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Social protection, veritable means of bridging inequality
June 23, 2021 Aderonke Dada Opinion 0
As the world changes with unprecedented speed, only a society that can address socio-economic challenges of protecting poor and vulnerable households from prevailing economic shocks can successfully bridge the gap of inequality and build peaceful coexistence among its citizenry. Undoubtedly, Social protection has been neglected for Social security over the decades. It is a broad term that covers both formal and informal areas of protection whereas social security covers only the contributory protection system, mostly of the formal sectors of employment.
Apart from the capacity of social protection to bridge the gap of inequality, it also guarantees relief from poverty, provides measures to better anticipate and cope with risks, invest in human capital to promote productive activities and address power imbalances that encourage, create and sustain vulnerabilities in the society. Some scholars describe Social Protection as a set of policies and programmes designed to reduce poverty and vulnerability by promoting efficient labour markets, diminishing people's exposure to risks and enhancing their capacity to manage economic and social risks such as unemployment, social exclusion, sickness, disability and old age. It is a set of interventions that widen access to health care, quality education, housing, transportation and other social goods and services which the poor and vulnerable might not have easy access to due to disparities in the distribution of economic assets and income mechanisms.
A socially protected man can be easily governed and loyal compared to a poor and vulnerable man who suffers social exclusion. Research has shown that a set of interventions which enable access to social goods and services reduce inequality and by extension encourage people to adhere strictly to lay down procedures that would guarantee their continuous access to social goods and services. Life is said to be worthless without good means of fulfilling one's dreams and ambition. Recent findings showed that social protection, either through contributive or non-contributive means has rekindled the hope of many people, and provided the level playing field for the less privileged and child of nobody to pursue their dreams and become somebody in a competitive society.
Contributive social protection on one hand is a kind of formal security designed for workers and unemployed people such as health insurance, unemployment insurance, pension allowances, birth leave and the likes. Non constructive ones are interventions targeting the needy, extreme poor and vulnerable that take the form of support and assistance towards free access to goods and services, cash transfers, food vouchers and the likes.
The United Nation disclosed that social protection is now a challenge, not merely a set of economic policies in the workplace and in the area of production, rather it is one of the key responses to reducing lifelong consequences of poverty and other parameters that encourage, create and sustain inequality in the society. Little wonder generational poverty is often observed in societies experiencing social exclusion and a low income cycle. Social protection programs help connect families with quality health care, education, nutritious foods, among other social facilities that will promote well-being and an enabling environment for all children, irrespective of their age and family background.
The point is that, in this modern time and age, social protection has gone beyond being seen as a privilege. It is now the duty of the government at all levels to ensure the basic fundamental right of people such as the right to quality education, health care, housing etc. Without gain saying, Social protection at its best promotes and sustains healthy and peaceful coexistence between the poor and the rich, society is obliged to provide access (conditional or unconditional) to basic needs to make life worth living and fulfilling for all otherwise the rich may become target of survival by illegal means for the poor and vulnerable.
Poor and vulnerable are in need of social protection in the form of support towards promoting economic growth and sustainable development and micro economic activities keep increasing day by day mainly through social assistance and support which has positive multiplying effect on the aggregate economy. Some people are productive and willing but idle and incapacitated due to lack of resources. With the help of social protection, resources are redistributed with which support and assistance are extended to resuscitate and bring people back to work so as to give back to the society. Social protection programmes therefore help to better anticipate risk associated with society experiencing social exclusion and proffers ways to mitigate or cope with such risks so as to diminish people's exposure to risks and enhance their capacity to manage economic and social risks.
Although poverty is said to be the primary structural cause of inequality but, the principal contributory factor is the insufficient fund and intervention to protect and provide social assistance and support for the large informal sector that is not covered by social insurance schemes that are usually inform of conditional cash transfer, free school meals, tuition and learning materials for poor and disable households and children, free health care, education, psychosocial support to survivors of violence and abuse, public works programmes for youth, skill training, micro financing and the likes.
Considering the deep seated poverty situation in the country and in a bid to bridge the gap of inequality, the government had established the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development which established building blocks for effective delivery of interventions, livelihoods support and assistance to extreme poor and vulnerable households. The beauty of social protection programmes prompts governments at all levels to increase expenditure yearly for social services and assistance programmes but still inadequate.
As a matter of fact, it has been proven that without comprehensive database of the set targets, it might be difficult to record successful implementation of the programmes, and to achieve the set objectives, Federal government of Nigeria designed National Social Safety-Nets Programmes (NASSP) and established National Social Safety-Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO) as a coordinating and response platform with the responsibility of ensuring existence and the provision of comprehensive and accurate Single Social Register of all the poor and vulnerable households population across the country and by extension empowering States to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) for establishment of State Operations Coordinating Unit (SOCU).
It is a thing of pride to make known that under the present administration-led by Prince Dapo Abiodun, NASSCO had setup State Operations Coordinating Unit in Ogun State which spare head identification of Poor and Vulnerable Households using geographic and Community Based Targeting (CBT) approach and further transmission of the same to National Social Register (NSR) as a database for planning and execution of programmes at all levels.
According to Ogun SOCU Coordinator, Mr. `Tunde Adebiyi, Ogun State has so far generated data of 78,804 poor and vulnerable households and 264,830 individuals, still updating its social register for the State which would enable this category of residents benefit from the cash transfer intervention in NASSP and at the same time, any other Social Safety-Nets (SSN) interventions. Worthy of note is the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between Ogun SOCU and Ogun State Health Insurance Agency (OGHIA) on mining of the State Social Register, being a database for Poor and Vulnerable Households (PVHHs) for citizens of the State to benefit from the basic health care provision fund of the National Health Insurance Scheme. So far, a total number of 38,618 PVHHs, consisting of 189,688 members across 19 Local government areas are expected to benefit and the data would be upgraded from time to time.
Similarly, 38,688 members of different households in the State Register across 18Local government Areas were selected to participate in the Tony Elumelu Foundation (TEF) Entrepreneurship Scheme in the State. Details of all suitable applicants had been forwarded to National Social Safety-Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO) for validation and consideration for the scheme.
Dada is an onformation officer, Ogun SOCU
3 die, 2 injured in Ibadan auto crash
NASS: Roofs leakage vindicates N37bn renovation request – Senate


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Rolling Onward, Slowly
Posted on August 8, 2013 by WIRT
Protesters unable to stall oversized shipment, but tribe plans to take the fight to court today
Nez Perce tribal members and other megaload protesters were largely unsuccessful Wednesday night in their efforts to slow the shipment as it travels on U.S. Highway 12 en route to the tar sands of Alberta, Canada.
But the Nez Perce Tribe's work to halt the load is expected to continue today. Nez Perce Tribal Chairman Silas Whitman said Wednesday the tribe plans to file legal action this afternoon seeking to stop the load.
Approximately 100 protesters started Wednesday night gathered at Canoe Camp at Orofino along Highway 12 awaiting the arrival of the shipment. The oversized load began the evening just west of Pink House, with plans to move through Kamiah and end its third day of travel at Kooskia.
The protesters carried signs with messages such as "Idle no more, Nez Perce Tribe," and "Megaloads not welcome."
Protesters asked those present to be peaceful and not provide law enforcement reasons to arrest them. As the megaload neared Canoe Camp at Orofino, state troopers and tribal police warned the protesters to stay off the highway or risk being arrested. They largely followed those instructions.
At approximately 10:45 p.m., police moved their way between the protesters and the oversized load, allowing it to accelerate away. The protesters were unable to catch up and resume their efforts to slow the load's progress.
Leotis McCormack, a Nez Perce Tribal Executive Committee member and one of the Wednesday night protesters, expressed some disappointment about the group's inability to slow the load's progress.
He said the government provides for the tribe to be consulted on the movement of megaloads through its treaty lands and that hasn't been done.
"We can't sit back any longer. We can't allow our people to be subject to that disrespect anymore."
He questioned that if this is allowed to happen without consulting the tribe, what else might happen without consulting the tribe.
"If the door opens it is going to be hard to close," he said, adding it's about protecting sacred lands.
"Our action proves how passionate we are about what we are fighting for."
The megaloads also attracted curious onlookers who positioned themselves across the road from the protesters at Canoe Camp.
Carrie Donovan of Orofino said she supports megaloads being allowed to use the highway and the jobs and commerce they create.
"It's just wicked cool," she said.
Kip Fry of Orofino said he also supports the megaloads, noting everyone has to drive a car or truck and the equipment hauled helps the oil industry develop that resource.
The megaload is carrying a 21-foot-wide, 23-foot-high, 255-foot-long, 644,000-pound evaporator that will help an oil company conserve water when it reaches its destination. The hauler is Omega Morgan, a company based in Hillsboro, Ore., which has indicated this is one of 10 oversized loads it wants to take across Idaho on the highway between now and the end of January.
This was the third consecutive night of protests against the megaload. Early Tuesday morning protesters blocked the shipment for nearly two hours just before it entered the Nez Perce Reservation.
Twenty people were arrested and are facing charges of disorderly conduct. Among them were eight members of the Nez Perce Tribal Executive Committee, including Whitman, Brooklyn Baptiste, McCormack, Daniel Kane, Joel Moffett, Anthony Johnson, Albert Barros and Sam Penney.
Late Tuesday night, protestors stopped the shipment for about 15 minutes then slowed it for hours more. Another 11 were arrested. They are Ciarra Greene, 24, of Lewiston; Greg Crowe, 38, Sally Rhoan, 19, Lucy Samuels, 23, Mary Ellenwood, 46, Paulette Smith, 43, Johnae Wasson, 25 and Ashton Picard, 21, all of Lapwai; Danita Burch, 20 of Winchester; Alicia Oatman, 35 of Kamiah; and one juvenile. Nine of the protesters are facing charges of disorderly conduct and obstruction. Another individual allegedly failed to obey a traffic-related order. Information about the juvenile was not disclosed.
The Idaho Transportation Department issued a permit for the megaload to travel in spite of federal Judge B. Lynn Winmill's ruling earlier this year that the U.S. Forest Service has authority to review megaload shipments through the Wild and Scenic River Corridor that starts east of Kamiah.
The Forest Service announced Monday it is starting a study that will seek to identify and define the intrinsic values associated with the river corridor and the potential effects of the megaload shipments upon them. Nez Perce-Clearwater National Forest Supervisor Rick Brazell said the agency would not support any megaload shipments through the corridor as the study is conducted without first consulting with the tribe. The agency and tribe are scheduled to begin consultation Aug. 20.
However, another hurdle was cleared Wednesday by the megaload's hauler. The Montana Department of Transportation issued a permit allowing Omega Morgan to haul the large water purification unit through northwestern Montana and into Canada.
Duane Williams, administrator of Montana's Motor Carrier Services Division, told The Associated Press that the $3,195 permit allows Omega Morgan to travel through Montana, beginning as early as today.
He said he hadn't heard of any plans to protest the load's movement in Montana.
The Omega Morgan load is scheduled to enter Montana on U.S. Highway 12 over Lolo Pass, travel through Missoula and cross over the Continental Divide at Roger's Pass on Montana Highway 200. The loads will then travel north on U.S. Highway 87 through Choteau to Secondary 44 west of Valier. The loads will continue north through Cut Bank and enter Canada at the Port of Sweetgrass.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Dracaena afromontana är en sparrisväxtart som beskrevs av Gottfried Wilhelm Johannes Mildbraed. Dracaena afromontana ingår i släktet dracenor, och familjen sparrisväxter. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

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afromontana

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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These Salt and Pepper Prawns, served with lime and mint dipping sauce, were plump, juicy and such a delicious dish.
Is there anything more French for an entree than escargot's? These came in a serving of twelve in a delicious garlic butter.
The Crispy Spring Rolls – had a mixture of minced pork and vegetables and were served with a light savoury dipping sauce.
The lovely nutella ball sandwich came with a pot of delicious molten chocolate and a couple of fresh strawberries as a garnish.
These massive coconut wrapped tiger prawns with kaffir and coconut lime sauce were tasty, plump and wonderfully crisp.
It's a sweet bread-like dough that's wound around a drum, brushed with melted butter, rolled in cinnamon sugar then cooked.


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Home » Wrongful Convictions » AMANDA KNOX: Curt Knox's Payment to Supporters
AMANDA KNOX: Curt Knox's Payment to Supporters
DENVER Apr 10, 2013	Wrongful Convictions
Clarification: Curt Knox does NOT pay a penny to any of his millions of supporters!
But, Curt Knox certainly provides a major benefit of inspiration to all patriotic Americans through his heroism!
*Curt Knox is Amanda's father.
Part 1: Abuse of Power by a Malevolent Narcissist by abusing Article 595 of the Italian Penal Code
Part 2: Article 63 of the Italian Code of Criminal Procedure
Part 3: The Smoking Gun!
To avoid redundancy, if you need any background in the Amanda Knox case, please see DENVER or the revised chronicle on Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amanda_knox
I continuously see, I personally get insinuations and flat out statements, that I and all Amanda Knox Supporters are on some Million dollar PR campaign payroll.
As there are Millions of Knox supporters, if this were true, we would receive about ten cents a piece.
But, if Mr. Knox had countless billions of dollars, not one of us would accept a penny to help this outstanding father and American hero.
Speaking of heroes in this cause to dethorn the grip of a country who's judicial system has taken on an unregulated, tyrannical approach to law;
Edda Mellas (Amanda's Mother), Chris Mellas (Amanda's step-father) and including Curt Knox, have collectively stood toe-to-toe against what has evolved into a David verses Goliath persecution of an entire family.
Part 1: Abuse of Power by a Malevolent Narcissist
From our empirical observations of this case since the conviction of Amanda Knox and Raffaele Sollecito, December 5th, 2009 for a murder proven to have been solely committed by Rudy Guede;
We now know that the tactics employed by Prosecutor Giuliano Mignini are deceitful, disgusting and more than likely, illegal.
Prosecutor Mignini allegedly had Secret Negations with the Sollecito family for Raffaele to perjure himself for a suspended sentence (total freedom) that would have also inflicted life imprisonment on an innocent girl, Amanda Knox. But, Raffaele Sollecito stood as a man and refused!
Likewise, Prosecutor Mignini apparently made a deal with Patrick Lumumba shortly after his release. If you recall, Mr. Lumumba complained of police brutality because he was beaten daily in his two weeks of police custody. Then miraculously, Mr. Lumumba was transformed into a Mignini minion singing the praises of the prosecution for capturing an enchanted, mystical witch of treachery (that he could also sue to make a buck).
Funny how Prosecutor Mignini always brings a happy ending to anyone who decides to follow him like a dog. Yes, Mignini is surrounded by sycophants, or they will be out of a job (or remain in prison).
Another case in point:
Mr. John Follain was writing a book exploiting the misery of Amanda and Raffaele for monetary gain.
Sometime in 2008, Mr. Follain fell into the good graces of the prosecution team. He was seen closely exchanging fun loving banter with prosecutors in the trial of 2009.
This is strictly my speculation (although it's more logical than all of Mignini's Circumstantial Evidence combined):
To gain favor from the prosecution team (meaning Prosecutor Mignini), Mr. Follain had to prove his worth for privileged, inside information for his book.
As outlined, Mignini is famous for his advantageous negotiations of favors (the Mafia has no finer negotiators).
Mr. Follain is a British journalist, no allegiance to America or the rule of journalistic integrity. Mr. Follain was enlightened by prosecutors as to how easy it is to entrap people with Calunnia (Calumny) under Article 595 of the Italian Penal Code.
So Mr. Follain requested an interview on behalf of the British press to get the American's side of the story.
Now it is the responsibility of all Americans to be familiar with the laws of any foreign country that they are visiting. But Mr. Knox had his innocent daughter illegally locked up in a slaughter house. With the pressing issue of giving Amanda help with this false prosecution, gosh, golly, gee, Mr. Knox was probably only able to read about the first 594 Articles of the Italian Penal Code before exiting the plane in Italy.
Article 595 of the Italian Penal Code was a GREAT way for Mignini to entrap Amanda's parents with a possible prison sentence of up to three years for Calunnia (Calumny)!
Article 595 of the Italian Penal Code refers to offending one's reputation before many persons and is compounded when the offense happens by means of the press.
All that Mr. Follain had to do was ask:
"So what did Amanda tell you that happened?"
Amanda had replied with her getting slapped in the back of the head by two different female police officers. It was clearly on the tape that Prosecutor Mignini probably decided to destroy (or keep as a trophy?).
That is literally the scenario that I would bet Mignini concocted to entrap Curt and Edda for imprisonment to take away Amanda's support team.
As I write this, I have to tell you, Mignini was well aware this would also leave Amanda's three younger female siblings emotionally destroyed with having their family imprisoned. Just a triple treat of enjoyment for Mignini as he can easily be categorized as a malevolent narcissist.
We now know the tapes of Amanda's initial interview on November 5th, 2007 were made and partially translated into English long before the first trial of 2009:
AMANDA KNOX: LOST TAPES FOUND
This alone is enough evidence for the Italian Supreme court to have declared this grounds for dismissal, but that's not all folks!
Even if the tapes had never been made (which should also have been a que for the Supreme Court to dismiss this case), their own Article 63 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (below) was all but totally ignored in all three trials!
Judge Massei only acknowledged the last stipulation, but allowed the trial to proceed without Amanda's written statement that was made under extreme duress. (Actually, it was written by someone else.)
Apparently, the review of the initial interview/interrogation was not under question in the Appeals trial, so Judge Hellmann could not back-track and address it?
Then, the Italian Supreme Court either missed it, or purposely ignored it as to allow several more years of misery and hardship on the Knox and Sollecito families in the name of Italian honor?
Under the Italy's own Article 63 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, this illegal prosecution should be immediately dismissed, or strongly protested by our Department of State.
The interrogation was never stopped, Amanda was not offered a lawyer. Amanda was actually dissuaded from asking for a lawyer with a threat of never seeing her family again.
For all of the harebrained guilters, allow me to write this slowly so you can understand:
It was not up to Amanda to demand a lawyer, it was the responsibly of the police to stop the interrogation and get her a lawyer!
Even the harebrained, supposed lawyer, Ann Coulter missed this one! (Ann, please note the words "MUST BE IMMEDIATELY STOPPED!")
Article 63 of the Italian Code of Criminal Procedure:
When a person who is neither an indagato (suspect) nor an imputato (defendant), interrogated by the police or the prosecutor, reveals pieces of information that might lead to his incrimination, the interrogation must be immediately stopped, the person must be invited to nominate a lawyer and be warned that the information disclosed may render necessary an investigation. These self-incriminating statements are inadmissible in court.
The Italian Supreme Court's ruling to reverse the acquittal may have been for internal political reasons. They were presented with absolute ludicrousness from the first trial by Judge Massei.
In the appeals trial, they were presented with 180 degrees of perspective as Judge Hellmann found the case had no merit.
Apparently, the Italian Supreme Court found themselves in a bit of a quandary.
If they uphold the acquittal, they are acknowledging a very powerful segment of their judicial system is flawed with abuse. They would either have to ignore the abuse, or have the case investigated Grand Jury style.
They chose the easier route. They elected to send the case back for revision, a complete retrial.
I don't know if recent events are the "writing on the wall" or merely coincidence? But Judge Hellmann looked extremely virile and energized at the Appeals trial. So was his unexpected retirement actually a forced buyout of the honorable judge?
Judge Hellmann still holds strongly that he made the correct decision:
Judge Speaks Out
But now that he has been retired, his opinion has been diminished to just a casual observer.
But the point is, the Knox and Sollecito families should not be required to endure another illegal prosecution funded by the entire country of Italian tax payers.
Here is an outline of "The Smoking Gun."
Intelligent people are already aware of it, I'm just summarizing:
1. Amanda was not summons to the police station, November 5th, 2007. She came voluntarily and unannounced to give Raffaele emotional support and help in his scheduled interview.
2. The police (led by Mignini) decided to take Amanda's phone and isolate her in an interrogation room. By declaration of Italian law, Article 63 clearly mandates that an interviewee that becomes suspect must be allowed legal council before continuing with the interrogation (outlined above).
This alone is a breach of law that our own State Department was negligent in enforcing.
3. By declaration of the Italian Code of Criminal Procedure, interrogations must be taped. It is now proven by reasonable certainty, the interrogation was taped and preformed according to police procedure. (Lost Tapes Found link.)
4. Amanda was coerced by extremely brutal means to sign a confession she did not write. Articles 63, 64 and 65 of the Italian Code of Criminal Procedure were literally ignored by this corrupt prosecution team.
Again, it is incomprehensible that the United States Department of State allowed without question an American college student to be brutalized without any DoS intervention afterwards.
5. Because it was reported several months later that the official tapes had never been made, we have the first substantiated perjury statement by the Perugian prosecution team.
6. The taping system is obviously to ensure procedures of the Italian Code of Criminal Procedures are followed. So it is also obvious that when the prosecution team thought they could get away with just transcribing the points of the tape they wanted, the actual abuse as described by Amanda was too incriminating. So conveniently, the tapes officially: "never got made."
7. We have covered so many times how the investigators got Mr. Lumumba's name and information from Amanda's phone and the police database (see links in Sociopath's Picnic to Conspiracy and Proven).
Amanda did NOT initiate Patrick Lumumba's name in the interrogation, she was clearly setup.
We now have certifiable and tangible proof that all the evidence used against Amanda Knox was manufactured by the prosecution.
Even if Article 63 is old news and was already presented (and ignored) by the Italian Supreme Court, the American public is now aware that the United States Department of State has the moral obligation to intervene and demand an immediate dismissal of this case!
If international law allows countries to ignore their own laws that directly causes grave hardship and misery to American citizens, then why pretend there is any diplomacy at all?
Previous AMANDA KNOX: LOST TAPES FOUND?
Next AMANDA KNOX: JUDGE HELLMANN PERPLEXED?


The readers who have bought the book early on are doing more than buying a book: they are sending a message, via our friends at Nielsen Bookscan, to publishers who might think of publishing the author's next book.
I love books: reading, owning, scribbling in, dog-earring, carrying around, recommending, loaning out. And yet, despite this affection, I do not buy hardcover books.
If it were money alone, I might reconsider my stance (although I know many who would not – as, Farhad Manjoo points out, buying more books is better for the consumer and for the economy), but I am not interested in lessening my joy as a reader to support a business model that is not rooted in providing the best experience possible for its customers. And that is what it comes down to: the customer.
The onus cannot possibly be on consumers to keep afloat industries that cannot support themselves. While there are hard times and poor economic climates, capitalism is not designed for businesses that require exceptional customers to support them.
Publishers have to change their methods. If this sounds at all like I am pleased by such machinations or eager for another industry to undergo a massive directional shift, consider: I would like to publish one day and by loudly shouting about the death of the hardcover, I am also expressing frustration that my own path to success will be that much more difficult. In the end, it is going to be writers that will suffer the most during any such change. The final result may be a much better situation for authors and would-be authors. I have no idea, but I know that it is going to be absolutely terrifying to find out.
For whatever good this will do Helen, next time I am in a bookstore I will be picking up a copy of Lightning Rods. And it will be in hardcover, despite my misgivings, because you asked, but there is a very good chance that it will be the last hardcover I buy.


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VOL. 132 | NO. 93 | Wednesday, May 10, 2017
Tennessee Senate Approves $37B Budget
By Sam Stockard
The state Senate approved a $37 billion budget Monday complete with the governor's IMPROVE Act package of fuel tax increases and tax reductions.
LEE HARRIS and MARK NORRIS
Senators passed the measure 28-2 and sent it to the governor despite opposition led by Democratic Sen. Lee Harris of Memphis, who argued the body would be breaking the Copeland cap, a law prohibiting the spending of revenue that exceeds the state economy's growth rate.
"That is a limitation on spending in our Constitution. That is a good thing to have, and we should be careful about spending," Harris said.
He pointed out some $520 million in the budget involves the spending of excess revenue, which will go into the rainy day fund, TennCare fund, state pension and unfunded liabilities for retirees.
But while several senators said they felt the Legislature would be violating the constitutional amendment passed by former legislator David Copeland 40 years ago, Senate Majority Leader Mark Norris contended the Senate would have to change its budget dramatically, cutting contributions to the rainy day fund, TennCare fund and tax reductions.
"We made the determination in this budget and the committees that we wanted to deal with those revenues by returning them to the taxpayers," Norris said.
Ultimately, a measure recognizing the Senate would be spending $438 million in over-collections passed the body. Senators also voted not to move it ahead of the vote on the budget.
The Senate budget plan includes the IMPROVE Act, which Norris referred to as the Tax Cut Act of 2017, with increases in gas and diesel taxes as well as vehicle registration fee increases, which are more than offset by reductions in the food tax, Hall income tax on interest and dividends and a decrease in franchise and excise taxes for manufacturers.
Norris said the budget, which he sponsored and largely rewrote to push the IMPROVE Act to passage, lays a foundation "for peace, safety and happiness" of the Tennesseans by cutting taxes, reallocating resources and investing in the people.
The idea is to increase funding for the state's transportation fund to expedite 962 road and bridge construction projects over the next 15 years, with the state facing a $10.5 billion backlog on infrastructure work. In addition, it repays $120 million to the transportation fund taken a decade ago to shore up the general fund.
"We are not a Third-World state. We are Tennessee," Norris said, nothing subpar roads cost state residents $5.6 billion annually, with Memphis residents wasting $1,821 a year.
The budget plan is buoyed by a $1.1 billion surplus in non-recurring money, and state leaders are projecting nearly $1 billion more in extra recurring money to use in the coming budget, most of which is already spoken for in the governor's proposal.
For the second year in a row, the budget takes on no new debt. At the same time, it contains $749 million to pay for increases in state salaries and benefits, higher education, K-12 education, capital maintenance and other agencies. K-12 teachers, for instance, could see a 3 percent pay raise. It also hires 25 more officers for the Department of Safety, in addition to more than 50 assistant district attorneys.
"This budget includes $250 million in tax cuts, $127 million in spending cuts and brings our rainy days fund to its highest level in years," Lt. Gov. Randy McNally said. "It is a tremendous achievement by every member of each body of the General Assembly."
The plan invests more in TennCare and provides $132 million for the rainy day fund, bringing it to a record $800 million.
Out of a total $836 million in capital investments and maintenance, the governor's budget plan contains a $44 million University of Memphis music center using $29 million of state funding, as well as an $11.5 million Tennessee College of Applied Technology Memphis satellite campus.
It also contains $18 million for a West Tennessee Veterans Home in Shelby County.
A total of $67.4 million in supplemental appropriations is included in the budget plan, with $1.7 million to go toward a lawsuit with the state of Mississippi over the Memphis aquifer. In its 13th year, the lawsuit filed by Mississippi seeks $615 million in damages, claiming Memphis Light, Gas and Water is improperly pumping millions of gallons of water from the Memphis Sand and Sparta Sand and leaving "cones of depression" in the water table.
In other funding proposed for higher education in Shelby County, the University of Memphis would receive $450,000 for a baseball addition, $1 million for engineering student service improvements, $800,000 for fieldhouse gym improvements and $1.5 million for research startups.
The University of Tennessee Health Science Center's general education building phase II is planned to receive $8.3 million, and $6.5 million is scheduled for restroom upgrades.
Sam Stockard is a Nashville-based reporter covering the Legislature for the Memphis Daily News. He can be reached at sstockard44@gmail.com.


Exiting news from the Silicon Valley tech giant Microsoft, its Microsoft Windows 10 user mark passes 700 million on (active) devices. The OS version which was release to the general public on July 29th 2015 has witnessed a significant growth which can be attributed to computer technology revolution across the globe. However it is not clearly stated the percentage of devices between smart phone and other computer devices. Windows 10 has been the fastest-growing version of Windows, hitting 700 million in about three years on the market, but this nonetheless represents a big shortfall from Microsoft's original ambitions for the operating system.
According to the data obtainable, there is a significant shortfall in the growth of Microsoft Window 10 users. Even at this slower rate of growth, there's plenty of room yet for Windows 10 to eventually hit that one billion threshold. Microsoft has offer lots of incentive and source codes for developer to boost its fan base; applications that could run on desktops, tablets, phones, and Xboxes.
Previous article#DeleteFacebook: Exclusive Interview With WhatsApp Co-founder.


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Parallel Transit has been serving Stratford residents for over 30 years, providing a shared ride service for persons with disabilities who are unable to access Stratford Transit. With well-trained and caring drivers, Parallel Transit will provide a safe and comfortable ride from door-to-door.
How can we direct you?
Temporary and seasonal service is available to people who only need Parallel Transit for a limited time or during a particular season of the year. We also offer charter service outside of Stratford, seven days a week.
To request a ride, please call 519-271-4000 during office hours. Requests can be made Monday through Friday, 8:00am - 12:00pm and 1:00pm - 7:00pm, and Saturdays 9:00am to 5:00pm. Our offices are closed on Sundays and Public Holidays. As listed below (New Years Day, Good Friday, Victoria Day, Family Day, Canada Day, Civic Holiday, Labour Day, Thanksgiving, Christmas and Boxing Days).
Can I request a Parallel Transit trip by email?
On Sundays, when our office is closed, all clients may request a trip for the next-day. Please note that we need time to process your request. Therefore you must send your email request on weekends before 1:00pm, for a ride on the next day.
Persons with a disability (i.e.: hearing loss, non-verbal) where requesting a ride via telephone is not possible may request a ride by email at any time. Please make the request at least 24 hours before the desired travel time.
When you make an email ride request, our staff will contact you the same day to let you know whether the ride you requested is available.
Request a ride by email now.
Please refer to our Procedures for Serving Passengers with a Disability.
Attendants accompanying riders will not be charged to ride, to a maximum of one attendant per rider. An attendant may not be a registered Parallel Transit rider.
*For all charters, there is a $25.00 per hour extra wait charge. Mileage is charged for each direction.
For more information, please contact us at 519-271-4000.


text:
package com.amazonaws.services.identitymanagement.model.transform;

import javax.annotation.Generated;

import com.amazonaws.SdkClientException;
import com.amazonaws.Request;
import com.amazonaws.DefaultRequest;
import com.amazonaws.http.HttpMethodName;
import com.amazonaws.services.identitymanagement.model.*;
import com.amazonaws.transform.Marshaller;
import com.amazonaws.util.StringUtils;

/**
 * GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest Marshaller
 */

@Generated("com.amazonaws:aws-java-sdk-code-generator")
public class GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequestMarshaller implements
        Marshaller<Request<GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest>, GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest> {

    public Request<GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest> marshall(GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest generateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest) {

        if (generateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest == null) {
            throw new SdkClientException("Invalid argument passed to marshall(...)");
        }

        Request<GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest> request = new DefaultRequest<GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest>(
                generateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest, "AmazonIdentityManagement");
        request.addParameter("Action", "GenerateServiceLastAccessedDetails");
        request.addParameter("Version", "2010-05-08");
        request.setHttpMethod(HttpMethodName.POST);

        if (generateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest.getArn() != null) {
            request.addParameter("Arn", StringUtils.fromString(generateServiceLastAccessedDetailsRequest.getArn()));
        }

        return request;
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Q: How to connect two socket connections in peer 2 peer setup I'm not yet sure if this is possible, and I'm looking for where more information might be found. It's mostly being done as an exercise, but I want to see if I can implement this at all as a solution to sharing very large files with minimal hassle between two individuals (and I realize some solutions might exist that are similar, but I still want to try and write one).
Basic setup is as follows:
I'm figuring on configuring a server with a program that listens on port XYZ. I'd have two example users (A and B). User "A" wants to share a file with user "B". "A" goes to his local client and pushes some information to the server. He gets back a key that he can send to user "B" however he likes (instead of publishing or broadcasting the location). User "B" gets the key, puts it into his client. His client goes to the server and gets the information on how to connect to User "A"s machine for the file transfer.
Now, this is simple enough with machines that can connect via a socket directly, but I'm assuming user A and B are on completely different networks, behind different public IP's (normal internet users). So what I wondered is, can I have user "A" and user "B" monitor a status on the server, and when it's apparent that it's time to share the file, use the server as a bridge to connect the two somehow ... communicate a handshake and then either a new socket, or somehow join sockets connected to the server? The caveat in this whole thing is that I'd like the bandwidth not to be transferred along the server (or I could just initiate direct connections to the server), but directly peer to peer between the two machines, using the server only to negotiate a connection.
But I've no idea where to look on information about this, or if it's possible :)
My preference is to use Java.

A: In order to directly connect the two sockets without using the server as a broker, one will have to have the ability to be hit directly as an endpoint.
I can think of no facility that can negotiate two connections behind a NAT or PAT and then drop out of the loop leaving the other two connected.
If you can build into the design spec that the clients must have their respective listen ports open and mapped in whatever system they use to route then it would be possible.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Repositories of Primary Sources A directory of over 5, 000 websites describing holdings of manuscripts, archives, rare books, historical photographs, and other primary sources for the advanced research scholar. Writing a custom term paper, research paper, or essay, students often do not know the difference between primary and secondary sources.
This can lead to problems in writing research papers that require primary sources. Learn the basics of research, including how to distinguish between primary and secondary sources, and how to incorporate your sources in your writing Importance of primary and secondary sources To begin with, you are expected to meet certain standards of research and expectations of the academic writing community when you write a paper or an essay.
Online Writing Lab Primary vs. Secondary Research When performing research, most writers will come across a variety of information from a variety of different places. Depending on the essay being written, both primary sources and secondary sources may be acceptable types of sources. For instance, if a writer is writing an argument essay Lesson Three Primary and Secondary Sources. by Susan McGowan. Primary sources: Primary source documents are those written at PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SOURCES What is Primary Sources?
Primary sources are original materials. Generally, primary sources are not accounts written after the fact with the benefit of hindsight. Primary And Secondary Sources History Essay. Print Reference this historians and archaeologists look for and study evidence and clues. Historians use primary and secondary sources to help them. Primary sources were created at the time the people being studied were alive. History Essay Writing Service Free Essays More History There are (typically) two types of sources youll come across in your researchprimary and secondary sources.
Reviewing secondary sources is important in your essaywriting process because it lets you know what other scholars are saying about your topic. A Note on How to Find Primary Sources Using Websites. It is possible to There are two types of sources: primary and secondary.


text:
Story of a T-Shirt: the environmental & social impact of a tee
From sourcing of the materials to the manufacturing and shipping, this is how your T-shirt is made
Ryan Nielsen
If you've recently purchased a piece of clothing for just 5 bucks, we will showcase the story of a t-shirt's journey to realise it wasn't just born in stores!
I remember the stalk and the sun. As distant and elusive those memories are now, I can still feel the heat of an open Mississippi sky and the breeze that bent us back and forth–an ocean of white cotton in the early stages of life.
There are other memories too. Ones less cherished though just as easily provoked, where I hear the rumble of turning propellers closing in. The sound passes overhead, whooshing by, momentarily folding us towards the dirt before we stretch and rise again towards the sky.
The rumble leaves with it a burning, wet substance, broadly known as a pesticide or an insecticide. Though their names, often ending with ates, phos, or phans, have always been easier to describe than to pronounce. Though there is one word that always seemed to suit them well: toxic.
Photo Credit: Rio Lecatompessy from Unsplash
Afterall, this was only the beginning of the journey. A journey filled with long voyages across deep seas, touched with both cold, mechanical arms and soft, warm hands. My eventual destination, which I am only to perceive at this moment to be my last, is as a simple, cotton garment. A t-shirt.
The real impact of the fast fashion industry in the world
1. Story of a T-Shirt: Mississippi to Indonesia
Not long after the rain of toxins fell on our ocean of white did a new and equally distinct rumble emerge in the distance. Produced from a sort of autonomous, tank-like mechanism, the rumbling moved towards us in a straight path, curling us in its arms and leaving in its wake long, desolate lines of crippled stalks–a highway of destruction and exhaust.
We are packed tightly together, hundreds of thousands of balls of cotton, hauled away and transported to our next destination in specially designed trucks. Soon we arrive at a large and cold facility, echoing with mechanical shrieks and grinds.
From there, we are dragged from the truck and pulled apart. An escort pours us down into long, metallic shoots into what is known as a "high-speed gin." Quickly, and with little-to-no human interference, our fibers are pulled from our lab-designed seeds and we begin a new phase of life.
Once again packed together, and once again transported, we arrive at a shipyard. Steel rectangular crates dip from the sky, before rising again and loading themselves onto long, flat vessels. It is into one of these that we are gathered and secured prior to our voyage across the sea.
Dark and silent is our new home, and though we can't hear the slapping waves or the churning of the propellers below, nor smell the burning of the fuels that powers us forward, we know they are there. We round the Southern bend of Africa near Cape Town and steer North, passing Madagascar and plunging into the Indian Ocean, before arriving, in due time, in Indonesia.
Following the routine rising and falling within the steel crates that loaded us upon the ship –the same sort that unloads us– we settle onto the pavement of another shipyard. The same mechanical noises, the same loading and transporting upon guzzling trucks. A replica of the bare, white facility back across the sea welcomes us as we begin our next process.
In contrast with the previous facility, this new one is more intricate in its process, involving many more steps, though it still has those eerily recognizable mechanical grinds and shrieks and the same absence of human touch. We are combed, pulled, twisted, and spun together. Each act holds a different purpose and therefore requires its own machine. The excess cotton, the kind deemed unworthy of further advancement, litter the floor and end their journey there.
Photo Credit: Sam Dellaporta from Unsplash
Once we are spun together, as yarn, we are loaded once more. Packed into large spools and wound onto a circular knitting machine, spinning round and round until we are tightly pressed against another forming long, flat sheets–now called fabric.
This all comes before our final, and perhaps most treacherous phase–in Indonesia, where we are washed in large tubs, which drink thousands of liters of water a day, before once again being sprayed with harmful chemicals and dyes, where many of us lose our previous white hue.
Fashion is dying: the solution to toxic chemicals
2. Story of a T-Shirt: Indonesia to Bangladesh
Loaded once more and packed into steel crates, we are shipped upon vessels through the Malacca Strait, plunging forward into the Bay of Bengal before arriving in Bangladesh. Still (primarily) untouched by human hands, Bangladesh offers us a warm handshake as we arrive. Though the greeting we receive is not equally distributed among the workers who handle us.
Many of them, as seen by their lack of enthusiasm for work (due to the economic conditions placed upon them), are severely overworked, underpaid, and underappreciated. This is the result of a long lasting history of business within the fashion industry, in which companies that sell the garments, equally sell business opportunities to economically disadvantaged countries that can and will make their product for the lowest possible cost. The state of the workers who handle us are a result of this.
Photo Credit: Janko Ferlic from Unsplash
The clothing makers help us emerge from thin pieces of fabric to our final transformation: a t-shirt. The clicking of sewing needles in great unison, thrust down and out, drowns out all other noise, all other possibilities of conversation or happy workplace engagement. It is a steady, monotonous drumming. Day in and day out. We emerge in great numbers at a rapid pace and are freshly stitched together with nimble, hardworking fingers –human and machine working in unison.
And although we've reached our final transformation, the journey still isn't over…
A snapshot of modern slavery in the fashion industry
3. Story of a T-Shirt: Bangladesh to You
As t-shirts must travel now, once more, upon ships and steel railways, along roads in large trucks before we reach our end, or beginning, depending on how you view the life of a simple t-shirt. It is perhaps important before moving onto the next phase of life, to examine where you've been, what you've come from and ultimately what you've become.
Photo Credit: Jordan Whitfield from Unsplash
We were once just cotton growing in a field, genetically modified for perfection. Later, we underwent a simple transformation and a voyage across a sea. The compounding of many natural resources–along with many unnatural ones–were used to help us grow. From there, more transformations (dyed), more journeys (sewed), and spending and wasting of natural resources. Many encounters with underprivileged and underappreciated clothing makers, the unsung heroes of the whole endeavor, before eventually realizing my uniform purpose: to become a t-shirt.
Lastly, we arrive at a store, either some place far off or somewhere we've already been. Or perhaps we arrive at your door. Now that's more expedient.
4 ways the fashion industry is becoming more sustainable
Are we worth the work?
We sell and buy two billion t-shirts globally, most of which begin their lives on a cotton farm in America, China, or India.
Self-driving machines harvest the cotton, eliminating the tedious work of picking it while also eliminating jobs.
The cotton plants, many of which are lab designed, require a huge quantity of water (2700 liters per shirt), insecticides and pesticides (more than any other crop in the world).
Organic cotton makes up just 1% of the cotton produced worldwide. Most truly sustainable options are made with organic cotton, which is grown without the help of toxic, synthetic chemicals.
Textile mills ship the cotton to a spinning facility, typically in Indonesia, China, or India.
Photo Credit: Vidar Nordli Mathisen from Unsplash
Here, the cotton becomes fabric and is bleached and dyed. Unfortunately, many of these dyes contain "cancer-causing cadmium, lead, chromium, and mercury."
Following, it is most often sent to Bangladesh, where the labor is cheapest and where four million people work in the garment industry.
The average garment worker in Bangladesh makes just $68 per month, compared to workers in China or Hong Kong, who make $138 and $800, respectively, per month.
The cotton then wracks up an enormous carbon footprint on its path around the world, as it is shipped by either ship, truck, or train to other countries.
Clothing production accounts for 10% of global carbon emissions and production has risen 400% between 1994 and 2014.
Why ethical fashion is a trend set to stay
An Ethical T-Shirt Alternative
Supporting the right brands, such as Known Supply, The Classic T-Shirt Company, or The Good Tee, or Vustra is a great place to start. These brands eliminate many of the toxic processes listed above, while supporting fair pay for the many workers involved in making a t-shirt.
Sustainable clothing for men. Modern. Conscious. Stylish. Vustra.
Ryan is a writer at Eco-Stylist and recent graduate from the University of Iowa with degrees in Cinema and English and Creative Writing. He plans to further his passion for cinema by working in film and television, writing screenplays.
8 Ways to be an eco-friendly college student
The importance of life below water: how an artist can move a community
How to start a sustainable fashion brand [Ultimate Guide]
Upcycled seaglass jewellery for mermaids


text:
Corona Virus, Covid-19, Health
NJ CORONAVIRUS PATIENT IS 'GETTING WORSE' DESPITE BEING IN GOOD HEALTH BEFORE INFECTION
James Cai, 32-year-old physician's assistant working in New Jersey was the first confirmed case of coronavirus in the entire Garden state.
In a statement provided to CBS, Cai delivers a warning; He has only gotten worse since his positive COVID-19 test, and we are not being told about all the possible underlying conditions that happen when you get coronavirus.
After checking into an Urgent Care, Cai was sent to the emergency room at Hackensack University Medical Center, and has been in the ER since Tuesday. Cai self-reports his experience with developing several unreported underlying conditions of the coronavirus.
Cai told CBS he strongly disagrees with health officials who say face masks are not necessary. Cai is against advice that face masks are unnecessary. "A lot of people say, 'It's OK, don't wear masks," says Cai. "I don't believe that."
"It happened so quick," Cai says.
"The virus is everything. Diarrhea, watery eyes, shortness of breath, chest pain, you name it. High fever. … Every day is getting worse. People have to take the coronavirus seriously. It's very serious," Cai told CBS.
New Jersey Governor, Phil Murphy, announced the first case of confirmed coronavirus on Wednesday. "We take this situation very seriously and have been preparing for this for weeks," says Governor Murphy.
Cai visited a Westin hotel in Midtown, Manhattan, and the King David nursing and rehabilitation facility in Brooklyn prior to contracting the virus. The staff of the King David identified Cai to the New York Post after suspicions were circulating as to where he contracted coronavirus. There were 11 confirmed cases of Wuhan virus at the time of his visit to the rehab and nursing facility.
Since Cai became the first confirmed case of coronavirus in New Jersey, five new cases have been confirmed in the state. There are no confirmed deaths in the state of New Jersey, yet in the U.S. death tolls have hit 68. There are 3,487 total confirmed cases in the United States as of the time of this publication, but experts believe the actual number is significantly higher.
Original Source: https://www.infowars.com/nj-coronavirus-patient-is-getting-worse-despite-being-in-good-health-before-infection/
Coronavirus/Covid-19/Covid-19 Outbreak/news


text:
Home Research > Constituencies > 1820-1832 > Barnstaple
Published in The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1820-1832, ed. D.R. Fisher, 2009
Available from Cambridge University Press
Constituency Detail
See Barnstaple in
1820-1832 Constituencies
1820-1832 Parliaments
1820-1832 Surveys
Right of Election:
in the freemen
Estimated number qualified to vote:
742 in 18311
Number of voters:
5,079 (1821); 6,840 (1831)
8 Mar. 1820 FRANCIS MOLYNEUX OMMANNEY
MICHAEL NOLAN
8 Mar. 1824 FREDERICK HODGSON vice Nolan, appointed a Welsh judge 181
MICHAEL NOLAN 153
John Atkins 115
10 June 1826 FREDERICK HODGSON 401
HENRY ALEXANDER 377
2 Aug. 1830 STEPHENS LYNE STEPHENS 370
GEORGE TUDOR 332
Sir Colin Campbell 246
3 May 1831 FREDERICK HODGSON 245
JOHN PALMER BRUCE CHICHESTER 218
Barnstaple, a seaport and market town situated at the head of the Taw estuary, had been an important distribution centre since medieval times. By the early nineteenth century it depended on a 'steady ... perhaps not very lucrative' coastal trade, involving corn, leather and other materials drawn from 'an extensive and improving' hinterland, though there was some revival of overseas trade after bonded warehouses were established in 1822. The woollen industry was in decline, but lace manufacturing had recently been introduced and many people were employed in malting and shipbuilding. Its favourable location had encouraged many 'independent families' to settle in the town, making it 'one of the most genteel ... in North Devon', exhibiting 'some marks of a metropolis'.2
The borough and parish were coextensive. Local power was exercised by the corporation, a non-partisan but self-perpetuating body consisting of a mayor (the returning officer for parliamentary elections), two aldermen and 22 capital burgesses, selected from the resident freemen; all held their offices for life. In 1834, five families supplied 13 of the corporation's members. The franchise was in the freemen, who obtained their privilege through birth (all sons of freemen were eligible), apprenticeship or, more rarely, honorary gift. Freemen's exemption from the town dues levied by the corporation was an additional cause of resentment among the unfranchised residents. Admissions were concentrated in the election years, totalling 28 in 1820, 48 in 1824, 38 in 1826, 65 in 1830 and 30 in 1831. Approximately two-thirds of the freemen were out-voters, many of whom resided in the west country, and there was a very large contingent in London.3 Barnstaple had a notorious reputation for venality and, as a local newspaper observed, 'the political character' of a candidate was of 'small importance' compared to his willingness to 'bleed freely'. Corrupt practices had been organized into a system, exemplified by the operations of the London-based 'agent or middle man', John Stanbury, who told a Commons committee in 1827 that he had been active in his native borough since 1802. His method was to find a wealthy candidate whom he could recommend to the freemen with all his 'persuasive eloquence ... backed by arguments of sterling weight', which included bribes, lavish treating and the payment of extravagant 'travelling expenses'. Many freemen apparently showed few scruples about breaking their promises and taking money from more than one candidate.4 After the 1818 general election Sir Manasseh Masseh Lopes*, whose contest, organized by the banker John Gribble, had cost £3,050, was unseated on petition and prosecuted for bribery, though he was finally acquitted. The Commons meantime suspended the writ while a bill was introduced to reform the borough by extending the franchise to freeholders in the surrounding hundreds. This encountered strong resistance from the corporation and London freemen, who incurred heavy legal expenses, and it failed to pass in the 1819 session. When the Lords rejected a proposal to add Barnstaple to Lord John Russell's writs suspension bill, February 1820, the way was clear for normal electoral service to be resumed.5
At the dissolution in 1820 Joseph Davie Bassett of Watermouth, who had earlier canvassed the borough in the expectation of the franchise being extended, announced his withdrawal. It appeared there would be a 'strong contest' between three candidates 'all friendly' to Lord Liverpool's ministry, the sitting Member, Francis Ommanney, a London naval agent, Michael Nolan, an Irish barrister who had acted as counsel for the corporation and freemen against the 1819 bill, and alderman John Atkins*, a wealthy merchant and former lord mayor of London. However Atkins, 'not receiving sufficient support, declined the contest', and Ommanney and Nolan were returned unopposed. Nolan congratulated the freemen on their conduct, which provided 'a decided ... refutation of those calumnies with which you were so unjustly aspersed', and he looked forward to a long connection with the borough.6 The occupiers of neighbouring land petitioned the Commons for relief from agricultural distress, 1 June 1820, 6 Mar. 1821.7 In November 1820 the news of the withdrawal of the bill of pains and penalties against Queen Caroline was celebrated with a dinner at the Golden Lion, attended by some 50 'respectable gentlemen, merchants and tradesmen', where the speakers included Gribble and the merchant Robert Linnington. Following a requisition 'signed by several clergymen, half-pay officers, and members of the corporation' the mayor, Thomas Copner, chaired a public meeting, 22 Dec. 1820, when a loyal address to the king 'full of complaints of the seditious press' was proposed. Bassett moved an amendment, arguing that the address 'ill became the corporation', given the recent corruption proceedings, and he was supported by the Rev. Charles Hern and one Tamlyn, a conveyancer. Colonel Cutcliffe replied 'in his usually violent language' and the address was agreed, though few people were considered likely to sign it.8 The corporation and inhabitants petitioned the Commons for repeal of the coal duties, 11 Apr. 1823, 23 Feb. 1824.9
In March 1824 Nolan's appointment as a Welsh judge obliged him to seek re-election. His hopes for an undisturbed return were disappointed when Atkins announced his 'fixed and unalterable determination to go to the poll'. This prompted friends of the London brewer Frederick Hodgson, who had pledged to stand at the first opportunity when canvassing the borough the previous October, to put his name forward although he was in France and unable to return in time. For a week before polling the town was 'all bustle, mirth and revelling', as the non-resident voters arrived 'in considerable numbers'. Hodgson's campaign was organized by his attorney, one Burt, his friends Captain George Richardson, Henry Hole of Ebberly and William Curlin of London, and by 'that celebrated General', Stanbury. Nolan was introduced by the banker John Law and Captain John May, who commended his services in protecting the rights of the freemen and promoting the borough's commercial interests. Atkins was nominated by the Rev. Henry Nicholls, who thought Nolan's achievements had been exaggerated, and by the Rev. Charles Davie, who hoped 'a man standing so high in the commercial world might with his giant arms swell the tide of our prosperity'. Hodgson was sponsored by George Cudlipp, a Tavistock attorney, and B. Oram. Nolan argued that it would be unfair to penalise him for accepting promotion from the king, Atkins made a 'long and very able speech' and Burt, representing Hodgson, maintained that neither commercial nor legal qualifications were required to make a good Member and that his client's high character was a sufficient guarantee of his conduct. During the early hours of polling Nolan and Atkins had a clear advantage, 'so much so that when ... Nolan had polled 91 votes ... Hodgson had only ... 37'; but thereafter the balance shifted and at the end of the day Nolan and Hodgson were level on 124 votes, ahead of Atkins with 109. It was unprecedented for polling to be extended to a second day, and the intervening Sunday was 'a fearful and busy time' as the candidates 'collected their remaining forces'. On Monday morning 'a few persons' in Nolan's interest 'took up their freedom', polling recommenced and it lasted until 2.30, when Hodgson was declared elected. Nolan addressed the crowd 'in a serious, manly and liberal strain', while Atkins spoke 'as merrily as if he had been the successful Member, and very argumentatively'. Burt returned thanks for Hodgson, Richardson was chaired on his behalf and the victorious party gave several dinners.10 All of the 450 votes cast (one was given to the mayor) were of course plumpers: 40 per cent voted for Hodgson, 34 for Nolan and 25 for Atkins. Of those who polled, 166 (36 per cent) were residents, from whom Hodgson secured 72 votes (40 per cent of his total), Nolan 61 (46) and Atkins 33 (29). Hodgson received 45 votes (25 per cent of his total) from the London freemen and Nolan only 19 (12), while Atkins did better with 27 (24).11 The inhabitants petitioned the Commons for inquiry into the trial of the Methodist missionary John Smith in Demerara, 24 May 1824, and against slavery, 17 Apr. 1826.12 They also presented anti-Catholic petitions to Parliament, 18, 20 Apr. 1825.13
In September 1825 Henry Alexander, an East India merchant, canvassed the borough with assistance from Captain Charles Gribble, Copner and others, and declared his intention of offering at the next election.14 At the dissolution in 1826 four candidates, Ommanney, Hodgson, Alexander and Atkins, were reportedly in the field, but Ommanney announced his withdrawal, giving no reason. The 'party ... attached to the interest' of Atkins 'sustained a most severe disappointment' when he too withdrew, citing ill health (despite which he was returned for Arundel), and steps were immediately taken to find another candidate. Alderman Richard Metherell chaired a meeting of freemen at the Shipwright's Arms, 26 May, when 119 signed a declaration pledging support for a 'third man' attached to 'true church and state principles'. Several country gentlemen were solicited in vain, including John Palmer Bruce Chichester of nearby Arlington Court, and with time running out William Syle, the proprietor of a short-lived local newspaper, travelled to London in search of a candidate. Hodgson and Alexander meantime canvassed, 'numerous houses' were opened every evening to entertain their supporters, 'agents' were 'actively engaged in promoting their interests' and it seemed likely that they would walk over. However, on 6 June a deputation of freemen waited on Nolan in London and persuaded him to stand again. He arrived in Barnstaple on the 8th only to depart the next day, issuing an address in which he thanked the 'freemen of the town and its immediate neighbourhood' for fulfilling their 'engagement' but explained that 'finding ... the votes of my more immediate friends ... already engaged by a previous canvass, and that many more [from] whom I was taught to expect decided support have withheld their assistance', he was unwilling to proceed. The election was held in the new guildhall, despite its 'unfinished state', as the old building was too small. Hodgson was introduced by Hole, who stressed 'the many bountiful donations which the various charities of the town had received at his hands', and by the attorney Richard Bremridge. Alexander was sponsored by Charles Gribble and Bassett, who condemned the 'highly reprehensible' conduct of those who had asked Nolan to come forward 'at the fag end of a canvass', pointing out that it was 'through such practices' that the borough had risked being disfranchised. When the mayor asked if there were any more candidates, P. Burch and Adam Britton nominated Nolan, without his consent, and W. Rock rose to protest against Bassett's 'libel on the freemen of Barnstaple', who were no less respectable because they 'moved in an humble sphere'. Hodgson and Alexander both professed support for the constitution in church and state. The show of hands was called in their favour, but 'several freemen ... in the body of the hall' demanded a poll. Nolan's supporters were always in a clear minority, and at the end of the day Hodgson and Alexander were declared elected; Hodgson's poll, as he later observed, was 'unprecedented in the electioneering annals of this borough'. The successful candidates were chaired in 'very splendid' cars, Hodgson gave a dinner to 'about 240' people at the Rooms and Alexander one to 'upwards of 200' at the Golden Lion; the customary election ball was also held.15 Of the 500 who polled, 80 per cent cast a vote for Hodgson, 75 for Alexander and 25 for Nolan. Hodgson obtained 36 plumpers (nine per cent of his total), Alexander got 56 (15) and Nolan two. Hodgson and Alexander had 281 split votes (70 and 75 per cent of their respective totals), Hodgson and Nolan received 84 (21 and 67 per cent), and Alexander and Nolan 40 (11 and 32 per cent). Of those who polled, 168 (34 per cent) were residents; they gave Nolan 86 of his votes (70 per cent of his total). Hodgson and Alexander gained 26 and 39 of their respective plumpers and 247 and 244 of their respective split votes from non-residents. Among the London freemen, Hodgson and Alexander had 12 plumpers each, 99 split between them, two between Hodgson and Nolan and four between Alexander and Nolan.16
The occupiers of neighbouring land petitioned Parliament against revision of the corn laws, 26 Feb. 1827, and the maltsters pressed the Commons to repeal the Malt Act, 18 Feb. 1828.17 The Protestant Dissenters sent petitions for repeal of the Test Acts to the Commons, 15 June 1827, and both Houses, 18 Mar. 1828.18 In January 1829, following a county meeting at Exeter, signatures were gathered for the anti-Catholic petition and the pro-Catholic amendment, and in March for the county's anti-Catholic address to the king; the archdeaconry petitioned the Commons in that sense, 4 Mar. 1829.19 Hodgson supported emancipation, but Alexander continued to oppose it. At a public meeting to consider a petition for repeal of the coastwise coal duty, 28 Apr., the attorney William Gribble successfully moved that it should call for the abolition of unmerited pensions and reduction of salaries as a means of supplying the consequent loss of revenue; it attracted 'nearly 1,000 signatures' and was presented by Hodgson, 12 May 1830.20 Shortly before the dissolution that summer tensions between the corporation and the resident freemen erupted when it was proposed to make Captain Robert Grace an honorary freeman and appoint him immediately to a vacancy in the common council; three corporators succeeded in delaying this move. Some 140 freemen attended a meeting at the Castle, 13 June, when the chairman, the linen draper George Harris, alleged that the corporation's policy was to appoint only 'gentlemen' to its ranks, as it 'appears to think it would be degraded and contaminated by the admission of a respectable tradesman'. He also suggested that there was an ulterior motive behind the corporation's conduct, recalling how in the 1824 by-election 'the corporation, almost to a man, was arrayed against the freemen. The strength of the parties was then tried, and the corporation was defeated'. The corporation, he believed, had 'not forgotten this' and was trying to strengthen its position for any future conflict. Resolutions were unanimously carried asserting that honorary freedoms should be exceptional and complaining of the way in which the freemen's privileges had been invaded, and a committee was appointed to scrutinize the corporation's conduct. Next day, the freemen proceeded to the guildhall with their 'protest' and were offered a public meeting at which their grievances could be aired. This took place on 17 June 1830, when Charles and William Gribble voiced the freemen's discontent before the corporation proceeded to enrol Grace.21
At the subsequent dissolution both sitting Members retired without explanation. Charles Gribble was instrumental in bringing forward Stephens Lyne Stephens, who offered on 'perfectly independent principles', while Harris, Rock and the paper manufacturer William Thorne were behind the candidature of George Tudor, who avowedly stood as the freemen's champion; both were men of independent fortune and had the support of Wellington's ministry. A handbill from 'that veteran manufacturer of MPs', Stanbury, was circulated, announcing that he would again 'create an opposition' with an unnamed candidate, who would 'contest the borough in my old fashioned way'; he openly offered to 'pay £10 to any of my friends resident in London for travelling expenses'. After some delay, alderman Samuel Bremridge and Charles Roberts identified this mysterious 'third man' as General Sir Colin Campbell, a Peninsular war hero, and preparations were undertaken for his reception. Rumours abounded of a 'secret understanding ... between Stanbury and certain members of the corporation', which prompted Rock to issue an address deploring the 'disgraceful state of parties' and promising to find a 'fourth man' of 'integrity, sense, consequence and respectability' to stand with Tudor, as Stephens was too inexperienced. However, no such candidate was forthcoming. Campbell's arrival, two days before the nomination meeting, relieved the 'anxiety and impatience' of those freemen who had withheld their promises.22 Lyne Stephens was introduced by John and Charles Gribble, Tudor by Captain Cottel and Harris, and Campbell by Hole (a former Hodgson supporter) and Samuel Bremridge. All the candidates professed devotion to the constitution in church and state and promised to support government measures for economy and retrenchment. There was uproar when Rock intervened to condemn the corporation as 'traitors to their trust' who, having failed to 'nullify' the freemen's privileges with honorary creations, had 'joined in the malpractices of Stanbury to effect the [borough's] disfranchisement'. The mayor, Richard Bremridge, reportedly lost his temper and stormed off the platform. Polling commenced on Monday morning at eight o'clock and continued until six, when Campbell retired as his cause was hopeless. Many freemen, apparently 'kept back purposely to keep the poll open another day', immediately 'rushed forward' to tender their votes and polling was therefore extended until 'nearly 7 o'clock', when Lyne Stephens and Tudor were declared elected. The result was hailed as a 'triumph' for the freemen and the cause of 'great mortification' to the corporation, and Tudor looked forward to 'a new order of things in this borough'. He and Lyne Stephens were chaired and gave the usual dinners, but they each donated £100 to the improvement commission in lieu of a ball. There was no reference to the French revolution during the proceedings, but William Gribble subsequently forwarded £3 12s. 6d., raised from 61 inhabitants, to support those 'fighting the battle of liberty and civilization'.23 Analysis of the pollbook suggests a more complicated picture than that presented in the Whig press. Of the 522 who polled, 72 per cent cast a vote for Lyne Stephens, 64 for Tudor and 47 for Campbell. Lyne Stephens obtained 53 plumpers (14 per cent of his total), Tudor got 20 (six) and Campbell 23 (nine). Lyne Stephens and Tudor had 203 split votes (55 and 61 per cent of their respective totals), Lyne Stephens and Campbell received 114 (31 and 46 per cent) and Tudor and Campbell 109 (33 and 44 per cent). Of those who polled, 181 (36 per cent) were residents: their support for the candidates was fairly evenly distributed, with 19 plumping for Lyne Stephens, eight for Tudor and 11 for Campbell, while 46 split their votes between Lyne Stephens and Tudor, the same number between Lyne Stephens and Campbell and 51 between Tudor and Campbell. Lyne Stephens and Tudor owed their success to the non-resident freemen, particularly those from London, who gave them 100 and 99 votes respectively, whereas Campbell got only 28.24 Stanbury later showed that Lyne Stephens's party had paid £1,916 in 'travelling expenses' to 197 non-resident freemen and £10 each to 173 residents, 'including the gentlemen of the corporation', and estimated the total cost of his election at about £5,000, which he considered excessive. It seems unlikely that Tudor spent £8,000, as has been stated. Roberts and Samuel Bremridge claimed to have incurred expenses of £2,620 on Campbell's behalf, but their legal action for reimbursement failed after Campbell told the court that they had spent the money contrary to his instructions.25
Some 200 farmers from the vicinity attended a meeting at the Golden Lion, 28 Jan., to consider revision of the tithe laws; the resulting petition was forwarded to Parliament, 21 Feb., 24 Mar. 1831. At a subsequent meeting, 22 Apr., a North Devon Agricultural Association was formed.26 The Independents and Methodists sent anti-slavery petitions to Parliament, 29 Mar., 13, 15 Apr.27 On 5 Feb. 'about 250 persons, comprising a large portion of the merchants and tradesmen, with numerous other respectable and influential individuals', attended a reform meeting at the guildhall, chaired by May in the absence of the mayor, Edward Roberts, who wished to remain above partisan politics. William Gribble's motion that reform was needed to relieve the nation from the weight of taxation was seconded by one Marsh and agreed, and an amendment in favour of the ballot, proposed by John Gribble and Robert Mortimer, received 'almost universal' support. The resulting petition was presented to Parliament by Tudor, 26 Feb., and Lord King, 28 Feb.28 May chaired another meeting at the guildhall, 9 Mar., to petition the Commons in favour of the Grey ministry's reform bill, which proposed to leave Barnstaple's representation intact but to disfranchise the non-resident freemen. Nearly 1,000 signatures were attached to the petition, which was presented on 19 Mar. by Tudor, who indicated to his constituents that he might support the bill 'under certain modifications'.29 In fact, he voted against it, as did Lyne Stephens, who had ignored a request to support the first petition. A petition in favour of allowing freemen's sons to retain their privileges was organized and 'signed by upwards of 200 resident ... burgesses', but it was not presented.30 Lyne Stephens retired at the 1831 dissolution but Tudor declared his intention of standing again, while Chichester, who had issued an address at the end of March, came forward as a supporter of the bill. Chichester had the advantage of being a local man, but there were doubts as to whether he would be supported by the resident freemen, who resented the impending loss of their 'birthright'. As canvassing commenced, the 'party which usually supports the interests of the "third man"' waited 'in restless anxiety for his appearance'. Nobody materialized until the day before the nomination meeting, when Stanbury arrived and handbills were circulated stating that 'Adam Gordon esquire', presumably James Adam Gordon*, was on his way. He appeared that afternoon and entered into consultations with 'two members of the corporation and many of the freemen', but 'after two hours he again quitted the borough'. It was thereupon decided to nominate Hodgson, who was in France and probably unaware of what was happening. Tudor was proposed, 'amidst mingled hisses and cheers', by Harris and Thorne, who maintained that he had conscientiously discharged his duty and was not altogether opposed to reform. Chichester was introduced by George Fortescue* and William Gribble, who ridiculed the claims of Tudor's supporters. Hodgson was sponsored by Richard Bremridge and Charles Roberts, who claimed that he was 'free from all party interests' and wished to 'relieve the people so far as ... practicable without endangering the constitution'. Tudor claimed that he had exercised his independent judgement in opposing the 'highly dangerous' reform bill and warned that the increase in Ireland's representation would encourage agitation for repeal of the Union. Chichester described himself as a 'decided advocate for reform' and supported the disfranchisement of the non-resident freemen, who had no interest in the borough, but he favoured preserving the rights of residents in perpetuity. When pressed on the question of Ireland's representation, he appeared to oppose any increase. The show of hands was called in Hodgson and Tudor's favour, but a poll was demanded. Polling commenced the following morning at nine o'clock and continued until shortly after four, when Tudor retired, expressing disappointment and surprise. Bremridge mentioned that a subscription fund had been proposed to defray Hodgson's expenses but was 'confident that [he] possessed too much ... honourable feeling ... to accept ... any pecuniary assistance'. The chairing took place 'midst ... a torrent of rain', the usual dinners were given and the Members donated 50 guineas each for town improvements in lieu of a ball. According to the Whiggish Western Times, Barnstaple had begun to redeem its reputation by returning a committed reformer and another Member apparently 'favourable to the bill', but this view was too simplistic.31 Of the 381 who polled, 64 per cent cast a vote for Hodgson, 57 for Chichester and 48 for Tudor. Chichester obtained 93 plumpers (43 per cent of his total), Hodgson got 13 (5 per cent) and Tudor ten (5 per cent). Hodgson and Tudor had 140 split votes (57 and 76 per cent of their respective totals), Hodgson and Chichester received 92 (39 and 42 per cent) and Chichester and Tudor 33 (15 and 18 per cent). Of those who polled, 191 (50 per cent) were residents, an unusually high figure. Hodgson and Tudor fared better with the residents, who gave them 136 and 106 votes respectively (89 were split between them), whereas Chichester's strength lay with the non-residents, who gave him 133 votes, including 55 plumpers. Only 23 London freemen voted, of whom 18 split between Hodgson and Tudor; Stanbury later claimed that he had paid travelling expenses to 'many more', who failed to attend the poll, and that his 'severe losses' were the cause of his imprisonment for debt.32
At a public meeting chaired by John Gribble, 14 Sept. 1831, Samuel Linnington, Thorne and William Gribble were among the speakers advocating a petition to the Lords for the speedy passage of the reintroduced reform bill, which was agreed and presented by Lord Poltimore, 28 Sept.33 Following the bill's rejection the new mayor, William Law, broke with convention by agreeing to chair a political meeting, 15 Oct., which was 'twice as large in numbers and influence' as any previous one. John Gribble moved an address to the king declaring support for his ministers, which was seconded by J. Clay and carried. An amendment by the shoemaker William Herepath against recommending the creation of new peers 'was lost', but another expressing 'contempt and indignation' at the bishops' conduct was pressed by Mortimer and 'carried by a very great majority'. George Meliss urged the people to persevere with peaceful methods and praised the role of the aristocracy in sponsoring reform. The address was forwarded to the home secretary Lord Melbourne for presentation, but Law distanced himself from the clause censuring the bishops.34 May chaired a meeting, 3 May, which sent a petition to the Lords in favour of the revised bill, 14 May 1832.35 Next day a meeting at the Golden Lion, chaired by Linnington and addressed by William Gribble and Meliss, resolved to establish a North Devon Political Union, which recruited 'upwards of 300 members'. It was responsible for petitioning the Commons for an Irish reform bill similar to that for England, 20 June.36 The settlement of the reform question was celebrated by the distribution of food to 3,000 people, paid for by public subscription, 19 June 1832, when the Political Union organized a procession.37
The boundary commissioners found that Barnstaple contained 'a sufficient constituency' and recommended that its old boundaries be preserved. In 1832 there were 720 registered electors, of whom 261 were freemen.38 At the general election that year Hodgson retired and Chichester was returned ahead of a Conservative, sitting until his defeat in 1841. Hodgson was returned in 1837 and sat until his defeat in 1847. Barnstaple's political inconsistency was doubtless attributable to the continued activities of men like Stanbury, who in 1832 was working for the unsuccessful Conservative candidate Lord George Hervey.39
Author: Terry Jenkins
1. PP (1831-2), xxxvi. 495.
2. Ibid. (1831-2), xxxviii. 109; Pigot's Commercial Dir. (1830), 179; W. Hoskins, Devon, 327-30.
3. PP (1831-2), xxxvi. 495; (1835), xxiii. 427-34; J. Gribble, Mems. Barnstaple, 246, 252-4.
4. Oldfield, Rep. Hist. (1816), iii. 300-02; Gribble, 239-42; PP (1826-7), iv. 485-6, 490-1; Western Times, 6 Nov. 1830.
5. HP Commons, 1790-1820, ii. 103-5.
6. Alfred, 7, 14 Mar.; Trewman's Exeter Flying Post, 16 Mar. 1820; Add. 38458, f. 310.
7. CJ, lxxv. 263; lxxvi. 143.
8. Alfred, 28 Nov., 26 Dec. 1820.
9. CJ, lxxviii. 190; lxxix. 81.
10. Trewman's Exeter Flying Post, 4, 11 Mar.; Woolmer's Exeter and Plymouth Gazette, 6, 13, 27 Mar. 1824; Gribble, 237-9.
11. N. Devon RO BCR 149, ms pollbook 1824.
12. CJ, lxxix. 404; lxxxi. 249.
13. Ibid. lxxx. 315; LJ, lvii. 600.
14. Alfred, 4, 11 Oct. 1825.
15. Ibid. 23 May, 6, 20 June; Syle's Barnstaple Herald, 30 May, 6-20 June; Trewman's Exeter Flying Post, 8 June 1826.
17. CJ, lxxxii. 230; lxxxiii. 79; LJ, lix. 104.
18. CJ, lxxxii. 567; lxxxiii. 181; LJ, lx. 118.
19. N. Devon Jnl. 22, 29 Jan., 13 Mar., 2 Apr. 1829; CJ, lxxxiv. 104.
20. N. Devon Jnl. 29 Apr., 6 May 1830; CJ, lxxxv. 411.
21. N. Devon Jnl. 17, 24 June; Western Times, 19, 26 June 1830.
22. N. Devon Jnl. 8-29 July, 5 Aug.; Western Times, 24, 31 July 1830; Wellington mss WP1/1134/6.
23. N. Devon Jnl. 5, 12, 26 Aug.; Western Times, 7 Aug. 1830.
25. N. Devon RO B440/4/2, 3, 5; Wellington mss WP1/1204/3, 18; D. Drake, Barnstaple MPs, 190; Besley's Exeter News, 1 Jan. 1832.
26. N. Devon Jnl. 20 Jan., 3 Feb., 14, 28 Apr. 1831; CJ, lxxxvi. 278; LJ, lxiii. 371.
27. CJ, lxxxvi. 455, 491; LJ, lxiii. 415.
28. N. Devon Jnl. 10 Feb. 1831; CJ, lxxxvi. 310; LJ, lxiii. 263.
29. N. Devon Jnl. 10, 24 Mar. 1831; CJ, lxxxvi. 407.
30. N. Devon Jnl. 21 Apr. 1831.
31. Ibid. 31 Mar., 28 Apr., 5 May, 9 June; Western Times, 7 May 1831.
32. N. Devon RO BCR 152, ms pollbook 1831; Stanbury mss 50/11/141/3.
33. N. Devon Jnl. 15 Sept. 1831; LJ, lxiii. 1014.
34. N. Devon Jnl. 13, 20 Oct., 3 Nov. 1831.
35. Ibid. 10 May 1832; LJ, lxiv. 203.
36. N. Devon Jnl. 17, 24 May, 7 June 1832; CJ, lxxxvii. 419.
37. N. Devon Jnl. 21 June 1832.
38. PP (1831-2), xxxviii. 109-10; (1835), xxiii. 434.
39. Woolmer's Exeter and Plymouth Gazette, 15 Dec. 1832; Stanbury mss 50/11/141/7-8.


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