Rose water came into scenario in the 10Th Century from Persia. Most of the rose oils and rose water still come from that region only. Rose water preparation requires many petals, but the rose water is required for many purposes. It has many health benefits.
Growing popularity for the rose water is its rich fragrance. Its fragrance refreshes the body and mind. It has pleasant and romantic fragrance. It is an excellent skin toner that firms the skin naturally and also hydrates the skin to give a healthy glow. If used regularly, it helps in cleansing and tightening the skin's pores. Rose water has gained popularity in aromatherapy because it provides calming and relaxing effect.
Probably the Persians were the first to use rose water in cooking. They invented marzipan which is made from ground almonds, sugar and the traditional fragrance of rose water. The Arabs also used it in making sweet drinks and desserts.
Rose water is mostly used for skin care. This is safe and gentle for all types of skin. This has good effect on aging and dry skin. This also works well on oily skin and skin prone to blemishes. It has astringent like property that reduces redness from the enlarged capillaries.
When rose water is added to a tub of hot water, it is an excellent relaxant. It has soothing effect, hence used for treating stress. It is also used for treating stress related diseases like nervous tension, heart diseases and peptic ulcers.
Rose hips are also used for preparing rose water. These are rich in essential vitamins. Essential vitamins include vitamin A, B3, C, D and E. Antioxidants, flavonoids, zinc and tannins are also found in rose water. These all improve the texture and health of skin.
Therapeutic teas are prepared from rose water. These teas are used for treating bladder infections and stomach distresses. This is also sipped as warm beverage for its calming capacity.
Numerous dishes are flavored with little amounts of rose water. Ice creams, Greek pastries, custards, Indian curries, marzipan and, Baklava are all splashed with rose water for its appealing flavor.
Add a few drops of rose water to bathing water while taking bath. Pour this water on the head. It reduces scalp inflammation and increases blood supply to scalp, thereby increases hair growth. Also it acts a great conditioner.
Rosewater acts as a great relaxer. If your eyes are running, burning or turned red, or if eyes are swollen, irritated or inflamed, then rose water is an excellent remedy for relaxation and treating them. Just put 3 drops of rose water in eyes and close your eyes for a few minutes for getting relief immediately.
8. The clean and fresh taste of this fragrant liquid has been used in perfumery, cosmetics and medicine for many centuries.
9. Natural rose water is used in treating acne and inflamed skin and it also has a moisturizing and nourishing effect suitable for facial masks and hair treatment. It can be added to bath water for relaxation or as a moisturizer afterwards.
10. Can be uses as an universal, non-toxic, environment-friendly household cleaner.
It is proven that rose oil has the following effects on the human body: antidepressant, anti-inflammatory, antiseptic, antispasmodic, antiviral, aphrodisiac, analgesic, bactericidal, regenerative, cholagogue, choleretic, cathartic, diuretic, menstrual stimulant, astringent, hepatic, laxative, mucolytic, stimulating labor, sedative, digestive, antispasmodic, tonic, anthelmintic.


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How To Soften The Blow From Recent Hurricanes And Earthquakes
By Amy Held
Published September 21, 2017 at 11:31 AM CDT
Rescue vehicles stand trapped under a collapsed awning while Hurricane Maria lashed Humacao, Puerto Rico on Wednesday.
Back-to-back natural disasters in Mexico and across the Caribbean have left millions of people reeling.
The 7.1 magnitude earthquake that struck central Mexico on Tuesday crumpled buildings and killed more than 200 people. And it hit while Mexico was still recovering from another deadly and powerful earthquake in the southern part of the country. On Thursday rescue workers were still trying to free trapped victims.
On Wednesday Hurricane Maria dealt Puerto Rico a direct punch, knocking out power across the entire island. Its rains have led to widespread flooding and its heavy winds took roofs, snapped power lines and uprooted trees. "The Puerto Rico and San Juan we knew yesterday is no longer there," Mayor Carmen Yulín Cruz told NBC News.
Other parts of the Caribbean have had no time to catch their breath after surviving Hurricane Irma only to be ravaged by Maria.
As crews attempt to clean up and distribute aid, Kenneth Mapp, governor of the U.S. Virgin Islands, issued a 24-hour curfew on Thursday. And the Associated Press reports that Maria left at least nine people dead in Dominica and Guadeloupe.
NPR's Jason Beaubien spent time on the U.S. Virgin Islands after Irma hit and reports, "St. Thomas was basically surviving on a lifeline out of St. Croix and Puerto Rico and that lifeline was severed by Maria."
Beaubien advises against volunteers traveling to the region to help rebuild, noting that just getting enough clean water on the islands is "a huge problem, so extra bodies will need access to clean water too."
Mayela Sánchez / GPJ Mexico
Search and rescue groups carry a body through the rubble of a collapsed apartment building in Mexico City on Wednesday.
There are other ways to extend a lifeline. Here are some charities with an on-the-ground presence and accepting donations:
My Brother's Workshop is a St. Thomas-based charity that has been running a daily lunch program on the island.
Americares delivers medicine and aid to local health providers and is readying emergency kits for future crises.
GlobalGiving is supplying emergency supplies across the Caribbean in addition to longer-term recovery help.
All Hands Volunteers is a volunteer-driven disaster relief organization awaiting "the green light" from first responders to get back to St. Thomas to help.
Catholic Relief Services is working with local governments across the Caribbean to provide relief including shelter, water and kitchen kits to hurricane victims.
The Florida-based National Puerto Rican Leadership Council Education Fund is helping coordinate relief efforts. President Carlos Guzman tells NPR they are accepting diapers, formula and water. But he adds, "money is better because all the airports are shut down," and the group is trying to get goods over the island via private jets.
Carlos Giusti / AP
People walk next to a flooded gas station in Humacao, Puerto Rico on Wednesday.
Topos México, an all-volunteer rescue brigade, is working to dig out victims and is accepting support. Donation information is on their Twitter page.
The Mexican Red Cross or Cruz Roja Mexicana has teams assisting in search and rescue operations. It has also put together an Amazon wish list of needed items, including tents, baby supplies and batteries.
Oxfam is asking for funds as it develops a response plan in coordination with the Mexican government and other aid organizations.
Save the Children is raising money for a children's relief fund.
Marco Ugarte / AP
Rescue crews try to free a trapped child at the Enrique Rebsamen primary school in Mexico City on Wednesday after a powerful earthquake jolted central Mexico a day earlier.
How to make your money go further
"As when giving with any charity, try and do your due diligence about the organization you are giving to. Do friends vouch for it? Has it been endorsed by other trustworthy organizations? And watch out for scams," reports NPR's Carrie Kahn from Mexico City.
A good place to start is by looking up charities at Charity Navigator or Guidestar. Both are themselves charities that evaluate other nonprofits and track where their money goes.
Amy Held is an editor on the newscast unit. She regularly reports breaking news on air and online.
See stories by Amy Held

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Justin Timberlake has (finally) taken to Instagram to announce, on his 34th birthday, that he and Jessica Biel are expecting a baby.
After weeks of pregnancy rumours, the singer shared the news by posting a picture of him kissing his partner's visibly pregnant bump.
Justin and Jessica married at a private ceremony in Italy in 2012, and this will be their 1st child.


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Sławomir Bogdan Szmal (ur. 2 października 1978 w Strzelcach Opolskich) – polski piłkarz ręczny, występujący na pozycji bramkarza, w latach 1998–2018 reprezentant kraju, rekordzista pod względem liczby oficjalnych spotkań międzypaństwowych w kadrze seniorskiej (298 meczów, 3 gole). Wicemistrz świata z 2007, brązowy medalista Mistrzostw Świata 2009 oraz Mistrzostw Świata 2015. Dwukrotny uczestnik igrzysk olimpijskich (2008 i 2016). Najlepszy piłkarz ręczny świata roku 2009. Laureat 76. Plebiscytu Przeglądu Sportowego i Telewizji Polskiej na 10 najlepszych sportowców Polski roku 2010 (zajął w nim 6. miejsce). Od 2021 jest wiceprezesem Związku Piłki Ręcznej w Polsce, odpowiedzialnym za sprawy sprawy szkolenia sportowego.

Kariera

Początki
Dzieciństwo oraz wczesną młodość spędził w Zawadzkiem. Początkowo próbował różnych dyscyplin, m.in. przejawiał talent do piłki nożnej, ale dość wcześnie postawił na piłkę ręczną. Była to niejako rodzinna tradycja, bowiem dyscyplinę tę uprawiali również jego ojciec (który po zakończeniu kariery zawodniczej został trenerem Stali), matka, stryj, wujek (Andrzej Mientus, w latach 80. jeden z bramkarzy reprezentacji Polski) i siostra. Przygodę ze szczypiorniakiem rozpoczął w wieku 11 lat w drużynie juniorów Stali Zawadzkie, a jego pierwszym szkoleniowcem był Jerzy Piechula, nauczyciel wychowania fizycznego. Na pozycji bramkarza zagrał w półfinale mistrzostw Polski juniorów, gdzie po raz pierwszy zobaczyli go opiekunowie reprezentacji juniorskiej. Szybko dostał powołanie do tej kadry, a następnie zadebiutował w młodzieżówce.

Klubowa
Jako że był niezwykle pracowity, miał talent i robił znaczne postępy szybko znalazł się w kadrze zespołu seniorskiego swojego klubu, do której to wprowadzał go jego ojciec Kazimierz. W 1996 trafił do Gwardii (WKW) Opole, gdzie ściągnął go i trenował Antoni Przybecki. Po roku – mając 19 lat – przeszedł do Hutnika Kraków i w jego barwach zadebiutował w polskiej ekstraklasie. Do Krakowa wyjechał tuż po ukończeniu szkoły, bo w Zawadzkiem nie mógł znaleźć pracy. Jednak tamtejszy klub popadł w tarapaty finansowe i w 1999 przestał istnieć, a Szmal został bez pracodawcy.

Jego talent dostrzegli włodarze Warszawianki Warszawa, którzy podpisali kontrakt z "Kasą" (pseudonim boiskowy), wówczas już członkiem kadry narodowej. Ze stołecznym zespołem odniósł pierwsze sukcesy – w sezonie 2001/2002 wywalczył wicemistrzostwo kraju (1 punkt za Orlenem Płock) i Puchar Polski (zwycięstwo nad Kolporterem Lider Market Kielce). Latem 2002 przeniósł się do drużyny ówczesnego mistrza, bowiem jego marzeniem było wywalczenie pierwszego tytułu, jednak w sezonie 2002/2003 od "Nafciarzy" lepsze o 1 punkt okazało się Vive Kielce. Szmalowi został jednak najlepszym bramkarzem ligi.

12 kwietnia 2010 podpisał czteroletni kontrakt z Vive Targi Kielce, który obowiązywał od 1 lipca 2011. Jednocześnie podjęto negocjacje, by występował w barwach kieleckiego klubu już od początku sezonu 2010/2011, lecz z powodu zbyt wysokich żądań finansowych niemieckiego klubu wcześniejszy transfer nie doszedł do skutku. Został dwukrotnie mistrzem Polski w barwach Vive Targi Kielce (w sezonach 2011/2012 i 2012/2013). W 2016 po raz pierwszy zdobył złoty medal Ligi Mistrzów z zespołem .

Reprezentacyjna
W kadrze narodowej zadebiutował mając 19 lat – 19 sierpnia 1998 w wygranym 31:20 towarzyskim meczu przeciwko Litwie w Goleniowie. Początkowo w reprezentacji pełnił rolę zmiennika starszych i bardziej doświadczonych bramkarzy Andrzeja Marszałka, Artura Górala, a potem Rafała Bernackiego. W 2002 wziął udział w swej pierwszej wielkiej imprezie międzynarodowej – Mistrzostwach Europy w Szwecji; był to zarazem premierowy występ Polski w turnieju finałowym ME), drużyna zajęła tam jednak dopiero 15. miejsce. Rok później wystąpił w swoich pierwszych finałach mistrzostw świata i ostatecznie zajął 10. miejsce na MŚ w Portugalii. W 2007 wywalczył srebrny medal Mistrzostw Świata w Niemczech, za co 5 lutego 2007 został odznaczony przez Prezydenta RP Lecha Kaczyńskiego Złotym Krzyżem Zasługi) oraz Superpuchar. W ćwierćfinałowym meczu MŚ przeciwko Rosji obronił cztery rzuty karne, a w całym turnieju 111 rzutów. W lutym 2008 zajął siódme miejsce Mistrzostw Europy w Norwegii, a w maju – podczas wrocławskiego turnieju kwalifikacyjnego – wywalczył przepustkę do Igrzysk Olimpijskich w Pekinie, na którym zajął piąte miejsce po przegranej w ćwierćfinale z Islandią. W lutym 2009 zdobył brązowy medal Mistrzostw Świata w Chorwacji, a w styczniu 2010 został uznany najlepszym bramkarzem i wybrany do "Drużyny Gwiazd" Mistrzostw Europy w Austrii.

24 stycznia 2014 w meczu o piąte miejsce uległ wraz z kolegami reprezentacji Islandii, zajmując ostatecznie szóste miejsce na Mistrzostwach Europy w Danii. Na mistrzostwach świata 2015 zdobył brązowy medal. Po nich został odznaczony przez prezydenta Bronisława Komorowskiego Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski.

Grę w kadrze narodowej zakończył w 2016 po Igrzyskach Olimpijskich w Rio de Janeiro. Pozostaje rekordzistą pod względem liczby występów w seniorskiej reprezentacji – zagrał 298 oficjalnych meczów międzypaństwowych.

W maju 2010 w plebiscycie Międzynarodowej Federacji Piłki Ręcznej (IHF) został wybrany najlepszym piłkarzem ręcznym świata w 2009, pokonując w głosowaniu dwóch kontrkandydatów: Igora Voriego oraz Nikolę Karabaticia.

Udział w turniejach mistrzowskich

Kariera związkowa
W czerwcu 2021 został wybrany do zarządu Związku Piłki Ręcznej w Polsce. Jest jego wiceprezesem odpowiadającym za sprawy szkolenia sportowego.

Życie prywatne
Żonaty z Anetą (byłą piłkarką ręczną), z którą ma syna, Filipa.

Czynnie angażuje się w akcje charytatywne. Patronuje odbywającemu się w Zawadzkiem turnieju juniorów młodszych "Sławomir Szmal zaprasza" oraz fundacji jego imienia, która wspiera szkolenie młodych szczypiornistów. Organizuje również obóz "Kuźnia Bohaterów Sławomira Szmala", przeznaczony dla dzieci w wieku 13-14 lat, na którym promuje piłkę ręczna i ogólnie aktywność fizyczną. Pasjonuje się grą w bilarda.

Osiągnięcia

Reprezentacyjne
 Mistrzostwa Świata
  (2007)
  (2009)
  (2015)

 Superpuchar Europy
  (2007)

Klubowe
 Mistrzostwa Polski
  (2012, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016)
  (2002, 2003)

 Puchar Polski
  (2002, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015)

 Liga Mistrzów
  (2013)
  (2015)
  (2016)

 Mistrzostwa Niemiec
  (2009)

 Puchar Niemiec
  (2006, 2007)

Nagrody indywidualne
 2010: Najlepszy bramkarz Mistrzostw Europy

Wyróżnienia
 Najlepszy piłkarz ręczny świata 2009
 6. miejsce w Plebiscycie Przeglądu Sportowego 2010

Przypisy

Linki zewnętrzne
 Sławomir Szmal na oficjalnej stronie Vive Targi Kielce

Odznaczeni Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski (III Rzeczpospolita)
Odznaczeni Złotym Krzyżem Zasługi (III Rzeczpospolita)
Piłkarze ręczni Warszawianki
Piłkarze ręczni Wisły Płock
Polscy olimpijczycy (Pekin 2008)
Urodzeni w 1978
Piłkarze ręczni TuS N-Lübbecke
Piłkarze ręczni Rhein-Neckar Löwen
Piłkarze ręczni Hutnika Kraków
Piłkarze ręczni Vive Kielce
Ludzie urodzeni w Strzelcach Opolskich
Reprezentanci Polski w piłce ręcznej
Polscy olimpijczycy (Rio de Janeiro 2016)
Piłkarze ręczni na Letnich Igrzyskach Olimpijskich 2016

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
On this day … 13 January 1883
January 13, 2023 January 13, 2023 ~ Peter Smith
The Preston Guardian reported the opening of the Brunswick Street Temperance Mission by the British Women's Temperance Association as a mission room for women.
Women seem to have been pretty scarce in the town's temperance story, and possibly in the wider movement nationally. In his autobiography, the teetotal campaigner and social reformer Joseph Livesey devoted the final chapter to fulsome praise for himself from representatives of all the temperance organisations in Britain who journeyed to Preston to celebrate his 80th birthday.
He was especially proud of what he termed 'a selection of autographs of the leading temperance men throughout the kingdom'. The autographs were attached to an address, which 'was signed by more than 220 representative temperance men in all parts of the United Kingdom'. There was not a single woman on the list.
Nor did there seem to be much room for an ordinary man of the people, the list would appear to consist exclusively of the 'great and the good', being peppered with titles and professional qualifications. A world away from the lives of the seven men of Preston who signed the pledge in 1832.
Women do seem to have played little part in the movement in Preston certainly until late in the 19th century, to judge by the account Livesey includes in his autobiography and by reports in the local papers. The 2 February 1862 issue of the Preston Guardian reported that a Females' Temperance Society in Preston had been abandoned through want of success. And in 1870 the paper carried letters about the need for a ladies' temperance association in Preston. Finally, in 1877 a ladies' committee was formed to assist the cause of temperance in Preston and by the end of 1878 a ladies' temperance mission was operating.
This late and somewhat peripheral involvement in the movement in Preston is strange, for in the USA women played a leading role in the temperance movement. They were certainly not peripheral there, but where always at the forefront, just as they had been in the abolitionist movement in the years before the Civil War. Preston women eventually found their own voice in their fight for the vote in the early years of the next century.
The section of Chapter 18 of Joseph Livesey's autobiography with a selection of the names of men signing a tribute to him on his 80th birthday.
Published by Peter Smith
View all posts by Peter Smith
‹ PreviousOn this day … 12 January 1689
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OPINION: REFERRING BREXIT TO THE COURT OF JUSTICE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: WHY REVOKING AN ARTICLE 50 NOTICE SHOULD BE LEFT TO THE UNITED KINGDOM
Posted on November 14, 2016 by edecapitani
ORIGINAL PUBLISHED ON EU LAW BLOG (NOVEMBER 14, 2016)
By Oliver Garner
An Encore to (R)Miller from the Court of Justice?
There is a potential European encore to the constitutional drama of the UK High Court decision in R(Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union. The judgment found that the UK government cannot trigger Article 50 TEU without Parliament's involvement. The government has already indicated its intention to appeal directly to the UK Supreme Court (UKSC). Certain commentators in the media have picked up on the possibility that the Supreme Court could refer (certain aspects of) the case to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). This has been referred to as 'the constitutional equivalent of breaking the space-time continuum'.
Of course, as the reaction to the judgment in (R)Miller has shown, the UK media are not afraid of exaggeration. The first and most important thing to reiterate is that the CJEU could not act as the final constitutional arbiter of the question in the case of whether the UK government may use the royal prerogative to give notice under Article 50 TEU. The EU law clause is clear that the condition for the decision to withdraw is 'accordance with [the] constitutional requirements' of the Member State. Therefore, the final decision on the substance of whether these requirements have been fulfilled will always be for that Member State's highest judicial authority. Instead, the possibility of a referral to the Court of Justice in the case concerns one specific aspect of the withdrawal clause: whether the notification to the European Council of an intention to withdraw under Article 50(2) is revocable. The silence of the clause can be seen to constitute a 'gap' in the law.
However, this post will argue that it is not necessary for the Court of Justice to prove an authoritative determination on this question of EU law in order for the UK Supreme Court to decide the specific question of UK constitutional law in the (R)Miller adjudication. Therefore – in the specific case of (R)Miller – the UK court is under no obligation under Article 267 TFEU to refer the question to the Court of Justice of the European Union. The post will go on to consider the hypothetical situations in which there may be such an obligation to refer, and will suggest how the Court of Justice should determine the question in such a scenario.
The argument for an UKSC obligation to refer under Article 267 TFEU
Dr. Albert Sanchez-Graells has provided a robust argument for why the UK Supreme Court will be under an obligation in EU law to submit a reference under Article 267 TFEU. He states that legally a failure to refer could leave the United Kingdom exposed to infringement proceedings by the Commission. The fact that the explosive political consequences of the Commission embarking on such a proceeding makes this course highly unlikely does not change the legal reality. However, on this purely legal question, I would argue contra Sanchez-Graells that the UK Supreme Court does not need to interpret whether Article 50 enables or does not enable revocation of a notification in order to reach a decision on the specific question in the case of whether the United Kingdom's constitutional requirements for withdrawing from the European Union have been fulfilled.
At paragraph 10 of Thursday's judgment, the High Court outlined that it was 'common ground between the parties …[that] a notice under Article 50(2) cannot be withdrawn, once it is given'. As an initial point, therefore, it could be argued that the question of revocability will not come up for determination before the Supreme Court as neither party will raise the argument. However, Dr Sanchez-Graells argues that when the case reaches the Supreme Court on appeal '[e]ven if the parties do not challenge or even raise to the UKSC's consideration the matter of the (ir)reversibility of an Article 50 notification, it is a logical given that the UKSC needs to take a stance on this point in order to be able to rule on the case'. He grounds this on the requirements of the CILFIT test: accordingly the UKSC will be under an obligation to refer unless (i) the question raised is irrelevant; (ii) the EU provision in question has already been interpreted by the Court; or (iii) the correct application of EU law is so obvious as to leave no scope for any reasonable doubt.
Following Sanchez-Graells' argument, it seems clear that requirements (ii) and (iii) of the CILFIT test are not fulfilled: Article 50 TEU has never been interpreted by the court, and the silence on revocability means that there is reasonable doubt as to its application. However, I would challenge Sanchez-Graells' statement that 'it is inconceivable…to argue that the…(ir)revocability of a notice under (Article 50) is irrelevant for the adjudication of this case'. In formalistic terms, it could be argued that the appellants (the government) and the respondents (the initial claimants) proceeding on the assumption that notice under Article 50 TEU is irrevocable means precisely that the question is not relevant for the adjudication of the specific question in the case. However, even if this position were changed and the government argued that notice was revocable, for the purposes of UK constitutional law the consequences remain binary: if notice is not revoked then the salient consequences determining the question as outlined by the High Court will proceed; if notification were revoked then such consequences would not occur. This does not change the determination of the prior question of how exactly such notification may be achieved. Indeed, the fact that the 'adjudication of this case' concerns such questions of the internal constitutional requirements of the United Kingdom shows that the question does not yet fall within the scope of the Court of Justice's interpretative authority because the relevant EU law – Article 50 – has not yet been activated.
The Activation of the Court of Justice's Interpretative Authority
I would respectfully disagree with Dr Sanchez-Graells' initial assumption that, before the activation of Article 50, it is necessary that the CJEU provides an answer to the question of revocation. To explain this, we can reverse the analogy of statutes such as the UK's European Communities Act 1972 acting as a 'bridge' to activate the direct effect of EU law in the national order (as most recently reiterated by the High Court's decision in (R)Miller at paragraphs 37-54). The notification by a Member State of its intention to withdraw from the European Union under Article 50(2) TEU can similarly be understood as a 'bridge' from the internal constitutional order that activates the EU procedural law outlined in the rest of Article 50. The chronology is that a Member State decision is made at the purely internal level to withdraw; this withdrawal is then communicated to the Union by the bridging communicative act of the government giving notice to the European Council; consequently, this triggers the procedural EU law regulating the conditions of withdrawal.
Building upon this, a hypothetical situation can be posed to illustrate the situation in which the UK's highest judicial authority would be under an obligation to refer under Article 267 TFEU. If the United Kingdom, having already triggered Article 50 TEU, make a unilateral attempt to revoke this notice, and this exercise of prerogative power were submitted to judicial review before the UK courts, then a substantive interpretation of EU law would be necessary to determine the question in the case. Consequently, in such a hypothetical case, the UK court would arguably violate its obligations under Article 267 TFEU if it failed to refer the substantive question of whether revocation is allowed under Article 50 TEU to the Court of Justice of the European Union.
I would accept that in this hypothetical situation it is necessary as a matter of EU law for the Court of Justice to have the final interpretative authority over the legal 'gap' concerning revocation of notification found in Article 50. However, I would argue that the most desirable way in which the Luxembourg Court could exercisethis authority would be to decide that the question of revoking notification falls under the constitutional requirements of the Member State. Just as Article 50(1) specifies that a decision to give notification falls under these requirements, so too should a decision to reverse this process. This would provide a coherent symmetry between the procedures for giving notification and withdrawing notification.
Of course, if negotiations of a withdrawal treaty are at an advanced stage then this could lead to a great deal of political upheaval. However, such upheaval cannot function as a reason for the Court of Justice to find such a revocation to be inconsistent with EU law – particularly with regard to the silence of Article 50 on the issue. This position is supported by the argument of Lord Kerr – one of the drafters of Article 50 TEU – that notification is revocable. He argues that if a country were to decide during exit negotiations that they wished to halt the withdrawal process then "everybody would be very cross about it being a waste of time…but legally they couldn't insist that you (the withdrawing state) leave". Consequently, my argument is that procedurally the Court of Justice must be the final arbiter of this particular issue of Article 50. However, on the substantivequestion, once the national court has fulfilled its obligation under Article 267 TFEU to refer, the CJEU should fill the legal gap by determining that revocation of an Article 50 notice is a matter for the internal constitutional requirements of the withdrawing Member State.
Conclusions: No Obligation to Refer, but One Final Twist?
In the present proceedings in (R)Miller, I would argue that the UK Supreme Court is not under an obligation to refer the question of the revocability of a notice under Article 50 TEU to the Court of Justice of the European Union. This is because determining the substantive answer to this gap in the EU law found in Article 50 TEU is irrelevant for the national court to determine the answer to the UK constitutional law question of whether the requirements for withdrawing from the European Union have been fulfilled.
However, the situation changes if Article 50 has been triggered and the question of whether this notification can be revoked comes before the UK Courts. In such a situation, the obligation to refer the question to the Court of Justice of the European Union would bite as this concerns a directly relevant substantive interpretation of EU law. If this situation were to arise, my personal opinion is that it would be desirable for the Court of Justice to determine effectively that revocation of notification is permissible in EU law if such revocation is in accordance with the constitutional requirements of the withdrawing Member State.
Therefore, moving back to the present litigation, in the unlikely event that the UK Supreme Court does exercise its discretion to refer the question of revocation to the Court of Justice, I would hope that the Luxembourg court shows the adjudicative wisdom to find that the question is not relevant to the determination of the present case. However, as a final twist, in the unlikely event that a reference is indeed submitted by the UK Supreme Court in December then the Court of Justice could pre-empt the hypothetical situation that I propose above. The Luxembourg Court could outline in obiter dicta that, if the question of revocation is directly on point in the future, then it is a question for the national judicial authority to decide. Consequently, if the direct question of revocation of Article 50 TEU ever does come before a UK Court, they could proceed to judgment on the question without a reference. This would be justified in EU law on the basis that requirement (ii) of the CILFIT test has been fulfilled by the Court of Justice's prior obiter dicta interpretation. Therefore, I would maintain that if the Court of Justice is ever called upon to provide an answer to the question it should find that the final substantive decision of whether an Article 50 notification can be revoked should be left to the internal constitutional requirements of the United Kingdom.
To summarise:
(1) The UKSC in the (R)Miller appeal will not be obliged under Article 267 TFEU to refer the question to the CJEU of whether revocation of an Article 50 TEU notice is possible because under requirement (i) of the CILFIT test this question is not relevant to determine the case;
(2) In contrast, if after Article 50 TEU is triggered the question of revocation came before the UKSC, then it would be under an obligation to provide a reference as the question would now be directly relevant to determining the case;
(3) Finally, in the unlikely event that the CJEU does consider that the question of revocation is 'necessary to enable it to give judgment' and it exercises the discretion under Article 267 TFEU to refer to the Court of Justice then the Luxembourg Court could pre-empt the hypothetical situation outlined above by providing an interpretation of whether revocation is possible under Article 50 TEU.


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Introduction Government health spending is a primary source of funding in the health sector across the world. However, in sub-Saharan Africa, only about a third of all health spending is sourced from the government. The objectives of this study are to describe the growth in government health spending, examine its determinants and explain the variation in government health spending across sub-Saharan African countries.
Methods We used panel data on domestic government health spending in 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa from 1995 to 2015 from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation. A regression model was used to examine the factors associated with government health spending, and Shapley decomposition was used to attribute the contributions of factors to the explained variance in government health spending.
Results While the growth rate in government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa has been positive overall, there are variations across subgroups. Between 1995 and 2015, government health spending in West Africa grew by 6.7% (95% uncertainty intervals [UI]: 6.2% to 7.0%) each year, whereas in Southern Africa it grew by only 4.5% (UI: 4.5% to 4.5%) each year. Furthermore, per-person government health spending ranged from $651 (Namibia) in 2017 purchasing power parity dollars to $4 (Central African Republic) in 2015. Good governance, national income and the share of it that is government spending were positively associated with government health spending. The results from the decomposition, however, showed that individual country characteristics made up the highest percentage of the explained variation in government health spending across sub-Saharan African countries.
Conclusion These findings highlight that a country's policy choices are important for how much the health sector receives. As the attention of the global health community focuses on ways to stimulate domestic government health spending, an understanding that individual country sociopolitical context is an important driver for success will be key.
National income and government fiscal space are important determinants of how much a country's government spends on health.
Country choices irrespective of income level, government fiscal space or population structure explain more of the level of government health spending observed in a country.
Individual country characteristics such as good governance or the perceived levels of corruption in the public sector are important factors for understanding differences in government health spending across sub-Saharan African countries.
For countries in sub-Saharan Africa, as the attention of the global health community focuses on ways to stimulate domestic government health spending, an understanding of individual country sociopolitical context will be most critical.
Interventions that find a way to promote country ownership of the health-related Sustainable Development Goals may yield greater success in generating more spending on health from the government in support of the goals.
Government health spending is the primary source of health funding throughout the world. In 2015, government health spending made up 59.7% (59.2%–60.0%) of the total health spending globally, although it was only 34.4% (33.5%–35.2%) in sub-Saharan Africa.1 While the devastating effects of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and other diseases drew a great deal of attention and external funding to the subregion starting from the mid-1990s, recent changes have led to a plateauing of external resources for health.2 Additionally, estimates of the cost of attaining the health-related Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have led to a renewed sense of urgency to rally and leverage all possible resource avenues.3 These circumstances have revitalised an interest in understanding and tracking domestic government health spending in low-income and middle-income countries, and in sub-Saharan Africa in particular, as government health spending, both per capita and as a per cent of the total health spending in the region, remain among the lowest globally.
While there is an extensive literature tracking the growth and determinants of health spending in high-income countries, especially countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the literature focusing on the determinants of health spending in low-income and middle-income countries is relatively limited.4–11 There are databases from international agencies and research institutes that track and characterise cross-country estimates of health spending globally and government health spending in particular.12–16 Also, there exist in the literature a few studies on the determinants of government health spending in low-income and middle-income17–21 countries. The studies on government spending on health have examined factors such as national income, government fiscal space, population structure, health burden or disease prevalence, and health system characteristics. Findings from these studies show that national income and government fiscal space are important determinants of government health spending.8–11 20 22 23 In several studies, no statistically significant association is found between government health spending and population structure.20 21 24 The findings on the association between government health spending and health system characteristics have been mixed.20 25 The majority of existing studies have focused on quantifying the magnitude of the change in government health spending associated with a change in each factor, but this evidence is not indicative of how much of the cross-country and time variation in government health spending is explained by each factor. This gap is important to fill because while the estimated association between a factor and government health spending may be large, the size of the change in the factor over time may be small, such that this factor may actually contribute very little to explaining the variation in government health spending. A decomposition analysis of associated factors provides evidence on the contributions of each factor to explaining the observed variation. To this end, there are no studies the authors are aware of that have decomposed the explanatory power of the various factors associated with government health spending in these settings.
This study aims to contribute to filling the gap in knowledge of government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa by characterising the nature of government health spending in sub-Saharan African countries, examining the factors associated with government health spending in these settings, and most importantly highlighting the share of the explained variation in government health spending by these factors. The study focuses on sub-Saharan African countries in particular because, although we observe very high burden of diseases such as HIV and malaria, many countries in this subregion are among the countries with the lowest levels of government health spending globally. Therefore, such an analysis is timely and important because it will provide information on the main drivers of government health spending that policymakers may use to guide the development of strategies to meet country-specific health goals and the global SDGs.
We used health spending data extracted from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation's Global Health Spending database.12 These health spending estimates are based on health spending by source data obtained from the WHO Global Health Expenditure Database, national health accounts and project-level data on development assistance for health.13 26 These data disaggregate total health spending into four mutually exclusive categories—domestic government health spending, prepaid private spending, out-of-pocket spending and development assistance for health—for 188 countries from 1995 through 2015. In this study, we limited the data set to 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, which are listed in table 2. We define domestic government spending on health as the aggregate value of transfers from government domestic revenue allocated to health purposes, social insurance contributions and compulsory prepayment.
We also used subregional classification from the GBD 2016 study30 to categorise the data in order to generate subregional rate of growth estimates. We calculated these subregional rates by aggregating national spending such that the rate is reflective of the subregion as a whole, rather than the average of its constituents.
The hypothesised associations between the included covariates and government health spending are based on evidence from previous literature. We hypothesised a positive association of government health spending with national income.8 32 In settings with more resources, more resources can be put towards the health sector to foster a healthy population that can support economic growth. Where the coefficient on income is positive but less than 1, it aligns with current view that health is a necessity good.5 Similarly, we hypothesised a positive association between the share of national income that is government spending and government health spending.32 As the share of the national income that is general government spending increases, more resources can trickle down to the health sector. We also hypothesised that the relationship between the flow of external resources for health and government health spending is negative.31 This implies that as more external resources flow into the health sector, less money flows from the domestic government to the health sector. We hypothesised a positive relationship between the population structure and government health spending, as well as between time and government health spending.20 Lastly, we hypothesised a positive relationship between the perception of corruption in the public sector and government health spending.31 Countries with a high perception of corruption are countries within which corruption levels are low and so fewer resources are misappropriated, leaving more resources in public coffers to be allocated.
National income was measured as per-person gross domestic product (GDPpc); the dependency ratio (Nonworkpop:Workpop), which represents the ratio of the non-working population (adults over 65 years and children under 15 years) to the working population (individuals 15–65 years), captured the population structure; development assistance for health received per person (DAHpc), general government spending as a share of the gross domestic product (GGE/GDP) and tax revenue as a share of the gross domestic product (TAXREV/GDP) were included to measure external assistance and government fiscal space, respectively. For the tax revenue as a share of GDP, the average proportion was used for country years with missing observations. Perception of corruption in the public sector (PCOR) was measured as an index on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 equals the highest level of perceived corruption and 100 equals the lowest level of perceived corruption. The last available data point for the corruption perception index was held constant to fill subsequent years where there was missing country years of data. All variables were log-transformed. Country-level fixed effects were included to control for unobserved, time-invariant, country-specific factors. Summary statistics of all measures included in the analysis are shown in table 1.
where GHESpc it is government health spending per person in country i at time t. β 1 – β 6 are the coefficients on the relevant covariates listed previously, γ t is the year trend, ν i is the country fixed effects that capture the characteristics particular to the ith country which are time-invariant, and εit is the error term. Robust SEs clustered at the country level were applied.
Figure 1 presents the annualised rate of growth in total government health spending across all countries in sub-Saharan Africa in 5-year intervals beginning 1995. Since 2000, government health spending has grown by more than 4% each year, with the highest period of growth being from 2000 through 2005. While the overall growth rate has shown positive year-on-year increase over the entire period, the highest periods of growth across all the subgroupings—East, West, Central and South—were observed between 2000 and 2015. West and Central Africa report growth rates as high as 12% during the periods 2000–2005 and 2005–2010, respectively. Interestingly, year-on-year growth in government health spending decreased in Central Africa from 1995 through 2000 and in Eastern Africa from 2005 to 2010.
Annualised growth in total government health spending by sub-Saharan African subregions.
Table 2 shows the total government health spending in each country, government health spending relative to population size, general government spending, national income and total health spending in 2015. For each country, these five metrics of government health spending highlight a different aspect of the value of government contribution to the health sector. While in some countries, like Namibia and Botswana, the total amount of government health spending is relatively low compared with other countries when put in the context of their relative population size, general government spending, total health spending and the size of their economy, they spend relatively more compared with other sub-Saharan African countries. There are also countries like South Africa that have relatively higher government health spending on all the metrics compared, while countries like Guinea, Eritrea and Benin fare relatively lower on all metrics compared. In terms of their relative population size, Namibia, South Africa and Botswana have the highest government health spending per person. Central African Republic, Somalia and Eritrea spend the smallest amount per person. Relative to each country's overall general government spending, Namibia, South Africa and eSwatini have the highest share going to health. The Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Eritrea have the lowest share of government spending on health relative to the size of their overall government spending. Related to the share of national income that is spent as government health spending, Namibia, eSwatini and Lesotho have the highest share, while Nigeria, Central African Republic and Equatorial Guinea have the lowest shares relatively. As a percentage of total health spending, in Namibia, eSwatini and Cape Verde, at least 60% is financed from government source.
Table 3 highlights the results from the country fixed-effects and first difference government health spending regressions. Columns 1 through 5 show the results of the fixed-effects regression with relevant variables added successively. Columns 6 and 7 report the results with corrected Driscoll and Kraay SEs due to cross-dependence. Columns 8 and 9 show the results from the first difference models. Results from specification tests, autocorrelation and unit roots are reported in online supplementary appendix 1. A 10% increase in the perception of corruption in the public sector is associated with a 2.3% increase in government health spending per person. This result is robust to the inclusion of time fixed effects (columns 3 and 4), additional measures of fiscal space (columns 5 and 7), and remains positive but insignificant in the first difference model. GDP shows a positive and significant association with government health spending. The income elasticity is observed to be below 1 (0.66, 95% CI 0.49 to 0.83). A 10% rise in government spending as a share of national income is associated with a 5.3% (0.53, 95% CI 0.31 to 0.75) increase in government health spending. The flow of external resources for health and government health spending are not statistically significantly associated. The dependency ratio, which captures the burden on the working population for the vulnerable—young and older population—is also non-significantly associated with government health spending. The intracluster correlation shows that over 87% of the differences in government health spending are based on differences across countries.
Figure 2 describes the results of the decomposition analysis. Country-specific idiosyncrasies make up the highest share (41.41% [95% CI 39.32 to 43.09]) of the explained variation in government health spending. The perceptions of corruption in the public sector index explained 8.38% (95% CI 6.78 to 9.65). National income explained 28.80% (95% CI 27.12 to 29.75) of the variation in government health spending, while the dependency ratio explained 9.44% (95% CI 7.70 to 10.89) of the variation in government health spending. The two measures of government fiscal space—government spending as a share of national income and tax revenue as a share of national income—together explained 9.00% (95% CI 7.47 to 10.52) of the variation. The flow of development assistance for health and time trends explained the smallest amount of variation in health spending.
Decomposition of drivers of government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa: country-specific features, national income, development assistance for health, dependency ratio and general government spending per gross national product. GDP, gross domestic product.
This study found that while there has been growth in overall government health spending since 1995, there are significant variations across countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Most interestingly, we found that while a country's national income remained important as a determinant of government health spending, a country's idiosyncrasies such as the perception of corruption in the public sector made up the highest share of the explained variation in government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa. These findings are critical because besides having some of the lowest ranking countries on the corruption index, also some of the lowest health spending globally is observed in countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
Among the countries in sub-Saharan Africa, government health spending grew at high rates during the years of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), in particular from 2000 through 2015. The focus of the MDGs on specific diseases such as HIV/AIDS and malaria and issues such as maternal and infant mortality that are observed at disproportionately high levels in African countries brought a great deal of attention and prioritisation to health on the continent. Subsequently, many African governments committed to meeting the goals set for these respective health areas. This commitment seems to have resulted in improved prioritisation and dedication of resources to health around that period. Nonetheless, despite the overall positive trends in growth rates, substantial variation persists. The fluctuation observed in growth in government health spending may be challenging for health system planners.
In this study, government health spending was measured relative to other factors including population, general government spending, size of the economy and total health spending. These different metrics provide relative comparisons and highlight the importance of context when comparing healthcare spending. Nonetheless, irrespective of the government health spending comparison, countries in Southern Africa seem to be among the largest spenders. It is important to note that countries in Southern Africa also have some of the highest burden of HIV/AIDS across the continent. The levels of government health spending suggest that their governments prioritised domestic public spending on health to address the epidemic in their countries.
Globally, $48.9 billion ($45.2–$54.2 billion) was spent on HIV/AIDS in 2015. The majority (61.0%, 95% uncertainty interval (UI) 55.1%–65.1%) of this total was spent by governments.1 In sub-Saharan Africa, the total spent on HIV/AIDS was $18.0 billion ($16.3–$20.5 billion), of which only 31.0% (24.6%–39.0%) came from governments; the majority ($3.9 billion, $2.5–$6.3 billion) of the total came from Southern Africa. East and Southern Africa are home to the largest number of people living with HIV globally.35 As such, in countries like South Africa and Botswana, where the AIDS epidemic was heightened, the cost of treatments such as antiretroviral therapy and the number of people infected compel large government expenditure envelopes.
This research also highlights that some of the countries whose governments spend the least on health are either countries in crisis or countries emerging from crisis. This crisis may be in the form of political unrest or natural disasters. For instance, in countries such as the Central African Republic, where ongoing strife compromises the normal running of government business, we observe very low government spending. Similarly, we also observe low government spending in Somalia, where a prolonged season of drought has further worsened living conditions.
As determinants, both national income and general government spending as a share of the national income were positively associated with government health spending. The finding that the elasticity of government health spending with respect to gross national product is less than 1 suggests that government health spending is a necessity good. This finding is similar to that from other studies in both higher income and lower income countries on the determinants of government health expenditure.4 5 19 20 32 Improved economic conditions and strong economic growth are good things for the health sector. The larger the economic pie, the more of it there is to go around for all sectors. Improved resource mobilisation in terms of efficiency in tax revenue collection is an important strategy for increasing the fiscal space and thus increasing the economic pie in the country. Other studies have documented the importance of government revenue mobilisation efforts through various forms of taxes in driving growth in government health spending.27–30 We also find that in countries where the perception of corruption in the public sector is low, government health spending has increased. This finding is corroborated in another study where corruption is found to be associated with less government health spending in low-income and middle-income countries.31 Corrupt practices siphon limited public resources away from public goals. Whereas other studies have found results suggesting fungibility of domestic government health spending with the flow of external resources for health, this study did not find such a relationship. This could be because in this study we used a smaller sample set of countries and did not control for reverse causality, as was done in the other studies. In this study, we also did not find an association between the dependency ratio and domestic government spending on health. This finding is in line with what has been found in other similar studies.20 21 For countries in sub-Saharan Africa, as for other lower income countries, continued efforts to ensure and promote growth in the national economy remain an important strategy for making more resources available to promote better population health outcomes.
An important finding from this study is that individual country characteristics make up the highest percentage of the explained variation in government health spending across countries. Irrespective of a country's income level, population structure or external resource flow, the country's characteristics such as the perception of corruption in the public sector explain more of the level of government health spending observed in a country. This has important ramifications for ongoing endeavours intended to catalyse progress towards the SDGs. Interventions that find a way to promote country ownership of the goals may yield greater success in generating more spending on health from the government. It is important to note, however, that even with increased spending in some countries, their economic strength and the spending that additional commitment generates may still be insufficient to meet their health need or close the gaps between low-spending and high-spending countries.
This study has some limitations. While we are aware that income may have a bidirectional relationship with health, in that while economic prosperity may improve health, health spending may also promote economic prosperity, we have treated income in this study as having a unidirectional relationship with government health spending. This is acceptable in the context of this study because we did not aim to find causal determinants of government health spending. We were interested in understanding the associations of these factors with government health spending in order to determine their explanatory power for the variation in government health spending. We may have also omitted some variables. These include variables related to country health system characteristics such as health financing policies and disease burden. We believe such factors could also be potentially considered as outcomes of government health spending, and as such excluded them. If, however, these omitted variables are relevant in this context in a time-variant way, then our results may be biased.
Attaining the health-related SDGs will require substantial resources. Whereas the MDGs coincided with a period of impressive growth in global health resources—in both government health spending and development assistance for health—we face a season of more tepid growth in development assistance for health resources in the SDG era. For countries in sub-Saharan Africa, as the attention of the global health community begins to focus on ways to generate and track domestic government health spending, the evidence here suggests that individual country sociopolitical characteristics such as perceptions of corruption in the public sector may be important in explaining whether countries are able to generate more resources for health.
. Financing Global Health 2017: Funding Universal Health Coverage and the Unfinished HIV/AIDS Agenda. Seattle, WA: Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, 2018.
. Impact of GDP and tax revenue on health care financing: an empirical investigation from Indian states n.d 18, 2017.
. Global health spending 1995-2015, 2018. Available from: http://ghdx.healthdata.org/record/global-health-spending-1995-2015 [Accessed 5 Jun 2018].
. Global health expenditure database, 2017. Available from: http://apps.who.int/nha/database [Accessed 17 Aug 2018].
. Financing global health 2010: development assistance and country spending in economic uncertainty. Seattle WA: Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, 2010.
. New perspectives on global health spending for universal health coverage. Geneva Switzerland: World Health Organization, 2018.
. The determinants of health expenditure: a country-level panel data analysis, 2011.
. An econometric analysis of the determinants of government health expenditures in Nigeria. Journal of Empirical Economics 2015;4:193–206.
. Determinants of public health expenditure in ghana: a cointegration analysis. Journal of Behavioural Economics, Finance, Entrepreneurship, Accounting and Transport, Journal of Behavioural Economics, Finance, Entrepreneurship, Accounting and Transport 2014;2:35–40.
. Determinants of public expenditure on health in nigeria: a factor analysis. Journal of Social and Behavioural Sciences 2014;3:28–46.
. Determinants of public health expenditures in Pakistan. Bonn Germany: Center for Development Research, 2011.
. Development assistance for health database 1990-2017, 2018. Available from: http://ghdx.healthdata.org/record/development-assistance-health-database-1990-2017 [Accessed 18 Aug 2018].
. Corruption perceptions index 2017, 2018. Available from: https://www.transparency.org/news/feature/corruption_perceptions_index_2017 [Accessed 7 Dec 2018].
. Global revenue statistics database, 2018. Available from: //www.compareyourcountry.org/tax-revenues-global?lg=en [Accessed 7 Dec 2018].
. Global, regional, and national disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs) for 333 diseases and injuries and healthy life expectancy (HALE) for 195 countries and territories, 1990–2016: a systematic analysis for the global burden of disease study 2016 - the lancet n.d., 2018. Available from: https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(17)32130-X/abstract?code=lancet-site [Accessed 25 Jun 2018].
. Introductory Econometrics: A Modern Approach. 6th Edition. n.d. /c/introductory-econometrics-a-modern-approach-6e-wooldridge/9781305270107. (accessed December 7, 2018).
. rego R-squared decomposition n.d. University of Leipzig; n.d.
. HIV and AIDS in East and Southern Africa regional overview, 2015. Available from: https://www.avert.org/professionals/hiv-around-world/sub-saharan-africa/overview [Accessed 7 Sept 2018].
. World health report 2010: health systems financing - The path to universal coverage. Geneva Switzerland: World Health Organization, 2010.
Contributors AEM conceived of the study and wrote the first draft of the article. JD and AEM managed the implementation of the analytical strategy. JD reviewed and provided critical feedback on several drafts of the manuscript. CSC and BSZ conducted the analysis. JD, AC and GH managed the research project. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Funding This research was supported by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.
Data sharing statement The data sets generated and/or analysed in the current study are available in the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation Global Health Data Exchange repository, http://ghdx.healthdata.org/record/global-health-spending-1995-2015.


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SUNDAY, May 20, 2018 (HealthDay News) -- If you want to look cool, try smiling, researchers suggest.
Their advice counters the popular belief that showing no expression is the way to be cool.
The University of Arizona researchers asked volunteers to look at clothing ad photos in which models were either smiling or not, and to give the model a coolness rating.
"Being inexpressive makes people seem unfriendly or cold rather than cool," said Caleb Warren, assistant professor of marketing.
"We found over and over again that people are perceived to be cooler when they smile compared to when they are inexpressive in print advertisements," he said in a university news release.
The study was published online recently in the Journal of Consumer Psychology.
The findings could help people improve their interactions with others, the study authors suggested.
"This inaccurate belief about how to become cool can influence the way we communicate with others, and being inexpressive can hurt relationships," Warren said. "It also makes it more difficult to understand one another. For these reasons, being inexpressive isn't necessarily cool."


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Italy announces record haul from tax fraud crackdown
Italy recovered a record €14.9 billion in unpaid tax in 2015, helped by a new "no questions asked" appeal to suspected dodgers to put their affairs in order.
Published: 1 March 2016 18:00 CET
Finance Minister Pier Carlo Padoan hailed the work of Italy's tax office after it gained €15 billion in unpaid taxes last year. Photo: Gabriel Bouys/AFP
The national tax agency said on Tuesday the total raised from anti-evasion activities was up from €14.2 billion in 2014.
The amounts raised remain tiny in comparison to Italy's huge losses to endemic tax avoidance, but do appear to reflect a more pro-active approach on the issue.
Italian Finance Minister Pier Carlo Padoan told Il Sole 24 ore that 2015 had been "a great success, thanks to the high quality work carried out by the tax office."
"We can now say that nine years after the introduction of the new system the amount of money recovered has quadrupled," the minister added.
A total of 315,000 residents were sent letters last year inviting them to quickly correct potential "errors or oversights" in their annual returns with an assurance they would only be liable for reduced penalties. Nearly half of them (156,000) took up the offer, bringing in €250 million.
Italy's government last year estimated the country's total losses to tax evasion at €90 billion a year.
The employers' organization Confindustria put the figure at €122 billion – the equivalent of 7.5 percent of GDP – in a report published in December.
Nearly half the total is accounted for by non-payment of VAT and a third relates to the avoidance of payroll taxes – both factors related to the size of Italy's black economy.
The size of the untaxed economy is one of the reasons why Italy's public finances are in such a perilous state.
Latest figures published on Tuesday showed the national debt at the end of last year had risen to 132.6% of annual output.
The government has pledged the debt will start falling this year but a slowing economy and a relaxation of fiscal policy have raised doubts over whether that will happen.
AFP [email protected] @thelocalitaly
FINANCEECONOMYFRAUDITALYTAXESEVASION
Where in Italy are house prices rising fastest?
United States set to reduce fee for renouncing American citizenship


Why (you should watch): Religion, revolt,revolution, corruption, secrets and lies in a small town.
Less than 20 seconds into the first episode the frame is filled with what is assumed to be a preacher tacking up signage that states "A Reckoning Between God & America." This quite simply sums up the entire premise of the show, and while a little spot on, is a great intro to all that DAMNATION will be.
About as soon as the second it takes you to read the sign passes by, gunshots can be heard. A creative disruption to the pondering you were about to set your mind to… but now you just HAVE to know where those gunshots are coming from and why someone is shooting in the middle of the day.
The camera shifts so that both the preacher and you (the viewer) can begin the trudge down an old dirt path to gain knowledge of good or knowledge of evil.
In the 1930s a local "preacher" rallies the farmers and their families in a small town in Iowa to rally against industrialist, bankers, government and everyone in their "pockets" who corrupt the wholesome ideas of hard work and spiritual stability. True to partial historic fact, in the early 1930s there were early strikes in Iowa (farmer's strike) and Kentucky (miner's strike). This series doesn't pretend to be a historical account of what happened at this time. Instead it should be enjoyed for the loose but realistic representation that it is.
This review is based solely on the 3 episodes that I saw so I won't approach this as a whole visual unit of every episode from DAMNATION ' s first and only season.
However, know that the plots in each episode twist and turn just enough to give assurance to your suspicions, while overriding the accuracy in your assumptions. So it's a good enough collective to create this review.
I am mad that I only have 3 episodes at my disposal ( I think Netflix has more, but I don't have that anymore – feel free to DM me your LOGIN :-D – I'm L-O-L ing but I'm also serious). But I will await the day that YouTubeTV sends me that "unwatched episodes" alert.
The effects are supremely muted. So how did this score get an 8? Because of Cinematography : excellent panning, and visual leading. Great contrast of daintiness and power; of compliance and rebellion. Words often reserved for individual characters, but the cinematography has found a way to personify itself into a moving, breathing thing, that drags you along on its shifting journey.
Weakest category for this great show. Gets a 5 because the music matches, but it's nothing to write home about, and is barely memorable. The "5" is for it matching the time period. Nothing more. Nothing less.
Due to the current climate of the world we're living in— where industry is king and the banks would much rather steal from the ill-informed than be a source of building communities— viewers will identify with the movement that Preacher Seth is spreading within the "body" of the church.
Most of us aren't rich, silver spoon men, women, or children, and so it is easy to connect with the struggles of people just trying to make a living.
The conspiring of entire conglomerates consisting of puppet masters, specialty groups, secret agencies, personal gainers, and personal avengers with blood seeking greenback motivations, will be a screaming parallel to the daily news you scroll through every day in e-mails and on social media.
Every character is believable for this era. While "Preacher Seth" is a lot more radical than is imagined for the 1930s or even for this day and time with his cursing and weaponry within the walls of the church. He is still recognizable as what kind of preacher could start such a rally among the everyday people, in the midst of budding corruption among industrialists, banking, and the government in 1931 America.
"Bessie Louvin" may not seem realistic for the era, but considering her blood and social relation to key players within the community and her profession, it is the only place where she could be as she is during a time such as 1931 Iowa USA.
Everyone else's look, accent, mannerism, and overall acting lends strong tribute to the time period and sends the viewer on a journey back into history of fact and a visual creation of possibilities.
Logan Marshall-Green as Creeley Turner, Seth's older brothe and a Pinkerton Detective Sarah Jones as Amelia Davenport, Seth's wife who writes inflammatory sermons under the alias "Dr. Samuel T. Hopkins"
One male and one female Black person.
I can respect that history can't be changed with a modern re-telling of a loose history.
And I liked that at least they weren't married. From the few episodes I've seen I don't even know if the 2 characters know each other.
The woman is a prostitute – I know I know, BUT she is a prostitute who speaks her mind, NEGOTIATES her price (something the modern day one of color could stand to learn in any circumstance) AND she is the only one who knows how to read and who has clear and free driving privileges at the whorehouse. So as far as females of color during this era in a small town in Iowa go, she is as much of a boss chick as she can be without getting killed.
The man is a farmer. Outspoken when the scene calls for it, but definitely not as prominent an individual as the woman. He's also very strong. Barely flinches when he gets shot and still has some things to say while he sits on the steps and bleeds out. If you are familiar with Black History everywhere but in the U.S. you will know that this small thing is a big thing, in that Blacks were considered the strongest of the races and therefore were utilized as such. Not because they were weak-minded and just wanted to please a master, but simply because they were the strongest. Whether the writers are familiar with this account I'm not sure. But I like that they show this masculine strength in this secondary character because it also shows that strength doesn't always have to be brute it can be understated, calm, but still very present.
There are various black faces in the crowds (body extras) from time to time either mumbling or being killed in crossfire as well.
3. "My friends, we're living in biblical times again. There is a holy war in this country; the rich versus the poor. It's the same war Jesus himself was in.
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Winter Amateur Sports News
Professional Sports News
Summer Amateur Sports News
Arthur Margelidon and Shady El Nahas medal at the Abu Dhabi Grand Slam Judo competition
October 29, 2019 Jeremy Freeborn
Arthur Margelidon (Brian Calkins, Canadian Olympic Committee) (with approval)
Canadians came away with two medals on Saturday at the 2019 Abu Dhabi Grand Slam Judo competition from the United Arab Emirates. Arthur Margelidon of Montreal, Quebec won a silver medal in the men's 73 kilogram division and Shady El Nahas of Toronto, Ontario won the bronze medal in the men's 100 kilogram division.
In the men's 73 kilogram division, Margelidon won Pool B with wins over Sulaiman Hamad of Saudi Arabia, Alexandru Raicu of Romania and Tsogtbaatar Tsend-Ochir of Mongolia. He then beat Khikmatillokh Turaev of Uzbekistan in the semifinal before losing to Bilal Ciloglu of Turkey in the gold medal match. Turaev and Igor Wandtke of Germany each won the bronze medal.
In the men's 100 kilogram division and under division, El Nahas also won Pool B. He beat Oleksii Lysenko of Poland, Simeon Catharina of the Netherlands and Philipp Galandi of Germany. Then in the semifinals, El Nahas lost his only match in the competition as he was beaten by Guham Cho of South Korea. Then in the repechage, El Nahas won one of two bronze medals as he beat Hussain Shah Shah of Pakistan in one of two bronze medal matches. Cho won the gold medal, Zelym Kotsoiev of Azerbaijan won the silver medal and Arman Adamian of Russia won the other bronze medal. The silver medal for Margelidon and the bronze medal for El Nahas will give them confidence as they prepare for the 2020 Olympic Games in Tokyo.
Summer Amateur Sports Newsjudo
Written by Jeremy Freeborn
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This week we've collected some benchmark data for our study on why people take the elevator or the stairs when traveling to the 4th floor (ITP). We sent out this survey and so far have received around 70 responses, which is enough to influence our design decisions and better inform the visual cues that we'd like to employ in order to persuade people to take the stairs more often.
We also benchmarked traffic to both the elevators and the stairs last week. From 11:45am-12:45pm on Friday, October 4, around 500 people passed by the building lobby, and around 25% took the stairs. This surprised us as we thought the number would be much lower (around 10%). Our plan is to run the balloon prototype this Friday, October 11, in the same time slot and determine if we can observe any change in behavior.
The prototype would be a simple proof of concept, since over time the visual cues of the balloons might decay (people would realize the balloons aren't actually guiding them anywhere except the stairs), and ideally we would have more reinforcing events such as adding design elements (audio/visual) in the stairwell. Furthermore, we'd like to run these small prototypes on different days and get an average, so we can have a better idea of the impact of our design, rather than having it constrained to one day.


Realistically, the move contains some significant business maneuvering, as Ducati's inclusion into Lamborghini instead of Audi has some advantages in the eyes of the European Union. It is no secret that Europe is cracking down on vehicle emissions, with more stringent standards coming down the pipe in rapid succession. This has created significant problems for sports car manufacturers, whose large-displacement machines act as anchors that drag the fleet-wide emissions mandates well below the line of acceptability.
One method for getting around these regulations is to stack the vehicle fleets in creative corporate structures. This either means ostracizing a sports car brand by itself (and usually just paying the fine), or combining it with another brand whose vehicles burn fewer emissions, and thus offset the difference. Lamborghini meet Ducati, Ducati meet Lamborghini.
It is a shame the auto guys didn't catch onto this when they were lambasting the deal, because now the whole acquisition is starting to look like very smart business, and not just some late-night spending spree. Funny thing, those Germans.


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Q: BINGMapsRESTToolkit project from Git seems to force RouteOption Avoid.Highways I am converting a BING Maps v6.3 app in C# to use BING Maps Version 8. For this converted app I am now using the BINGMapsRESTToolkit from Git. When I use the toolkit to calculate a route, it forces RouteOption = Avoid.Highways.
Just to confirm behaviour of BING Maps v8, I have a similar app in HTML/Javascript with the same functionality working correctly, using BING Maps version 8: the javascript version does not force RouteOption = Avoid.Highways.
Looking into the internals of the BINGMapsRESTToolkit, I think the culprit is the Enum for AvoidType (as defined in AvoidType.cs): it is missing the value for Avoid.None. This is listed in the MSDN documentation, and behaves correctly when called from javascript: i.e. when NOT using the BINGMapsRESTToolkit.
Here is a start and end coordinate pair which demonstrates the issue:
from: -36.809770, 144.469720
to: -36.755100, 144.279590
Use BING Maps options: travelmode = driving, optimize = distance, units=kilometres, avoid = none
html/javascript app gives distance 21.563 km.
Here is the distance, time and route from the response:
Distance for leg 1: 21.563 km, Time for leg 1: 26 minutes, 33 seconds
1   Leave Enright Rd towards Emerald Hill Dr
2   Turn right on to Emerald Hill Dr
3   Turn left on to Giris Rd
4   Turn left on to McIvor Hwy / B280
5   At roundabout, take 2nd exit
6   At roundabout, take 3rd exit on to Chapel St
7   Turn left on to Farmer Ln
8   Turn right on to Park Rd
9   Turn left on to Gaol Rd
10  Turn left on to road
11  Arrive on the right
BINGMapsRESTToolkit (toolkit version 1.1.4), gives 21.838 km
parameters: travel mode = driving, optimize = distance, units = km,
avoid not specified
Here is the URL generated by the toolkit:
https://dev.virtualearth.net/REST/v1/Routes/Driving?&wp.0=-36.80977,144.46972&wp.1=-36.7551,144.27959&o=xml&optmz=Distance&du=kilometer&key=MY_BING_MAPS_KEY&clientApi=CSToolkit
and the output response:
Results:
distance = 21.838 kilometer, time = 1777 Second
Leg #1
1. Depart Enright Rd toward Emerald Hill Dr
2. Turn right onto Shanahans Rd
3. Bear right onto Strathfieldsaye Rd / C327
4. At roundabout, take 3rd exit
5. At roundabout, take 3rd exit onto Williamson St
6. Bear right onto Brougham St
7. Turn left onto Mundy St
8. Pass through 2 roundabouts, remaining on Mundy St
9. Turn left onto McCrae St / Pall Mall / A300, and then immediately turn right onto Park Rd
10. Turn left onto Gaol Rd
11. Turn left onto road
12. Arrive on the right
When the html/javascript is run with routeavoidance= avoid highways
and all other options remaining the same, we get the following:
Distance for leg 1: 21.838 km
Time for leg 1: 29 minutes, 37 seconds  (equiv: 1777 seconds)
1   Leave Enright Rd towards Emerald Hill Dr
2   Turn right on to Shanahans Rd
3   Bear right on to Strathfieldsaye Rd / C327
4   At roundabout, take 3rd exit
5   At roundabout, take 3rd exit on to Williamson St
6   Bear right on to Brougham St
7   Turn left on to Mundy St
8   Pass through 2 roundabouts, remaining on Mundy St
9   Turn left on to McCrae St / Pall Mall / A300, and then immediately turn right on to Park Rd
10  Turn left on to Gaol Rd
11  Turn left on to road
12  Arrive on the right
As promised, I have provided details of the route generated in all cases.
As you can see, the route generated when the BING MAPS Control version 8 is run with routeavoidance=avoid highways, the result is identical to that which we get from the BINGMAPSRestToolkit v1.1.4, with no route avoidance specified.
The issue here is that the route request specifies Optimize for shortest distance. The BING Maps Control v8 appears to do this correctly; i.e. it returns the route with the shortest distance: in this case 21.536 km.
This distance is less than the distance provided by the BINGMAPSRESTToolkit v1.1.4, when provided with the same waypoints, and given the same route request options: the toolkit produces 21.838 km, which is clearly greater than 21.536 km.
Anyone out there encountered this issue?

A: I just double checked the source code, it does not force avoid highways. In fact there is not avoid parameters set by default, you need to pass in a list of avoid options that you want in the request. If you don't pass in any, then none get added to the request. The only way avoid highways would be added to your request is in your code.
There is roughly a 100M routing requests going through this library a month and no-one else has reported this issue, and if it was an issue in the library itself, I'm sure others would have reported it by now.

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THE Renovations have started !
This Three Bedroom home sit's in a shady treed street location in Benalla. The kitchen is as new & is fully equipped with modern appliances to enjoy.
Redecorating is in progress! The lounge adjoins the dining/kitchen area's with a nice aspect to the spacious rear yard. A veranda is across the entire rear of the home with a porch at the front. Rare opportunity arises via Benalla at the real estate buyers exceed the properties on the Market.
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