text:
TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase
Kyoko Shirakabe, Kyoko Yamaguchi, Hiroshi Shibuya, Kenji Irie, Satoshi Matsuda, Tetsuo Moriguchi, Yukiko Gotoh, Kunihiro Matsumoto, Eisuke Nishida
Ceramide has been proposed as a second messenger molecule implicated in a variety of biological processes. It has recently been reported that ceramide activates stress-activated protein kinase (SAPK, also known as c- Jun NH2-terminal kinase JNK), a subfamily member of mitogen-activated protein kinase superfamily molecules and that the ceramide/SAPK/JNK signaling pathway is required for stress-induced apoptosis. However, the molecular mechanism by which ceramide induces SAPK/JNK activation is unknown. Here we show that TAK1, a member of the mitogen-activated protein kinase kinase kinase family, is activated by treatment of cells with agents and stresses that induce an increase in ceramide. Ceramide itself stimulated the kinase activity of TAK1. Expression of a constitutively active form of TAK1 resulted in activation of SAPK/JNK and SEK1/MKK4, a direct activator of SAPK/JNK. Furthermore, expression of a kinase-negative form of TAK1 interfered with the activation of SAPK/JNK induced by ceramide. These results indicate that TAK1 may function as a mediator of ceramide signaling to SAPK/JNK activation.
https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141
10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141
Dive into the research topics of 'TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase'. Together they form a unique fingerprint.
Ceramide Chemical Compounds 100%
Ceramides Medicine & Life Sciences 97%
JNK Mitogen-Activated Protein Kinases Medicine & Life Sciences 92%
Heat-Shock Proteins Medicine & Life Sciences 85%
Protein Kinases Medicine & Life Sciences 75%
Phosphotransferases Medicine & Life Sciences 15%
MAP Kinase Kinase Kinases Medicine & Life Sciences 14%
Shirakabe, K., Yamaguchi, K., Shibuya, H., Irie, K., Matsuda, S., Moriguchi, T., Gotoh, Y., Matsumoto, K., & Nishida, E. (1997). TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase. Journal of Biological Chemistry, 272(13), 8141-8144. https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141
TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase. / Shirakabe, Kyoko; Yamaguchi, Kyoko; Shibuya, Hiroshi et al.
In: Journal of Biological Chemistry, Vol. 272, No. 13, 28.03.1997, p. 8141-8144.
Shirakabe, K, Yamaguchi, K, Shibuya, H, Irie, K, Matsuda, S, Moriguchi, T, Gotoh, Y, Matsumoto, K & Nishida, E 1997, 'TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase', Journal of Biological Chemistry, vol. 272, no. 13, pp. 8141-8144. https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141
Shirakabe K, Yamaguchi K, Shibuya H, Irie K, Matsuda S, Moriguchi T et al. TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase. Journal of Biological Chemistry. 1997 Mar 28;272(13):8141-8144. doi: 10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141
Shirakabe, Kyoko ; Yamaguchi, Kyoko ; Shibuya, Hiroshi et al. / TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase. In: Journal of Biological Chemistry. 1997 ; Vol. 272, No. 13. pp. 8141-8144.
@article{ff858134f58e4e9f8b72066700adf175,
title = "TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase",
abstract = "Ceramide has been proposed as a second messenger molecule implicated in a variety of biological processes. It has recently been reported that ceramide activates stress-activated protein kinase (SAPK, also known as c- Jun NH2-terminal kinase JNK), a subfamily member of mitogen-activated protein kinase superfamily molecules and that the ceramide/SAPK/JNK signaling pathway is required for stress-induced apoptosis. However, the molecular mechanism by which ceramide induces SAPK/JNK activation is unknown. Here we show that TAK1, a member of the mitogen-activated protein kinase kinase kinase family, is activated by treatment of cells with agents and stresses that induce an increase in ceramide. Ceramide itself stimulated the kinase activity of TAK1. Expression of a constitutively active form of TAK1 resulted in activation of SAPK/JNK and SEK1/MKK4, a direct activator of SAPK/JNK. Furthermore, expression of a kinase-negative form of TAK1 interfered with the activation of SAPK/JNK induced by ceramide. These results indicate that TAK1 may function as a mediator of ceramide signaling to SAPK/JNK activation.",
author = "Kyoko Shirakabe and Kyoko Yamaguchi and Hiroshi Shibuya and Kenji Irie and Satoshi Matsuda and Tetsuo Moriguchi and Yukiko Gotoh and Kunihiro Matsumoto and Eisuke Nishida",
doi = "10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141",
journal = "Journal of Biological Chemistry",
publisher = "American Society for Biochemistry and Molecular Biology Inc.",
T1 - TAK1 mediates the ceramide signaling to stress-activated protein kinase/c-Jun N-terminal kinase
AU - Shirakabe, Kyoko
AU - Yamaguchi, Kyoko
AU - Shibuya, Hiroshi
AU - Irie, Kenji
AU - Matsuda, Satoshi
AU - Moriguchi, Tetsuo
AU - Gotoh, Yukiko
AU - Matsumoto, Kunihiro
AU - Nishida, Eisuke
N2 - Ceramide has been proposed as a second messenger molecule implicated in a variety of biological processes. It has recently been reported that ceramide activates stress-activated protein kinase (SAPK, also known as c- Jun NH2-terminal kinase JNK), a subfamily member of mitogen-activated protein kinase superfamily molecules and that the ceramide/SAPK/JNK signaling pathway is required for stress-induced apoptosis. However, the molecular mechanism by which ceramide induces SAPK/JNK activation is unknown. Here we show that TAK1, a member of the mitogen-activated protein kinase kinase kinase family, is activated by treatment of cells with agents and stresses that induce an increase in ceramide. Ceramide itself stimulated the kinase activity of TAK1. Expression of a constitutively active form of TAK1 resulted in activation of SAPK/JNK and SEK1/MKK4, a direct activator of SAPK/JNK. Furthermore, expression of a kinase-negative form of TAK1 interfered with the activation of SAPK/JNK induced by ceramide. These results indicate that TAK1 may function as a mediator of ceramide signaling to SAPK/JNK activation.
AB - Ceramide has been proposed as a second messenger molecule implicated in a variety of biological processes. It has recently been reported that ceramide activates stress-activated protein kinase (SAPK, also known as c- Jun NH2-terminal kinase JNK), a subfamily member of mitogen-activated protein kinase superfamily molecules and that the ceramide/SAPK/JNK signaling pathway is required for stress-induced apoptosis. However, the molecular mechanism by which ceramide induces SAPK/JNK activation is unknown. Here we show that TAK1, a member of the mitogen-activated protein kinase kinase kinase family, is activated by treatment of cells with agents and stresses that induce an increase in ceramide. Ceramide itself stimulated the kinase activity of TAK1. Expression of a constitutively active form of TAK1 resulted in activation of SAPK/JNK and SEK1/MKK4, a direct activator of SAPK/JNK. Furthermore, expression of a kinase-negative form of TAK1 interfered with the activation of SAPK/JNK induced by ceramide. These results indicate that TAK1 may function as a mediator of ceramide signaling to SAPK/JNK activation.
U2 - 10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141
DO - 10.1074/jbc.272.13.8141
JO - Journal of Biological Chemistry
JF - Journal of Biological Chemistry


The instance A Directory of public vocational-technical schools and institutes in the U.S.A represents a material embodiment of a distinct intellectual or artistic creation found in Vancouver Public Library.
Dir. public vocat.-tech. sch. inst. U. S. A.
A Directory of public vocational-technical schools and institutes in the U.S.A.


Pike Cichlids originally lived in the Rainforests of South America. Now they live in aquariums all over the world.
They're predators that will eat fish that are small enough to fit into their mouths. But they do just as well eating pellet food in aquariums.
Click on a picture just below to shop for the fish in that picture.


text:
Feasibility of moving from TX to NYC/DC Forum
Feasibility of moving from TX to NYC/DC
Any advice for a second-year associate looking to move from a TX market to NYC/DC? I am a second year finance associate at a regional TX firm. I started as a big law litigator, but moved to the regional firm after 18 months because I wanted to change to transactional work. I've spent my entire life in Texas, and I am starting to really regret never having lived in a big east-coat urban city. I am debt-free because I chose to go to UT (graduated w/ honors) with instate tuition and a great scholarship instead of NYU or Columbia. The truth is, in the past year I have accepted who I am and come out of the closet, and I think it will be easier to grow as an LGBT person in one of those cities and outside of Texas. Also, I know the realities of working at a firm in those cities (i.e. quite a bit more intense than TX), but I feel like financially and personally I am in a place where this is a move I really want to make. I appreciate any advice on how realistic this move would be? All the information I can find seems to be young associates lateraling out of these cities, as opposed to lateraling to these cities.
Chokenhauer
Joined: Tue Jan 07, 2020 10:38 am
Re: Feasibility of moving from TX to NYC/DC
Post by Chokenhauer » Sun Jan 22, 2023 9:22 pm
It would be a very bleak world if you couldn't move to somewhere that you can finally be yourself. I'll let more knowledgeable people chime in, but I don't think you'll have much trouble. And more importantly, you shouldn't resign yourself to living somewhere where you feel unhappy based on the opinions of Internet strangers.
You have good credentials and a story that I think a lot of law firms will be sympathetic to (not that you have to give details to recruiters if you don't want to). I don't think the transition will be all that difficult. If you just want to live in a neat city with a good LGBT community, I'd throw LA and SF into the mix, too. Those markets are also a little less intense than NY or DC. Look for UT grads at firms in offices you'd like to work, and email them that you're looking to move to their city.
papermateflair
Post by papermateflair » Sun Jan 22, 2023 10:59 pm
When I'm interviewing someone whose resume doesn't indicate they have ties to the area, I just want to hear a rational and long-term reason for them to come to my city. If I heard something like "I'm looking to move outside of Texas for personal reasons" or something like that, and I saw an LGBTQ+ bar association or something on your resume (I assume you can join your local one?) I would assume that you're looking to move due to political issues in Texas. No need to tell a long story, just quick and matter of fact. If you run into someone in big law in DC/NYC who is homophobic enough to use that as a reason not to hire you then you wouldn't want to work there with that person anyway. Once I hear a reason that makes sense that explains why you want to be in my city, it's all about your resume/experience.
I second the advice to reach out to UT alums at various law firms that you're interested in. You may also contact the LGBTQ+ bar association for the city you're looking to move to and see if they can connect you to anyone from UT, or anyone who has advice on moving to your chosen city from Texas (for DC: https://dclgbtbar.com).
EDIT to add: you don't have to reveal that you want to move for want to move for reasons relating to being LGBTQ if you don't want to or feel comfortable doing so! I do think most folks in big Northeast cities will be sympathetic to your plight (and there is nothing that East Coast people love more than hating on Texas), but ultimately interviewers will just want to hear *a* legit reason (family, friends in the city, maybe there's better finance work in NYC, whatever it is).
Mountainvalleywater
Post by Mountainvalleywater » Mon Jan 23, 2023 1:00 pm
I don't think anyone really cares about ties to any major market these days anymore absent being able to form a cogent response to the interview question of why you want to move.
I think the bigger obstacle will be more of having to take another bar possibly (have no idea the reciprocity timelines here) and having your lateral firm pay for that/give you the time to study for it.
Post by Anonymous User » Thu Jan 26, 2023 12:54 pm
OP here.
Thank you all for the responses. I considered California, but I would like to go to a UBE state because I feel like that is the most option-expanding choice. I am currently studying evenings and weekends for the UBE, pretty brutal, but I am managing.
I just wanted to comment, for anyone who sees this in the future, that I have never experienced any homophobia at my Biglaw or Regional firm in Texas. I am looking to move for purely personal reasons. Granted, I am very nerdy and quiet straight-presenting white guy, so that is not a universal experience.
Post by Anonymous User » Thu Jan 26, 2023 4:35 pm
You don't need to convince New Yorkers why you want to move to New York -- they already know it's the best (only?) city in the world.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Whiff of change
R. KRISHNAKUMAR
Print edition : April 22, 2011 T+ T-
Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan arriving at a campaign meeting at Cheriyathura in Thiruvananthapuram on March 31. - C. RATHEESH KUMAR
The opposition UDF in Kerala seems to have lost the momentum in an election whose outcome had seemed fairly decided until recently.
THE venue was the compound of a demolished village cinema, barely a kilometre away from the sprawling Technopark campus within the Kazhakkoottam Assembly constituency in south Kerala. A crowd of over a thousand people, none of them from the IT park, had been braving the summer heat for over an hour on a Sunday evening on March 27, a week after V.S. Achuthanandan had won the mandate of his party to lead the ruling Left Democratic Front's (LDF) election campaign in the State.
The audience seemed to know very well what the Chief Minister was about to say. In the seven days that had passed, people had watched him on television connecting with similar crowds in nearly six districts of the State, condemning errant opposition leaders and promising to throw them into prison, and extolling his government's virtues.
The crowd seemed to know even his rationale for arriving late for the 2011 campaign meetings. That morning he had addressed enthusiastic supporters at two other constituencies and apologised, pointedly: I am sorry for being late. Nowadays, it appears that the Congress leaders, PCC president Ramesh Chennithala and Opposition Leader Oommen Chandy, are so flush with funds that they can drop down thud! from helicopters into their constituencies. However, as you know, we in the LDF cannot afford such luxury and have to travel by road.
Unlike in 2006, Achuthanandan had lost no time in hitting the campaign trail, taking full advantage of the factional drama within his own party, the sporadic street protests that followed, and his emergence from it all, once again, as the champion of the LDF election machine. He had already received a hero's welcome in Kollam, one of the many districts from which he had got unstinted support during the controversial candidate selection process within his party, and in Palakkad and Kannur districts, where hundreds of people were waiting to welcome him even at the railway station, and at several constituencies in Kasargod, Kozhikode and Alappuzha districts, on his way back after filing his nomination papers at Malampuzha in Palakkad district.
At Kazhakkoottam, as elsewhere, the atmosphere was electric as he arrived, and supporters clapped and roared with laughter as he repeated his litany of charges against opposition leaders, ridiculed them for their criminal indulgences and toyed with the possibility of seeing more of them at the Central prison, like Kerala Congress leader R. Balakrishna Pillai (Rash of scandals, Frontline, March 11).
Finally, at the end of his carefully calibrated speeches, sprinkled with trademark theatrical gestures, Achuthanandan would deliver his punchline: Oommen Chandy and his friends claim that I am behaving in a spiteful and revengeful manner when I say that many opposition leaders will have to follow Balakrishna Pillai to prison very soon. I am merely stating the truth. I have no compromise with certain kinds of people those mighty chieftains who gulp down public money and those who rape young girls.
The significance of his statements and his targets, including, perhaps, those within his own party, were not lost on the electorate in Kerala. Even while the opposition campaign remained stuck on controversies over seat-sharing and candidate selection, Oommen Chandy was countering the Chief Minister at every other press conference: The people will see through this game of merely holding out threats against opposition leaders before the elections and doing nothing about them while being in power. The five years of LDF rule have seen nothing but controversies and disputes.
Meanwhile, however, a leaner LDF, bereft of some of the partners whose quarrels had cost it dearly in the two major elections since 2006, had completed a comparatively smoother seat-sharing exercise, and because of the early campaign tours undertaken by Achuthanandan, could create an initial impression that it was much ahead of the UDF in the electoral race.
But even on March 30, the last date for withdrawing nominations, while the opposition campaign seemed to lag behind still, a question was being raised everywhere: Would the re-emergence of the Achuthanandan factor on the eve of yet another election and a series of allegations against opposition leaders suffice for the LDF to overcome the negative factors that had done it in so badly in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections and the local body elections in 2010?
Until a few months earlier, in the context of the destructive factionalism within the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the anti-incumbency issues that came up in its wake, many had believed that the advantages were all on the side of the UDF.
But, with the smell of an easy victory wafting in, the UDF bared its darker side, once again reminding Kerala of the factors that made it vote decisively five years ago to throw out the UDF government.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN Kerala are inclined to use street play and other art forms to woo voters. A scene from such a street play staged in Kozhikode for an LDF candidate.-S. RAMESH KURUP
The troubles within the UDF were already in evidence at the time of the local body elections five months earlier. They were apparent even during the delimitation exercise in Kerala that preceded those elections. It saw many constituencies disappearing altogether, new ones appearing and the boundaries of several others being redrawn drastically, with yet-to-be-tested electoral implications.
For example, though the total number of constituencies remained the same at 140, there was a decrease of seven constituencies in the southern districts of Kerala and an increase of seven in the north. Redrawing of the boundaries in a large number of other constituencies had potentially altered the prospects of a number of political parties and individual candidates.
In a State where coalition equations are touchy, this meant havoc within the UDF, which believed itself to be on the verge of regaining power and in which two prominent partners, the Kerala Congress (Mani) and the Indian Union Muslim League, with their support bases in the south and the north respectively, were already vying with each other for more prominence.
The recent merger of the Kerala Congress (Joseph) with the Kerala Congress (Mani) had behind it the attraction of more bargaining power for veteran leader K.M. Mani and his party within the UDF. For the Muslim League and its general secretary P.K. Kunhalikkutty, on the other hand, the 2011 election was a do-or-die battle. The party had to ensure a UDF victory in order to come back to power, increase its strength of MLAs to have its decisive say within any UDF government, and, importantly, make sure of a victory for its discredited leader Kunhalikkutty (one of the important targets of Achuthanandan's two-decade long political crusade in Kerala), whom it had refused to disown despite allegations of his involvement in several murky affairs.
To make matters worse for the coalition, a splinter group of the Janata Dal (Secular) the Socialist Janata Dal-Secular (SJD-S) under the leadership of M.P. Veerendra Kumar that had left the LDF to join the Congress-led coalition, had to be rewarded, especially after it played a major role in the LDF's debacle in some north Kerala constituencies in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The expanded KC(M), too, was demanding additionally the seats that its new merger partner, the KC (Joseph), had been contesting while it was in the LDF.
Eventually, what Kerala saw were attempts at one-upmanship and a power struggle among the UDF partners initially and within all major partners subsequently for seats and the party ticket. On the one hand, there was pressure on all existing UDF partners to sacrifice some seats to accommodate the new partners. The Congress, which contested 94 seats in 2006, eventually had to confine itself to 82 seats. The Muslim League more or less retained its number of seats at 24. The Kerala Congress(M), which contested in 11 seats in 2006, bargained hard for 22 and eventually got 15, while the SJD-S got six. The lesser partners were left with far less: the JSS, four seats; the Kerala Congress (Jacob) and the Communist Maoist Party (CMP), three each; the Kerala Congress (B), two; and the RSP (Baby John), one.
Power struggle
Meanwhile, even as the State watched the factional war within the CPI(M) and the devastating effect it had on the LDF government, a curious power struggle was developing within the State Congress between Ramesh Chennithala and Oommen Chandy.
After the UDF debacle in the 2006 elections, largely the result of the decades-long group war led by K. Karunakaran on the one hand, and A.K. Antony on the other. The Chandy-Ramesh leadership duo was a welcome unifying force and was quickly seen as consolidating their grip on the State party, much to the discomfiture of several other prominent leaders. The unity achieved in the State party, with Oommen Chandy as the legislature party leader and Ramesh Chennithala as the head of the PCC, was a major reason for the UDF's impressive performance in the parliamentary and local body elections.
POSTERS OF RIVAL candidates in the Thiruvananthapuram constituency share space on an abandoned vehicle in the State capital.-C. RATHEESH KUMAR
But since then, there were frequent signs of disquiet among the two leaders and their supporters. Despite denials by both the leaders, the division now seems to be in the open, with the surprise announcement that the PCC president will also contest the Assembly elections, and not just the Opposition Leader.
This unusual decision came, significantly, after an anti-corruption court in Kerala accepted the State Vigilance Department's claim that there were sufficient additional reasons to investigate the controversial palmolein import case further, in what seemed was a perfect political trap laid out for Chandy by unseen hands. The suggestion was that Chandy, as the then Finance Minister, too may have been aware of the details of the import deal and hence could be included as an accused, if the inquiry proved it to be so, subsequently.
The State party was in turmoil very soon, as the final list of candidates was announced, with 44 per cent of them being fresh faces, including reportedly the nominees of Rahul Gandhi and the Youth Congress, some of whom were total strangers to the State leadership. There were shrill complaints that several deserving members of the party and traditional group equations in the Congress were ignored during candidate selection and that both Oommen Chandy and Ramesh Chennithala had meanwhile tried to ensure that the legislature party after the elections would have enough numbers of their own supporters to back their respective claim for the top post.
Payment seats
At the time of writing this report, it was not clear what the election-eve disquiet within the State Congress and the UDF would lead to eventually. Several rebel candidates have filed nomination papers and even senior leaders have expressed displeasure and raised allegations of payment seats in the candidate lists. There have been accusations of corruption against both Chandy and Ramesh Chennithala.
As the quarrels dragged on until the last day for withdrawal of nominations, the number of supporters in each camp were being counted and speculation was rife on how the others, who did not belong to the two camps, would become crucial in any decision about the new legislature party leader. There was also much speculation on what position the UDF constituents, especially the KC(M) and the Muslim League, would take on the issue eventually, making any new UDF government, if at all, an exact replica of the one that left office in 2006.
Perhaps having learnt their lessons from the LDF's poor showing in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, both the fronts have refused to enter into open alliances with controversial parties like the PDP. The antipathy of the Church leaders towards the LDF, a crucial factor in 2009, with pastoral letters requesting the laity to vote against the ruling front, was also not so evident in this election.
All this seemed to provide the ruling LDF with a boost. It also gave the leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party enough reason to argue that Kerala badly needs an alternative to the two coalitions that had ruled it for over five decades. The BJP is once again trying to open its account in the State this time in earnest, from two constituencies in the north and the south.
Despite the anti-incumbency factors and the factional fights within the CPI(M) that led to its poor showing in the two major elections since 2006, the campaign-eve political context seemed to offer the ruling LDF hope in an election whose outcome was, until the other day, considered a forgone conclusion. For the UDF, however, the crucial question was whether it would be able to regain lost ground in the two weeks that it was left with and convince voters that it could indeed prove to be a better option.
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The canonisation of Mother Mary MacKillop, the redoubtable co-foundress of the Sisters of St Joseph of the Sacred Heart, has been big news lately. Not just in Australia either. News about Australia's first saint is sufficiently noteworthy to warrant extensive coverage in newspapers, magazines and websites around the globe.
Lately, the media has focused on MacKillop's excommunication in 1870 and, specifically, how much of the local bishop's decision to eject her from the church centered on whether she had been personally connected to raising a charge of sexual abuse against a priest. The details of this complicated story seem to change almost daily.
Earlier, Sheil had invited MacKillop to work in Adelaide, where she and her sisters would eventually set up schools, a women's shelter and an orphanage, among their many works. But MacKillop's independent spirit — even setting aside the abuse case — seemed to represent a threat to the bishop.
In the midst of the recent controversy, some charged that the media's focus on the excommunication was unseemly, and that the story of her order's involvement with the abuse charge detracted from the celebration of the canonisation. But to the contrary, MacKillop's involvement in the case, even if it consisted only in enduring the wrath of some of the local clergy for her sisters' actions, does not dim the luster of her holiness. It adds to it.
Whatever opprobrium, rejection or outright punishment MacKillop endured as a result of her sisters' standing up for a victim of sexual abuse, she can be properly seen be as someone drawn into the sexual abuse scandal a century before the rest of the Catholic Church was. As a result, she might be someone that victims and their families feel drawn to in prayer: a kind of patron saint for abuse victims.
The idea of a holy woman who had been at loggerheads with some members of the hierarchy—and was even excommunicated—is not new in the annals of the saints. The most recently named American saint, Mother Theodore Guérin, foundress of the Sisters of Providence of St.-Mary-of-the-Woods, was once locked into a room in a presbytery by her bishop, who was infuriated by her (similarly) independent spirit.
The canonisation of those who were once in trouble with the church shows that, in the long run, the Vatican has a clearer understanding of holiness than do some contemporary Catholics. Often holiness is conflated with being unthinking, uncritical or blindly obedient. But popes have often canonised saints who were held in contempt by some church leaders.
Even some of the most universally beloved saints found themselves in conflict with the church at times: St Joan of Arc, to take the most extreme example, was excommunicated by an English ecclesiastical court, and then burned at the stake as a heretic; St Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Jesuit Order, was locked in jail for a time by the Inquisition, who were suspicious of his ideas on prayer; St. Thomas Aquinas, perhaps the greatest of medieval theologians, found his own writings under ecclesiastical censure; and St Bernadette Soubirous, the visionary of Lourdes, was initially rejected by her local pastor, who refused to believe in her reports of her seemingly outlandish visions.
On a somewhat less exalted level, think of modern-day theologians like John Courtney Murray, Yves Congar and Henri de Lubac, who were either officially silenced or restricted in their teaching and writing, and then later 'rehabilitated', and in the case of Congar and de Lubac named cardinals.
The life of Mother Mary MacKillop cannot be reduced simply to the story of her excommunication. It was a full, active and holy life.
But neither is the story of her excommunication and her struggles with the local church unimportant. Her canonization shows the true wisdom of the Catholic church in recognizing the holiness of those that it once reviled, and even rejected.
Ultimately, the story of St. Mary's expulsion from the church, her readmission and her canonisation is not a scandal. It is a parable.
While concurring with James Martin that all aspects of Mary MacKillop's life are significant, I suggest that 'true wisdom' on the part of the Catholic Church will be evident when she has developed the dignity, strength, and compassion that can enable her to engage with those with whom she disagrees, with the openness of mind that is prepared to change.
An excellent article by James Martin but I'll differ with him on one point. The Vatican's retrospective view of holiness is for a simple reason. Current office bearers are removed from the controversy by time and place. They are content to right historical wrongs because they have no 'skin in the game' as sports enthusiasts like to say to describe people willing to risk themselves in a controversy.
If the Vatican had better view of holiness than workaday catholics it would be better able to recognize holiness at the time rather than wait a century or two, sometimes longer.
I think that this shows the church culture of the day - speak out against abuse and we will get you. this continues today as illustrated by the shameful treatment of Bishop Geoffrey Robinson by the Vatican and the Australian and American Bishops.


text:
A Picture of American Policy: Waking From the Fever Dream
*My column in the latest CounterPunch Magazine.* Last month I saw a picture, a photograph that burned down the Potemkin village of American politics that tends to rise in even the most skeptical mind during the fever dream known as the presidential campaign. We all get caught up in it, especially those of us who've been following politics for decades, and were marinated for many years in a mainstream perspective. I myself was raised as a "yellow dawg" Democrat in the South. The idea, of course, was that no matter who the Democrats nominated -- even it was a yellow dog -- you voted for them. My father -- perhaps to his credit? -- carried on with this ideal long after almost all of his fellow white rural Southerners had abandoned the Democrats for the dog-whistle racism of the modern Republican Party.
I remember well one of his most abiding pieces of political wisdom. It was 1984, and a neighbor of ours -- a big, hulking, slightly backward country boy who'd been devoted to my father since their school days -- told him: "Chief, I'm thinkin' about votin' for Reagan this time. What do you think?" My father leaned against the back of his pickup truck and said in a cool, even tone: "Buford, a man who'd vote for Reagan would eat shit." Buford nodded his head vigorously. "You right about that, Chief!" (But I'm sure he voted for Reagan anyway.)
So I'm well aware that it's hard not to get caught up in the horse race of the Grand Quadrennial Derby: "Was this a good move for Bernie? Will HRC take a hit from Bill's gaffe? Is Trump faltering? Will the GOP elites come around to Cruz?" And so and so forth with the myriad other permutations and speculations that can dazzle the mind -- and numb the moral sense -- while watching the political circus.
But then something will shake you -- or slap you -- awake. And so one day I saw a photograph someone tweeted from the Yemen Post. It showed a young girl -- 12, 14, the age was hard to tell. She was on her hands and knees face down in the dirt, trying to suck water from a hole in a dirty rubber pipe. And in that instant, all the silly, stupid, evil folderol of the campaign circus, all the earnest bunting that adorns the Potemkin village, fell away.
I saw the picture, and I knew -- once again-- this is America in the modern world. This is American foreign policy. This is what it is, this is what it does. This is a war that our Peace Prize-winning president has been conducting with his Saudi allies for more than a year. It's been responsible for the "excess deaths" of 10,000 children, according to UNICEF. (Let's repeat that: TEN THOUSAND CHILDREN.) It has driven millions to the brink of famine. It has destroyed schools, hospitals, infrastructure. It has been a gigantic boon for al Qaeda by attacking its deadliest foes in Yemen, the Houthis, and giving it scope to spread. It is a humanitarian disaster and a moral outrage of the highest order.
And yet ... there is no outrage. There is scarcely any notice, beyond a bare minimum of "marginal" websites and a few stories deeply buried, and stripped of context, in the bowels of the mainstream press. In the past year, a "progressive" administration -- whose policies will be continued by either of the Democratic nominees (yes, even Bernie says he wants to see more Saudi militarism in the region) -- has been directly complicit in the deaths of TEN THOUSAND CHILDREN. And no one involved in the presidential circus -- not the candidates, not the media, not the analysts, not the horse race afficianados -- gives the slightest damn.
None of them -- and nothing in the sinister clownery of his election -- deals with the reality of what we are doing in the world. No one will speak of its true, deeply criminal nature -- not even the "radical," "revolutionary" "Democratic Socialist" candidate. So what, in the end, are they really talking about? They're talking about nothing. They're talking about bullshit. They're talking about anything on God's green earth — or rather, God's bloodstained, gouged-out, dying earth — but reality.
The reality is a young girl forced to go down on her hands and knees to pry a few drops of water from a broken pipe. She could be your daughter. She could be you. She is a human being who did nothing wrong but be born in a place where a few "progressive" American elites -- headed by the Peace Prize-winning president -- wanted to play with their head-chopping, woman-hating allies to achieve and maintain dominance over the oil lands and their strategic environs.
In the end, it comes down to that brief scene in Warren Beatty's film, "Reds," where a plump, patriotic burgomeister from Portland calls on Jack Reed to explain "just what this war [WWI] is all about!" Reed rises amongst the tuxedoes and pretty outfits at the gathering and says but a single word: "Profits."
That's why the Yemeni girl is face down in the dirt, scrambling desperately for water. That's all it's about, this "war on terror," that's the only thing it's ever been about: profits.
And whoever is elected, that's not going to change.


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Foster City, Calif., Apr 26 - Arena Solutions, the pioneer of cloud-based product lifecycle management (PLM) applications, today announced highlights of the company's performance in the first quarter of 2016, the best in the company's history.
For the past two years, Arena has released innovation after innovation, including the Arena Quality, Analytics, Scribe, Projects and Demand modules. While any size company can benefit from these solutions, Arena's intense focus on developing a broader, integrated, highly advanced set of capabilities was aimed at expanding its reach deeper into larger global enterprises. In Q1 2016, the number of enterprise deals grew 53 percent from Q1 2015 to Q1 2016, and for the first time, enterprise deals accounted for more than half of new customers for the quarter.
In addition, despite IT budgets declining around the globe – Gartner analysts have been quoted saying that technology spending worldwide would shrink by half a percent in 2016 – Arena continued to see growth within its own customer base. Upsells to current customers grew by 52 percent over the same period in 2015, illustrating that demand for the expanded product footprint continues as customers delve deeper into Arena's product offering.
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Effective Analysis of Human Exposure Conditions with Body-worn Dosimeters in the 2.4 GHz Band. tech./dosim.
[Effektive Analyse der Bedingungen einer Exposition des Menschen mit am Körper-getragenen Dosimetern im 2,4 GHz-Band].


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Material Detail: Blueprint for Success in College and Career
Blueprint for Success in College and Career
Blueprint for Success in College and Career is a students' guide for classroom and career success. This text, designed to show how to be successful in college and in career preparation focuses on study skills, time management, career exploration, health, and financial literacy. This book is a remix of four previously existing OER (Open Educational Resources): A Different Road To College: A Guide For Transitioning To College For Non-traditional Students by Alise Lamoreaux, How to Learn Like a Pro! by Phyllis Nissila, Foundations of Academic Success: Words of Wisdom, edited by Thomas Priester, College Success, provided by Lumen Learning, and one previously copyrighted textbook with content that is now openly licensed: Blueprint for Success in College: Indispensable Study Skills and Time... Show More
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Dave Dillon , Grossmont College
College Upper Division
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Blueprint for Success in College: Career Decision Making
Blueprint for Success in College and Career is a students' guide for classroom and career success. This text, designed to show how to be successful in college and in career preparation focuses on study skills, time management, career exploration, health, and financial literacy. This book is a remix of four previously existing OER (Open Educational Resources): A Different Road To College: A Guide For Transitioning To College For Non-traditional Students by Alise Lamoreaux, How to Learn Like a Pro! by Phyllis Nissila, Foundations of Academic Success: Words of Wisdom, edited by Thomas Priester, College Success, provided by Lumen Learning, and one previously copyrighted textbook with content that is now openly licensed: Blueprint for Success in College: Indispensable Study Skills and Time Management Strategies by Dave Dillon. The Blueprint for Success series comprises three books for the College Success and FYE (First-Year Experience) genre. The central text, Blueprint for Success in College and Career, is designed to show how to be successful in college and in career preparation.
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