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Skills Africa needs for sustainable development
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Over a billion people with 5 official working languages – Arabic, English, French, Portuguese and Swahili , will again celebrate Africa Day this year.
Op-Ed Contributor
From Addis Ababa to Durban, Lagos to Cairo, from the Sahara Dessert to the Nile River, over a billion people with 5 official working languages – Arabic, English, French, Portuguese and Swahili – will again celebrate Africa Day this year.
A day to remember, reminisce and celebrate successes recorded against the struggles for independence, freedom from apartheid and colonization. Although, with the new normal brought about by Coronavirus, the 2020 celebrations would be quite unlike previous years.
The Africa Union (Formerly OAU) has recorded good milestones in terms of political independence and self-governance. So now is a good time for Africa to reflect on our independence.
On reading the objectives of the Africa Union (AU), words like independence, territorial integrity, human rights, security, cooperation are splattered across the pages. Significantly, none of the AU objectives seeks economic autonomy for Africa or her member states. This is a fundamental flaw which speaks directly to Africa's issue of having a large population without the requisite skills for growth.
Our education is largely dependent on the western curriculum and narrative. There is hardly any major infrastructure, industrial or development project in Africa with 100% African content in manpower, materials or capital.
(READ MORE: Nigerian economy going into recession, might contract by -8.9% – Finance Minister)
It is now well established and more evident that political independence without economic independence is like a car without an engine. Economic empowerment is the nucleus of national development. No fewer than 14 West African countries currently use CFA Franc, with some having used the currency for at least 75 years. This goes beyond nameplate as the Bank of France holds half of those countries' currency reserves. This is effectively cutting their growth capacity by 50%.
8 of those 14 countries will relinquish the CFA franc for the new ECOWAS currency, ECO (to be launched in July 2020). However, there is no indication that the affected African leaders would ask France for compensation for the years of economic sabotage to their countries. The introduction of the ECO was to bring a ray of hope, but we hope the real difference would not just be in the colour of the currency. This is because the ECO will not be autonomous but would be pegged against the Euro.
France is not alone in the economic sabotage of Africa, they are in the good company of the United Kingdom, the US and Belgium, to mention a few. However, are these foreign countries to blame? Africa got her independence, but African leaders refuse to be independent and the dependent mentality is also enshrined in the AU objectives.
One of the AU objectives states "to work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent." The statement looks good superficially, but it is enlaced with aid orientation, the lack of drive for self-reliance, and a beggarly mindset.
(READ MORE: Sahara Group donates medical equipment to support fight against COVID-19)
Let us educate Africa to pursue the development of its people, with core skills that are necessary to deliver the quality of the progress and growth that Africans desire. African construction companies should make African infrastructure and 100% African content should be the target in automobile engineering, healthcare, information technology,
Necessity is said to be the mother of invention. The need for Africans to lead Africa out of poverty, tyranny and underdevelopment is a matter of great importance, far beyond just necessity. Every African must desire to get skilled, and not just education, as we currently have it. We must have the competence to develop our agriculture system, mine Africa's natural resources and add value by processing them locally.
Africa Day would only be truly worthy of celebration when African people and countries are skilled enough to accomplish our dreams of self-reliance and economic independence.
Article written by Olatunde Akintola. Olatunde is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountant of Nigeria and alumni of Manchester Business School. He writes from Lagos.
Related Topics:AfricaAfrica UnionECOWASSustainable Development
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A summer of higher food prices, limited room for monetary policy
Nigeria is facing a more fundamental supply shock, which alongside the rising transport costs is likely to drive higher food prices.
walesmit
Headline Inflation has assumed a new pattern over the last three months, primarily driven by pressures in the food basket, reflecting a shock to crop cultivation from covid-19 restrictions and border closures. In addition, more recent developments in currency markets, where the Naira has weakened, as well as the increases in petrol prices following the removal of blanket subsidies have underpinned inflationary expectations. Looking ahead, sizable increases in electricity tariffs which came into effect in September as well as continuing fuel price pressures could see inflation head towards 14% levels in Q4 2020. Given the supply-side driven nature of the inflationary bout as well as the recent pivot to unorthodox monetary policies (which include liquidity tightening measures via CRR debits) it is likely that the CBN will ignore these numbers and persist with its current stance.
Nigeria's inflation surged in August with the CPI rising 13.22% y/y (July: 12.8% y/y), the highest level since April 2018, largely driven by pressures in the food basket, where prices climbed 16% y/y (July: 15.48% y/y) while the core index (which includes energy prices) expanded by decelerated to 10.5% (July: 10.1% y/y). On a monthly basis, the inflation climbed by 1.34% over August (July: 1.25%) — the highest monthly number since June 2017.
Pressures in Food, Utilities and Transport are driving the rising inflation numbers: Disaggregating the inflation numbers, three segments stand out (Food, utilities aka Housing, Water, Electricity and Gas and Other Fuels, HWEGF and transportation) as central to the pick-up in inflation as they accounted for ~80% of the variation in the monthly CPI print. Food was central and I shall set out my thoughts on the drivers later in this report, but on the latter two, pressures are linked to pick-up in fuel prices following the removal of subsidies in March which has seen fuel prices rise by 15% over the last two months.
Figure 1: Component analysis of monthly inflation
Source: NBS, Authors Calculation
A combination of weaker farming activity, Naira weakness and covid-19 lockdowns are behind the uptrend in food inflation: Looking at food inflation, the big pressures came from the farm produce component which accounts for over 90% of food inflation. August usually marks the start of the main crop harvest season in Nigeria which peaks in September-October and as such in normal years, monthly inflation peaks in July and decelerates thereafter. However, in 2020, monthly farm produce and food inflation readings over the last three months are at levels not seen since 2017 which would suggest factors hurting the supply side. Indeed, most grain and tuber crop prices are moving towards five-year trend levels.
Figure 2: Component Analysis of Monthly Food Inflation
In 2017, my thesis then was that a sharp Naira depreciation drove heightened exports of Nigerian farm produce into the wider sub-region forcing an upward adjustment in domestic prices. In 2020, in addition to the sharp shift in the FX rate as well, the sense from reading on-ground sources like FEWSNET is that Covid-19 movement restrictions hurt the flow of labourers from neighbouring countries during planting season. Accordingly, field surveys are indicating that the area under cultivation for most grain and tuber crops is lower than levels in prior years which is pointing towards a subpar crop harvest for 2020. As such, Nigeria is facing a more fundamental supply shock, which alongside the rising transport costs is likely to drive higher food prices.
The price pressures are likely to be steep in urban centres as is evident in the spreads between rural and urban inflation which have widened since the border closures. Thus, in a departure from prior years, when regional supplies from neighbouring countries moved through the border to temper these pressures, existing blockades imply that limited relief is forthcoming. Solving the price runaway for food items clearly involves a combination of allowing targeted food imports or at least re-opening the borders to allow regional food trade flows to resume. However, Nigeria's economic managers appear to be on the other side of this fence.
Figure 3: Rural and Urban Inflation
But money supply growth has been restrained by CRR debits in the banking sector: The textbook monetary policy response to accelerating inflation is to raise interest rates to induce a shift away from consumption towards savings in a bid to force inflation to within a target level. This would pre-suppose inflation was driven by an expansion in money supply often through credit growth. A look at developments on this front would rule this out.
As at the end of July 2020, annualized growth in monetary aggregates was mixed with strong growth in M1 (+33%) and M2 (+27%) relative to M3 (+10%)[1]. The muted growth in M3 relative to the narrower measurers of M1 and M2 reflect declines in OMO bills (- 72%) after the CBN elected to proscribe non-bank domestic investors from its sterilization securities sales. This resulted in a drop in OMO bills from NGN8trillion at its peak in November 2019 to NGN3.5trillion in July 2020. As these monies flowed unhindered into the banking system, they spurred an expansion in Demand Deposits (+42% and Quasi-Money (+24%). Although these should ordinarily stoke concerns, a look at the monetary base (M0)[2] throws up evidence of how the CBN has still managed to sterilize liquidity: via the cash reserve requirements. Specifically, bank reserves have expanded at an annualized pace of 132% to NGN11trillion at the end of July or by some NGN4.8trillion – which is more than double than the quantum of growth in Naira terms in M3 (NGN2trillion). Effectively, as many have argued, the entire move to outlaw access for non-bank (and tacitly banks) was essentially targeted at zero cost liquidity sterilization. Thus while there has been growth in money supply from maturing OMO bills, the concurrent expansion in monetary base via CRR debits has effectively drained the financial system of excess liquidity.
From a more structural perspective, money supply growth is often driven by two sub-parts: net domestic assets (NDA) and net foreign assets (NFA). The CBN's use of CRR debits has ensured that NDA growth over the first seven months of 2020 has been subdued (+1.3% annualized) relative to a faster expansion in net foreign assets (+54%) following the surge in FX borrowings with the IMF loan. In simple terms, the liquidity deluge from OMO bill maturities have been managed away.
Figure 4: Growth in Money Supply
Source: CBN
So what gives?
In the near term, my suspicions are that the CBN is set to follow the global trend of ignoring the inflation numbers, which suits its 'home-grown' philosophy, that has underpinned a spate of interventions across a host of sectors. These interventions has resulted in the CBN directing credit towards certain sectors (manufacturing, renewable energy, gas-to-power, housing, agriculture etc) at single-digit interest rates in a bid to stimulate activity. In combination with the Loan-Deposit Ratio (LDR) policy as well as the arbitrary nature of the CRR debits, which are well above the 27.5% target number, the CBN has been able to force banks to boost loan volumes as a coping mechanism in the face of collapse in net interest margins from lower rates on government securities. Though sceptics remain over the efficacy of supply-side policies on stimulating production among other unorthodox policies such as offering better rates for offshore investors relative to onshore investors, the CBN's recent policy of lowering minimum savings rate has provided a strong signal of its direction: there will be no reward for risk-free anymore. Will this work or not? We will have to wait to find out. But interest rates are likely to remain lower for sometime.
And 3 more things…
Changing the definition of core inflation: Presently, Nigeria defines core inflation as headline inflation less farm produce which reflected historic stability in fuel prices due to the existence of subsidized regime. With the removal of subsidies and 30-day averaging period, fuel prices now move from month-to-month implying higher volatility. Now is the time to change the definition of core inflation to exclude farm produce and fuel in line with the theoretical meaning. Looking back, the spread between headline and the true core definition which the NBS publishes suggests maybe we should not have tightened policy as aggressive as we did in 2016-17 by focusing communication on the true core number. Economic policies should focus on more lasting structural drivers than transient one-off shocks like fuel & electricity price hikes which tend to have disinflationary base effects afterwards.
Adopting a more meaningful inflation target: In Nigeria, that target level for inflation is defined as 6-9% for the headline number. Given the weight of food inflation (55%) in the CPI numbers as well as elements without recourse to monetary policy (like fuel and electricity prices), some (including myself) have argued that the 6-9% target for headline is meaningless. In countries which pursue inflation targeting, the target is more refined with preference for demand-side inflation metrics like core inflation, wage inflation or personal consumption expenditures. Nigeria needs to adopt something similar.
Explicitly incorporating FX into Nigeria's monetary policy reaction function: In theory, the core mandate of central banks is price stability, but this does not preclude the pursuit of other objectives. In the US, the Fed has a dual mandate that explicitly includes unemployment. I believe a proper explicit mandate for the CBN is one that requires that it optimize a reaction function of price stability and an export competitive exchange rate. The price stability mandate should entail lowering some measure(s) of inflation (preferably 'core' demand side measures) towards a target band defined as conducive for consumption and welfare in Nigeria over a medium-term period set as 2-3 years. This allows to evaluate the efficacy of monetary policy and provides a good feedback loop. On the other factor, given the importance to policymakers we need to include that the CBN target a competitive exchange rate. The idea in mind is a variant of what obtains in Singapore, wherein the nominal exchange rate must coincide with a REER level that ensures that Nigeria's non-oil manufacturing exports are competitive. This way, we resolve this obsession for nominal exchange rate stability. Balancing both items and ensuring better communication are the ultimate goals for monetary policy.
Figure 5: Trends in headline and core inflation
Nigeria's high recurrent costs, low revenue and escalating debt numbers
Nigeria continues to face issues of poor revenue generation and a lack of will to efficiently manage its expenditure.
CSL Stockbrokers
In the recently released Q3 2020 debt report by the National Bureau of Statistics, the total public debt was N32.22trn as of 30 September 2020, with local debt making up 62.18% of the total public debt in the period while external debt made up 37.82%.
This is similar to the country's debt structure in the same period of 2019 when domestic debt made up 68.45% of total public debt and external debt made up 31.55%. Whilst debt to GDP ratio remains within the acceptable threshold, we are increasingly concerned about the nation's ballooning debt service to revenue ratio.
READ: U.S. budget suffers a deficit of $3.1 trillion in 2020, as pandemic slams the economy
Recall that the Federal Government of Nigeria following a series of revisions to the 2020 appropriation bill arrived at a fiscal deficit of N4.98trn. Based on the finance ministry data, an aggregation of debt monetization (N2.86trn) and New borrowings (N3.28trn) was used to finance the deficit.
READ: Heads of defaulting revenue generating agencies will be severely sanctioned – Buhari
The 2021 appropriation bill forecasts a budget deficit of N5.60tn which would be financed mainly by borrowings of N4.69tn, privatization proceeds of N205.15bn and project linked bilateral & multilateral loans of N709.69bn. The country's financing structure is of concern when one considers that the budget is tilted more towards recurrent expenditure than capital expenditure and raises questions on the sustainability of the current fiscal practices.
READ: FG directs the suspension of NIMC staff involved in extortion of NIN applicants
The significantly higher recurrent component of the budget continues to drag the country's economic growth, resulting in poor infrastructural development. Spending more on capital projects can promote industrialization, improve local purchasing power and help the federal government's diversification drive.
READ: NEM Insurance CEO/MD purchases 4 million additional shares worth N9.2 million
Nigeria continues to face issues of poor revenue generation and lack of will to efficiently manage its expenditure. No significant cuts have been made to its overheads and statutory spending has continued to rise. Nigeria's growing debt stock with little to show for it in terms of capital expenditure remains a major concern.
READ: Nigeria's total public debt stock increased by N2.381 trillion in 3 months
CSL Stockbrokers Limited, Lagos (CSLS) is a wholly owned subsidiary of FCMB Group Plc and is regulated by the Securities and Exchange Commission, Nigeria. CSLS is a member of the Nigerian Stock Exchange.
How Africa's youth contribute to the African society
The growth of technology has created an opportunity for several African youths to come up with new innovations.
Africa has been called a lot of names – dark continent, the savage, the continent of Safaris, third world, emerging market continent and more recently, Sh**hole, but it is hardly called the Continent of Youths.
It is not a secret that the youths are the future of the African continent. They are already emerging and will be the next thought leaders, creators and innovators that will help galvanize the African continent to greater heights.
According to the United Nations in 2015, Africa has 226 million youth aged 15-24 and one-fifth of the world's youth population. This means that one out of every five youth on earth is from Africa. The African Youth population is forecasted to grow by 42% by 2030. There should be a new focus on the youth in Africa, as we examine how much they contribute currently to the continent.
One area where youth are thriving well in Africa is in the tech sector. The sector has become an interesting source of Foreign Direct Investments and in 2019 accounted for close to half a billion-dollar raked into the continent. In 2020, – the Paystack/Stripes deal brought in about 200 million dollars. The growth of technology has created an opportunity for several African youths to come up with new innovations, which are even more helpful in the current fledging economic and social climate affected by the pandemic.
There are several examples of many African youths using technology to start new ventures. Mike Endale, an Ethiopian American based in Washington, D.C, who is the principal at BLEN Corp, an information technology firm that leads the Ethiopia COVID-19 Emergency Tech Volunteer Task Team and assists Ethiopia's Ministry of Health. During the pandemic, they have recruited over 1,700 software engineers and have even created an Africa COVID-19 response toolkit.
Temie Giwa-Tubosun, the founder of LifeBank in Nigeria, is another African youth making strides in the tech scene. Since its establishment in 2016, it helps to deliver 22,830 units of blood, according to Next Billion, to hospitals in Nigeria, which help connect donors to blood banks. Next Billion also stated that LifeBank conducts drive through COVID-19 testing and supply oxygen to health centers. The Lifebank recently expanded in East Africa. In December 20280, the US- Africa Business Center of the US Chamber in conjunction with the American Business Council Nigeria in recognition of the great impact of start-ups in the wake of the Pandemic, inaugurated a digital entrepreneurship competition.
African youths are also thriving in the entertainment sector, particularly in the music business. The Afrobeats genre continues to rule the music world and the likes of Burna Boy, Davido, Mr. Eazi and Omah Lay, who are still in their 20's, spearhead and remain the face of the genre. The international recognition of Afrobeats has given artists more visibility on the global forefront. This was the case for Davido, Mr. Eazi and Tiwa Savage, who were featured on the cover of the Billboard magazine. Music remains of significant importance and the youths are a big factor to the success of the industry.
In Nigeria, the music revenue grew from $26 million in 2014 to $34 million dollars in 2018, according to Statista. The music revenue in Nigeria is expected to increase to $44 million by 2023 as reported by Statista.
Africa's youth are also flying high in the area of sports, particularly in soccer. Wilfred Ndidi and Kelechi Ihenacho of Nigeria (both players at Leicester City in the English Premier League) come to mind. Also, Percy Tau, a South African soccer player, who was with R.S.C Anderlecht in Belgium, will now be returning to his parent club, Brighton & Hove Albion in the premier league. Tau plays in a forward position and he is expected to make his debut for the seagulls (Brighton & Hove Albion) in the 2020-21 season of the premier league.
Lastly, youths in Africa have also been influential on the activism forefront, especially in the last couple of years. This was evident in October of 2020, when several Nigerian youths took to the streets to fight against police brutality in the End SARS protests. In Uganda, Musicians like Bobi Wine's foray into Politics first as a parliamentarian and presidential candidate is attracting more youth to get into politics.
Other youths like Christelle Kwizera, founder of Water Access Rwanda, have been involved in helping communities with access to water. According to Global Citizen, Kwizera's plan is to eradicate water scarcity and to provide clean water for people in local communities. Currently, her organization has supplied 70,000 people in Rwanda with clean water. Kwizera's efforts earned her the Cisco Youth Leadership Award at the 2020 Global Citizen Prize.
African youths definitely have a lot to offer in several sectors and this would be vital to the growth of the continent. African governments need to understand this and invest meaningfully and in a sustainable way on the youth population to reduce the migration drain.
The enthusiasm, the work rate, and efforts are why the current children of Africa have an opportunity to be wonderful leaders of tomorrow. With the right nurturing environment in place, Africa's future is in safe hands.
Written by Paul Olele
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Roseanne Barr reacts as exit from 'The Conners' airs after her controversial sacking
Nick Reilly Oct 17, 2018 8:55 am BST
Roseanne Barr Credit: Getty
Spoiler warning...
Roseanne Barr has reacted after her exit from Roseanne spin-off The Conners was finally aired last night.
The star was sacked from the revival of the hugely popular sitcom earlier this year, after she made a series of racist comments about ex-Obama adviser Valerie Jarrett.
It led to the cancellation of her eponymous sitcom before it was subsequently announced that the show would return as The Conners, although Roseanne would be killed off.
As the show finally aired last night, it was revealed that the character died of an opiate overdose. As the rest of the characters struggle to come to terms with her death, it is revealed that Roseanne didn't die of a heart attack, as they originally believed.
Instead,they realise that she died from an accidental opioid overdose after a bottle of pills is discovered by Dan (John Goodman).
But the death has received backlash from Barr herself, who claimed that it brought a "grim and morbid" dimension to a family show.
"We regret that ABC chose to cancel Roseanne by killing off the Roseanne Conner character", she wrote in a joint statement with close friend Rabbi Shmuley Boteach.
"That it was done through an opioid overdose lent an unnecessary grim and morbid dimension to an otherwise happy family show. This was a choice the network did not have to make.
I AIN'T DEAD, BITCHES!!!!
— Roseanne Barr (@therealroseanne) October 17, 2018
"Roseanne was the only show on television that directly addressed the deep divisions threatening the very fabric of our society. Specifically, the show promoted the message that love and respect for one another's personhood should transcend differences in background and ideological discord. "
Posting on Twitter, she added: "I ain't dead, bitches."
In July, Barr gave her first interview since the sacking and insisted that she is not a "racist", but instead a "creative genius".
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Эпидемии в Азии
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Royals 'racist' rejection of Meghan Markle should have been predicted
Meghan and Harry's 2018 wedding seemed like a fairytale but the reality of being a bi-racial royal has been far from happily ever after.
Jessica Vander Leahy
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I remember my curiosity before Meghan Markle and Prince Harry's 2018 nuptials, and how I felt as a mixed raced woman sensing a significant shift in visibility coming.
I reflected on a childhood moment, during a game of Kings and Queens, where a group of white girls told me I couldn't play because I didn't have "princess hair"; my hair, thick, dark and unintentionally dreadlocked in places did not look like any of the Disney heroines.
Being mixed-raced myself — the daughter of a white Australian mother and a bi-racial Papua New Guinean father — my excitement at the thought of a bi-racial woman entering the Windsor dynasty was borderline embarrassing.
RELATED: 'Email, texts' prove Meghan's accusations
In 2018 Jessica Vander Leahy felt excitement over the thought of a bi-racial princess. Picture: Instagram.
But perhaps I should have better heeded the adage, 'Past behaviour is the best predictor of future behaviour'. Because, considering Meghan married into a 1200-year old, blue-blooded breeding program that has never openly birthed a child of colour before, we should have predicted this endemically racist institution would struggle to accept her and her offspring fully.
During their tell-all interview with Oprah Winfrey, Meghan and Harry revealed some incredibly incriminating details about racism in the British royal family, and hasn't that always been the case?
Millions worldwide watched, captivated as the Duchess of Sussex spilt the searing hot tea about her royal in-laws. Meghan, 39, spoke of the damaging toll royal life took on her mental health and how the media's incredible pressure led to a "frightening constant" thought of suicide while expecting the couple's first child, Archie.
"I just didn't want to be alive anymore," she told Oprah while reflecting on her frame of mind during her 2019 pregnancy.
And while this bombshell might have been appalling enough, it was the racist "concerns and conversations about how dark [Archie's] skin might be when he was born" that had audiences reeling.
RELATED: 'Crisis talks': How palace reacted to tell-all
Oprah Winfrey seemed shocked by Meghan and Harry's royal racism bombshells. Picture: CBS
Oprah's slack-jawed reaction pretty much summed up the sentiment of the moment. Sure, the talk show queen looked shocked at the frank revelation but was she in disbelief? I doubt it.
You see, ever since the faint whispers began to circulate about Meghan's potential to join the British monarchy — the couple met on a blind date in 2016 — the online deluge of racist hate directed toward the bi-racial Suits actress has been alarming.
The trolling was so severe, a few months into their courtship, Harry released a statement in defence of his then-girlfriend saying he "worried about Ms Markle's safety" and was "deeply disappointed" he was not able to protect her.
Meghan used the Oprah interview to shut down reports that it was Harry who opted out of Archie receiving a royal title. Instead, she said "The Firm" decided her son would not be a Prince. She explained that the fancy title wasn't her concern. Still, the added privilege of extra security protection was important, especially considering Archie would be the first mixed-race great-grandchild of Queen Elizabeth II.
"We're not saying don't make him a prince, but if you're saying the title is what's going to affect the protection, our son needs to be safe," she told Oprah.
RELATED: Clues point to real royal villain
Meghan was worried about what the protection would be for Archie. Picture: CBS
The Sussexes pleas seemed to fall on deaf ears. They claim that the lack of private and public emotional support afforded to them by their family was enough reason to be driven out of royal life.
"For the family, they very much have this mentality of, 'This is just how it is, you can't change it, we've all been through it,'" Harry told Oprah. "But what was different for me was the race element — it wasn't just about her, it was about what she represents."
All of these revelations are extremely interesting, especially given the pre-wedding hype around what Meghan's heritage would mean for a family famous for shunning genetic diversity.
We can also circle back to another (curiously tidy?) moment in the interview where Meghan spoke of Disney's Princess Ariel. Surely we all know how that romance with a Prince led the half-fish beauty to a cruel ultimatum: trade her voice for her man.
As for the palace, it has paid lip service in the form of a short statement — nothing unexpected, just erring on the side of refuting claims and saying issues would be delt with "privately".
Like Ariel, Meghan seems to have gotten her voice back. Ever since she spoke out in this interview, there's renewed fervent calls to abolish the monarchy.
So, could the first bi-racial duchess of the British royal family be the undoing of the archaic institution that rose to power on the back of a hideous history of destroying and colonising black and brown cultures the world over?
Not even Disney could have dreamt up that perfect fairytale ending.
Jessica Vander Leahy is a freelance writer and model. Have your say in the comments below.
Read related topics:Meghan Markle
Prince Andrew's Twitter account has been deleted, days after the Queen stripped him of military titles and royal patronages over an ongoing civil sex abuse lawsuit.
A reporter has put Prince William on the spot with a question about his disgraced uncle, just days after he was stripped of his royal status.
Prince Andrew's ex-girlfriend claims that Ghislaine Maxwell used her as "bait" in a shocking new doco just aired in the UK.


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Video Friday: Brown Dog Consulting
James McRitchie, 03/01/2013 ,
I recently ran across a group of cute but informative videos from Brown Dog Consulting, located near Ottawa. I'm a sucker for simple line drawn cartoons. Susan Mogensen has a great ability to boil down the message to its essence. These are short quick takes, often focusing on a single principle. Here's a hint of the type of client she's after:
Looking to escape governance dysfunction? Need your company or organization to make more progress? Want accountability and compliance, without all the red tape and frustration? Visit Brown Dog Consulting for more tips and info!
Here's a few of her recent posts. Enjoy.
A look at the root of the main problem with governance today, in response to a Jan. 24, 2013 Globe and Mail article about Bob Monks by Janet McFarland, "Storming the boardroom: Sound, fury and little else." (Report on Business section, page B8). See also, What is Governance? Opinions, ideas expressed in this video were formed and influenced by Policy Governance® principles. Policy Governance was designed by Dr. John Carver and is in use by boards of all types around the world.
Are you still playing "Mother, May I?" with your board? Here's another way. Ideas based on the thinking behind the Policy Governance system.
Basics on how to write a monitoring report when using the Policy Governance system.
Have you heard about Policy Governance, and would like to understand how it works? Looking for a way to overcome all-too-common board challenges? Policy Governance 101 is a full-day workshop presented by Brown Dog Consulting and facilitated by Susan Mogensen. See also, "What is Policy Governance?" For upcoming dates and locations, please contact Susan at 1-877-847-4552 or e-mail susan@browndogconsulting.com.
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text:
The 'Golden Rule' and Statutory Decision-Making in the Canadian Forces
A few comments on Bill C-77 …
Published by Rory at April 18, 2019
Canadian Forces National Investigation Service
CFNIS
civilian courts
courts martial
Op HONOUR
R v Beaudry
Possible Consequences of R v Beaudry, 2018 CMAC 4 – Observation #1
Over the next few weeks, and prior to the eventual judgment of the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) on the Stillman/Beaudry appeals, I will have an opportunity to explore some of the consequences – unintended or otherwise – of the Court Martial Appeal Court of Canada (CMAC) judgment in R v Beaudry, 2018 CMAC 4.
Anyone who has been following recent developments in military law and, in particular, the Code of Service Discipline, will be aware that the judgment in R v Beaudry presented a challenge for both the leadership of the Canadian Forces (CF) and, in particular, the Military Police (MP) and the Canadian Military Prosecution Service (CMPS), headed by the Director of Military Prosecutions (DMP). In September 2018, a majority of the CMAC in R v Beaudry held that paragraph 130(1)(a) of the National Defence Act[1] (NDA) was of no force or effect for offences under the Criminal Code[2] (or other Acts of Parliament) that carried a maximum punishment of 5 years or more imprisonment. The reason for this declaration was that the provision, which incorporates into the Code of Service Discipline offences under other Acts of Parliament, does not permit trial by jury. Consequently, the majority of the CMAC held that it contravened an accused's rights under section 11f of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms[3].
The judgment clearly was not without controversy. Certainly, the Chief Justice of the CMAC authored a strong dissent, notably that the Court (or, at least, the composition of that particular bench) was derogating pointedly from earlier CMAC judgments.[4] DMP also asserted that the judgment would adversely affect 40 cases that were (as of 28 September 2018) in the 'military justice system'[5]. Presumably these involved serious criminal offences.
Consequently, DMP sought before the SCC a stay of the CMAC's declaration of invalidity. I hasten to add that, at the time that this stay was sought, there were not forty courts martial scheduled that involved serious Criminal Code offences. In fact, there were not forty courts martial scheduled at that time. Perhaps DMP's assertion included investigations into serious Criminal Code offences which had been initiated, but had not yet been preferred for court martial. In any event, DMP's motion was unsuccessful.[6]
Consequently, some Criminal Code charges arising within the context of the Canadian Forces have begun to appear in the civilian criminal justice system. There are, however, some nuances regarding the 'transfer' of these matters into the civilian criminal justice system.
First, although the CMAC judgment in R v Beaudry was handed down on 19 September 2018, many of the charges arising within the CF have only started to 'arrive' in the civilian criminal justice system in the past month or two. It appears that DMP was reluctant to yield jurisdiction to the civilian justice system.[7] Perhaps he had hoped that his motion, heard by the SCC on 14 January 2019, would be successful. As I note above, it was not. A 5-judge panel dismissed the motion on the same day that it was heard.[8]
In some cases, military prosecutors have attempted to substitute prosecution of an 'offence under military law', such as 'Cruel or Disgraceful Conduct' under section 93 of the NDA. This was done by withdrawing the Criminal Code charge, laid pursuant to paragraph 130(1)(a) of the NDA, and then preferring the 'offence under military law'. That tactic has also been unsuccessful[9]. A few of the matters presently scheduled for court martial include charges of 'Cruel or Disgraceful Conduct'[10]; however, the information on the Chief Military judge's website does not disclose whether these charges for 'Disgraceful Conduct' were 'post-Beaudry' substitutions for Criminal Code charges that had been laid earlier. There also remain courts martial on the 'court martial calendar' which include Criminal Code charges laid pursuant to paragraph 130(1)(a) of the NDA. Perhaps DMP hopes for that he will be successful before the SCC. (On a tangential note, back when I was an infantry officer, I was taught: 'hope is not a planning method').
Some charges of sexual assault, contrary to section 271 of the Criminal Code, which were either previously laid pursuant to paragraph 130(1)(a) of the NDA, or which otherwise likely would have been laid pursuant to this provision, are now arising in civilian courts. In select cases, it appears that the prior charge, laid several months previously under the Code of Service Discipline, has been withdrawn by the Canadian Forces National Investigation Service (CFNIS) and a Criminal Code charge was subsequently laid by way of information brought before a civilian court of criminal jurisdiction.
As I understand it, in some of these cases, civilian Crown Attorneys have elected to proceed with a prosecution; in others, the civilian prosecutors have chosen to withdraw the charges, presumably because there was not a reasonable prospect of conviction. (It would be difficult to conceive of a circumstance in which a civilian prosecutor would conclude that there was a reasonable prospect of conviction, but it was not in the public interest to proceed with the prosecution of a serious criminal offence such as sexual assault).
Furthermore, in select circumstances, in which the civilian prosecutor has elected not to proceed with a charge transferred to the civilian criminal justice system, it appears that military authorities have then elected to proceed with prosecution of an offence 'under military law', such as the aforementioned 'Cruel or Disgraceful Conduct'. This is being accomplished by re-laying and re-preferring a charge under the Code of Service Discipline. It will be interesting to see if applications arise alleging abuse of process.
Certainly, at present, it appears that an increasing number of allegations that would have been prosecuted under the Code of Service Discipline prior to September 2018 (or, perhaps more accurately, prior to February 2019) are now being prosecuted under the civilian criminal justice system.
One of the, perhaps unexpected, consequences of this shift in process is that Military Police investigations into such allegations might proceed more quickly than the laconic pace that characterizes many of the investigations that have been prosecuted under the Code of Service Discipline over the past few years. In light of the CF preoccupation with Op HONOUR and sexual misconduct, perhaps an informal examination of sexual assault investigations would prove a useful comparator.
Since the initiation of Op HONOUR-related action by various CF stakeholders, there has been a noticeable increase in both administrative and disciplinary action arising from allegations that can be characterized as 'Op HONOUR-related misconduct'. As I have described in previous blogs, much of the administrative decision-making affecting the rights, interests, and privileges of respondents of Op HONOUR-related accusations is not readily visible to people interested in military justice, or the public at large. This is because the decisions and actions by CF decision-makers in those circumstances constitutes personal information of the affected respondents. Personal information is protected under the Privacy Act[11]; thus, the consequences are not made public. While this protects the personal information of the affected CF member, it also ensures little or no public scrutiny of the relevant CF decision-making processes.
The decision-making apparatus under the Code of Service Discipline is more public. Those of us interested in the impact of this decision-making will have access to some aspects of decision-making, including the judgments of courts martial (and appellate courts). I note that the decisions of presiding officers at summary trial, which constitutes more than 90% of decision-making under the Code of Service Discipline[12], is not nearly so visible. Nevertheless, decisions at summary trial tend to involve less serious matters.
What is remarkable is that Military Police investigations into sexual assault appear to take much, much longer than similar investigations by civilian police forces. Allegations of sexual assault that are investigated by the Military Police are investigated by the Canadian Forces National Investigation Service (CFNIS), which has, as its mandate: "…to investigate serious and sensitive matters in relation to National Defence property, DND employees and CF personnel serving in Canada and abroad … regardless of rank or status."[13] This unit has seven permanent detachments and members of the CFNIS "… are selected from fully trained, experienced Military Police members who have completed various Military Police training and worked for at least one tour of duty as a Military Police in a Base or Wing before applying to become an investigator with the CFNIS. After selection, they are submitted to specialized training depending on their positions and also have to complete a one-year internship before operating as a full-fledged investigator."[14] Presumably, then, they tend to represent many of the best investigators under the command of the Canadian Forces Provost Marshal.
Consequently, it is difficult to understand why investigations into matters such as sexual assault tend to take up to 10 times longer than similar investigations conducted by civilian police forces.
Granted, I have not (yet) conducted extensive statistical research and analysis into the duration of civilian and Military Police investigations. I suspect that it would be a challenge to obtain the necessary data to do so. What I do know is that, in my experience, Military Police investigations into offences such as sexual assault, regularly take between 9 and 12 months (if not longer) to complete prior to the laying of a charge under the Code of Service Discipline. And these are often not complex investigations. Typically, they involve the interview of a complainant, between one and four additional witnesses, and perhaps the subject of the investigation if he (or she) is imprudent enough to provide a cautioned interview with the Military Police.
Granted, sometimes the witnesses may be located at different bases, requiring investigators to travel long distances to interview the witnesses. However, the CFNIS benefits from robust budgets for 'Temporary Duty' and the availability of commercial airlines. Frankly, most of the interviews with witnesses are conducted within the first 6 to 8 weeks of an investigation. Nevertheless, charges are often not laid under the Code of Service Discipline for several months, or even in excess of a year.
In comparison, investigations of similar complexity conducted by civilian police forces – again, in my general experience – are completed, and charges are laid, within 4 to 6 weeks. Even allowing for the fact that civilian police investigators generally have the advantage of not having to travel extensively to interview witnesses, there is a remarkably significant dissonance between the duration of civilian and military investigations. The pressing question is: why?
I suspect that one of the reasons lies with the significant difference between the control that the civilian justice system exercises over those people brought within its jurisdiction, and the much greater control that CF authorities exercise over 'persons subject to the Code of Service Discipline'.[15]
Typically, if the civilian criminal justice system is going to exercise coercive powers over a person believed to have committed a serious criminal offence, the person must first be brought under the jurisdiction of the courts. A common means of doing so arises when a person is charged under the relevant legislative regime (e.g. the Criminal Code), such as by way of an information sworn by a civilian peace officer and laid before the court, and when an accused is compelled to appear before a judge or justice either by a 'Promise to Appear'[16] or by being arrested by the police. Where a person is arrested by the police and not released pursuant to an undertaking to an 'Officer in Charge'[17], that person may eventually be released by a judge or justice subject to conditions of a judicial interim release order[18]. While there are exceptions to the general rule, within the civilian criminal justice system, a person must usually first be charged with an offence before they are arrested and then made subject to conditions for release.
The same is not true under the Code of Service Discipline.
If a person subject to the Code of Service Discipline is suspected of committing a code of service discipline offence, he or she can be arrested (without warrant) by the Military Police[19] (or even a superior who is not a member of the Military Police[20]). That person can be held until released under conditions by a Custody Review Officer (CRO).[21] If a CRO refuses to release the CF member, he or she has a right to be brought before a military judge for a military equivalent to a show cause hearing.[22]
Charges are to be laid expeditiously.[23]
Some are laid more expeditiously than others.
The principal factor I wish to highlight is that a CF member can be arrested long before a charge is laid under the Code of Service Discipline, and this is not an uncommon occurrence. Thankfully, I understand that the frequency with which Military Police will arrest CF members simply in order to question them is markedly lower than when I first became a legal officer.
Often, when CF members are arrested on suspicion of committing a Code of Service Discipline offence, the arrest occurs fairly early in the investigative process. Consequently, the CF member will be subject to 'release conditions' for several months before a charge is even laid.
Even if the CF member is not arrested during the investigative stage, his or her chain of command exercises much more coercive control over the CF member than a civilian employer exercises over an employee. Where a civilian is arrested and charged by civilian police, most civilian employers will concern themselves only with factors that directly bear on the employee's status. CF leadership are much more intimately involved in a CF member's life. Where the 'chain of command' is aware of a complaint made against one of their subordinates, they will often take significant restrictive administrative action against the CF member, including relieving them of performance of military duty[24], or taking administrative steps to achieve the same result, but without actually relying on express regulatory powers. There is a broad panoply of powers upon which CF leadership can rely to impose coercive constraints on subordinates. These actions can be predicated upon a broad spectrum of 'justifications', ranging from such audacious acts as daring to wear jeans in public[25] to much more serious wrong-doing.
These decisions will typically be justified by the fact that the CF member is either the subject of a Military Police or disciplinary investigation or has been accused of some form of misconduct. A CF member is not permitted to have these administrative decisions reviewed by a court in the same way that a CRO's refusal to release a detained CF member may be reviewed by a military judge, or that bail conditions may be reviewed by a judge of the Superior Court. A CF member must first grieve such administrative decisions; however, that process could take several months, or even years. As slow as the Code of Service Discipline process is, the grievance process can often be much slower.
Thus, a CF member who is accused of a Code of Service Discipline offence (which, prior to the judgment in R v Beaudry, included sexual assault and other serious offences under the Criminal Code arising in Canada) could be subject to restrictive release conditions under the Code of Service Discipline and/or restrictive administrative conditions for several months before a charge is even laid under the Code of Service Discipline.
Then, once the charge is laid, it could take 3 to 9 months for a charge to be preferred by a prosecutor acting under the direction of DMP.
Where a charge is sufficiently serious to require a court martial, or when an accused elects court martial (in order to benefit from the procedural protections that this process affords him or her) several steps must then be followed. The accused's commanding officer must apply to a referral authority to have the matter referred to DMP.[26] While this is a fairly straight-forward process, and a commanding officer has the benefit of assistance from the unit legal advisor, this process typically takes one to three months from the date that an accused elects court martial or the decision is made that the matter should proceed to court martial. However, the staffing of such requests could be completed in a couple of weeks (or less), if it were given greater priority.
Once the file arrives at the referral authority (either a commander of a command, or a commander of a formation who has the powers of a commander of a command[27]) that officer must then choose whether to refer the charge(s) to DMP[28]. The referral to DMP can take another one to three months. Again, the referral authority also has the benefit of a legal advisor from the Office of the JAG. And, again, if it were given sufficient priority, the staffing of the referral could be completed in a couple of weeks, or less.
Perhaps the staffing of the application and referral are not expedited because the CF leadership have already concluded that the accused is guilty and, therefore, does not merit a timely process. Perhaps, where the accused dares to elect trial by court martial, the chain of command is less-than-motivated to ensure that the court martial referral process is as swift as summary justice would have been. Or, perhaps there is little incentive for a more timely referral process, since there has not been much pointed criticism of these delays when matters are eventually heard before military judges.
Then DMP will assign the matter to a prosecutor, who conducts a charge screening. This can take anywhere from a month to six months. Once the charge screening is done, the prosecutor will 'prefer' a charge on behalf of DMP. This may be the same charge that was laid against the CF member several months earlier, or, the prosecutor may prefer a different or additional charges.[29] This 'preferral' will then precipitate the convening of a court martial by the Court Martial Administrator.[30]
Often, the accused's defence counsel will receive disclosure only after the charge is preferred. And remember: at this stage in the process, three, six, or even nine months or more may have transpired since the charge was laid. And the accused may have been subject to restrictive release conditions or administrative restrictions for several months, or even more than a year, before the charge was even laid.
And what makes the delay at the 'charge screening' stage peculiar is that, if the charge arises from a CFNIS investigation, this is not the first time that a prosecutor from the Canadian Military Prosecution Service has reviewed the investigation.
One reason that CFNIS investigations appear to take so long is that, once the investigation is concluded, it is typically sent to a military prosecutor for 'pre-charge screening' – the prosecutor will review the CFNIS investigation and proposed charge(s) and to provide legal advice on both. Thus, where the charge is a serious accusation (i.e. one investigated by the CFNIS), by the time the charge is preferred by DMP, it has actually been screened by two different prosecutors at two different stages in the process.
While the charge referral and preferral process under the Code of Service Discipline is hardly the 'poster child' for prosecutorial efficiency or a timely disciplinary process, the present blog article is focused on how proceeding in the civilian justice system may actually lead to more efficient and timely Military Police investigations.
I suggest that one of the reasons that CFNIS investigations into alleged serious criminal misconduct (such as sexual assault) take so long is that, prior to referring a file to the Canadian Military Prosecution Service for the first of two screenings, and prior to laying any charges, the CFNIS will first ensure that every investigative avenue is completed, including the execution of any search warrants and the technical or scientific examination of the fruits of such search and seizure. Charges are not laid under the Code of Service Discipline as soon as the CFNIS has sufficient evidence to justify the laying of a charge; rather, charges are only laid once the entire investigation is concluded in its entirety, even if it takes a year or longer.
In some cases, it may truly be necessary to delay the laying of charges until the results of certain avenues of investigation are completed. However, that is not always the case.
Again, discussion of investigations into alleged sexual assault can offer a useful practical example, as there have been many such investigations since the initiation of Op HONOUR. Often, these investigations will turn principally on statements from the complainant and, perhaps one or two other witnesses. The subject of the investigation may, or may not, offer a statement to Military Police investigators. Typically, these statements are gathered in the first 4 to 8 weeks of an investigation. The CFNIS may seek corroboration of these statements through digital media such as e-mails, mobile phone text messages, or other communication. The Military Police may even get DNA warrants or other search warrants. However, just as with investigations of civilians by civilian police, the principal evidence is typically obtained from statements by witnesses.
It is not unusual for such prosecutions to turn on the issue of consent. While ancillary evidence may be useful for some aspects of a prosecution, any eventual prosecution often turns on what the complainant and accused have to say.
When civilian police face such investigations, they, too, might seek corroborating evidence such as DNA samples or digital communication. The difference is that they typically seek this corroborating evidence after the subject has been charged, based upon the initial evidence that they gather. In so doing, the civilian police make use of concurrent activity: while the prosecutorial process is pursued following the laying of a charge, the civilian police continue to gather corroborating evidence, and this is disclosed as part of the Crown's ongoing disclosure obligations to the defence. This leads to prosecutorial efficiency.
I find it unusual that the civilian criminal justice system makes greater and more efficient use of the concept of 'concurrent activity' than does the military disciplinary process. 'Concurrent activity' is one of the fundamental principles of battle procedure and the operational planning process taught throughout the CF. However, it appears that military investigators could learn a thing or two about battle procedure from their civilian counterparts.
One of the reasons why civilian justice stakeholders, such as civilian police and prosecutors, make use of concurrent activity is that they must do so. If they wish to assert some level of control over the subject of a criminal investigation, they must typically first lay a charge against that person, in order to bring the accused within the jurisdiction of the courts. Thus, once they have sufficient evidence to support a reasonable belief to lay a charge and a reasonable prospect of conviction, they will tend to act. They are also aware of the need to act in a timely and efficient manner. Any subsequent delay will become increasingly relevant to the accused right under section 11 b of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to be tried within a reasonable time.[31]
Stakeholders in the Code of Service Discipline have traditionally had the luxury of a more coercive and controlling context. Therefore, they have not had the same incentives to be more efficient and more timely with their investigations of serious criminal misconduct. They are able to front-load delay before a charge is laid, knowing that section 11b of the Charter applies solely to 'post-charge delay' and that pre-charge delay is only relevant in the broader concept of abuse of process, where it is rare for pre-charge delay to have a marked negative impact on a prosecution.[32] Courts, particularly courts martial, are reluctant to conduct close scrutiny of pre-charge delay and other exercises of investigative and prosecutorial discretion absent a clear indication of jeopardy to the fairness of the court's process. I suggest that there is more than a hint of impunity in the lengthy pre-charge delay that is a common occurrence in CFNIS investigations into what are, objectively, simple investigations.
CF decision-makers will be intuitively aware that they exercise much greater control over the day-to-day lives of their subordinates, when compared to civilian employers. Moreover, judges presiding at courts martial will be reluctant to examine what are characterized as 'administrative decisions' by 'military employers', even though these employers exercise markedly more coercive authority over their non-contractual employees, and their decisions are often directly related to the disciplinary process that gives rise to both the CFNIS investigation and the eventual court martial.
Now that military authorities are generally prohibited from prosecuting serious Criminal Code allegations under the Code of Service Discipline and that such charges must generally proceed in the civilian criminal justice system, it is possible that CFNIS investigations will be pursued much more quickly.
In order to bring a CF member within the civilian criminal justice system in a timely manner (in order to subject the accused to onerous release conditions), charges will have to be laid much earlier than they are in the Code of Service Discipline. The CFNIS will either have to conclude their investigations more quickly or, as will likely be the case, they will be obliged to lay a charge or charges once they have sufficient evidence to do so, and will have to accept the requirement to conduct concurrent investigative activity once the criminal justice process is initiated. They will no longer have the luxury of 'front-loading' delay as 'pre-charge delay'.
Equally, the accused will not have to wait six months or more for the preferral process to run its course and to finally receive disclosure. Instead, the accused will likely have their first appearance set in the civilian criminal justice system within a month of a charge being laid and the 'Jordan clock' starts to tick. There will now be an incentive for timely disclosure and timely resolution of the process that appears to be largely absent under the process established under the NDA.
If the SCC upholds some or all of the judgment in R v Beaudry, one of the tangential, and perhaps unanticipated, consequences might just be more efficient Military Police investigations.
[1] RSC 1985, c N-5 [NDA].
[2] RSC 1985, c C-46.
[3] Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part 1 of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11 [Charter].
[4] R v Beaudry, 2018 CMAC 4, paras 84 to 88.
[5] Lee Berthiaume, "Court ruling raises questions about future of Canada's military justice system", (Globe and Mail, September 28, 2018): https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-bombshell-court-ruling-raises-questions-about-future-of-canadas/.
[6] R v Beaudry, 2019 SCC 2.
[7] Murray Brewster, "Supreme Court Rejects bid to block court ruling that left dozens of military prosecutions in limbo", (CBC News, Jan 14, 2019): https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/beaudry-military-justice-supreme-court-1.4977510.
[8] R v Beaudry, 2019 SCC 2, per Gascon J: "We are all of the view that the Crown's motion to stay the declaration of invalidity in the Court Martial Appeal Court judgment of September 19, 2018, should be dismissed. The applicable criteria set out in Manitoba (Attorney General) v Metropolitan Stores Ltd., 1987 CanLII 79 (SCC), [1987] 1 SCR 110, and RJR — MacDonald Inc. v Canada (Attorney General), 1994 CanLII 117 (SCC), [1994] 1 SCR 311, are not in dispute. The Crown has failed in our view to establish that the balance of convenience favours granting the stay sought. The motion is therefore dismissed."
[9] R v Spriggs, 2019 CM 4002. However, DMP, on behalf of the Minister, is presently appealing that decision.
[10] Office of the Chief Military Judge, Upcoming Court Martial Proceedings (as at April 15, 2019): https://www.canada.ca/en/chief-military-judge/services/upcoming-courts-martial.html.
[11] RSC 1985, c P-21.
[12] According to the Annual Reports of the Judge Advocate General over the past several years, summary trials before presiding officers consistently represent more than 90% of trials under the Code of Service Discipline: https://www.canada.ca/en/department-national-defence/corporate/reports-publications/military-law.html.
[13] National Defence and the Canadian Armed Forces, "The Canadian Forces National Investigation Service", Backgrounder (December 12, 2008) Archived: http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/news/article.page?doc=the-canadian-forces-national-investigation-service/hnps1u2k.
[15] Technically, there are rare circumstances in which civilians may be subject to the Code of Service Discipline pursuant to paragraphs 60(1)(e), (f), (g), (h), (i), or (j) of the NDA. However, the focus of this Blog article will be on officers and non-commissioned members of the CF.
[16] Criminal Code, n 2, s 501.
[17] Ibid, ss 498 and 499.
[18] Ibid, s 515.
[19] NDA, n 1, s 156.
[21] Ibid, ss 158.1 to 158.6.
[24] Queen's Regulations and Orders for the Canadian Forces (QR&O) arts 19.75 and 101.09.
[25] David Pugliese, "Royal Military College punishes entire corps of officer cadets because some wore jeans off campus", (National Post, March 2, 2018): https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/royal-military-college-punishes-entire-corps-of-officer-cadets-because-some-wore-jeans-off-campus.
[26] QR&O, n 24, art 109.03.
[28] NDA, n 1, s 164.2; ibid, art 109.05.
[29] For greater detail, see QR&O, n 24, chapter 110.
[31] R v Jordan, 2016 SCC 27.
[32] R v Hunt, 2017 SCC 25, rev'g 2016 NLCA 61.


text:
Special Events Archive
Clifford Adelman, Ph.D.
Title line one
Senior Associate, Institute for Higher Education Policy
Clifford Adelman, Ph.D., a senior associate with the Institute for Higher Education Policy (IHEP) since October 2006, plays a senior role in the organization's expansive national and international portfolio of research projects focusing on assessment, higher education access, and student mobility. He also expands upon subjects that have been a focus throughout much of his career including degree completion rates, standardized testing, transfer patterns, and the role of community colleges.
Prior to coming to the Washington, D.C.-based IHEP, Adelman served nearly 30 years as a senior research analyst at the U.S. Department of Education. Adelman contributed to key background studies of the high school curriculum to the landmark, A Nation at Risk (1983) report; and designed the higher education follow-up to that report, Involvement in Learning (1984), which served as a platform for the assessment movement in higher education over the following decade. During his tenure at the Department of Education, he authored several studies that served as benchmarks in education and set agendas for policymakers.
Before working in the government, Adelman served in academia as an administrator and educator. He has held positions at City College of New York, Roosevelt University, William Paterson College of New Jersey, and Yale University. Additionally, he is the author of three commercially published books, and a member of various education-focused committees. Adelman holds a bachelor's degree from Brown University as well as master's and doctorate degrees from the University of Chicago.


Tickets are NON-REFUNDABLE and NON-EXCHANGEABLE. You must PRINT your ticket purchases online! We cannot re-print your tickets at the door.
AGE RECOMMENDATION: Ages 4 and up.
For the consideration of all patrons, children on laps and/or babes in arms are not permitted at a South Lyon East Production.
Click here for the Group Sales Ticket Order Form.
If leaving a message to inquire about group sales, please be sure to include your name, telephone number, performance date, and number of tickets desired.


Formerly the Susquehanna Super Hike and Ultra Trail Run.
The 25k and 50k Trail Challenge will take place in York and Lancaster Counties on Saturday, September 7, 2019.
KTA's annual international hiking trip, sponsored by Treks and Trails International.
The 3rd Annual Quehanna Elk Quest will take place September 28-30th. Join KTA for a great adventure!
October 12-14, join KTA for a weekend of hiking, exploring, and relaxing in beautiful Williamsport! Featuring hikes on the Loyalsock Trail, Old Loggers Path, World's End State Park, the Loyalsock Creek Watershed (PA's 2018 River of the Year), and more!
Back by popular demand, KTA will be offering the Black Forest Trail Slackpack on October 26-29, 2018. Participants will thruhike this challenging, but rewarding 42-mile loop leading through and above the west side of Pine Creek Gorge, in 4 days, without pitching a tent.
Join KTA November 2-4, 2018 as we hike back in time in historic Gettysburg, PA. Lodging, meals, and guided battlefield hikes are all included!
The annual 100-Mile Trail Challenge recognizes hikers that complete 100 miles or more of eligible Pennsylvania hiking trails between September 1 and August 31. Participants are encouraged to collect sponsorships to raise $1 per mile.
At KTA's booth at the Wildwood Park Wetlands Festival on April 25, 2015, in Harrisburg, we launched a new program aimed at engaging youth in hiking and the outdoors: the KTA Kids Trail Ambassador Program.
What is a KTA Hiking Weekend?
We organize a weekend from breakfast to bonfire, introduce trails to anyone who's interested but isn't sure how to start hiking, introduce new trails to anyone who thinks they've hiked them all, and everyone in between.
Join us October 13-15 at Wesley Forest Camp and Retreat, Weikert, PA. Co-hosted by the Mid State Trail Association.
A two part series enabling day hikers to take the next step into the world of backpacking in Penn's Woods.
On Saturday, April 22, 2017, KTA hosted the first ever Trail Care 101 at Whipple Dam State Park. The workshop was designed to prepare participants that want to try Trail Care, but might not have Trail Care background.
April 13-15, KTA hosted a weekend of beautiful hiking in historic Jim Thorpe, PA!
On May 11-14, 2018 participants will thruhike this challenging, but rewarding 42-mile loop leading through and above the west side of Pine Creek Gorge, in 4 days, without pitching a tent.
Get ready for a hiking experience like no other. Enjoy the history, culture, and beauty, both natural and man-made, of Philadelphia.
The Keystone Trails Association was scheduled to host the 15th Annual Prowl the Sproul Hiking Weekend from July 27 to July 29, 2018 in the beautiful Sproul State Forest of western Clinton County.


text:
Seasonal Norwegian Service from New York to Athens and Chicago to Barcelona
Download: Printable PDF Date: 15 Feb 2019 11:29 categories:
Dana Ermolenko
Aircraft: Airplanes
Norwegian will introduce new nonstop service from New York to Athens and Chicago to Barcelona for the 2019 summer season.
Service from Chicago's O'Hare International Airport to Barcelona-El Prat Airport begins June 7, 2019; and service from John F. Kennedy International Airport to Athens International Airport begins July 2, 2019. Both new routes will be summer seasonal until October 26, 2019.
"Norwegian is fully committed to the United States and have answered our passengers' growing demand for more destinations from both New York City and Chicago. Already serving most of Europe's top destinations, Athens is an exciting addition to our transatlantic route network. Barcelona, which we added two and half years ago from the U.S, is performing so well that we are adding both a new route, from Chicago, and increasing frequencies from both New York City and Los Angeles," said Matthew Wood, SVP of Commercial Long Haul and New Markets for Norwegian.
"Greece is a top holiday destination and Norwegian's exciting announcement allows for more Americans to experience all the magic that Greece has to offer. This news is a response to our call for enhancing air connectivity between Greeceand the United States and we thank Norwegian for answering the demand. We welcome Norwegian to Greece and expect this new route to contribute in the growing numbers of tourists to our country," said Elena Kountoura, the Minister of Tourism of the Hellenic Republic.
The new Athens service from New York JFK will operate four times a week, with fares from $159.90 in Economy and $669.90 in Premium one way, including taxes. With Athens, Norwegian now offers 13 European nonstop destinations from the New York City area this summer. Since July 2018, Norwegian is the largest non-North American airline to serve the New York City area, based on passenger numbers, according to data from the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey.
The new Barcelona service from Chicago will operate four times per week, with fares starting at $199.90 in Economy and $669.90 in Premium one way, including taxes. Additionally, Norwegian will increase the frequencies of its highly successful Barcelona route to daily service from Newark Liberty International Airport, while the Los Angeles to Barcelonaservice will increase to six flights weekly. In total, Norwegian now offers five nonstop routes to Barcelona from the United States: Chicago; Fort Lauderdale; New York City/Newark; Los Angeles; and Oakland/San Francisco.
Norwegian operates one of the world's youngest and greenest fleets, and has been named the Most Fuel-Efficient Airline on Transatlantic Routes by the International Council on Clean Transportation twice. These new routes will be operated by Boeing 787 Dreamliners, offering a Premium and Economy cabin. Premium includes a dedicated check-in counter, fast track security, wide recliner seats with more legroom than any other airline's premium economy, premium meals and select drinks, as well additional checked-in luggage and CashPoints. Premium Flex ticket holders can also enjoy lounge access.
All flights are available at Norwegian.com/us, and to find the most affordable fares, go to the low fare calendar. Passengers on all of Norwegian's routes are eligible to join Norwegian Reward, the airline's award-winning loyalty program and can earn CashPoints every time they fly, book a hotel or rent a car. In 2018, Norwegian Reward was named Program of the Year Europe and Africa for the second consecutive year.
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Boeing and BBAM Limited Partnership announced the lessor is expanding its 737-800 Boeing Converted Freighter fleet with six firm orders and six options. The agreement brings BBAM's 737...
Six Fearless Forecasts set for 2021 including the expected growth in aircraft leasing to finance airline fleet renewal
Avolon issued its 2021 outlook paper titled 'Looking to Recovery'. The paper reviews the key trends in the aviation industry for airlines, manufacturers, and lessors, identifying...
EASA certification for Curtiss-Wright & Honeywell 25-Hour cockpit recorder
Curtiss-Wright Corporation and Honeywell announced that their 25-hour Cockpit Voice Recorder (CVR) developed for the air transport market has received EASA Technical Standard Order cert...
IL-114-300 continued Flight Test Program
Within the plan of the flight test program, the new flight of the Il-114-300 regional turboprop passenger aircraft took place. The developer of the aircraft is the Ilyushin Aviation Complex (the head...


text:
Q: How to catch database error in codeigniter when there is an error in deleting? I want to customize or handle the query error delete in codeigniter but the problem is it doesn't work.
How do I handle it using try catch or if else statements?
Controller:
public function delete($id){
    $this->load->model('m_customer_info');
    $delete=$this->m_customer_info->delete_data($id);

    $this->get_all_customers();
}

Model:
public function delete_data($id){
    $delete="delete from member where idno='$id'";

    try{
        $this->db->query($delete);
    }
    catch(Exception $e)
    {
        echo "<script>alert('Cannot delete because it is a club officer')</script>";
    }

    /*if($delete==true){
        $this->db->query($delete);
    }
    else
        echo "<script>alert('Cannot delete because it is a club officer')</script>";
    */
}

A: In Model
public function delete_data($id){

    $this->db->where('idno', $id);
    if (!$this->db->delete('member')) {
        # Delete Failed
        return false;
    }
    else{
        # delete Sucess
        return true;
    }
}

In Controller
public function delete($id)
{
    $this->load->model('m_customer_info');
    $delete = $this->m_customer_info->delete_data($id);
    if ($delete == false) {
        echo "Delete Failed";
    }
    else{
        $this->get_all_customers();
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


It can be awkward when your designer says they want to work directly in code. You want to protect the high quality of your front-end layer, but you don't want to seem territorial or untrusting. You fear saying yes, at the risk of watching your carefully organized files fill up with sloppy and untested code. How can you give access while still maintaining standards?
End goal isn't: All designers do production-ready code. (If so, yay!) End goal is: Designers understand the medium. Can do prototypes, etc.
For you younglings who think this is obvious, let me regale you with a tale of how things were in the bad old days. Your designer would hand you a Photoshop file with 700 unlabelled layers for a site design much wider than the most common screen resolution. ("Looks great on my macbook!") Even though you never had the opportunity to review it for technical feasibility, the comp was already approved by the client, and there's no budget to make any changes.
You would curse their name, and proceed with the work of adapting their unrealistic design to the hard realities of the browser. Layouts would shift, font rendering would be different, and compromises would be made. You'd do everything you could, but at the end of the day, what they asked for was unrealistic. Then the designers would complain about how the developers messed up their perfect design, and everyone would be irritated.
Well, those days of carefully siloed skillsets are long-gone, and good riddance. Today's developers are familiar with design techniques like grid systems and adaptive layouts, while designers are as likely to deliver a CSS file as a photoshop comp. Some of the designers I've worked with lately are as excited as I am about new front-end techniques like responsive images, HTML5 form enhancements, and flexbox layouts.
And that's fantastic! Trust me, a designer who understands the constraints of the medium is much easier to work with than one who doesn't. If they want to design directly in the browser, or craft a Sass mixin, you should encourage that.
But there is a problem that can arise when designers write their own front-end code. They don't usually have the same depth of knowledge about browser support, best practices, or standards that you do.
At the end of the day, this is where a skilled front-end developer shines. Anyone can write CSS. The mark of a true professional is producing reliable, maintainable, performant, and accessible code. You have spent the past N years diving deep. You're a specialist. Your designer is also a specialist, but they don't have your domain knowledge.
That's why I explain to our designers that while I'm excited for them to work directly in the browser, it's my responsibility to maintain the high quality of our front-end layer. As such, I may need to modify their code to match our industry's best practices.
Conversely, I understand that they are responsible for bringing high quality design to our product, and I will respect their decisions. I won't make changes to a design without consulting them and explaining why I think it should be altered.
Just as siloing domain knowledge strictly between designers and developers didn't work, neither will letting everyone write code with no oversight. Clearly defined responsibilities allow everyone to use the best tools for the job and ensure everyone's work is held to the highest standard.
Trust your designer, but review their code.
Do Siegel's Seven Deadly Sins Hold Up?


text:
The 80 Aces
by Andrew Tijs on July 21, 2012
Check out three catchy pop-rock numbers from Warrnambool act The 80 Aces.
The quartet from the Victorian coast have been honing their pop-rock-grunge-funk melange for years, culminating in their most recent, ultra-catchy EP 'Dollars'.
Here Jade, Matt and Kyle perform their earlier single 'I Am Trying to Read Your Mind' as well as new tune 'We're Never Going Home' and their latest single 'Magic Shoes'.
Tagged as: grunge, I Am Trying to Read Your Mind, Magic Shoes, pop, rock, The 80 Aces, We're Never Going Home
Pearl Jam To Release 11th Album Gigaton In March
Pearl Jam have announced the release of their 11th album 'Gigaton' is coming in March. (Ummm, a March release? How every SXSW of them).
Nirvana 'Smells Like Teen Spirit' Reaches 1 Billion YouTube Views
Nirvana's 'Smells Like Teen Spirit' has passed the benchmark one billion views on YouTube.
Magic Dirt To Reissue 1994 EP 'Life Was Better' In 2020
Magic Dirt's second EP 'Life Was Better' will be reissued in January 2020.
Stone Temple Pilots Debut 'Fare Thee Well' Ahead of Australian Tour
Stone Temple Pilots are preparing fans for their 2020 acoustic album 'Perida' with a preview of the first track 'Fare Thee Well'.
Greg Dulli of Afghan Whigs To Release Second Solo Album
Afghan Whigs frontman Greg Dulli has revealed he has been working on a solo album due to hit your ears in February.
Violent Soho Are Back With A New Single
If you have missed Violent Soho's unashamedly-influenced-by-the-90s guitar pop-rock, don't fret! They're back with an exciting new tune.
Neil Young Slips The Mountaintop Trailer Out Before Theatre Premiere
Neil Young has uploaded a trailer for his new movie 'Mountaintop' before the film head to cinemas around the world this week.


Born in the Bronx, Showdown moved to North Carolina in 1990, writing songs and producing music. Showdown has worked as a DJ everywhere from North Carolina to Los Angeles, Kansas City, Baltimore, and New York City. In fact, he worked for Los Angeles' 100.3 (The Steve Harvey show) before joining 102 JAMZ.
His work with radio stations and industry recording artists inspired him to become involved in the business side of music. He has had the chance to work with some of the industry's premier producers, namely Eli Davis, J.M. Jacobs, and Skibeats. These producers have worked with artists like Anthony Hamilton, Jay-Z, and P-Diddy. Showdown taught himself how to create his own music, and has produced records for Gucci Mane, 50 Cent, T.I.P., Waka Flocka, Ludacris, Jermaine Dupri, DJ UNK, Ace Hood, and Papoose. Radio has allowed Showdown to explore other avenues of the industry, creating and directing the web series "85 Central." You can always find Showdown (aka Your Baby Daddy) hosting his nightly show on 102 JAMZ.


text:
Q: print the key&value from dict indecending and the same value needed to be additionally sorted lexicographically I have a dictionary with string-type keys and float-type values.
I sort the dictionary by the value in descending order and wang to print the v=keys and values;
sum_count = sum(character_dist.values())
character_dist_2 = {k: v/sum_count for k,v in character_dist.items()}

sorted_dict = {}
sorted_keys = sorted(character_dist_2, key=character_dist_2.get,reverse=True)  # [1, 3, 2]

for w in sorted_keys:
    sorted_dict[w] = character_dist_2[w]

the sample for keys and values:
,_and_ 0.0029020624
_that_ 0.0020209420
_with_ 0.0016136799
n_the_ 0.0014651189
_and_t 0.0013601016
d_the_ 0.0011884881
_of_th 0.0011859267
and_th 0.0011167690
nd_the 0.0011065234
_they_ 0.0010424884
of_the 0.0010143131
e_was_ 0.0010143131
_and_s 0.0009886991
t_the_ 0.0009554010
_the_s 0.0009528396
f_the_ 0.0009374712
_in_th 0.0008964888
in_the 0.0008426995

I want to print 20 samples from the dictionary, but I don't know how to code if several keys have the same values, keys are additionally sorted lexicographically.
L = 20
original_N = L
for key, value in sorted_dict.items():

  # this is the part I don't know
  if L !=0:
    print("% s %.10f" %(key, value))
    L = L-1

Thanks

A: You can sort the dictionary keys and values together and use that to form the new dictionary directly:
sorted_dict = dict(sorted(character_dist_2.items(),key=lambda kv:(-kv[1],kv[0])))

The sort key here is a tuple combining the negative value with the key.  This will make values sort in descending order with the keys in ascending order for identical values.
Example:
character_dist   = {"gg": 1, "hh": 2, "tt": 2, "qq":3, "ww": 4, "oo":5, "pp": 6}
sum_count        = sum(character_dist.values())
character_dist_2 = {k: v/sum_count for k,v in character_dist.items()}
sorted_dict = dict(sorted(character_dist_2.items(),key=lambda kv:(-kv[1],kv[0])))

print(sorted_dict)

{'pp': 0.2608695652173913,   # values in descending order
 'oo': 0.21739130434782608,
 'ww': 0.17391304347826086,
 'qq': 0.13043478260869565,
 'hh': 0.08695652173913043,  # same value,
 'tt': 0.08695652173913043,  # lexicographic order
 'gg': 0.043478260869565216}