130 million.
In response the British Embassy in Tel Aviv issued a statement saying, "On 21 April 2009 the Foreign Secretary issued a Written Ministerial Statement about U.K. exports to Israel which may have been used by the Israel Defense Forces during the conflict in Gaza. This statement makes clear that all exports are subject to stringent controls.
"The statement sets out clearly the detail of U.K. components in equipment that may have been used in Operation Cast Lead. U.K. equipment was not exported for specific use in Operation Cast Lead and export licenses were issued based on all the evidence available at the time they were granted.
"Future decisions will take into account what has happened in the recent conflict. We do not grant export licenses where there is a clear risk that arms will be used for external aggression or internal repression.
"We do not believe that the current situation in the Middle East would be improved by imposing an arms embargo on Israel. Israel has the right to defend itself and faces real security threats.
"This said, we consistently urge Israel to act with restraint and supported the EU Presidency statement that called the Israeli actions during operation Cast Lead 'disproportionate.'"
Een land zonder volk voor een volk zonder land
Zeer vermoeiend is het hoe de Meulenbelts en Van Agts van deze wereld steeds weer met frasen komen aanzetten als dat de Zionisten dachten dat Palestina onbewoond was. "Een land zonder volk voor een volk zonder land" hoor je dan ook hoogst zelden in Zionistische kring maar des te vaker als sarcastische kritiek uit antizionistische hoek. Voor zover er zionisten waren die echt dachten dat het toenmalige Palestina onbewoond was, kwamen die er natuurlijk snel genoeg achter dat dat niet het geval was.
Dat neemt niet weg dat:
a) de toenmalige landstreek Palestina met pakweg een half miljoen inwoners relatief dun bevolkt was.
b) evenals de beruchte uitspraak van Golda Meir "Er zijn geen Palestijnen", waarschijnlijk niet bedoeld werd dat er geen mensen woonden, maar dat die mensen geen eigen natie vormden met de ambitie om in Palestina een eigen staat te stichten. De Arabische Palestijnen als volk hebben zich dan ook pas in de loop van de 20ste eeuw ontwikkeld, ironisch genoeg vooral als reactie - deels zelfs bewust - op de Zionistische immigratie en de oprichting van Israel.
Where did this phrase come from?
"A Land without a People for a People without a Land"
by Diana Muir
Spring 2008, pp. 55-62
http://www.meforum.org/1877/a-land-without-a-people-for-a-people-without
"A land without a people for a people without a land" is one of the most oft-cited phrases in the literature of Zionism—and perhaps also the most problematic. Anti-Zionists cite the phrase as a perfect encapsulation of the fundamental injustice of Zionism: that early Zionists believed Palestine was uninhabited,[1] that they denied—and continue to reject—the existence of a distinct Palestinian culture,[2] and even as evidence that Zionists always planned on an ethnic cleansing of the Arab population.[3] Such assertions are without basis in fact: They both deny awareness on the part of early Zionists of the presence of Arabs in Palestine and exaggerate the coalescence of a Palestinian national identity, which in reality only developed in reaction to Zionist immigration.[4] Nor is it true, as many anti-Zionists still assert, that early Zionists widely employed the phrase.
Origins of the Phrase
Many commentators, such as the late Arab literary theorist Edward Said, erroneously attribute the first use of the phrase to Israel Zangwill, a British author, playwright, and poet.[5] In fact, the phrase was coined and propagated by nineteenth-century Christian writers.
In 1831, Muhammad Ali Pasha, the ruler of Egypt, wrested control of Greater Syria from direct Ottoman control, a political change which led the British Foreign Ministry to send a consul to Jerusalem. This development catalyzed the popular imagination.
The earliest published use of the phrase appears to have been by Church of Scotland clergyman Alexander Keith in his 1843 book The Land of Israel According to the Covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and with Jacob.[6] Keith was an influential evangelical thinker whose most popular work, Evidence of the Truth of the Christian Religion Derived from the Literal Fulfillment of Prophecy,[7] remains in print almost two centuries after it was first published. As an advocate of the idea that Christians should work to encourage the biblical prophecy of a Jewish return to the land of Israel, he wrote that the Jews are "a people without a country; even as their own land, as subsequently to be shown, is in a great measure a country without a people."[8] Keith was aware that the Holy Land was populated because he had traveled to Palestine in 1839 on behalf of the Church of Scotland and returned five years later with his son, George Skene Keith, believed to be the first photographer to visit to the Holy Land.
In July 1853, British statesman and social reformer Lord Shaftesbury wrote to Foreign Minister George Hamilton Gordon, Lord Palmerston, that Greater Syria was "a country without a nation" in need of "a nation without a country… Is there such a thing? To be sure there is: the ancient and rightful lords of the soil, the Jews!"[9] Shaftesbury elaborated in his diary that these "vast and fertile regions will soon be without a ruler, without a known and acknowledged power to claim dominion. The territory must be assigned to some one or other. There is a country without a nation; and God now in his wisdom and mercy, directs us to a nation without a country."[10] A subsequent Shaftesbury biography sold well and exposed a wider audience to the phrase.[11]
The year after Shaftesbury's first use, a writer in a Presbyterian magazine told readers that, "Surely the land without a people, and the people without a land, are intended soon to meet and mutually possess each other"[12] and, in an 1858 essay, yet another Scottish Presbyterian, Horatius Bonar, advocated the "Repatriation of Israel… [in which] we have a people without a country, as well as a country without a people."[13]
Following an 1881 trip to the Holy Land, American William Eugene Blackstone, another Christian advocate of restoring a Jewish population to Palestine, wrote that this "phase of the question [of what to do with Jews subject to tsarist persecution] presents an astonishing anomaly—a land without a people, and a people without a land."[14]
Anglicans also favored the concept. In 1884, George Seaton Bowes, a Cambridge University clergyman, advocated the return of Jews to Palestine and also used the phrase, "a land without a people… [for] a people without a land."[15]
John Lawson Stoddard, a Bostonian from a privileged background, grew rich traveling to faraway lands and then giving stereopticon lectures upon his return. In an 1897 travelogue, he exhorts the Jews, "You are a people without a country; there is a country without a people. Be united. Fulfill the dreams of your old poets and patriarchs. Go back, go back to the land of Abraham."[16]
By the late nineteenth century, the phrase was in common use in both Great Britain and the United States among Christians interested in returning a Jewish population to Palestine.[17] Christian use of the phrase continued into the first decades of the twentieth century. In 1901, American missionary and, later, Yale professor, Harlan Page Beach wrote approvingly of the idea that the Jews will one day, "In God's good time, inhabit the land of their forefathers; otherwise we can offer no valid explanation of a people without a land and a land without a people."[18] In her 1902 novel, The Zionist, English writer Winifred Graham (1873-1950) has her Jewish hero stand before the Zionist congress and advocate for the return of "the people without a country to the country without a people."[19] Augustus Hopkins Strong, a prominent American Baptist theologian, used the phrase in 1912[20] and, on December 12, 1917, the lead article in The Washington Post, written by a Christian journalist, used the phrase.
The first use of the phrase by a Zionist did not come until 1901 when Israel Zangwill, probably echoing Shaftesbury's wording, wrote in the New Liberal Review that "Palestine is a country without a people; the Jews are a people without a country."[21]
Jewish Nationalism in Context
Although the image of Palestine as a "land without a people" was most commonly advanced by Christian proponents of a Jewish return to Palestine, it would be wrong to ascribe the perception of Palestine as a land without a people only to Christians. In the context of the nineteenth century and the many nationalist movements that captured the Western imagination, the notion of a Jewish restoration in Palestine seemed logical, even without religious motivations. In 1891, William Blackstone sent an open letter, known today as the Blackstone Memorial, to U.S. president Benjamin Harrison: "Why shall not the powers which under the treaty of Berlin, in 1878, gave Bulgaria to the Bulgarians and Servia to the Servians now give Palestine back to the Jews? … These provinces, as well as Roumania, Montenegro, and Greece, were wrested from the Turks and given to their natural owners. Does not Palestine as rightfully belong to the Jews?"[22] Nineteenth-century Westerners associated peoples or nations with territory, and so to be a land without a people did not imply that the land was without people, only that it was without a national political character.
What may be odd, viewed from the Arab perspective, is the lens through which Westerners look at the land. In Western eyes, the eastern Mediterranean is permanently overlaid with the outline of a territory called "the Holy Land," or "the Land of Israel." Because Westerners equate lands with peoples, even post-Christian Westerners expect to find a people identified and coterminous with the Holy Land. Muslims, however, neither perceived Palestine as a distinct country, nor Palestinians as a people. In Ottoman times, the Holy Land and its moderately valuable agricultural districts were subject to rule from Beirut or Damascus, where many of the wealthy Arab families who owned land in Palestine lived. During this period, Arabs thought of the Holy Land as an integral part of Syria, Bilad ash-Sham.[23] The Muslim perception of Syria and Palestine as distinct countries developed in the twentieth century.[24] In Arab eyes in the pre-World War I period, all of Bilad ash-Sham, including portions Christians and Jews saw as the Holy Land, was an integral part of Arab domains and not a separate entity.
Advocates of a Jewish return to Israel, when they thought about the Arab inhabitants at all, assumed the existing Arab population would continue in residence after a Jewish state was established. This outcome appeared workable since all nation-states include ethnic minorities among their citizens.
Attack on the Slogan
Opponents of Zionism began to attack the slogan shortly after the Balfour Declaration was issued. In 1918, Ameer Rihami, a Lebanese-American, Christian Arab nationalist, wrote that "I would even say … 'Give the land without a people to the people without a land' if Palestine were really without a people and if the Jews were really without a land." He argued that Jews needed no homeland in Palestine because they enjoyed everywhere else "equal rights and equal opportunity, to say the least."[25] It was an attitude not limited to Arab nationalists. One early twentieth-century academic Arabist wrote, "Their very slogan, 'The land without a people for the people without a land,' was an insult to Arabs of the country."[26] American journalist William McCrackan said, "We used to read in our papers the slogan of Zionism, 'to give back a people to a Land without a People,' while the truth was that Palestine was already well-peopled with a population which was rapidly increasing from natural causes."[27]
Proponents of a binational state in Palestine employed the phrase when debating mainstream Zionists. Robert Weltsch, editor of the prestigious German Zionist weekly Juedische Rundschau, wrote in August 1925, for example, "We may be a people without a home, but, alas, there is not a country without a people. Palestine has an existing population of 700,000."[28]
Anti-Israel propagandists seized upon the phrase following the 1964 founding of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).[29] In his speech at the United Nations on November 13, 1974, PLO leader Yasir Arafat said, "It pains our people greatly to witness the propagation of the myth that its homeland was a desert until it was made to bloom by the toil of foreign settlers, that it was a land without a people."[30] Likewise, in its November 14, 1988 "Declaration of Independence," the Palestinian National Council accuses "local and international forces" of "attempts to propagate the lie that 'Palestine is a land without a people.'"[31] Hanan Ashrawi, a PLO spokeswoman and former dean of the faculty of arts of Birzeit University, suggests that the phrase shows that Zionists "sought to deny the very existence and humanity of the Palestinians."[32] Salman Abu Sitta, founder and president of the Palestine Land Society, calls the phrase "a wicked lie in order to make the Palestinian people homeless."[33]
Edward Said cited the phrase to deny Israel's right to exist on the grounds that the Zionist claim to the land was made on the false premise that Palestine was "a land without people."[34] Many Said disciples furthered the argument.[35] Perhaps the best known is Rashid Khalidi, who writes that, "In the early days of the Zionist movement, many of its European supporters—and others—believed that Palestine was empty and sparsely cultivated. This view was widely propagated by some of the movement's leading thinkers and writers, such as Theodore Herzl, Chaim Nachman Bialik, and Max Mandelstamm, with Herzl never even mentioning the Arabs in his famous work, The Jewish State. It was summed up in the widely-propagated Zionist slogan, 'A land without a people for a people without a land.'"[36]
Khalidi's statement is factually wrong. Rather than check Der Judenstaat, he refers to an academic work that was inaccurate.[37] Herzl mentions the resident population of Palestine, albeit in the context of discussing possible locations for his projected Jewish state. He was prescient in his analysis of the political impact that the inhabitants were likely to have on the Zionist project. Immigration, he explained, "continues till the inevitable moment when the native population feels itself threatened and forces the government to stop a further influx of Jews. Immigration is consequently futile unless we have the sovereign right to continue such immigration."[38] To say that Herzl at the time he wrote Der Judenstaat had little interest in the existing population beyond assessing their probable impact on Zionism is fair. To state that he "never even mentioned" the Arabs of Palestine is untrue. Nor did the phrase "land without a people" ever appear in Herzl's books, letters, or diary.[39]
Khalidi is also guilty of inconsistent methodology in applying rules of grammar. He often uses "a people" in the ordinary manner, as a near-synonym for nation, writing: "The Palestinians are a people with national rights."[40] Or, "This remarkable book recounts how the Palestinians came to be constituted as a people."[41] He justified the terrorism of the second intifada by arguing that the "violence, which has broken out, has been the natural result of a people desiring its independence."[42] Khalidi misunderstands the phrase "a people" only when discussing the phrase "land without a people."[43]
Many other academics and commentators use the phrase to discredit Zionism. Radical journalist Ronald Bleier, for example, cites it as an example of a "wilderness myth" and likens it to Nazi propaganda.[44] Norman Finkelstein, an anti-Israel polemicist who, until he was denied tenure in 2007, taught at DePaul University in Chicago, also linked the phrase to a wilderness myth.[45] Lawrence Davidson, history professor at West Chester University in Pennsylvania, calls it "ethnic cleansing at the conceptual level."[46] Jacqueline Rose, professor of English at Queen Mary University in London, calls the phrase "a blatant lie."[47] Post-Zionists such as Tom Segev and Joel Beinin, who oppose the Jewish character of Israel, have also used criticism of the slogan to further their arguments,[48] as has revisionist historian Benny Morris.[49] Even some Zionists have been induced by these attacks to misunderstand the phrase. In Commentary, Hillel Halkin suggests that photographers angled an early photo of Tel Aviv "to substantiate Zionist claims that the Jews, 'a people without a land,' were returning to Palestine, 'a land without a people.'"[50]
A Zionist Slogan?
In the minds of many of Zionism's detractors, the "land without a people" formulation has become a defining element of Zionism's original sin. But to what extent was that slogan actually employed by the early Zionists? The official Zionist mantra of the era stated that "The aim of Zionism is to create for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by public law." Zionist groups used a range of other slogans, including "Torah and Labor," "The Land of Israel for the People of Israel according to the Torah of Israel," and "Zionism, Socialism, and Diaspora Emancipation." These, along with "Jewish State," "Back to the soil," "Return to Zion," "Jewish homeland," "A Palestine open to all Jews," and, by far most frequently, "Jewish national home," were widely-propagated Zionist slogans. In a search of seven major American newspapers—the Atlanta Constitution, Boston Globe, Chicago Tribune, Los Angeles Times, New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Washington Post[51]—there were more than 3,000 mentions of the phrase "Jewish national home" through 1948. No other Zionist phrase or slogan comes close. In contrast, there are only four mentions of Zangwill's phrasing, "country without a people,"[52] all before 1906. There is no mention of its variants: "land without a people" or "country without a nation." ProQuest's Historical Newspapers database shows one additional use of the phrase before 1972: the 1947 "Text of the Statement before U.N. by Jamal el Husseini on the Arabs' Position on Palestine: Arab Statement Denounces U.N. Proposal for Partitioning Palestine,"[53] in which Husseini charges that "the Zionist organization propagated the slogan 'Give the country without a people to the people without a country.'"
Despite the claims of Husseini, Said, and Khalidi, it is not evident that this was ever the slogan of any Zionist organization or that it was employed by any of the movement's leading figures. A mere handful of the outpouring of pre-state Zionist articles and books use it.[54] For a phrase that is so widely ascribed to Zionist leaders, it is remarkably hard to find in the historical record.[55]
Attendees at the 1905 Zionist congress associated the phrase with Zangwill,[56] and it appears to have passed out of use along with the rejection of his proposal to establish the Jewish homeland in British East Africa. In the rare instances where the phrase is found in a post-1905 Jewish source, it is usually as a specific reference to Zangwill[57] although sometimes it appears when a Jewish author quotes a Christian writer.[58]
Mainstream writers refer to the phrase as something used briefly and years before. In 1914, Chaim Weizmann referred to the phrase as descriptive of attitudes common in the early days of the movement.[59] Israeli writer and historian Amos Elon dated Zionist use of the phrase to 1903 but said it had faded from the lexicon by 1917.[60] The single use of the phrase in The Maccabean, the journal of the Federation of American Zionists, occurred in 1901.[61] By 1922, Christian journalist William Denison McCrackan described the phrase as no longer in use.[62]
Unless or until evidence comes to light of its wide use by Zionist publications and organizations, the assertion that "a land without a people for a people without a land" was a "widely-propagated Zionist slogan"[63] should be retired.
A Land without People?
Rashid Khalidi uses the phrase to charge Zionist leaders with believing that the land was "empty."[64] Edward Said actually alters the wording of the phrase to allege that Zionists thought that Palestine was "a land without people."[65]
But travelers such as Keith, Blackstone, Stoddard, and Zangwill (who first visited Israel in 1897 and whose own father went to live there) were well aware of the small Arab population, which Blackstone, at least, addressed when he opined that it would not pose an obstacle to Jewish restoration.[66] If some Zionists believed that Israel was literally empty, it is unlikely that they did so after Ahad Ha'Am's 1891 essay, "Truth from Eretz Yisrael," sparked debate over conditions in Palestine.[67]
Did some Jews imagine the Land of Israel as an abandoned land? Perhaps. But it seems more likely that Jews were capable of knowing on one level that there were enough Arabs in Palestine to stage pogroms in Hebron and Safed in 1834 while still referring to the land as empty. The editors of The Maccabean, for example, estimated in 1901 that there were only 150,000 Arabs in Palestine, perhaps one-third of the true number, and suggested the following year that one-third of the population was already Jewish. They nevertheless characterized Palestine in 1905 as "a good land, but it is an empty land." [68]
Zionism, with its penniless, powerless enthusiasts and grand plans to restore a Jewish commonwealth, was a movement of wishful thinkers. Herzl's treatment of the topic in The Jewish State was typical.[69] He gives the resident population passing mention and only in the context of discussion of political obstacles that lay in the path to building a Jewish state.
Arabs, of course, were recognized by Zionists and others as a people deserving of national sovereignty. As Israel Zangwill put it in the wake of World War I, "The Arabs should recognize that the road of renewed national glory lies through Baghdad, Damascus, and Mecca, and all the vast territories freed for them from the Turks and be content … The powers that freed them have surely the right to ask them not to grudge the petty strip [Israel] necessary for the renaissance of a still more downtrodden people."[70]
Diana Muir is the author of Reflections in Bullough's Pond: Economy and Ecosystem in New England (University Press of New England, 2000).
[1] Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), p. 101.
[2] See for example, Hanan Ashrawi, Sydney Morning Herald, Nov. 6, 2003.
[3] Saree Makdisi, "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation," Critical Inquiry, 31 (2005): 443; idem, "An Iron Wall of Colonization," Counterpunch, Jan. 26, 2005.
[4] Muhammad Muslih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988).
[5] Edward Said, The Question of Palestine (New York: Times Books, 1979), p. 9.
[6] Alexander Keith, The Land of Israel According to the Covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and with Jacob (Edinburgh: William Whyte and Co., 1843), p. 43. An 1844 review of Keith's book in The United Secession Magazine (Edinburgh), vol. 1, p. 189, highlights the phrase with its most common wording: "a land without a people, and a people without a land."
[7] Whitefish, Mont.: Kessinger Publishing, 2005 (originally published in 1826).
[8] Keith, The Land of Israel According to the Covenant with Abraham, p. 43.
[9] Cited in Adam M. Garfinkle, "On the Origin, Meaning, Use, and Abuse of a Phrase," Middle Eastern Studies, Oct. 1991, p. 543.
[10] Shaftsbury as cited in Albert Hyamson, "British Projects for the Restoration of Jews to Palestine," American Jewish Historical Society Publications, 1918, no. 26, p. 140.
[11] Edwin Hodder, The Life and Work of the Seventh Earl of Shaftsbury (London: Cassell and Co., 1887), p. 487.
[12] Anonymous review of Van de Velde, C.W.M., Narrative of a Journey through Syrian and Palestine in 1851 and 1852 (Edinburgh: Wm. Blackwood and Sons, 1854), in United Presbyterian Magazine, Wm. Oliphant and Sons, Edinburgh, 1854, vol. 7, p. 403.
[13] Horatius Bonar, The Land of Promise: Notes of a Spring Journey from Beersheba to Sidon (New York: R. Carter and Brothers, 1858), excerpted in The Theological and Literary Journal (New York), July 1858-Apr. 1859, p. 149.
[14] William Blackstone, Palestine for the Jews (Oak Park, Ill.: self-pub., 1891), reprinted in Christian Protagonists for Jewish Restoration (New York: Arno, 1977), p. 17.
[15] Sermon by C. H. Banning, cited in George Seaton Bowes, Information and Illustration, Helps Gathered from Facts, Figures, Anecdotes, Books, etc., for Sermons, Lectures, and Addresses (London: James Nisbett and Co., 1884), p. 128.
[16] John L. Stoddard, Lectures: Illustrated and Embellished with Views of the World's Famous Places and People, Being the Identical Discourses Delivered during the Past Eighteen Years under the Title of the Stoddard Lectures, vol. 2. (Boston: Balch Brothers Co., 1897), p. 113.
[17] See, for example, William Henry Withrow, Religious Progress in the Century (London: Linscott Publishing Company, 1900), p. 184; Gospel in All Lands (New York: Methodist Episcopal Church Missionary Society, Jan. 1902), pp. 199-200.
[18] Harlan Page Beach, A Geography and Atlas of Protestant Missions: Their Environment, Forces, Distribution, Methods, Problems, Results, and Prospects at the Opening of the Twentieth Century (New York: Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions, 1901), p. 521.
[19] Eitan Bar-Yosef, The Holy Land in English Culture, 1799-1917: Palestine and the Question of Orientalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 236.
[20] Augustus Hopkins Strong, Miscellanies (Philadelphia: Griffith and Rowland Press, 1912), p. 98.
[21] Garfinkle, "On the Origin, Meaning, Use, and Abuse of a Phrase," p. 539; Israel Zangwill, "The Return to Palestine," New Liberal Review, Dec. 1901, p. 615.
[22] Yaakov Ariel, On Behalf of Israel: American Fundamentalist Attitudes toward Jews, Judaism, and Zionism, 1865-1945 (New York: Carlson Publishing, 1991), pp. 70-2.
[23] Khalidi, Palestinian Identity, p. 163.
[24] Muslih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism, pp. 131-54.
[25] Ameen Rihani, "The Holy Land: Whose to Have and to Hold?" The Bookman, Jan. 1918, p. 10.
[26] Norman Dwight Harris, Europe and the East (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1926), p. 93.
[27] William Denison McCrackan, The New Palestine: An Authoritative Account of Palestine since the Great War (Boston: Page Company, 1922), p. 250.
[28] Martin Buber, A Land of Two Peoples: Martin Buber on Jews and Arabs, Paul Mendes-Flohr, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 14.
[29] Sami Hadawi, Bitter Harvest, Palestine between 1914 and 1967 (New York: New World Press, 1967), p. 10; Izzat Tannous, The "Activities" of the Hagana, Irgun, and Stern Gang: As Recorded in British Command Paper No. 6873 (New York: Palestine Liberation Organization, 1968), p. 3.
[30] Walter Laquer and Barry Rubin, eds., The Israel-Arab Reader: A Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict (New York: Penguin, 2001), pp. 174-5.
[31] "Palestinian National Council Declaration of Independence," Algiers, Nov. 14, 1988.
[32] The Sydney Morning Herald, Nov. 6, 2003.
[33] Matt Horton, "The Atlas of Palestine 1948," The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, Aug. 2005, p. 58.
[34] Said, The Question of Palestine, p. 9.
[35] For example, Saree Makdisi, "Israel's Fantasy Stands in Way of Peace," The Arab American News (Dearborn), Feb. 5-Feb. 11, 2005; Nur Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians: The Concept of "Transfer" in Zionist Political Thought (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992), p. 6.
[37] Khalidi relies on Anita Shapira, Land and Power: The Zionist Recourse to Force, 1881-1948 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 41.
[38] Theodore Herzl, The Jewish State, Sylvie d'Avigdor, trans. (London: Nutt, 1896); idem, The Jewish State, Sylvie d'Avigdor, trans. (New York: Dover, 1988), p. 95.
[39] Garfinkle, "On the Origin, Meaning, Use and Abuse of a Phrase," p. 539.
[40] Rashid Khalidi, "Observations on the Right of Return," Journal of Palestine Studies, Winter 1992, p. 30.
[41] Rashid Khalidi, jacket blurb for Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal, The Palestinian People: A History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003).
[42] Rashid Khalidi, "To End the Bloodshed," Christian Century, Nov. 22-29, 2000, p. 1206.
[44] Ronald Bleier, review of "Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict," Middle East Policy, Oct. 1999, p. 195.
[45] Norman Finkelstein, Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict (London: Verso Books, 1995), p. 95.
[46] Lawrence Davidson, "Christian Zionism as a Representation of American Manifest Destiny," Critique: Critical Middle East Studies, Summer 2005, p. 161.
[47] Jacqueline Rose, The Question of Zion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), p. 44.
[48] Tom Segev, One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs under the British Mandate (New York: Owl Books, 2001), p. 493; Joel Beinin, "Political Economy and Public Culture in a State of Constant Conflict: Fifty Years of Jewish Statehood," Jewish Social Studies, July 31, 1998, p. 96.
[49] Benny Morris, Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist Arab Conflict, 1881-2001 (New York: Vintage, 2001), p. 42.
[50] Hillel Halkin, "The First Hebrew City," Commentary, Feb. 2007, p. 57.
[51] ProQuest Historical Newspapers database, accessed Nov. 27, 2007.
[52] The New York Times, Nov. 23, 1901, May 20, 1903; The Chicago Daily Tribune, Dec. 22, 1901; The Washington Post, Aug. 27, 1905.
[53] The New York Times, Sept. 30, 1947.
[54] See Israel Herbert Levinthal, Judaism, An Analysis and An Interpretation (New York and London: Funk and Wagnalls, 1935), p. 254; Morris Silverman, ed., Sabbath and Festival Prayerbook with a New Translation, Supplementary Readings, and Notes (New York: Rabbinical Assembly of America and the United Synagogue of America, 1946), p. 324; Max Raisin, A History of the Jews in Modern Times (New York: Hebrew Publishing Company, 1919), p. 356; The Zionist Review, Apr. 1918, p. 231; Leonard Mars, "The Ministry of the Reverend Simon Fyne in Swansea: 1899-1906," Jewish Social Studies, Winter/Spring 1988, p. 92.
[55] Alan Dowty, The Jewish State, A Century Later (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), p. 267.
[56] The Washington Post, Aug. 27, 1905.
[57] See "The Restoration of Judea," New York Globe editorial, May 1, 1917, reprinted in Zionism Conquers Public Opinion (New York: Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, 1917), p. 16; Richard James Horation Gottheil, Zionism (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1914), p. 139.
[58] Walter M. Chandler statement, The American War Congress and Zionism: Statements by Members of the American War Congress on the Jewish National Movement (New York: Zionist Organization of America, 1919), p 154.
[59] Paul Goodman, Chaim Weizmann: A Tribute on His Seventieth Birthday (London: V. Gollancz, 1945), p. 153.
[60] Amos Elon, The Israelis: Founders and Sons (New York: Holt, Reinhart, Winston, 1971), p. 149.
[61] Raphael Medoff, American Zionist Leaders and the Palestinian Arabs, 1898-1948 (Ph.D. diss., Yeshiva University, 1991), p. 17.
[62] McCrackan, The New Palestine, p. 250.
[63] Khalidi, Palestinian Identity; p. 101.
[66] Ariel, On Behalf of Israel, p. 74.
[67] Alan Dowty, "Much Ado about Little: Ahad Ha'am's 'Truth from Eretz Yisrael,' Zionism, and the Arabs," Israel Studies, Fall 2000, pp. 154-81.
[68] Medoff, American Zionist Leaders and the Palestinian Arabs, p. 19.
[69] Shapira, Land and Power, p. 51.
[70] Israel Zangwill, The Voice of Jerusalem (New York, Macmillan and Company, 1921) p. 110.
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Brabosh over Israël en Palestijnen
Christenen voor Israel
CiJO - Voor Israel, Voor Vrede
Etsel over Jodendom & Israël
Het Friesch Dagblad & Ruth de Jong-Hotze (2011-2012)
IMO Blog - Israël & Midden-Oosten
IronComb Midden-Oosten berichtgeving
Israël & Palestijnen Nieuws Blog
Israël Informatie (links)
Israël-Palestina Info
Lezersbrieven die de pers niet halen
Likoed Nederland
Missing Peace (NL media & Israel)
Onderzoek berichtgeving NOS Journaal
Onderzoek berichtgeving NRC Handelsblad
Oy Vey! - door IdiJood
Stichting LeChaim Blog
Trouw Israel Monitor
WAAR mediawerkgroep Israel
Werkgroep 'Vanuit Jeruzalem' (werkgroep binnen de PKN)
zie ook linkpagina
Engelstalige links
AP Israel Watch
At the back of the hill (North Beach USA)
Blue Truth
CIF Watch (Guardian)
Dvar Dea - A Jew from Israel
Haifa Diary
Look Israel
Making the Case for Israel
Making the Case for Israel (pdf)
MidEastWeb Middle East Web Log
MidEastWeb for Coexistence
Middle East Analysis
Peace With Realism
Pro-Israel Bay Bloggers
Ray Cook - Israel, Zionism and the Media
Second Thoughts - Countering Bias and Misinformation
The Crethi and the Plethi
The Jewish Virtual Library
Yaacov Lozowick's Ruminations
ZioNation - Progressive Zionism and Israel Web Log
Zionism Israel Info Center


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text:
Q: How can I code the sequence of [1,2,3,4,5,6,6,5] in 2.5 or 3 bits? If I calculate the entropy for the following sequence:
[1,2,3,4,5,6,6,5]
I get the entropy of 2.5 but I am wondering how can I actually do the encoding with 2.5 or 3 bits. Does it mean I need 3 bits like the following:
1 - 000
2 - 001
3 - 010
4 - 011
5 - 100
6 - 101
Does the entropy value mean I need 2.5 bits to encode the whole sequence? Hope to hear some explanations.

A: Based on your comment, the probability distribution of the source symbols $1,2,3,4,5,$ and $6$ is:
$$
p(x) =
\begin{cases}
\frac{1}{8}, & x = 1,2,3,4 \\
\frac{2}{8}, & x = 5,6
\end{cases}
$$
Two types of source codes that you can construct are fixed-length source codes and variable-length source codes. The one that you listed in your question is an example of a fixed-length source code. An advantage of fixed-length source codes is that they will always be uniquely decodable. In other words, if you concatenate any combination of the codewords together, you will always be able to decode them back into source symbols. In the case of fixed-length source codes, you can do this since you already know that all codewords will be of the same length. However, they are generally less efficient than variable-length codes in terms of the average length of the codewords.
For variable-length source codes, it is important that each codeword in the code is uniquely decodable. One way to ensure that this happens is by constructing a prefix code. An optimal way of constructing a prefix code, in the sense that it minimizes the average codeword length, is by constructing a Huffman code.
As @whuber mentioned in their comment, one possible Huffman code is:
$$
1 \rightarrow 000 \\
2 \rightarrow 001 \\
3 \rightarrow 010 \\
4 \rightarrow 011 \\
5 \rightarrow 10 \\
6 \rightarrow 11
$$
Notice that no codeword is a prefix of any other codeword. Hence, this is a prefix code and it is uniquely decodable. Also, this code achieves an average codeword length (aka rate of compression) of $2.5$ bits per source symbol, which is the lowest possible average codeword length.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


will probably work itself out.
and pictures, most of it black and white photography (back in the day ya know).
CD's (12 Gigabytes) ....... and that would be about the same space they are going to take up online.
covered the inaugural ..... but there is a book of the 2nd race.
computer to get back to this page.


His degrees include an M.S. in Computer Science from Johns Hopkins University, and a B.A. in Sociology from Immaculate Heart College. Currently he is an industry-certified Security and Privacy professional (CISSP), Cloud Computing Security Professional,(CCSP), Project Management Professional (PMP), IT Auditor (CISA) and Risk and IS Control (CRISC). He currently works as a Network Project Manager for Alcohol Monitoring Systems in Littleton, Colorado.


Originally trained as an industrial designer, Claudia Borella was introduced to glass during her studies at the University of Canberra. Borella lives and works in Wanganui, New Zealand, where she is President of the New Zealand Society of artists in Glass. Her work is included in the collections of the Toyama Institute of Glass art, Japan; the Dowse Museum, New Zealand; the national Gallery of Australia, and the Glasmuseet, Ebeltoft, Denmark.


On October 18, 2015 and twice over Thanksgiving weekend, someone vandalized the Black Lives Matter sign in front of First Parish Unitarian Universalist in Arlington Center. The Arlington Human Rights Commission extends our sympathies to the black community and the First Parish congregation.
"Centuries of prejudice and discrimination, sometimes violent and sometimes subtle, have affected people both materially and spiritually. One in three African Americans has less than $1,000 in wealth. For whites, it's one in nine. 37% of African American children live in poverty, compared to 12% of white children."
"Perhaps even more importantly, many African Americans feel like our culture bombards them with the message that their lives don't matter. Their hopes and aspirations, their values, their suffering, their deaths – none are considered as important as white people's experiences."
Too many people respond instead with "All Lives Matter," as though supporting one group means you don't care about others. This is obviously false, and its purpose is to distract from the very real problems black people in particular face in this country at this time.
In "A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement by Alicia Garza," published on The Feminist Wire, on Oct. 7, 2014, Alicia Garza, one of the three creators of #BlackLivesMatter, says "Black Lives Matter is an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks' contributions to this society, our humanity, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression."
BLM draws attention to the harm racial profiling and mass incarceration do to the black community, and especially the alarming rate of black people being killed by the police. In its June 2015 report, "Deadly Force: Police Use of Lethal Force in the United States," Amnesty International reports that "while blacks represent 13.2 per cent of the US population, they represent 27.6 per cent of the total deaths at the hands of police (6,338) included in the data on violent deaths recorded by the Center for Disease Control between 1999 and 2013."
As Charles M. Blow said in his Aug. 9, 2015 column in the New York Times, titled "'Black Lives Matter' and the G.O.P.," "'All Lives Matter' may be one's personal position, but until this country values all lives equally, it is both reasonable and indeed necessary to specify the lives it seems to value less."
Let's all work harder to live up to Arlington's ideals.
-- Christine Carney is the chair of the Arlington Human Rights Commission.


text:
Read Next Elvis Costello Delivers Energetic Performance of 'Farewell, OK' on 'Colbert'
July 6, 2010 5:19PM ET
Jane's Addiction Play First Full Show With Duff McKagan
Velvet Revolver bassist joins Perry Farrell and Co. for greatest-hits set in L.A.
Steve Appleford's Most Recent Stories
Jakob Dylan, Stephen Stills and More Gather to Celebrate Laurel Canyon's 'Echo'
For Celine Dion, Jokes and Songs Dominate U.S. Tour Event
Michael Jackson Accusers: We Did 'Leaving Neverland' Doc to 'Help Other Survivors'
At their best, a Jane's Addiction performance is about much more than music, as frontman Perry Farrell tests his philosophy that "nothing's shocking" as often as possible. He is a ringmaster of the epic and perverse, orchestrating scenes and oddities onstage to accompany the endless rock & roll sideshow the band has perfected since the 1980s, and did so again Friday at an intimate but packed show at the Roxy in West Hollywood, California.
It was another local gig for the Los Angeles act, and the longest hometown show yet with new bassist Duff McKagan (formerly of Guns n' Roses and presumably still of Velvet Revolver). But the night began with a redheaded fetish performer named Miss Crash, who did a partial striptease and pierced her face and tongue with long, scary needles. It was a mild appetizer for what was to come.
Crash and another tattooed woman were suddenly hoisted above the stage from piercings clamped through the flesh of their backs, as a rear curtain fell and Jane's Addiction leapt to the stage to erupt with a delirious "Whores," an early song from the band's history. Swinging and kicking their high-heels, the women dangled above the band like decadent jewelry, as guitarist Dave Navarro gave one a shove to send her flying again for a panicked "Ain't No Right."
The 450-capacity Roxy was an appropriate setting for the band, as the club where Jane's recorded its first album release in 1987, the live Jane's Addiction. And watching from the VIP section was Billy Corgan, returning the favor of Farrell's visit to a Smashing Pumpkins show on the Strip just days earlier. The hour-long Jane's show was part of the BING Sunset Strip Concert Series.
The band's best-known radio hit, "Been Caught Stealing," was still tense and urgent, with a stretched out rhythm break from drummer Stephen Perkins and McKagan. During "Had a Dad," Perkins shook his Mohawk of blond curls as Farrell raised a wine bottle and leaned into Navarro during a rippling guitar solo, a cigarette burning between the guitarist's lips. For "Ted, Just Admit It . . ." Farrell stood above the crowd with arms wide open to lead the front rows in shouting the hypnotic opening mantra, "Everybody, everybody, everybody, everybody, everybod-ay-yey-yey-yey . . ."
Two months ago at the nightclub Bardot in Hollywood, Jane's revealed one new song ("Soulmate"), while Friday's Roxy set was built entirely from tunes first recorded by the original quartet by 1990. Old songs remain the backbone of the Jane's repertoire, with lyrics streetwise and impressionistic, and music of underground intensity and Zeppelin-scale ambition, while new material has yet to fully assert itself during the band's periodic reunions (though Friday's set list was originally to include 2003's "Superhero").
Jane's has always reconvened easily as a great live act, delivering on a grand scale from Coachella to Lollapalooza, but less so as makers of new songs to match their history. They continue to work at it, with a new album in the planning stages. A short-lived reunion with founding bassist Eric Avery last year made for some powerful live shows, but McKagan is no hired hand, and Farrell says the bassist has taken a direct role in songwriting for a new Jane's album.
Onstage, the renewed band already sounds engaged and ready to grow. "Many of you remember how great that music scene in L.A. used to be," Farrell told fans late in the show, smiling wickedly as he recounted the label bidding wars that wined and dined Jane's Addiction decades ago. "I don't keep track, I just keep going."
"Ain't No Right"
"Had A Dad"
"Ted, Just Admit It . . ."
"Mountain Song"
"Been Caught Stealing"
"Three Days"
"Ocean Size"
"Chip Away"
• Jane's Addiction Debut Duff McKagan at Perry Farrell's Birthday Party
• Inside the New Jane's Addiction: Duff McKagan on Band's Plans
In This Article: Jane's Addiction

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Reporting to our management team you will work within our specialist fitting team working on our higher end product. You will be responsible for wiring up electrical systems, carrying out diagnostic checks, troubleshooting and rectifying faults.
As an important member of the electrical team you may be asked to get involved in the design stage of a product, imparting knowledge into design stage of new productions and involved in improvement team meetings for existing products.


text:
Some Notes on Two Poems
by Marc Hudson
Stories about the making of poems are always somewhat fictional. This is not the result of purposeful deception, but of the flaws of memory, the inability of facts, and, especially, one's more fluid intuitions, to adhere to the conscious mind.
"Helen's Tears" was written in the late winter of 2003, begun a month or so after our son, Ian's, death. By that time it was evident that President George W. Bush and his advisors were determined to lead our nation into war against Iraq. Like many that winter, I considered this a tragic decision that would result in thousands of unnecessary deaths. As a father who had recently lost a son, it was not difficult for me to imagine the grief that many parents would soon be feeling in both America and Iraq. Out of protest and out of sorrow, I wrote this poem.
Our son, Ian, died at 19. He had profound cerebral palsy, which had left him quadriplegic, though mentally he was gifted. He was the age of some of those young soldiers who would soon die. And he himself was a sort of soldier, clear-eyed, courageous, and with a great sense of humor that rescued him from self-pity.
So the poem begins with a remembrance of Ian's burial in the early January snow and concludes by recalling that scene: the coffin, the imagery suggests, is like a funeral ship being launched into the breakers. It echoes an image from the beginning of Beowulf, the ship burial of Scyld Scefing.
The bulk of the poem narrates, briefly, the process of war and its consequences. I did not invent the detail of a shroud being pinned over Guernica: in February of 2003 when then-Secretary of State Colin Powell testified at the UN Security Council in favor of our imminent declaration of war, a blue curtain had been hung before the tapestry reproduction of Guernica just outside the chamber. It struck me then, and it still does, as an unintentional admission of guilt on the part of the Bush Administration.
There follows the surreal sequence of "the human dust" rising over Baghdad and circulating with the high winds flowing east across the planet. I have no idea if that is meteorologically accurate, but I believe it is accurate elegy. As a Christian, I believe the human community is woven together across the planet, and that the planet is one vast, miraculous biosphere, each organism linked to every other. So it is now and will be forever. And so the beautiful snow that would later fall in Indiana, I imagined, would carry news, even dust, from the catastrophe in Baghdad and elsewhere in Iraq.
That is not so much a mystical as an ecological insight. Suddenly, as I composed that part of the poem, I remembered what I had learned in a freshman chemistry class at Georgetown University forty years before. Professor Baker was lecturing us about the properties of the water molecule. He told us that when you drink a glass of water, it is not statistically unlikely that it would contain a molecule from the tears of Helen of Troy. Such is the enduring integrity of tears. That memory also struck a chord because my wife's name is Helen.
And so I come to the end of the poem and my pronouncement about war. If you are a veteran reading this poem, I don't blame you for rejecting my declaration. But some, unfortunately, will know that for a mother or a father who has lost a child in war, or in its aftermath, my assertion is often true.
The second poem from East of Sorrow, "There is an Ancient Light," is its final and most recently composed poem. Its story is brief. In the summer of 2015, a few months after teaching my last class at Wabash, Helen and I drove out to Santa Fe to visit our daughter. We rented a small casita on Vuelta Place—one that would easily qualify as a tiny house. But its courtyard was spacious and beautiful, arranged with pots of hollyhocks, spirea, and penstemons. Nearby, a fountain plashed into a basin. In its depths drifted a few somnolent golden carp. The sunlight in Santa Fe is especially brilliant and abundant. So, impressionist that I am, it was often my study. I would sit at a small table by our casita door and write for an hour or so each morning, and occasionally, evenings after dinner. I tried, more than usual, to be the amanuensis of those moments in that particular spot. I may owe some debt to the Spanish Modernist, Jorge Guillen, who had a theory of "the patina of things," the poem as a sort of distillate of essences, as I understand it. This poem came to me toward the end of our stay, a valedictory study of that late light and its gifts.
East of Sorrow is available at the Wabash College Bookstore. Copies are also on sale at the Carnegie Museum in Crawfordsville and at Von's Bookshop on Chauncey Hill in West Lafayette. The book can also be ordered online from its publisher, Red Mountain Press.
Marc Hudson is Professor Emeritus of English at Wabash.
Flying Through Caleb Mills' Garden
Word By Word, Step By Step


text:
Islas Chafarinas (arab. Ya'fariyya, berb. Takfarinas) – grupa trzech wysp położonych na Morzu Śródziemnym, administracyjnie pozostających w posiadaniu Hiszpanii. Położone są one 48 km na wschód od Melilli oraz 4 km od marokańskiego miasta Ra'su l-Ma'. Na wyspach stacjonuje hiszpański garnizon wojskowy.

Wyspy mają łączną powierzchnię 0,525 km².

W skład archipelagu wchodzą następujące wyspy:
Isla Congreso: 0,256 km²
Isla Isabel II: 0,153 km²
Isla del Rey: 0,116 km²
oraz kilkadziesiąt mniejszych, niezamieszkanych wysepek.

Geografia
Archipelag składa się z trzech wysp pochodzenia wulkanicznego, Kongresu, Izabeli II i Króla Franciszka. Oddzielone są od Afryki płytkim (10-15 m) fragmentem szelfu kontynentalnego. Na jego głębokość wpływają osady nanoszone z delty rzeki Muluja w pobliżu granicy z Algierią. Największa jest zachodnia wyspa Isla Congreso z najwyższym punktem Cerro Nido de las Aguilas wznoszącym się na wysokość 137 m n.p.m. Dwie pozostałe wyspy są zdecydowanie niższe, znajdująca się pośrodku Isla Isabel II osiąga 35 m n.p.m., a oddalona od niej o 175 m Isla del Rey jest najmniejsza i najniższa (31 m n.p.m.) z wszystkich trzech. Na wyspach nie ma ludności cywilnej. Na Isla Isabel znajduje się mały, 30-osobowy garnizon wojskowy oraz personel Ministerstwa Środowiska.

Historia
Te przybrzeżne wyspy były niezamieszkane i niczyje w momencie, gdy rząd francuski w 1848 r. podjął decyzję o ich zajęciu w celu pilnowaniu plemion żyjących w strefie przygranicznej między Marokiem a Algierią Francuską. Mała wyprawa pod dowództwem pułkownika Mac-Mahona (przyszłego marszałka Mac-Mahona) opuściła Oran drogą morską i lądową w styczniu 1848 roku, aby przejąć wyspy. Hiszpania, która również pożądała wysp, została ostrzeżona przez swojego konsula w Oranie i szybko wysłała okręt wojenny na wyspy z Malagi. Kiedy przybyli Francuzi, Hiszpanie przejęli już wyspy w imieniu Królowej Izabeli II.

Klimat
 Średnia temperatura roczna: 19,5 °C
 Temperatura maksymalna: 41,1 °C (średnia 23,3 °C)
 Temperatura minimalna: 5,2 °C (średnia 16,5 °C)
 Średnia roczna wilgotność: 76,9%
 Średnie roczne ciśnienie atmosferyczne: 1.017,8 mm Hg
 Średnie roczne opady deszczu: 297,2 mm

Flora i Fauna
Biorąc pod uwagę wielkość wysp bogactwo flory i fauny jest bardzo duże. Na wyspach znajdziemy ponad 180 gatunków roślin w tym 15 endemitów dla Afryki Północnej.
Jeśli chodzi o zwierzęta to wyróżniamy: 12 gatunków gadów (1 endemit), 90 gatunków ptaków, 153 gatunki bezkręgowców(11 ślimaków, 74 pająki i 56 chrząszczy). Środowisko morskie to 64 gatunki glonów, 26 szkarłupni, 150 robaków i 60 gatunków ryb.
Znajdziemy tam aż 9 z 11 hiszpańskich zagrożonych wymarciem bezkręgowców, w tym Patella ferruginea. Znajduje się też tam druga co do wielkości kolonia mewy śródziemnomorskiej. W 1989 roku obszar Chaffarinas uznano jako OSO, a w 2006 jako Obszar mający znaczenie dla Wspólnoty w sieci Natura 2000.

Zabytki
Na Islas Chafarinas zachowało się wiele interesujących zabytków:
 Kościół Niepokalanego Poczęcia NMP zbudowany w XIX w. w stylu klasycznym
 wieża strażnicza również z XIX w. nazywana Wieżą podbojów
 Latarnia morska z początku XX w.
 na wyspie Congreso znajduje się neolityczna wioska Zafrin z V tys. p.n.e., ekspoloatowana przez archeologów od 2000 roku

Przypisy

Linki zewnętrzne
 Islas Chafarinas en Revista-ibérica
 Refugio Nacional de Caza Islas Chafarinas en web Ministerio de Medio Ambiente

Islas Chafarinas
Archipelagi Morza Śródziemnego
Wyspy Morza Alborańskiego
Wyspy Hiszpanii
Wyspy Afryki

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text:
Report: Troy Ave Among Those Shot at T.I. Concert
May 26th, 2016 by K104
Johnny Nunez/Getty ImagesTroy Ave was one of the four people shot during a T.I. headlining concert last night. The New York rapper's management tells XXL that Ave was hit in the leg and transported to a local hospital where he is currently recovering.
ABC News has reached out to Ave's management to confirm the report.
The shooting took place in a third-floor green room at New York City's Irving Plaza around 10:00 p.m. One victim was pronounced dead at New York City's Beth-Israel Hospital.
New York rappers Maino and Uncle Murda were said to be performing when the gunfire started, according to AllHipHop. At last word, T.I., Maino, and Uncle Murda are not reported to be injured or involved in the shooting.
Late last night, video of the scene at the venue at the time of the shooting surfaced on YouTube.
among concert Report those
Rihanna Pays Tribute to Nice, France Victims and Mourners During Concert Read More
Report: will.i.am Responding to Gun Violence with Where Is the Love? Remix Involving Snoop, Others Read More
Chloe x Halle to Perform During New People Now Concert Summer Series Read More
Erykah Badu to Donate Detroit Concert Proceeds to City's Rape-Kit Backlog Read More


text:
Iraq: Apparent Familial Feud Drives Illegal Evictions
Displaced Iraqis' Rights Trampled Repeatedly
(Beirut) – The Iraqi army has unlawfully evicted dozens of families from a village north of Baghdad since July 2021 in an apparent family feud involving a government minister, Human Rights Watch said today. The 91 families from al-Aetha, a village in…
Italy: Strengthen Immigration Law Protections
Parliamentary Committee Should Endorse Key Amendments
(Milan) – The Italian parliament's Constitutional Affairs Committee should endorse certain key amendments to draft immigration legislation, Human Rights Watch said today. The amendments would abolish sanctions on rescue ships, reject the concept of "…
Kurdistan Region of Iraq: Arabs Blocked From Returning
Lift Unlawful Restrictions on Thousands
(Beirut) – The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is preventing about 1,200 Arab families from returning home to 5 villages more than 6 years after the area was retaken from the Islamic State (also known as ISIS), Human Rights Watch said today. KRG…
EU/Italy: Port Closures Cut Migrant and Refugee Lifeline
States Should Allow Rescue Boats to Land, While Protecting Health
(Milan) – European governments' actions to close their ports to people rescued at sea puts lives at risk and cannot be justified on public health grounds, Human Rights Watch said today. The imperative to protect the right to health in a pandemic…
Europe: Curb Immigration Detention Amid Pandemic
Health Risks and International Law Require Safer Alternatives
(Brussels) – People in immigration detention in European countries pending deportation should be given alternatives to detention amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Human Rights Watch said today. "While entire societies learn to live under…
Italy: Halt Abusive Migration Cooperation with Libya
As Abuse Is Known, Material Assistance Makes Rome Complicit
(Milan) – The Italian government should suspend all support to the Libyan Coast Guard until Libya commits to a clear plan to fully respect migrants' safety and rights, Human Rights Watch said today. The plan should include closing…
Italy: Revoke Abusive Anti-Asylum Decrees
Draconian Migration Measures Put Lives, Rights at Risk
(Milan) – Italy's Democratic Party-Five Star Movement coalition government should revoke anti-asylum and anti-rescue measures held over from the previous government, Human Rights Watch said today. The government is expected to propose…
Iraq: Abductions Linked to Baghdad Protests
7 Missing, 2 Known Arrested
(Beirut) – At least seven people, including a boy of 16, were reported missing since October 7 from or near Baghdad's Tahrir Square, where they were participating in ongoing protests in Iraq's capital, Human Rights Watch said today.…
Kurdistan Region of Iraq: Refugees' Movements Restricted
2 Miscarriages From Lack of Hospital Access
(Beirut) - Security forces for Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) have arbitrarily imposed restrictions on movement for most residents of Makhmour refugee camp for Turkish Kurds since mid-July 2019, Human Rights Watch said today.…
Iraq: Camps Expel Over 2,000 People Seen As ISIS-Linked
Some Forced Back to Home Regions Despite Safety Threats
(Beirut) – Local authorities have forcibly expelled more than 2,000 Iraqis from camps for displaced people in Nineveh governorate since August 23, 2019, Human Rights Watch said today. Some were forced to return to their home regions,…
Iraq: Preparations to Confine Families in Camp
Women, Children With Perceived ISIS Ties to Be Transferred from Syria
(Erbil) – A local Iraqi organization managing a camp for displaced people is making preparations to unlawfully confine families scheduled to be transferred from northeast Syria, Human Rights Watch said today. The Jadah 5 camp…
Iraq: Military Enter Camp, Occupy School for 'Screening'
Displaced People Fear Arrest Over Actions of their Relatives
(Erbil) – Iraqi military have accompanied police in entering a camp for displaced people south of Mosul and started "screening" over 3,500 households there, Human Rights Watch said today. The screenings appear to include questioning…
Italy: End Curbs on Rescue at Sea
Rome Should Not Prosecute NGO Ship Captain
Update: (June 27, 2019) – As of 5:30pm local time, Italian authorities were still blocking the Sea Watch 3 from docking at the Lampedusa port, over 24 hours after they entered Italian waters. A tweet from the organization at 5:37pm…
Italy: Reject Anti-Rescue Proposals
Criminal Penalties Could Deter Saving Lives at Sea
(Milan) –The Italian government should firmly reject a proposal to fine shipmasters up to €5,500 for every person they rescue and take to Italy, Human Rights Watch said today. Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has proposed…
Iraq: Confining Families With Alleged ISIS Ties Unlawful
Reject Plan to 'Intern' Up to 280,000 Women, Children
(Baghdad) – The Iraqi government should reject a plan that would unlawfully detain families with perceived Islamic State (also known as ISIS) affiliation, Human Rights Watch said today. In early 2019, Iraq's Implementation and Follow Up National…
Libya: Migrants Forced off Ship at Libya Port
Misrata Security Forces Use Force After Rescued People Refuse to Land
(Milan) – Libyan security forces forcibly removed 79 migrants and asylum seekers on November 20, 2018 from the Panama-flagged cargo ship Nivin in the port of Misrata in Libya, after they refused to leave the ship for 10 days, Human…
Europe: Save Mediterranean Rescue Ship
Aquarius Has Saved Thousands of Lives
(Brussels) – European leaders should act quickly to help the Aquarius, the last nongovernmental search and rescue ship operating in the Mediterranean, register after its flag was withdrawn by Panamanian authorities, five…
Iraq: Displaced Families Blocked from Returning
No Security, Military Reason for Arbitrary Restrictions
(Baghdad) – Iraqi army soldiers at two checkpoints in Anbar governorate have arbitrarily prevented a group of displaced families from returning home in what appears to be an act of collective punishment, Human Rights Watch said today.…
Italy: Migrant Rescue Ship Impounded
Don't Criminalize Saving Lives
(Milan) – Italy has impounded a rescue ship and threatened criminal charges against two members of its crew and the coordinator of the organization after they refused to turn migrants over to Libyan forces, fearing that they would be abused. On…
Middle East Conflicts Spur Disastrous New Trends for Region
(Beirut) – Lawless armed conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) morphed into disastrous trends for the region in 2017, Human Rights Watch said today in releasing its 2018 World Report. "Failed leadership, failed…