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PowerOct 16, 2018
The power of fake news in Brazil's elections
BY Tai Nalon and Ana Rita Cunha
The 2018 election will be remembered for the rise of fake news
The Superior Electoral Court had three presiding justices this year – and each stressed the need to counter the power of fake news on voters' minds. The court created a committee to monitor online campaigning (which didn't hold a single meeting during the first-round campaign). If the 2018 election will be remembered for one thing, it will be for the rise of fake news.
This week, members of the Superior Electoral Court will meet with the two remaining presidential campaigns to discuss the spreading of fake information, and will have a conference call with WhatsApp representatives. But it might be too little, too late.
On Sunday, October 7, Brazilians headed to the polls for the first round of the 2018 elections. That weekend alone, fact-checking agency Aos Fatos debunked 12 rumors that combined for 1.17 million shares on Facebook. Among these falsehoods, the pieces which had the most traction were those related to fraudulent electronic voting machines. Rumors around that subject amassed at least 844,300 shares.
No other topic generated as much engagement. An example of other pieces of fake news with much, much fewer shares was a doctored picture of actor Rodrigo Santoro (Love Actually, Lost) wearing a t-shirt in support of far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. While the photo montage attracted 57,000 shares, it paled in comparison with conspiracy theories surrounding voting machines.

However, measuring the reach of fake news through Facebook shares might not be the best metric, as the go-to vector of disinformation in this electoral season is WhatsApp Messenger – a closed platform. That’s why it is impossible to know exactly how many people have been affected by falsehoods. According to Facebook’s official data from June, Mark Zuckerberg’s social network had 127 million monthly active users in Brazil. Meanwhile, WhatsApp had 120 million active users in the country.

The number of shares Aos Fatos has compiled refers only to those profiles which actually engaged in disseminating distorted or flat-out false content on Facebook. Taking into account that information can be seen by dozens – or hundreds – of other profiles on different platforms, the number of people exposed to the various types of disinformation checked by Aos Fatos should be closer to the tens of millions.

The most-shared piece of fake news

During the weekend of the first round of the election, the most-shared rumor was one “denouncing” that an electronic voting machine autocompleted votes for Workers’ Party candidate Fernando Haddad. Propelled by a tweet from senator-elect Flávio Bolsonaro (son of Jair Bolsonaro), the piece of disinformation was shared at least 732,100 times on Facebook between October 7 and 12. The tweet, however, has been deleted.

Another hit on social media talked about a Federal Police bust of a van with 152 voting machines, “among which 121 were tampered with votes for Haddad,” says the hoax. When checked by Aos Fatos, the message had already been shared over 41,800 times on Facebook alone. On Friday, even with the social network’s news verification tools, shares surpassed the 60,000 mark.

Aos Fatos is a member organization of the International Fact-Checking Network and is part of Facebook’s news verification initiative, alongside Agência Lupa. Since August, the agency has published 81 fact-checks on distorted or flat-out false information related to the election on open social networks – such as Facebook and Twitter – or closed platforms – such as WhatsApp. Rumors are usually spread in six forms, in the following order: manipulated images and audio clips, distorted or false phrases about candidates, false complaints of voter fraud (tampered machines, defrauded ballots, or fraudulent polls), fake information about the electoral legislation, and fake cases of political violence or protests.

Fact-checks were selected from demands in Facebook’s news verification tool and from suggestions by readers through WhatsApp. Since the amount of disinformation is much larger than Aos Fatos‘s fact-checking capacity, editors created a formula to hierarchize editorial priorities: the main targets are rumors with more engagement potential on social media – i.e. pieces with more visible shares on Facebook, or which were tipped by more than ten people on a single day.

Below are the main pieces of disinformation and fake news during the weekend of the first round vote:

Voting machines are programmed to autocomplete votes for Fernando Haddad
 (732,100 shares)

Feds arrest van with 152 voting machines, 121 of which were tampered with in favor of Haddad
 (60,000 shares)

[Rodrigo Santoro] never needed [fiscal benefits to thrive]. He’s the best-known Brazilian artist in Hollywood. Here’s the difference [between him and left-wing artists]
 (57,000 shares)

[Former Lula’s Finance Minister Antonio] Palocci said electoral results were decided by [the Workers’ Party’s] top brass. Voting machines were used to defraud the elections. What is the Superior Electoral Court going to say now?
 (52,200 shares)

Ciro Gomes declares himself an ENEMY of the Catholic Church
 (50,500 shares)

[Openly gay Congressman] Jean Wyllys will be the future Minister of Education in Workers’ Party’s Haddad government
 (50,000 shares)

Ciro Gomes: “Women must shut up and not say a peep. The only role of my woman is to sleep with me”
 (48,000 shares)

[Federal University of Minas Gerais] alumni protest naked against candidate Bolsonaro
 (45,000 shares)

Flavio Bolsonaro wore t-shirt saying “Movement for [people from the northeast] to return home. Rio is not a place for donkeys”
 (18,000 shares)

Father Fábio de Melo [a famous religious leader]: “We live in a time when they want priests to get married and married people to get divorced. They want straight people to have informal relationships, but gays to get married in a church”
 (8,000 shares)

Campaign spending: Meirelles: BRL 45 million; Alckmin: BRL 32 million; Haddad BRL 29 million; Ciro: BRL 10 million; Marina: BRL 4 million; Bolsonaro: a Wi-fi package
 (8,000 shares)

Don’t go to the polls wearing anything that can identify you as a Bolsonaro supporter, because as soon as you cast your ballot poll workers may mark your name and nullify your ballot
 (No metrics on Facebook; went viral on WhatsApp)
Tags: 2018 election - Jair Bolsonaro - Fake News
BY Tai Nalon
Tai is executive director and co-founder of Aos Fatos.
BY Ana Rita Cunha
Ana Rita Cunha is a report at Aos Fatos
Power Feb 02, 2018
Breaking down Brazil's plans to combat fake news
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Brazilian researchers develop tool against fake news, but is it too late?
Researchers from the Federal University of São Carlos and the University of São Paulo have developed a tool to (...) READ MORE
Power Jul 25, 2018
Facebook shuts down right-wing fake news network in Brazil
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Earlier this year, the Political Debate Monitor on Digital Media – an initiative by academics at the University of (...) READ MORE
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Inflation Fueled by New Green Policies Will Boost These Stocks and Sectors, Strategist Says
By Elliot Smith, CNBC	• Published November 15, 2021 • Updated on November 15, 2021 at 2:08 am
Yves Herman | Reuters
Shah highlighted four disparate factors that will contribute to upward pressure on the cost of doing more environmentally-friendly business, dubbed environmental inflation or "en-flation."
Shah recommended investors back blue chip economic franchises in order to weather the "en-flationary" environment, companies that can "flex their prices rather than wear the increased costs themselves."
Inflationary pressures arising from efforts by governments and businesses to adhere to net-zero initiatives will extend far beyond energy prices, according to Seema Shah, chief strategist at Principal Global Investors.
The risks of "greenflation" — increases to energy prices and consumer costs triggered by global efforts to transition to green energy — have been well-documented.
However, in a new research note alongside the COP26 climate conference and seen by CNBC, Shah argued that "the rapidly changing way that companies across all sectors factor environmental considerations into their business models – and the rising costs of doing so – are potentially still being underappreciated by some investors."
She highlighted four disparate factors that will contribute to upward pressure on the cost of doing more environmentally-friendly business, dubbed environmental inflation or "en-flation."
The European Union's Emissions Trading System requires manufacturers, power companies and airlines to pay for each ton of carbon dioxide they emit. However, the bloc grants free carbon permits to some industries to enable them to compete with major international companies that are not subject to carbon "taxes."
These will be phased out for major emitting industries from 2026, while the EU will also cut the number of permits granted to other sectors. EU-listed steel manufacturers could lose 60% of their profits if forced to pay to offset the emissions currently allowed under EU ETS, according to asset manager Lazard.
What's more, recent research from University College London earlier this year estimated up to a 10-fold increase in carbon offsetting costs by 2030, as demand increases exponentially while surplus supply diminishes.
Tougher climate penalties
Secondly, Shah said it was reasonable to expect that penalties will become tougher for companies failing to meet U.N. climate targets.
"The MSCI Net Zero Tracker, which analyses the collective progress of listed companies towards climate goals, recently found these firms are on track to cause a global temperature rise of 3°C (well above the 1.5°C temperature increase agreed in Paris in 2015) and that many are still failing to disclose crucial information on emissions," Shah highlighted.
Royal Dutch Shell in May became the first company to be legally ordered to align its policies with the Paris Agreement after The Hague District Court ruled that the oil major must reduce its carbon emissions by 45% by 2030.
"With the environmental commitments of governments themselves under increased scrutiny to hit the Paris goals, it is likely not long before policymakers and regulators look to implement harsher punishments," Shah said.
A third source of upward pressure is talent, with all sectors joining the hunt for employees with "green" skillsets, but Shah noted that this will also take a toll on companies' bottom lines.
She pointed to a recent modeling from British employment think tank Onward, which found that new jobs created to advance net-zero ambitions on average command a salary 18% higher than the national average in the U.K.
The U.K. recorded 1.1 million job vacancies in the three months to August, a 40-year high, while unemployment fell to 4.5%, indicating a significantly tightening labor market, while the government has pledged 440,000 well-paid green jobs by 2030.
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Companies will need to fill these in order to meet national targets, and to employ skilled workers to ensure high quality data and reporting on sustainability.
"Lastly, it stands to reason that, as business models adapt to become greener, investment in technology and R&D spend will increase across the board," Shah said.
"Constant innovation will be required and the cost of doing business in a climate conscious world will rise."
How can investors capitalize?
Shah recommended that investors back blue-chip economic franchises in order to weather the "en-flationary" environment, companies that can "flex their prices rather than wear the increased costs themselves."
"Luxury retailers, for example, can adjust prices higher without significantly sacrificing customers," she added.
"Companies with deep moats have greater pricing power and can exercise this to protect profit margins without risking losing market share to rivals."
Modern bond proxies like the FAANGs (Facebook, Amazon, Apple, Netflix, Google) are also tipped to perform well due to their relative stability, while traditional bond proxies like utilities may struggle due to energy price rises.
Geographically, Shah backs the U.S. over Europe due to its superior ability to weather the inflationary shock from higher energy costs.
"The U.S. is energy self-sufficient, and consumers have significant excess savings to absorb higher prices," she said.
"By contrast, as a large net importer of energy, Europe is more exposed. Yet another factor that will likely lead to U.S. equity outperformance over Europe in the coming months."
Finally, Principal is tipping growth stocks to outperform value, with greater capital expenditure affecting income investors who may see dividends curbed by the green transition.
"Increasing spend on innovation means less cash on the balance sheet for payouts. As companies take steps to green their business models, investors may see more opportunity from growth than traditional income sectors," Shah said.
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MarketsTechnologyinvestingEconomyInvestment strategy

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One of our favorite local events of the year - and we go every year! - we love hanging out with the local Maker community and seeing all of the cool stuff our Bay Area makers make. We also love showing off our Foldscopes and getting collaborative ideas and new partners! Join us at this once-a-year-mega-maker platform for a great time and a very interesting event!


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Title: Resolution amending Resolution 747 effective November 9, 2018 providing for an Agreement or Agreements with various community organizations for operational/administrative expenses, maintenance, purchase of equipment; and/or rehabilitation of neighborhood facilities; and for administrative/operational costs, maintenance, purchase of equipment, and/or rehabilitation of neighborhood facilities of various departmental programs/projects for the benefit of the residents of the City of Pittsburgh, at a cost not to exceed $735,000.00: as to transfer within the job number name change shall read as follows:"Washington Heights Ecumenical Food Bank" (-$2,500.00) to "St. Mary of the Mount Church/Washington Heights Ecumenical Food Bank(+$ 2,500.00).
Resolution amending Resolution 747 effective November 9, 2018 providing for an Agreement or Agreements with various community organizations for operational/administrative expenses, maintenance, purchase of equipment; and/or rehabilitation of neighborhood facilities; and for administrative/operational costs, maintenance, purchase of equipment, and/or rehabilitation of neighborhood facilities of various departmental programs/projects for the benefit of the residents of the City of Pittsburgh, at a cost not to exceed $735,000.00: as to transfer within the job number name change shall read as follows:"Washington Heights Ecumenical Food Bank" (-$2,500.00) to "St. Mary of the Mount Church/Washington Heights Ecumenical Food Bank(+$ 2,500.00).
Section 1.	The Mayor and the Director of Office of Management and Budget, on behalf of the City of Pittsburgh, are hereby authorized to enter into an Agreement or Agreements, in a form approved by the City Solicitor, with the following various community organizations for operational/administrative expenses; maintenance, and/or rehabilitation of neighborhood facilities; and for administrative/operational costs, maintenance, purchase of equipment, and/or rehabilitation of neighborhood facilities of various departmental programs/projects for the benefit of residents of the City of Pittsburgh, at a cost not to exceed $735,000.00, chargeable to and payable from the 2018 Community Development Block Grant Program and the listed code accounts in the City Council.


The Fellowship in Public and Community Psychiatry at Massachusetts General Hospital is available for MDs to access advanced training during a PGY-5 year, immediately following their PGY-4 year. The fellowship is offered in partnership with the Division of Public and Community Psychiatry and sponsored by the Massachusetts Department of Mental Health (DMH). The fellowship is situated in the Lindemann Mental Health Center. The program emphasizes rehabilitation and recovery.
The fellowship's curriculum combines evidence-based clinical care with emphasis on longitudinal treatment, mentorship, peer learning, scholarly work and immersive leadership training. We seek to prepare our fellows to become leaders within community and public psychiatry. As a fellow, you will be intimately involved in teaching residents of the Mass General-McLean Adult Psychiatry Residency Program, working closely with the PGY-4 community chief resident.
This one-year, clinical fellowship runs from July to June of the following academic year. We accept one fellow per year.
The Division of Public and Community Psychiatry harnesses resources both at Mass General and in the community to provide excellent clinical care, teaching research and system improvements for underserved and vulnerable populations with serious mental illness. We work with the Massachusetts Department of Mental Health (DMH) and a range of community mental health and medical providers.
We seek to understand the complex interplay between serious mental illness and the social determinants of health and recognize racism as a unique social determinant of mental health. We focus on those suffering from severe and persistent mental illness, addictions, trauma and homelessness.
Learn more about the Division of Public and Community Psychiatry.
The salary for the fellowship follows the Partners Healthcare salary scale. You can learn more about salary and benefits from the Partners Graduate Medical Education website.
To be eligible for the fellowship, you must be eligible for a full license to practice in Massachusetts. We are not sponsoring visas.
Residents interested in applying for the fellowship should contact fellowship director Oliver Freudenreich, MD (freudenreich.oliver@mgh.harvard.edu) before applying as we fill our position once we have identified a suitable candidate.


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China's ageing elite live golden years in style
By Admin On Jan 22, 2019
At a gated community for Chinese senior citizens, retired military personnel, film-makers and top university professors settle into a new routine: ballet lessons, weightlifting and catered dining.
As China´s population ages rapidly and the one-child policy left parents with only a single child to help them in their old age, the upper crust of Chinese society are spending the last years of their lives in luxury.
A grand piano backlit by floor-to-ceiling windows stands in the Yanyuan community´s clubhouse living room. Brightly coloured artworks commissioned from Israeli artist David Gerstein adorn public spaces.
"This is our home now," said Li Ying, a 71-year-old resident who spent more than 30 years in the military. "Special circumstances notwithstanding, we are prepared to live here until the end."
Though high-end institutions like Yanyuan, which boasts an on-site hospital and on-call staff, are still few in China, they are part of a growing industry as the country races to develop enough elderly care support for its exploding population of senior citizens.
By 2050, one in three people in China, or 487 million people, will be over the age of 60 — more than the population of the United States — according to the official Xinhua news agency.
In the past, parents could count on their children for care in their twilight years under Chinese traditions of filial piety.
Ageing crisis
But as China reckons with its one-child policy, which was aimed at curbing population growth, Chinese couples are now burdened with raising their own children while supporting both sets of parents — without the help of siblings.
"The idea that children should take care of their ageing parents is an old logic spanning thousands of years," explained Li. "As society develops, this is changing."
To tackle the country´s looming ageing crisis, the Chinese government is trialing a number of policies, including preferential tax policies for elderly care service providers.
The push to grow China´s elderly care capacity has encouraged more private companies, from real estate developers to insurance firms, to seize on business opportunities in the industry, such as nursing homes where residents enjoy five-star accommodations and professional medical support.
At Yanyuan, which is run by insurance giant Taikang, residents can either buy into the company´s two million yuan ($290,000) pension plan or make a down payment of one to two million yuan ($145,000 to $290,000) on top of monthly living expenses of at least 6,000 yuan ($870), not including the food budget.
Publicly-run nursing homes, on the other hand, can cost less than $1,000 a month or offer subsidies to residents but are often viewed as a last resort for China´s more destitute senior citizens.
"Whether or not China´s elderly care industry can satisfy the needs of (China´s) rapidly ageing populace depends on who is paying for it," says Chen Youhua, a professor at Nanjing University who has studied China´s elderly care industry.
If it´s paid for privately, there could be an overabundance of facilities and beds, but "if it´s the government or society who pays… then the current elderly care services industry cannot satisfy such needs", he added.
Some industry experts are wary that private firms will focus on providing lavish retirement villages for long-term residency, rather than creating last-mile nursing homes for those who cannot take care of themselves
Vivian Lou, an associate professor at the University of Hong Kong, who studies long-term care suggested healthy 60-year olds could enter such villages for seniors, and remain there for 20 years, during which time no one else could take their spot.
"This then becomes a housing solution," she explained.
Still, for residents at Yanyuan, socialising with peers — and simply not being alone — is one of the greatest benefits of staying in the retirement community.
In the past, the entire family lived together, "joyous and harmonious," said Ge Ming, who heads operations at Yanyuan. "But over the course of urbanisation, the (family) structure has changed".
Young workers from all over China migrate from rural areas in search of higher wages and work opportunities — they are no longer home to care for their parents or grandparents.
For China´s ageing elite, many of whom already live in the major cities, their children may be living overseas or simply too busy building their own high-powered careers to look after relatives.
"I can´t rely on them," said Zhu Mingyi, an 82-year-old retired professor, who used to teach languages.
His daughter lives in Beijing working for an international broadcaster, while his son is in Japan.
He added: "They have their own careers and family. They don´t have the time, money, or energy to take care of you."
China's ageing elite live golden years in style
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How do we make sure things get done when tasks are self-assigned, working in teams with flat structure combined with fixed deadlines? What's beyond the carrot/stick extrinsic motivator to get things done? We created and remind ourselves of this practice in times of high workload, uneven feelings of commitment among the team or when a conflict arises.
I keep experimenting with To Do Lists and — in terms of digital tools — have used everything from Google Tasks, via Trello, to Wunderlist. What works best for me right now is a paper list. It's a pleasure to check or cross something off your list.
I use an A5 notebook and each double page equals one week. I break up bigger projects into a list of tasks, put that list on a Post-It note, and add the note to the week where I need to work at it. I then transfer single project and regular tasks (like editing) to my daily To Do list.
I manage my energy by working on what I feel most motivated to do or what is urgent and important. I use the Eisenhower Matrix to prioritize tasks. I try to delegate or eliminate tasks that I don't enjoy doing and that are neither urgent nor important.
I clear my inbox and key communication channels (Slack) once every morning, so I know I am not missing out on anything important. I spend up to one hour responding to emails, comments, and messages. Tasks are transferred to my To Do list. I use Boomerang and Slack's reminder features to bring back messages I want to deal with later. With that out of the way, I can focus on getting work done. Checking my inbox or social media during the rest of the day becomes a reward for completing tasks from my To Do list.
For a good start to the day, I need a clear desk, a list of tasks, and water. Every evening, I clean up my desk, refill my water, and update my running To Do list.


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Home » Economy » Tea Partyers, union members, Democrats, Republicans — all love Social Security. So let's expand it!
Tea Partyers, union members, Democrats, Republicans — all love Social Security. So let's expand it!
An important new book argues that America's most successful social program needs to be strengthened
By Paul Rosenberg / Salon.com via ALTERNET
A clerk holds US 100-dollar notes at a money changer shop in Jakarta on August 22, 2013.
Suddenly, unexpectedly, in the aftermath of the midterms, Democrats seem to have rediscovered their economic populist voice. As I pointed out in my recent story "Now They're Sliming Elizabeth Warren," there's no single-bullet solution to economic inequality, but there are heartening signs and popular efforts underway on a broad range of fronts: minimum wage, overtime pay, wage theft and more on the raising wages side of things, and on the spending side, increases on infrastructure, education and, above all, Social Security. All these fronts are important, but none more so than Social Security, which has long been under sustained attack from the right, because of, not despite, its success and popularity. If you hate government, there's nothing you hate more than a government program that everyone loves.
But it's not just its right-wing enemies that threaten Social Security; its eager-to-compromise centrist and neoliberal "friends" pose even more of a threat, muddying the waters and trying to silence those who stand up for Social Security unapologetically, calling for it to be strengthened and expanded.
In a recent piece for the Atlantic, Amitai Etzioni did just that with an amazingly convoluted argument, trying to paint Elizabeth Warren's economic populism as "unpopular," associating it with welfare, in contrast to Social Security. In the real world, Warren has said virtually nothing about welfare. Instead, she is the most prominent senator—joining the likes of Bernie Sanders and Sherrod Brown—to come out strongly in support of expanding Social Security, even as the Republicans are renewing their efforts to cut it back.
Nothing explains the stakes involved better than the new book "Social Security Works! Why Social Security Isn't Going Broke and How Expanding It Will Help Us All" by Nancy J. Altman and Eric R. Kingson, co-founders of Social Security Works and longtime experts in the field, who served on the staff of the Greenspan Commission in the 1980s, helping to craft the last major overhaul of the system. They cover an impressively wide range of topics—from a brief history of Social Security's birth and development and attacks against it, to debunking today's most common lies about it, to highlighting the real challenges it faces in meeting the growing needs of a working and middle class in more perilous circumstances than ever before in the system's history. Perhaps most important, at the center of all this, they explain the logic of expanding Social Security—both increasing benefits and adding new ones—and how to pay for it in an equitable manner. Salon's interview with the authors has been edited for length and for clarity.
I mentioned before Amitai Etzioni's article trying to paint Elizabeth Warren and other progressive Democrats as supporting "unpopular populism," which he identifies with "welfare," deliberately misrepresenting the actual issues she and other progressives have been focusing on. Etzioni even goes so far as to try to use Social Security—as opposed to welfare—against Warren, despite the fact that Warren advocates strengthening and expanding Social Security. His argument seems to typify the blindness of elite discourse to the actual economic issues of the day, and your book struck me as perfectly illuminating the one program at the center of their blind spot. To those who might be swayed by such arguments, that there's nothing popular that progressive populists can hope to do, what points does your book make to shine a light on what's being missed?
Altman: The beauty of Social Security, the ingenuity of that program, is that it represents basic American values that are shared very broadly. So, as a consequence, Social Security is extremely successful, but it's also extremely popular across the political spectrum.
We found in polling that Tea Partyers support it, union members support it, independents, Republicans, Democrats – it's also widely supported among every demographic group and every age. The younger you are, the less likely you are to think Social Security will be there for you but they do support it, they believe it's an important program … So this is an issue that, when you've got 80 percent of the country answering polls that Social Security should be expanded, but they do not think it should be cut, they think it's vital, they think it's more important in the future, all of those kinds of things, those kinds of numbers, you know that it's very popular.
Kingson: The reality is most Americans have only Social Security to count on. This is middle-class, working-class people, low-income people, even upper-middle-income people; the core protection they have for the children if they die, for life insurance protection, if they become disabled as workers, and when they retire. So it's critical. The other thing, when I think about Etzioni, I think of communitarianism and the irony here is that nothing gives greater expression to the notion of national community than Social Security. Honestly, this program is certainly about restoring economic security, but it's also about these notions of dignity, holding families together, responsibility to do work, but also to the right to receive just dues as a result. So this is an institution that ties our country together, at the same time that we have many forces moving toward entropy.
You point out that before Social Security came into being, old age and poverty were synonymous, and old age was commonly looked at with dread. Few people alive today have any memory of that, but could you talk about that reality, what it was like, and what kind of difference Social Security made?
Altman: When Social Security was enacted, every state except New Mexico had poorhouses. I know that sounds like Dickens, but this is just 80 years ago. The residents—they were called "inmates"—were not working-age people, or children; they tended to be people who have been independent all their lives, but dependent on wages. When they were no longer able to work, if they didn't have children who could take them in, they literally went to the poorhouse. It was often common at that time that if the worker died, the family would split apart. Orphanages were full of children who still had a parent living who couldn't support those children. Often you'd see people begging on the streets; there were lots of stories about that.
You make the point that bringing Social Security into being FDR and Frances Perkins both framed Social Security in terms of preexisting American values. Could you talk about how they did that?
Kingson: Roosevelt has a quote where he says, "This is not about new values, this is drawing on long-held, long-shared values that we hold as a society," and I think it built very nicely on notions of responsibility to care for oneself, care for one's family, responsibly, to work, and also a shared vehicle, an insurance vehicle which has enabled Americans to protect themselves against risks we all face—and, at that time, retirement in particular.
Altman: And this wasn't just messaging on his part, or on Frances Perkins' part. If you look at Social Security, the way it's designed, it's reward for hard work—the more you earn the larger your benefit—but it was also an understanding that lower-income workers have less discretionary income, so they needed a larger proportion of that [as benefits]. There's the sense that we take care of each other, that we protect families, pretty conservative management—it has to have a balanced budget, it can't pay benefits unless it has sufficient income to cover costs—everyone pays in, we share risks, we share responsibilities. I think that President Obama in that famous speech that really propelled him when he was running for the Senate and he talked about it as not a question of red states or blue states but the United States, it was that kind of message that rings true today and it rang true then.
Kingson: Just to add something about Frances Perkins. She goes to Washington and she's very clear in saying it's the people who count. There are human beings behind all these program. The changes that are made are terribly important to everyone, to individuals, to whole households. And that's something that's forgotten in today's policy world. We talk very blithely about making "little tweaks," tweaks that will cut someone's long-term security. So I think there was a moral basis that emanated from the White House at that time, and from that administration, that emphasized the well-being of the population above everything else.
Your second chapter is titled "Social Security Works for All Generations." How does it do that? Can you give us a big-picture synopsis of what that means?
Altman: Most people don't realize this, but Social Security is the nation's largest children's program. About 9 percent of America's children get benefits, either directly or indirectly. It's the most important source of support for grandparents rearing grandchildren; it's the most important life insurance and disability insurance that most working families have. So it's a children's program, it's disability and life insurance protection; it also relieves the pressure on families.
Before Social Security, you generally had several generations of families living together, so if the breadwinner became unemployed, you really had children also without anything, any income, and seniors without an income, and there was this pressure on those in the sandwich generation, in the middle. The beauty of Social Security is that it's fine if you want to live with an extended family, there's lots of advantages to that; but seniors don't have to depend on the children, and often they feel they're a burden to their children. So they can live with independence and dignity thanks to Social Security. Adult workers can focus their energies and attention on their children, knowing that their parents have a guaranteed source of income.
Just one more point. In this recent Great Recession, remember how many people were unemployed? [There was] one big difference from the Great Depression, when one out of three were unemployed, which usually meant seniors were out on the street, children were in the street. In this one, Social Security continued to pay and sometimes seniors could help their children and grandchildren, because it provided this guaranteed source of income if their other parts of the family were having trouble making ends meet.
Kingson: A couple of other things. One is that we all rise on the shoulders of generations before us, and we also build to the generations that follow. I often ask my students if they think they've ever benefited from Social Security, and if they have parents who've died, or are disabled, but I have to push it. As well, from day one, you and your parents had life insurance; in almost all cases that life insurance was the equivalent—depending on your age and profile for a very young family—of about a half-million dollars, a little more, in term life insurance. That's the American people's life insurance. So there are these concrete protections.
The other thing I say is we talk about this program at this one moment in time, but when you think about it over time you're in different positions vis-à-vis the program. Sometimes you're receiving, sometimes you're contributing to insurance and you receive it again. The failure of the public policy discussion, in some ways, is to talk about this as a program for old people; the reality is that today's young, middle-aged workers and my grandchild are at much more risk from the kinds of cuts that have been proposed to the core benefits of Social Security than are today's old. So this generational discussion is important but it often goes in the wrong direction.
When Nancy and I worked for the Greenspan Commission in 1982 — both of us are baby boomers — we would hear from folks back then saying all those old people are eating up your savings, Social Security benefits, they're living high on the hog, there's not going to be anything left for you. Well, there has been and there will be. Now, today what we hear is all those baby boomers are eating up everything. This isn't how our society works. We work together; we're interdependent. Social Security is built on that notion.
Another point you make in that chapter is that Social Security as wage insurance fills a role that nothing else can produce, in contrast to welfare, private savings or pensions. This is often fuzzy in the public mind, so could you explain it a bit?
Altman: Social Security has all the benefits of a private sector-defined benefit plan but none of the disadvantages. It is virtually universal, it is completely portable from job to job, easily portable—all you have to do is remember your Social Security number, and all the records are kept at the Social Security Administration—and it's incredibly efficient, it returns 99 cents of every dollar that's collected. Defined benefit plans in the private sector and defined contribution plans have all these fees, a lot of them are hidden — 10 or 15 percent is captured by those fees. So Social Security is incredibly efficient, it's also incredibly secure; the plan sponsor is the United States government, which is permanent. The private sector plan you have to worry that they're making a promise today and 40 years from now it's not going to be around. The government's going to be around 40 years from now, so you don't worry about that.
What's misunderstood, often put out by people who are trying to undermine it, is that it's some kind of forced savings and you can earn more in the stock market, that kind of thing, but it's not. It's a guaranteed income, it's an annuity, it's insurance. It replaces wages the same way life insurance does. Indeed, it provides very generous benefits, the add-on benefits I should say for divorced spouses, so that it's very important to women, and it's important to every segment of the society.
One more thing. Insurance works best when you have the largest risk possible, when everybody's in it and the only entity in our society that can mandate everybody being in is the federal government. And it also is most effective when they don't have what's called "adverse selection," where you buy life insurance when you find you have terminal cancer. You can't do that with Social Security. Your very first paycheck—whether you're a 16-year-old or 20 years old, whenever you start having a summer job or earning part-time money—you start contributing to Social Security. So that's why it can be so efficient, why so portable, why it works so well.
Kingson: We're talking about a system that works, that in fact we built the system to protect against certain things, individuals and families, that we can't protect against by ourselves. And it's never missed a benefit. In the midst of the recession, the near crash of our economy, benefits were paid. It's a core institution. You mentioned people who don't know the history of the poorhouses and the very significant poverty than older people faced 70 or 80 years ago. This is a critical institution. Over time, we change it when it's clear we need to, like any institution. Think of it like a highway system. Occasionally we have bumps in the highway; we fix it, we don't throw it away. So this system of wage insurance works. Nothing against savings, savings are great, but we know it's not the most stable vehicle for most Americans; with the diminished kinds of private pensions we've had lately, and the loss of home equity, the one thing that we do have—and this is why they support the system—is Social Security.
Altman: Just to add to what Eric just said, he made a very good, very important point: Individuals can save on their own, but unless you're Bill Gates or someone like that, you can't self-insure. You insure your house against fire, you don't just save for that eventuality. The house probably won't burn down, but it does want to have fire insurance. It [Social Security] also ensures against risk like living to age 100. You don't know at age 20 whether you're going to die at 50 or are going to live to 100; you need insurance and that pools all of the risks.
Two key points you make are that Social Security is fully affordable for as far as the eye can see and that it's costing considerably less than other advanced industrial nations commonly spend for similar programs. Can you elaborate a bit on these points?
Altman: The way to measure the cost of a program, a public program, is by the percentage of gross domestic product. It's a measure of how wealthy we are as a society and how much we want to pay for various goods and services. And if you look at Social Security, the cost as a percentage of GDP—and we have a chart in chapter 8 that shows this—is essentially a flat line; it goes up a little bit now with the baby boomers retiring but remains a flat line around 6 percent of GDP, and it actually falls a bit once the boomers are no longer alive. In contrast, if you look at, for example, the historical growth in healthcare … after 75 years our healthcare expenditures would be 99 percent of GDP. Obviously, you cannot afford something like that and we're never going to reach that point. The 6 percent of GDP is very easy and in fact many of our other industrialized countries spend more than 6 percent of GDP on their old age survivors and disability insurance program — their Social Security equivalent. They spend a larger percentage right now than we will after 75 years.
Kingson: When you talk about levels of inequality, in society, we've seen huge amount of income and wealth going to the highest 1 percent and .1 percent. It explains, in part, why I think American feel so economically pressured. But we are a very rich nation. We're a nation that has been able to engage in a couple of wars at the drop of a hat around 2001, not thinking about it. We have resources that we can afford to direct toward other areas, and we can also afford to ask those who have done so well in the economy to pay their fair share back into the system. There is, of course, a projected shortfall that needs to be addressed but most of that shortfall could be addressed by asking everybody to pay the same rate on the payroll contributions, the same amount on their entire earnings. Today I think it's $118,500 a year, on earnings above that you stop paying for benefits. If we asked everybody to make the same contributions that their secretary makes, that 95 percent of all other Americans make, we restore about three-quarters of the shortfall. But even more important, there's much we can do to fund extensions of the system. They're not onerous.
Altman: I would add to that, as Eric says, we are the wealthiest nation in the world, we have the highest gross domestic product of any other country, and it doesn't feel that way because of the way there's been an upward redistribution of wealth over the last 34 years. It doesn't feel that way to a lot of Americans because they haven't seen their own wages rise, and also there's been a campaign to convince people it was just math—we can't afford this, aging people and so forth—and the truth is it's not math, it's not demographics, it's about values and what kind of nation we want. We can afford it and the question is whether we want to expand Social Security, want it to stay the same, or to scale Social Security back. That is a question of values and priorities; it's not inevitable what the answer is.
You present a plan for expanding Social Security. I'd like you to outline first what its goals are and then the means, how they would be accomplished, and then why the means are realistic and worthwhile to implement.
Kingson: The story line in the book is the system works. It's a darn good system, and it's popular. Americans don't have as much confidence in it as they have in the past, or as much as they should, understandably, but also it's there and they really like it. Also, the nation faces some very real problems. Today's old are not cosseted as some would have us believe. They're not living high on the hog. Some, of course, are doing very well, but the large majority of older people are either at the very marginal level of economic security or a little bit above it, just one economic shock or health shock away from serious economic problems. So we have an economic problem for current retirees. We have an even larger problem, a real crisis, for people in their 40s, mid-30s, their 50s, their early 60s, who are hoping to retire and facing losses in housing equity, losses in pension protection, that occurred over the last 30 years, the failure of the 401K system, losses of jobs in some cases, relatively small wage increases for most people, and high healthcare costs, student loans … It's all of these factors, like parents paying for their kids' student debt, or people paying for their own debts. The crisis can only be addressed substantially by at least having a good start in the expansion of Social Security.
We also tell a story about how important families are. But we're the only nation that doesn't provide parents some kind of financial support for the birth or adoption of a child. We're the only industrial nation that doesn't do that at the federal level; we don't provide support to people to give care, that's also a problem. The last problem is this extraordinary inequality in income, and, even worse, of wealth in our society. The number we have in the book, from 1948 to 1979 the bottom 90 percent got two-thirds of the growth of society; from 1979 to 2012 they got nothing, and all the growth went to the top 10 percent. There's something wrong with the economic arrangement. So part of what we say in those four chapters is these are real problems in Social Security, and expansion of it—a judicious, thoughtful and in some ways modest expansion—can make down payments on these problems, or even a dent in the case of the retirement income crisis.
Altman: The conversation around Social Security has been skewed in a variety of ways and one has been the laserlike focus on the financing. Financing is a means to an end. The goal of the program is to provide economic security, and the question is what level of economic security do we as a society want to provide to ourselves, through the public sector, through this public program of wage insurance, and then what is the fairest way to pay for for that.
So we start with the notion of a family protection program. As we talked about earlier, it's efficient, it's secure, it's very fair in its distribution, it's portable, but its benefits are low, very modest by virtually any standard. So we said, OK, it's a great system, but it's inadequate. We've got current retirees they're just one shock away or right on the edge, as Eric said, and we have tomorrow's retirees that for a variety of factors, if nothing is done, are likely to be more on the edge. So we should raise the benefits, and we do that both across the board and we also do that in a targeted way, understanding that certain segments of the population are more at risk than others. So that's part of it.
We also were focused on the squeeze on families, as Eric said, concerned about paternity leave, paying for caregivers, etc., so we have a variety of benefits that are focused on addressing that. For example, it used to be that Social Security provided benefits to children of parents who become disabled. Social Security used to play that role, provide benefits up to age 22 for those children who continue on in college, or vocational education. That was eliminated back in 1981, and now it only provides benefits through high school. So we restore that benefit. We put in a children's allowance, we put in paid family leave and so forth, the idea being that when we say "expand benefits," we both increase existing benefits and we also mean broadening and adding new kinds of benefits. Other industrialized nations already have children's allowances, and it's time for us to add those additional benefits.
The question is what level of benefits do we want, then what's the fairest way to pay for them. We thought the fairest way was to not unduly burden anyone, and to look at current methods of payment and add to those. So, for example, Social Security currently has three sources of revenue. The primary source of revenue is what are called FICA insurance contributions; in market parlance we call them premiums. People tend to call them taxes, and of course government levies it, but really the concept is that this is insurance paid for by workers and their employers through premiums, and this is a conservative way of financing it. What we say is most workers have withholding throughout the year, everyone should have withholding throughout the year. We also have a very gradual and modest increase in the FICA contribution rate, which comes out to an average about 50 cents a week, it's gradually increased.
Kingson: It would raise the payroll contribution by 1 percent over 20 years, about a 20th of the percent, a 20th of that each year, which comes out to about 50 cents, very modest.
Altman: A very modest increase and so that is the major source of the premiums and the major source of financing today and it would remain so. Second, another source that has been there from the beginning is whenever Social Security has a surplus, when it has more income than it needs to pay the bills benefits, that money is invested in helping the American people. Congress in the very beginning said it should be invested in the safest investment, treasury bonds backed by the full faith and credit of the government of the United States. Currently Social Security holds $2.8 trillion of treasury bonds in its trust funds. We say that what most pension trusts do is diversify their portfolio in order to get a higher rate of return, and a number of public pensions do that as well, I think the Federal Reserve Board and the state governments, and Canada's social security system. Individuals have limited time horizons. If the stock market goes down when you're 65 and you're about to retire, you either work longer or else retire on less. But with a public program like this, it's got an unlimited time horizon, it can ride out dips. So we advocate diversifying the portfolio and bringing in additional revenue that way, because you get a higher rate of return. But it's not individual accounts where there's a risk to individuals; you still have a guaranteed premium.
Then the third source: Starting in 1983 Congress introduced some progressive revenue into the system. The premium is a proportionate amount everyone pays, and the diversified trust fund that's an investment strategy; but there's a small amount of progressive revenue and that is the taxation of benefits requiring higher-income beneficiaries to include Social Security above a certain threshold in their income tax. So there is some progressive revenue. Given the upward distribution of wealth, given how much the wealthy have captured benefits from all the public services, police, fire, road, so forth, we say it's not too much to ask that they pay an additional 10 percent on their million and first dollar and above. So the first million dollars of income would be taxed exactly the same, but this new bracket that would be put in at $1 million level. So your million and first dollar you would pay 10 cents more than you pay under current law, and that additional amount would be dedicated to Social Security. So that's the way you pay for all these benefit increases that we discuss. And we think that's all fair and not overly burdensome on anyone
Kingson: I think it's also important to recognize that this comes out of a growing economic pie, over 30 to 40 years we can expect huge … it's hard to imagine in the world that we've been in the last few years, but over 40 years the pie does expand and so it's not all that burdensome to add these kinds of provisions to the program.
Altman: I'd just like to add, in the last Congress about eight expansion plans were introduced by a number of different organizations; a number of other experts have developed their own plans (they're all listed in appendix C of the book), and ours is another. None of this is written in stone, but what they demonstrate is–all of them together—that there are many ways to expand Social Security, there are many ways to pay for it in a very fair and manageable way.
But so long as there's a conversation that "Oh, it's horrific! This program has to be cut!" it's hard to really argue for the specifics. So we've got to get the concept out. Now, the American people, polling shows, want Social Security to be expanded, it can be expanded, there are variety of ways it can be done—fully paid for, I should add—and so let's have an honest debate about this. What do we want to do? Do we want to expand Social Security? Do we want to cut it? Leave it as is? Let's have an honest debate.
In the book you tell a story about how, for the first 50 years, the opposing forces simply wanted to destroy Social Security, and that two Republican presidents help put the kibosh on that: The first was Eisenhower, the second was surprisingly Reagan. But immediately after Reagan signed that historic deal saving Social Security by establishing the expanded trust fund, a new strategy was adopted that you write about, which tried to destroy confidence that it could work, so all the people attacking it now attack it "in order to save it." You have a whole chapter devoted to debunking these arguments. I don't want to give too much credence to them, but I would like you to just pick one of them as an example to show what's wrong with the kinds of arguments that people have brought that distract their attention from what's really going on.
Altman: Let me just make a general point and then if you want to pick one to illustrate, it's probably the children and parents. If you go back and look at the history of Social Security there's been a small group — President Eisenhower called them a splinter group — that didn't like Social Security on ideological grounds or were very wealthy, and wanted that money to be going to Wall Street. They would make arguments, straightforward arguments, that Social Security is socialism, it's un-American, that they got murdered, they lost in their initial bid; those arguments were made in 1935, in 1936, in the 1940s, in the 1950s, in the 1960s—Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan made them in the 1960s. But then something happened, as if they all disappeared. None of us believe that they suddenly saw the light, but what's more likely is they finally realized that it wasn't getting very far with their ideological thing, what they have to do is undermine confidence, and we talk about the"Leninist strategy" [pdf] in the book.
But the way that you know these arguments don't make sense is that it's a solution in search of a problem. The solution for every single one of these myths is benefits have to be cut, no matter what the method, and some of them don't even make sense—like "the children are being disadvantaged," so what is it that we do? We cut benefits, not of today's seniors, but tomorrow's seniors, these same children who are the supposed victims!
Kingson: After the 1983 amendments—Nancy and I were both on staff on the Greenspan Commission—as she mentioned, this [Leninist Strategy] article comes out, and you start seeing a new attitude. Firstly, an attitude diminishing the old. Seniors are becoming greedy geezers. It's as if seniors are harming young people. We see another argument that Social Security is unfair. It's unfair to young people. It's unfair to rich people, because they don't get the rate of return that they might get if they put it in their bank. It's unfair to poor people, it doesn't end poverty. They kind of hurl those at you. Then they go forward a little further and George Bush decides to spend his capital in trying to privatize the system, and that doesn't take off, and come the most recent rounds, they tried to use the deficit, even though Social Security doesn't contribute to the federal deficit a single penny, as an argument.
In all these frames they put forward the same kinds of ideas, as Nancy said. One of them is, it sounds reasonable, Americans are living longer, we ought to raise the retirement age, have people like former Gov. Spitzer on his television program saying, "Everybody knows you have to raise the retirement age." Well, everybody doesn't know that, the facts are incorrect.
Some of the elites, some of the people who have tremendous resources, people who are financially comfortable, they know that; people like ourselves who are professionals who don't have heavy lifting jobs in some ways and are comfortable may know that. But the reality is, you go out to Youngstown, Ohio, you go out to Topeka, where people have lost jobs and they hear from talking heads and Washington elites that everyone knows you have to raise retirement age, a lot of them are thinking, they're in their late 50s or their 60s, "Look, I've been downsized and I've never gotten back into the workforce and my kids are even in worse shape. The only thing we've got is Social Security." And when you look at the facts, basically, the demographics, on average people are living longer, but that's not distributed equally, it's very mal-distributed by income, class and education.
The other thing they say is this is just a simple little adjustment. While the reality is it's not. It's a benefit cut. No matter when you would take your benefit, it's reduced if the eligibility age goes up. They like to say it's a simple adjustment, but actually, say the [retirement] age goes up to 70, that would mean [retiring at] age 62 someone's benefits would be about 54 percent of what they would get in what we would call "full benefit." That would be a huge cut, and the same would be at age 70, they would be getting a smaller benefit, by almost a third of what they get today. The rationale here is wrong, but also the implication in terms of distribution is really very negative, harmful particularly to workers with arduous jobs, with modest health problems, who have less opportunity.
Altman: For President Roosevelt, in 1936 during the election when he was being attacked on Social Security, he gave a speech in Madison Square Garden and he commented that—here I'm paraphrasing– it's an old tactic, an age-old tactic to get the victims to do their fighting for them. And that really is what's going on here. In magic it's called misdirection. It's saying children, young people, the seniors are taking all your money and getting them fighting. It's telling seniors there's competition—the people with disabilities are stealing money from seniors. African-Americans, you don't live as long as white Americans. It's divide and conquer, it's throwing up smokescreens, it's using half-truths, it's using misinformation.
What really is a problem is that we have this upward redistribution of wealth, and it's the very wealthy who don't want to have to pay their fair share, and they're using misdirection, trying to get everybody to look somewhere else. What we're trying to do in our book is say we can afford this program, if everybody pays their fair share; in fact, you can afford to expand it and that's what we should do.
That sounds like a perfect ending.
Kingson: One other piece to add: As long as the American people weigh in on this, the program will not be cut, but more important, politicians will be hearing the American people need the system expanded, they're able and willing to pay for it. The polling data we have says that it's not only people don't want to be cut, not only do they want expansion, but when asked in some polls if they're willing to pay a little extra, they say yes.
So the trick is to take this debate away from the elites and engage the American people and that's what a lot of groups have been doing, and that's one reason why, at least to date, we have been able to hold off the cost of living adjustment change that was supported both by Republicans and even by our president, the chained-CPI, which was presented as a minor technical change, but in fact it had huge implications for people over time over the long run. The voices of Americans, the voices of veterans, came in and told him don't cut my benefits. The more we can educate the American population, the better we're all going to be as this debate moves forward


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text:
Q: Reason why the code doesn't sum the values on the match column I have such an issue. I have a column named 'DC (full)' that sometimes has incosistent data such as 'DC01' and later 'DC01 AUX OPS' which should be regarded as 'DC01', I trimmed it and created a separate column as 'DC'. And later created a 'Match' column that is a concat of Item# and DC.
However, for some reason the code doesn't want to sum values of two columns of 'DC01' and 'DC01 AUX OPS' and I need it to have in one row.  Does someone know how it can be fixed?
Code
SELECT INVENTLOCATIONID [DC (full)], substring(INVENTLOCATIONID, 1, charindex(' ', INVENTLOCATIONID + ' ')-1) AS 'DC',
concat(ITEMID, substring(INVENTLOCATIONID, 1, charindex(' ', INVENTLOCATIONID + ' ')-1)) AS 'Match',
          ITEMID [ITEM],
          INVENTSITEID,
       SUM(PHYSICALINVENT) [INVENTORY OH]

FROM   [dbo].[vw_RDSInventSumStagingV2]
WHERE  INVENTSITEID = 01
and ITEMID='9780062377029'
GROUP BY INVENTLOCATIONID, ITEMID, INVENTSITEID
HAVING SUM(PHYSICALINVENT) > 0

Output

A: The full INVENTLOCATIONID column is used for the GROUP BY clause, and therefore 01 and 01 AUX OPS are different groups. If you need them to be the same group, then indicate that in the GROUP BY:
SELECT substring(INVENTLOCATIONID, 1, charindex(' ', INVENTLOCATIONID + ' ')-1) AS 'DC',
concat(ITEMID, substring(INVENTLOCATIONID, 1, charindex(' ', INVENTLOCATIONID + ' ')-1)) AS 'Match',
          ITEMID [ITEM],
          INVENTSITEID,
       SUM(PHYSICALINVENT) [INVENTORY OH]

FROM   [dbo].[vw_RDSInventSumStagingV2]
WHERE  INVENTSITEID = 01
and ITEMID='9780062377029'
GROUP BY substring(INVENTLOCATIONID, 1, charindex(' ', INVENTLOCATIONID + ' ')-1), ITEMID, INVENTSITEID
HAVING SUM(PHYSICALINVENT) > 0

Of course, now you don't see DC (full) any more, because those records are rolled up with the larger DC group. There could be many different values for the 01 DC (full) group in that same record. You can't have it both ways; you must pick either the group or the individual members of the group.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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5 Things to Know About DIY Carbon Fabricating
by Rock West
Tags: DIY Fabrication; Carbon Fiber Fabricating; DIY Carbon Fiber Fabricating
You can go online and find all sorts of videos explaining how you can make your own DIY carbon fiber parts at home. We would never discourage anyone from doing this. In fact, a lot of our customers are DIY fabricators. But we would caution people new to the composites world to take it slowly.
Anyone can make any process look simple in the era of modern video technology. But for every one of those 'too easy to be true' videos you find on YouTube, there were plenty of hours of work that didn't make the final cut. After all, video producers do not want you to see their failures.
Below are five things you should know about DIY carbon fiber fabricating if you are planning to make your own parts at home. Know that you can always call on Rock West Composites for your raw materials. We carry carbon fiber fabrics, panels, tubes, etc. We also have a variety of resins to choose from.
1. IT'S NOT AS EASY AS IT LOOKS
The first thing to understand is that carbon fiber fabrication is not as easy as it looks. If it were, everyone would be doing it. There would be no need for companies like ours because our clients could fabricate their own parts. The truth is that the fabricating process is complicated. It is also a precision process that doesn't leave a lot of room for error. You really have to know what you're doing.
2. CARBON FIBER IS A MISNOMER
The term 'carbon fiber' is really a misnomer. What we refer to as carbon fiber is really a carbon fiber reinforced plastic (CFRP). It is a finished product that combines a carbon fiber fabric with an epoxy resin that, when heated, bonds together to create a single material. So a carbon fiber tennis racket is technically a plastic tennis racket. The plastic material is reinforced by the carbon fiber fabric within.
3. YOU HAVE TO HAVE A TOOL
In our industry, molds are called tools. We mention this because you are going to need some sort of tool for making your parts at home. Let's say you want to make a replacement fender for that classic car you're trying to replace. You need some sort of tool on top of which you can lay multiple layers of carbon fiber fabric.
This means that DIY carbon fiber fabrication includes tool making. Before you can ever begin laying up, you have to learn how to make your tools. Either that, or you'll have to buy them.
4. MATERIALS MAKE A DIFFERENCE
We carry different kinds of carbon fiber products and resins for a reason. The point here is that your choice of materials does make a difference. So before you begin any project, do some research to find out what materials are best for your application. If you live in the Salt Lake City area, you can always pay a visit to our shop. We can get you hooked up with exactly what you need.
5. IT TAKES PRACTICE
Knowing the mechanics behind carbon fiber fabricating is just the start. All of that 'book learning' will not translate into high-quality parts without some practice. Knowing that, be prepared to fail. It is quite possible that your first few attempts are not going to turn out all that well. You may have to fabricate a dozen or more parts before you perfect your process.
Yes, you can fabricate your own carbon fiber parts at home. It is not as easy as it looks, but it can be done.
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More from the Labs:
Testing Prototype Composite Fin Blades Results in a HUGE Catch!
Rock West's Marine division is spearheaded by Eric Thorstenson. His love of ocean sports goes back decades. Eric's first trip to Lands End at the tip of Baja California was 1981 when he traveled from San Diego, CA to Cabo San Lucas, driving 1,000 miles south on a two lane highway. He was roughing it in a 1965 GMC metal dashboard pickup truck with cab over camper. Drawn in by Baja's majestic beauty, sheer landscapes, pristine beaches, colorful sunrises and sunsets, coupled with its raw, wild coastline, Eric has since made countless subsequent trips exploring, surfing and diving remote locations up and down this amazing peninsula. An ardent believer in sustainable fishing, Eric is extremely mindful assessing each fishing ground he hunts prior to taking fish. He primarily targets Pelagic fish (migratory open ocean fish), and when hunting reef fish, he only takes when he sees or knows there are several more of the same target species within the area he's hunting. He also only takes for personal family and friends consumption, and abides by local fishing rules, regulations, and laws. Eric spent the end of 2021 through New Years 2022 in the Los Cabos, Mexico area surfing and spearfishing in his favorite spots. He considers himself extremely fortunate, lucky, and honored to find and capture this beautiful fish. (Eric was out testing new Rock West composite fin prototypes. Coincidence?) What: Baqueta Grouper Where: Los Cabos Hunting Depth: 15 – 20 meters How: Apnea (Breath Hold) Spearfishing Why: Testing Rock West Marine's new prototype composite fin blades When: December 29, 2021 Every dive this trip Eric heard the reverberating sounds of Humpback whales communicating with each other. Eric says it's difficult to articulate the feeling he gets listening to, feeling these awesome mammals communicate in the water. Diving the same general fishing area, the following day, Eric was buzzed by a juvenile Humpback whale. The whale came within a
"Rock West Builds Ceramic Nose Radomes for the Navy SSST"
We have been highlighted in this month's Spotlight from the Department of the Navy's SBIR/STTR Transition Program. We are working on a multi-year Phase III SBIR building ceramic nose radomes for the program known as Coyote, i.e., the Supersonic Sea Skimming Target (SSST). Our radome design improves performance and saves costs while enabling faster flight. This program is executed in collaboration with the US Navy and other contractors. Collaboration is in our company's DNA; and this program, which involves the government, primes, and subcontractors, is a great example of how we can work seamlessly with others to reach an end objective. SBIR projects have been instrumental to the growth of the Rock West Composites' business overall. The program has turned into a significant production program for us, which is the best outcome we could have hoped for. Here is the January 2022 Spotlight from the Department of the Navy's SBIR/STTR Transition Program, which features these radomes
Rock West Composites Is One of San Diego's Top Workplaces for 2021!
We are excited to announce that Rock West Composites (RWC) has been awarded a Top Workplaces 2021 honor by San Diego Union Tribune Top Workplaces. The list is based solely on employee feedback gathered through a third-party survey and administered by employee engagement technology partner Energage LLC. The anonymous survey uniquely measures 15 culture drivers that are critical to the success of any organization including alignment, execution, and connection, just to name a few. Rock West's San Diego headquarters was awarded under the small business category. This honor is specific to our San Diego facility, but our Salt Lake City facility was also recognized with this award just two weeks ago. Thanks to our employees for these honors! At the top of our list of brand values is that "our workplace should be fun, creative and empowering for employees," and we strive to put this value into action. We are so glad that our efforts to create an engaging and fulfilling workplace across the organization are resonating with our team. The San Diego Union Tribune, Sunday November 21, 2021, Top Workplaces Special Section Our mission is to make the magic of composite technologies accessible to the world, and we can't do that without the best people. Are you interested in a career with us? Everyone at every level of the business is eligible for the annual All Team Bonus Award. Training and career growth is a key metric in employee reviews. Management has open-door policies, and our team takes quarterly employee satisfaction surveys to help management guide changes to improve the work culture. Join our Team
Rock West Composites Introduces New Marine Division Before DEMA Show 2021
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Rock West Composites Introduces New Marine Division Before DEMA Show 2021 Rock West Composites announces the launch of its new Marine Division a week in advance of its attendance at DEMA Show 2021 in booth #1424. Initially focusing on supplying original equipment manufacturers with composite components, Rock West will display new custom products, in addition to off-the-shelf products and materials, relevant to the marine market. San Diego, CA (PRWEB) November 9, 2021 – Rock West Composites (RWC) announces the launch of its new Marine Division in advance of its attendance at DEMA Show 2021, a premier trade-only event for businesses in the ocean diving and watersports markets. RWC will be in booth #1424. Targeting original equipment manufacturers (OEMs), RWC believes that its unique experience with high-performance industries and commercial markets will enable it to provide high quality products that are both cost effective and schedule sensitive, key issues that are challenging to OEMs. RWC will be focusing on applications including carbon, glass, and hybrid composite free dive fin blades, wrapped and filament wound pole spear tubing, speargun chassis, gaffs, harpoons, technical diving backplates, and mechanical component substructures. At DEMA Show 2021, the company will highlight a new product, a composites fin blade, which will be on display in the New Product Showcase. The materials are 100% carbon fiber, woven, uni-directional prepreg epoxy. The laminate is quasi-isotropic, strategically stepped and balanced. It has a medium- and soft-flex version available. Blade dimensions are 752mm X 210mm, and it weighs 235 grams. The attachment tendon is a 22-degree angle designed to fit most popular foot pockets. RWC fin blades are designed for high-performance continuous use conditions and are made using the highest quality carbon fiber, fiberglass, and epoxy resin systems and processes. "We are excited about what we can contribute
Rock West Composites Is One of Salt Lake City's Top Workplaces for 2021!
We are excited to announce that Rock West Composites (RWC) has been awarded a Top Workplaces 2021 honor by Salt Lake Tribune Top Workplaces. The list is based solely on employee feedback gathered through a third-party survey and administered by employee engagement technology partner Energage LLC. The anonymous survey uniquely measures 15 culture drivers that are critical to the success of any organization: including alignment, execution, and connection, just to name a few. While this honor is specific to our Salt Lake City facility, RWC's team strives to provide a great place for people to work, learn and grow. At the top of our list of brand values is that "our workplace should be fun, creative and empowering for employees." In addition to management's open-door policies, our team takes quarterly employee satisfaction surveys to help management guide changes to improve the work culture. Everyone at every level of the business is eligible for the annual All Team Bonus Award. Training and career growth is a key metric in employee reviews. And the company has one of the best benefits packages around. Even surveys on benefits help to guide improvements for the packages offered to staff. "While Rock West offers an outstanding benefits package for a business of this size, we've made changes to our benefits based on employee feedback. We increased company contributions to insurance coverage for dependents and increased paid time off for newer employees. I love being able to address employee concerns directly by getting real data and taking action accordingly," says Grace Hernandez, Director of Human Resources. Rylan Hayes, Stock Product Manager (left) and Dave Erickson, Co-Founder/VP General Manager (right) receive the award. Our mission is to make the magic of composite technologies accessible to the world, and we can't do that without the best people. Are you interested in joining our team? Check out our Careers page to learn more
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Donna Brazile Tweets about #PresidentPelosi as the FBI foils a terrorist attack on the White House. Meanwhile Pelosi tries to leave the country with ALL of her children and ALL of her grandchildren. Another assassination attempt foiled? Is the Federal Reserve purposely trying to tank the economy. We have a guest, Bob Kudla, from Trade Genius on to talk about the Fed and how you can protect your investments. We review other Q related news, listen to part of an Amanda Grace prophesy on the Lazarus year, pray and discuss.


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Q: How can i check whether the object changes when using react useeffect hook? How can I check whether the object changes when using react useEffect hook?
const useFetch = (paranm?:object)=>{

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return count;
}

just like this, it will fall into a cycle .....

A: You are using wrong variable in your useEffect, try changing paranm to count
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Thinking about running a Catering Business?
Are you thinking of running your own catering business?
If your passion in life is food, you must have wondered about the possibility of turning your hobby into a business. Estimated to be worth £1billion per year by Ibis World, running a food outlet could prove to be lucrative if you get it right. This infographic reveals that only 40% of independent restaurants make it to the end of their first year, so you need to make sure you've covered all the bases.
There's a lot to consider though, so at Banksford, we've put together a summary of the key things you'll need to know.
There are a lot of food outlets out there, so you need to make sure yours is going to cater (excuse the pun) for a need which exists. Perhaps you're thinking of a specific type of food, or you're directing your business at a particular audience? Check out the competition, get a feel for their style, prices and market. It may even help you identify a gap in their market. This preparation will help you to move on to the next step.
Your business plan is particularly important if you're seeking financial backing from the bank, or looking for investors. Even if you're not looking for start-up finance, it will help keep you focused in the early days of running your service.
One of the prime causes of catering business failure is lack of marketing knowledge, so don't underestimate it. There are some excellent suggestions on this page.
To see a very comprehensive business plan example from a specialist catering provider, click here.
If you're working from home, this bit is already done. Make sure your equipment is up to scratch (more on that later), and you're ready to go.
If it's a commercial premises you're looking for, it's up to you to make sure it's suitable. Don't be lured in by a low rent – you'll need to factor in utility costs, rates and any service charges. Think about how it could work for you. Does the layout seem appropriate? Is there enough storage?
If you're running a restaurant where customers will be coming in, consider how many tables you canfit in, any access for disabled customers, toilet facilities and fire exits.
Commercial food outlets will have a classification, which may or may not need to be altered to fit the business you're operating.
Now it starts to get official. Your next step is to complete the Food Business Registration form online, which has to be done at least 28 days before you begin operating. Registration is free, but must be done for every address where you'll be preparing food.
website and set up as a sole trader. If you're starting a business with employees, it's slightly different, and you may trade as a limited company. Register here and pay the £12 set up fee.
Your local council's Environmental Health department are needed now, so get in touch with them and let them know your intentions. You're probably aware of their role, their first job is to come and inspect your kitchen to ensure it meets their standards. They'll be looking at things like proof of well maintained food preparation surfaces, facilities to keep chilled food at the correct temperature, and washing amenities. Working from home? You can also expect to be asked about hygiene risks from pets and visitors, and how your lighting and ventilation will cope with the demands of a commercial kitchen.
haven't done so already. Have a look at the Food Standards Agency website for their guide to what you should know, and make sure you're aware of the Food Safety Regulations.
Health and the Nationwide Caterers Association (NCASS). Without these qualifications, neither you nor your staff will be allowed to be involved in commercial food preparation, so make sure that everyone in your business is working within the law and has their certification.
Obviously, you'll be looking to purchase ingredients on a fairly regular basis, but don't forget things like fire extinguishers, safety signs and stationery.
When you accept any delivery of food for commercial use, it's not like signing for a parcel at home. Every delivery must be logged, with a note of the supplier, the date of the delivery and what was in the delivery. In the unfortunate event that someone is unwell as a result of your food, you will then have the means to trace back the ingredients or supplier that might have been at fault. It's all about accountability.
With the legal requirements covered, you can shop for the equipment you identified in your business plan. If you're working from home, you'll probably have a lot of the equipment already. If not – or if you're expanding your home setup – you'll want the kit to cope with demand. Cookware, utensils and consumables should be on the list, along with the right chef wear. It's really important to have the right uniform for your business, not only to keep you safe but to help you get into work mode.
The best businesses are those which come from the heart, so if your heart is set on entering the world of catering, why wait? Work through our printable checklist, and join Banksford's existing customers in the world of catering and hospitality.
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Call us on 0191 666 1234.
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