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Guatemala, the confiscated transition - Jot Down Cultural Magazine
English, Intermon Oxfam, Sociedad
Guatemala, the confiscated transition
Publicado por Ramón Lobo
Enrique Quib shows the five bullets he picked up during the takeover of Aguascalientes.
(Versión en español)
Report made with the support of Intermón Oxfam
In the community of Aguascalientes, in the Polochic Valley, an idyllic place northeast of the capital of Guatemala, roosters wander aimlessly and crow at the wrong time with harsh voices. They must feel the sadness of the people, campesinos (peasant farmers) forced off their lands in March 2011 by the company Chabil Utzaj (The Good Harvest). They are Q'eqchi' Maya; evicted from the land where they planted corn, beans, chili peppers, and cardamom. For them, the ex-dictator José Effraín Ríos Montt and the absolute power he represents is not a distant past, but a continuous present.
Enrique Quibb shows the five bullets he picked up from the ground during the takeover of Aguascalientes. His hand is firm but his voice breaks with emotion. He speaks of armed soldiers, violence, trucks hauling people away like cattle, stolen lands, and humiliation. It is hard for him to keep back the tears.
Juancho Chokool is missing his right leg. In the shade of a tree he listens to Quib's story, leaning on his crossed crutches. His mouth, half-open, is frozen in an expression of anger. Juancho is a sailor, in charge of navigating the Polochic River in a wooden canoe that has leaks in every corner. The campesinos want to show the destruction caused by Chabil Utzaj, owned by the Nicaraguan multinational Grupo Pellas.
They describe how on the other side of the river heavy equipment razed their crops of corn, beans, and chili peppers just two weeks before the harvest. Although the land belongs to the company, Guatemalan law states that the first one hundred meters of the river bank are public land. No one reports Pellas to the authorities. No one believes anything will be done in a country without a land registry or rural courts and where 97% of homicides are left unpunished.
The landscape is beautiful with the Sierra de las Minas Mountains in the distance, the objective of concessions of eager mining companies. Some people cross the river on foot in a shallow zone. The water comes up to their waist; they raise their arms in the air like prisoners. Candelaria points at some land that has been dug up. "What do they get from taking our food? What harm have we done? Why don't they just let us live?". Shortly after a small red plane owned by the company takes off. It flies around in low intimidating circles. Its purpose is to frighten off invaders, what they call the evicted farmers who resist giving up their land. A shot is heard in the distance, the echo of the valley returns another shot.
Guatemala is proud of its Mayan culture. It shows it off. It is the image, the fingerprint of a nation with a population that is a majority indigenous, between 50 to 60%. It seems to be a friendly place to the one million eight hundred thousand tourists who visit each year, leaving around 1,300 million dollars in Guatemala's economy. This, and the money sent by emigrants (4,800 million, 10% of the GDP), is one of the main sources of income. The ancient Maya, their millennial culture, the pyramids of Tikal, are Guatemala's claim to fame. Today's Maya of Polochic are never featured in the catalogs of travel agencies or billboards in airports. They are invisible to tourism.
Inside the beautiful Guatemala, there lies a rough and violent Guatemala where there are 38 crimes per 100,000 people – only Honduras has more – where shops are protected by iron bars, shop attendants work in fear, and private security (the number of which surpasses that of the police) are armed with old weapons that look more like scraps than security. Guatemala smells like fear, like the lost bullets of Johannesburg.
Inside both, nested like a Russian doll, hides a third Guatemala, one that persists, racist, exerting violent policies against the poor and women every day; one of land owners and multinationals that accumulates riches and takes the most fertile lands (70% of the land is in the hands of 3% of the population); one of the military that remains a separate power 17 years after the signing of the Peace Accord in December 1996. It's this Guatemala that threatens, stalks, kidnaps, and kills campesino leaders, union leaders, journalists, and defenders of human rights who hold onto a thread of hope.
Polochic river with the Sierra de las Minas in the distance.
Ríos Montt is the first ex-dictator in his country to be put on trial for genocide. Every morning, in front of the Supreme Court near a plaza called the Square of Human Rights, a colorful line of silent people forms. They are Maya Ixilies: mothers, fathers, wives, husbands, brothers, sisters, and relatives of the victims of the massacres that took place from March 1981 to August 1983 under orders from the government of the general who is on trial: 1,771 dead, 1,465 raped minors, 29,000 displaced families in the Ixil triangle (north Quiché).
"We never thought we would get this far," says Alejandra Castillo, assistant director of the Center for Human Rights Legal Action (CLAHC), who is responsible for advising the relatives of victims. "We have been fighting for 12 years. For the first time, we are hearing the stories of the people who suffered genocide". Castillo speaks with emotion that fills her with electricity, seated on a sofa near the courtroom. It's eight o'clock in the morning. The elevator doors of the third floor open and Ríos Montt emerges surrounded by a crowd of bodyguards. At 86 he looks tired. Little remains of the military strongman who in 1982 threatened to execute his enemies. As he passes the sofa, the ex-dictator nods his head. Castillo doesn't respond to the gesture as she makes her way to the defendant's bench.
The leader of the fight for the defense of indigenous lands is Daniel Pascual. He is the general coordinator of the Committee for Campesino Unity (CUC). He is forty one years old, tall, has thick dark hair and bright eyes. He wears a red poncho and a timeless straw hat. CUC has organized an event in the center of the capital to remember the evictions in Polochic that started two years before and to highlight the unfulfilled promises of the president, ex-general Otto Pérez Molina, who promised to give the people land. People on the street stop and observe curiously for a few minutes before continuing on their way. The law of silence remains like a collective stain on the country in which 25% of crimes against human rights defenders are committed by the State.
Pascual maintains that Guatemala's land conflict is historic: "It started with the invaders who colonized our land 520 years ago and it became worse at the end of the 19th century with the redistribution of lands ordered by president Rufino Barrios", he explains. That liberal repayment affected the privileges and the property of the church, but not the landowners, and it never benefited the peasant farmers, whom Barrios converted into forced workers on State farms.
Threats don't frighten the leader of CUC. His goal is to define a common platform for the campesino's demands that will put pressure on those in power and create real and sustainable change. In March 2012, CUC organized the Indigenous, Peasant, and Popular March in the capital. The march travelled 212 kilometers on foot. No one had given a second though to the cause until thousands of people came together in the demonstration. The capital gave them a hero's welcome and forced the authorities to dialogue and consider their demands. There were meetings with the Government, Supreme Court, and Attorney General. Promises rained down. Later, when they were out of the limelight, promises were left unfulfilled and bureaucracy returned. The impact of the protest diminished, like the peace accord.
Pascual complains of a permanent climate of impunity and of corruption which affects, among others, the institute founded in 1999, Fondo de Tierra (Fontierra). What should have been an instrument for the process of reconciliation has ultimately become a disaster. Lands were bought for the relocation of peasant farmers who were evicted during the civil war. The farmers paid with "seed capital" and credits which they can no longer pay. It was the idea of the World Bank; an experiment called 'market land access'. As a result, the farmers' debt rose to 331 quetzals (33.2 million euros).
A man listens to the victims' testimonies during the Ríos Montt trial.
The farms that were bought had a 10 year grace period which, in the majority of cases, has already expired. Fontierra wants to cancel the mortgages and take away the land. The campesino march called for President Pérez Molina to cancel this debt. Many communities believed they would be forgiven as compensation for what they had lost during the conflict. There were also third party sales, negotiations, bribes, ignorance, and illiteracy. Although the government promised a solution, collective bargaining doesn't exist, and each case is being ruled individually.
Jacobo Árbenz was the only Guatemalan president who tried to create real agrarian reforms. He was overthrown by a coup d'état in 1952 organized by the United States from Honduras under the excuse of communisim. Those were the days of the Cold War. In danger, among others, was the United Fruit Company, whose unsurpassed power in Central America gave birth to the term banana republic. Its influence was such in Guatemala that the only railway in the country was constructed to transport products from the plantations to Puerto Barrios on the Atlantic. The end of Árbenz was the end of a decade of democracy, the only window of freedom in hundreds of years of barbarity. In 1960, civil war exploded (the internal conflict, according to military terminology). It lasted 36 years: 200,000 dead, between 40,000-45,000 missing; a sick and broken society which lost its understanding of honesty.
The killings coincided with the land disputes. The military joined the landowners, becoming another predatory class. "What is happening today in Polochic Valley," Pascual states, "is the continuation of a process. Many of the lands taken in the conflicts were sold to their current owners. They are lands that belonged to the great-grandfathers, grandfathers, and fathers of the campesino farmers who work them today".
Land ownership is the biggest threat to the Peace Accord of 1996. This is recognized by the High Commissioner of the United Nations in Guatemala, Alberto Brunori, an Italian who has spent 12 years, on and off, in in the country. He is an expert who must speak diplomatically, discreetly. One of the pillars of the peace accord should have been the Integrated Rural Development law, destined to promote "the democratization of the agrarian structure and discourage land concentration". The law hasn't been approved and it isn't expected to happen in the coming months. Although they usually don't get involved in such delicate topics, business owners consider the law to be expropriation. Parliament, dominated by the economic elite and the military, blocks every effort for land reform, a taboo topic. Despite the growing difficulties, Brunori says that "it is excessive to say that the peace treaties have lost their weight". Some peasants favor the idea of a return to armed conflict, but there are no arms, no money, no desire, no impulse; only an exhausted society in which a strong extreme right military threatens a coup d'état if the State condemns one of theirs.
Added to the traditional land disputes is mining. Multinationals are knocking on the Government's door eager to exploit the natural riches. Transparency doesn't exist in such concessions. President Alfonso Portillo, part of Ríos Montt's party, awaits trail to be extradited to the US for money laundering. His administration was the most corrupt of the corrupt. On the third day of his hearing, dozens of day laborers suddenly appeared seated near the Minister of Finance, ironically, to show their support for Portillo. Why have you come here, ma'am?, a journalist asks. "I believe something about Portillo, but I'm not sure what," the woman responds. Where have you come from? "The bus station". It was a good day of work for the 'supporters' of Portillo: 100 quetzals (10 euros), food and transportation.
At Los Alpes farm, located between the clouds and the mountains in the region of Alta Verapaz, the air is filled with worry and fear. Two hundred and seventy-three families are faced with the imminent eviction from the lands of their ancestors. They don't have schools or wells. The nearest medical center is in La Tinta, a 45 minute journey by SUV. They are very poor farmers who can barely live off their traditional crops. Marcelino Chen is the oldest. He still walks tall despite his 88 years. Pride and a deep feeling of belonging keep him going. His hands are strong, with veins and lines like the grains of an oak tree. "I've worked this land with these hands for 68 years", he says. He doesn't receive insurance, a pension, or appreciation.
Clotilde is a mother of eight. She also watches with a restless look, a mix of defiance and sadness. She's just spoken in the assembly, informing the others of the news of the struggle and the need to unite with CUC to defend their rights. The men respect her words that are charged with resistance, which says a lot in a society that is still profoundly sexist.
A woman breastfeeds her son at La Constanza community.
The campesinos of Los Alpes claim to be the owners of the land that they live and work on, but they lack the legal documents to prove it. The majority are descendants of mozos-colonos, people who were tied to the land even if the ownership changed hands. Some landowners paid them; others let them harvest subsistence crops in exchange for their slave-like work. The minimum salary in Guatemala is 2,421 quetzals a month (242 euros). Pascual says it ought to be called the maximum salary; almost no one receives even that much. Sugar cane workers earn one dollar per ton of sugar cane. Only the strongest and the youngest can do the job. It's hard work, at thirty you are considered old.
The owner of Los Alpes died in a plane accident. He left 34 million dollars of debt and some orphaned workers. 'Señor Hans' (he was of German origin, like many landowners in the area) must not have been very popular because his death was celebrated like a blessing from the gods. The man who wants to buy Los Alpes will only take a 'clean' farm, with no workers. The trend in the valley is to plant African oil palms and sugar cane. Landowners are dedicated to the production of raw vegetable material for bio combustibles.
The campesinos call the land that feeds and protects them Pacha Mama (Mother Earth in Quechua); it is the center of their culture and cosmology. Despite being half of the country's population they lack political weight. Their rejection of ladinas (white and mestizo) institutions and their linguistic division (there are 22 Mayan languages; the majority of which are not mutually understood) leave them outside of the system.
"The main difference with El Salvador is that they don't have the indigenous question", claims a source who has spent 40 years in Central America, but prefers not to be identified. "In El Salvador peace agreements work because the guerillas were strong and assured equality in the institutions they created. With peace they gained political power. In Guatemala, the guerillas focused their efforts on achieving extraordinary peace treaties on paper, but afterwards they were excluded from any real power".
"For the indigenous people, corn is not only food, but it is their connection to the land, a religious commitment," explains Enrique Naveda, editor-in-chief of Plaza Pública, an informational website that is a breath of fresh air in the print and television panorama controlled by the biggest fortunes. He mentions Miguel Ángel Asturias' masterpiece, Men of Maize. " They are accused of blocking progress, of opposing mining and mono-culture farming of sugar cane and African oil palm, but for them progress is that the mountain continues to stand. It is a different life, a different way of thinking".
Jot Down tried repeatedly to interview the Minister of Agriculture, Elmer López. Due to his schedule the constantly postponed meeting was never possible. He also did not respond to the questionnaire sent to him by email.
The community of Los Alpes doesn't trust the government of president Otto Pérez Molina. Their leader, Santiago Rax, claims that the government tries to give them worthless land. "We are worried. We know what has happened on other farms, we know how evictions happen". Father Darío Caal is a small man; he is 56 and full of energy. Seventy-four communities depend on him; he listens, helps, and leads mass to the best of his abilities. He brings hope to Los Alpes, the closest of his communities. "I visit the people that are far away once or twice a year. My parish extends between two mountains," he says pointing to the Las Minas Mountain on the other side of the Polochic Valley. "The only globalization that has reached us is the cell phone and Coca-Cola," he laughs. Father Darío also receives threatening messages and letters that accuse him of inciting violence. In one letter he is accused of the 'crime' of organizing people through the Internet.
Woman and children at Aguascalientes community.
After descending a rocky road that starts in Los Alpes, arriving in the town of La Tinta in the middle of the valley, graffiti welcomes the visitor: 'Long Live Zapata!' 'Politicians are Bullshit!'. The state evicts 'illegal' peasants from the land where many of their ancestors are buried, and the state buys the land from those with documentation in nonrefundable deals. Another Guatemalan, who also prefers to remain anonymous, explains the method, "You'd better sell it to me now, if not I'll come back to negotiate with your widow". The threats are no laughing matter in a country where violence and politics go hand in hand.
Crossing the Polochic River and wading across two more rivers brings you to La Constanza, a community surrounded by hule (Nahuatl for rubber) trees. The light of day hardly breaks through the forest. It is as silent as a cathedral. Every tree is marked with spiral cuts that are used to collect sap. The people live in poverty, in shacks rented to them by other peasants. They pay 150 quetzals a month (15 euros). The men sell wood for 10 quetzals a day (one euro) in La Tinta and in Telemán, two of the biggest towns; the woman wash clothes in the river for 15 (one euro and fifty cents).
The story of Olga Chu is the story of her people: dozens of soldiers and police, guns, violence, shouting, insults, burned clothes and houses; evicted with nothing but the clothes on their backs. At the other end of a shack that serves as a meeting center there is a table converted into a makeshift altar displaying the CUC flag and a lit candle. At her side, a young mother is feeding her baby. Her mouth is dry, speechless; she listens and smiles without speaking. Each family in La Constanza organizes its existence, work and a means of making money. There is no community leader who assigns jobs. Everyone belongs to the Tinajas farm which is dedicated to the wholesale cultivation of sugar cane. They describe a happy time in the past when they plowed their own land and grew their food. "We couldn't have imagined what was going to happen", says Chu.
Mari Paz Gallardo works for the Guatemalan Human Rights Commission (Udefegua), which receives funding from the UN, the US, and Holland, to name just a few. She has endless work in a country where national and international organizations that defend human rights are considered the enemy by the president, ex-general, Pérez Molina's party. The language is the same as during the civil war, but the package, the patina of democracy to attract investors, is different.
The NGO, Intermón Oxfam, with decades of experience in Guatemala, today studies how to restart a program from twenty years ago that protects human rights leaders, unions, and campesinos. It is a measure of the setbacks.
Where massive violations of human rights have occurred, it is impossible to find justice. The Spanish Judge José Ricardo de Prada, International Judge in the war crimes trials of Bosnia-Herzegovina in Sarajevo from 2005 to 2007, says that "it's necessary to achieve enough justice so that the victims feel they have been given their due. Because of this, it is essential to judge the leaders, to see that the most powerful don't remain unpunished. Unfortunately there will always be hundreds who are left unpunished".
It is important to listen to the victims, to hear what they have to say, like in the trial of Ríos Montt. Mari Paz Gallardo maintains it is necessary, essential, "to return dignity to the dead and the living, and to their families," something that "has is yet to occur in Guatemala".
88-year-old Marcelino Chen at Los Alpes estate.
Enrique Naveda, editor-in-chief of Plaza Pública, states that the trial of Ríos Montt "is a military exercise", no more than a show. Diplomatic sources reject his claim, "It would be dangerous to leave that impression of an Armed Forces trial". Reports, like Gerardi's report about the recovery of Historic Memory and the report of the UN's mission, clearly recognize which of the two sides in the civil war is responsible; the Army and its agents, like the brigades of peasant self-defense, committed 90% of the crimes against human rights.
The Guatemalan media is putting up a battle parallel to the ex-dictator's trial. The Guatemala Veterans Association is financing pages of publicity that defend their argument that there was no genocide; that past actions, for which there is amnesty, shouldn't be brought up again. President Otto Pérez Molina, an ex-general who commanded a military unit in Quiché during the era of the dictator on trial, has also shown his support. Everyone is protecting their service records. Everyone is afraid to end up in the seat of the accused.
"Ríos Montt isn't important. There are many others like him who haven't been tried", says a source who has spent 40 years in Central America. Francisco Goldman's book The Art of Political Murder (Anagrama) is the result of an investigation into the assassination of Bishop Juan Gerardi on April 26th, 1998, where the police and prosecutors on the crime scene were more interested in erasing evidence than finding it, and the later trial.
The death of the prelate happened 48 hours after the bishop's Office of Human Rights, led by Gerardi, presented the report of the Recovery of Historic Memory, a key document in the reports of military abuse. In his book, Goldman describes the methods used by the intelligence services and the Presidential Cabinet (which Pérez Molina became head of with Ramiro de León Carpio). Their specialty was creating smoke screens, retouching evidence, buying out witnesses, judges, and journalists, and confusing public opinion in such a way that in the end no one knew what had really happened.
San Sebastian church is bustling; dozens of believers come and go wearing their devotion on their faces. One of the priests taking confessions gives a few minutes to the journalist. "The assassination of Gerardi was an important event for everyone, and it continues to be. We really miss him", he whispers in a low voice so as not to disturb the faithful who pray in the church. "It was a political crime. There is no doubt. He was a man who bothered those in power". An 82 year old volunteer takes us to the adjoining garage where Gerardi was killed. A photograph of the bishop, a wreath of flowers, and a cross mark where his body fell. On the surrounding walls are murals depicting scenes from his life and reminders of the unending struggle: "No to Mining", "We just want to be human", "They were taken alive, we want them back alive". Inside the garage you can hear the prayers coming from inside San Sebastian church.
Behind the optimistic Guatemala, which is determined to maintain a thread of hope, is the pessimistic nation, which says the country on the verge of becoming a failed state overtaken by drug traffickers. Many of the most recent crimes, including decapitations and dismemberments, carry the mark of the Mexican gang Los Zeta which is working with muderers, who once formed part of the army's most brutal units, Los Kaibiles, taught by Pérez Molina and charmed by Capitan Byron Lima Oliva, who was sentenced to 20 years in prison for the murder of Gerardi. Maras (young gangs), working with Colombian and Mexican cartels, add more trouble to the nations age old conflict. A woman, the Attorney General, Claudia Paz y Paz has become the toughest opponent of drug traffickers and the military. The extreme right hates her, blaming her for the judgments against the military, like the trial of Ríos Montt. Paz is always accompanied by a bodyguard. Pérez Molina has tried to find a way out to get rid of her, but the Attorney General is protected by the UN and the US who commend her work.
Sofía Menchú is a journalist; she is familiar with the Byron Lima case and the way the jails and secret service work. A few days ago she published a report in El Periódico, the most critical newspaper along with the evening paper La Hora, revealing the privileges that captain Lima receives in prison including freedom to come and go as he pleases and control all kinds of business from the inside. She has a bodyguard now. Like the campesino leader Daniel Pascual, Menchú says "we are moving backwards". "In the first days after the threat I was nervous, I was afraid; but after, I realized I couldn't continue to live that way, I had to continue my work as if nothing had happened".
Candelaria with some soil from the Polochic.
The threats are usually subtle, a telephone call in the middle of the night, a suspicious car parked outside the house; little things that give the message "we know where you live and what you do". Other times, they don't bother beating around the bush and take immediate action, like the kidnapping of four union leaders in Jalapa who were preparing a vote that was sure to reject allowing a mining company onto their land. One of the leaders died, two were beaten, and the fourth, Roberto González, miraculously survived. "There were between 15 to 20 men, they wore ski masks, boots, gloves, and had guns. They took the men from their car after following them for a while. They beat them and tied their feet and hands with the tape that is used to hold dynamite. Two men managed to untie themselves and escape with wounds. Robert (the leader from Jalapa) was set free in a hotel 60 kilometers away after we got the attention of the Vice-Minister of the government. I saw him send a message on his cell phone", explains Juan Jiménez, who forms part of an anti-mining group. Were they hitmen? "No; they were soldiers."
The problem in Jalapa is the same as in Polochic; land ownership and who has the right to decide how it is used. "We have a Spanish deed, given by Charles V, which states the land is ours", says Jiménez.
Panzós is a dismal, sad city. You can get there from Telemán, the sugar industry's favorite town, using a highway that is being constructed. Money from a Japanese Cooperation is paving the dirt roads which were practically impossible to use in the rainy season. The construction workers work hard to complete their job while tractors and large machinery load enormous trucks with sugar cane. The indigenous and the surrounding towns will not be allowed to use the new roads which are being built for the exclusive use of Chabil Utzaj (The Good Harvest). The era of the United Fruit Company continues.
The first massacre of the civil war took place in Panzós in 1978; the first of many to follow in the eighties. Dozens of campesinos were called for a meeting by then mayor, Walter Overdick García. When the people arrived there was no speaker except the Army, who crowded the people into the main square of the town. A woman who led the peasants, Adelina Caal Maquín, confronted the soldier in charge. More than 100 people died, 34 in the square, the rest from their wounds, in the health clinic, being chased in the mountains, or drowned in the Polochic River.
The current mayor of Panzós is Jaime León. He is a member of Pérez Molina's Patriotic Party. When asked if there was genocide in Guatemala, he says there was. He's currently involved in a legal battle with the sugar company Chabil Utzaj, trying to impose a municipal tax on the sugar plantation. "We can't collect any taxes from them because it is as if their crop didn't exist, there is not paperwork to prove it. The town council needs to approve a law that will authorize a tax. We've taken the issue all the way to congress, but at the moment progress has stalled". Are the companies responsible for blocking the laws they consider detrimental to their business? "They are", he answers. León says the neighbors complain about the noise of the machines that work 24 hours a day. "We have already convinced the company and three of the most important families in Panzos to construct a detour and a bridge so that the trucks don't have to pass through the center of town".
María Maquín's home is filled with the same halo of sadness that covers the main square in Panzós. María is 48. She is the granddaughter of Adelina, the leader of the campesinos. The day of the killing, May 29, 1978 she went to Panzós with her grandmother; who was like a mother to her. Covered in blood, she played dead laying with the bodies all around her while the soldiers looked for the living to finish their job. When she had the chance, she escaped to the Polochic River and headed toward the mountains. She was 13 and she knew how to swim. She hid in houses and rocks. The Army went after Mama Maquín's granddaughter. They didn't want to leave any witnesses or symbols of the massacre. María speaks slowly, reflecting upon her emotions. Even though she has told the story a thousand times, she still gets emotional when telling it. She says that a priest from Panzós told her about a bishop who wanted to hear her testimony. It was Gerardi, who learned about what had happened when the church was collecting evidence to document the Recovery of Historic Memory.
María Caal Maquín's son listens to the story as he finishes his homework at a wooden table. Hanging on the wall in another corner of the room are pictures of his heroes: Cristiano Ronaldo, Cannavaro, and Forlán. Maybe they represent a normality that he has never known, or maybe they are just examples of globalization that father Darío, the priest in Los Alpes, forgot to mention, like the Barcelona Football t-shirts that inundate the country.
Many years have passed, but María still avoids going to Panzós. It is a cursed place. The Polochic Valley continues to be a territory of inequality, of land taken from campesinos, of big business. "The Good Harvest?" one man says ironically. "It must be good for them, it is terrible for us".
Forensic anthropologist Fredy Peccerelli shows some missing people ID cards.
Freddy Peccerelli, director and founder of the Guatemalan Forensic Anthropology Foundation (FAFG), has managed to identify 6,500 missing people with his team of experts. "We don't work for the dead, we work for the living", he explains. "When we announced to the press that we had the first DNA bank to identify the missing, we expected that the lines of people would reach the presidential palace, but in the end, no one came. Only after did we realize that making the decision meant tackling a very difficult question; it means ending the search among the living, and beginning a search among the dead".
"My name is not XX. Your DNA can identify me", says the slogan of the foundation. XX is a nameless body, a nobody. Peccerelli's team is one of the best in the world. They've worked in Vosoko, Bosnia-Herzegovina identifying the dead of Srebrenica. Guatemala could be the country with the most missing persons per capita. "Not too long ago a reporter from the New York Times was here and he offered an apology for all of the journalists of his country who had paid so little attention to the conflicts in Guatemala. They had all gone to El Salvador and Nicaragua."
"The Guatemalan Army has been the most violent army in Central America," a source that has spent more than 40 years in the region says. "When North America stopped sending help in the era of Jimmy Carter, the military looked to Israel and Argentina's dictatorship instead, neither being precisely the best defender of human rights. It's hard to admit, but what it reveals is a brutally effective military". The US isn't innocent regarding the crimes committed in Guatemala. Bill Clinton asked the victims for forgiveness, but the act of contrition didn't last long. The next president, George W. Bush, returned to the argument against communism.
Peccerelli says that bones don't always speak. They don't always tell the story of how the body that covered them was killed. "The killers here knew how to kill without leaving evidence on the bones".
The cemetery in La Verbena is a mine of tragedies. More than 3,000 unidentified bodies are buried here. They are the victims of the worst years of repression 1981, 1982, and 1983. "The number was the first thing that caught our attention. Normally, the number of bodies added to the cemetery is not more than 180 per year. The figures are evidence that there may be many of the missing buried here", asserts Peccerelli. "When we finally do identify the remains and return them to the family it is a very difficult moment. Many families have spent their life searching for the missing person and when they receive the news they don't know how to live without the search, without their motivation for so many years of fighting. They have to learn to live with the certainty of death".
Above the door of the foundation hangs a banner with moving words. They are the words of the family of Sergio Saúl Linares Morales, the first missing person identified by the foundation. "Thank you for finding me and identifying me."
Rebeca Lane is a strong woman, like Candelaria the peasant woman from Polochic who works the land, like the unyielding Claudia Paz. Lane's weapons are her voice and rap; risky, rebellious, and feminist, her words are like a punch in the face to the sexist and xenophobe society that tries to act as if the past doesn't exist. In the song 'Politically Incorrect', Lane declares that guerilla blood runs through her veins as she reveals that one of her aunts was kidnapped and went missing in the eighties. Her twitter account RebecaLane666 is another weapon in her fight, 'This is how my land is, and this is how my people are. They kill 200,000 and 45,000 people disappear and they still deny genocide'.
Enrique Naveda, editor-in-chief of Plaza Pública, warns about the Guatemalan trait of extreme pessimism, a result of its Spanish heritage. Yet, despite so much desperation lubricated by years of bloody history, in Guatemala there are still people determined to carry on. Optimists, like Alejandra Castillo, assistant director of CALDH, hope that the trial of Ríos Montt will offer the opportunity to activate the 1996 Peace Accord. Despite the repression, many are no longer afraid: Daniel Pascual, Sofía Menchú, campesinos from Los Alpes like Clotilde and Marcelino Chen, Judge Barrios, María Maquín, the man who showed off the five bullets in Aguascalientes, the sailor Juancho, Panzós' Mayor León, the men of Jalapa who oppose mining. "I was taught to live in fear, not to speak; but I teach my children to have no fear," declares the sub-coordinator of the Committee for Campesino Unity, María Josefa Macz. Threats, the dead and the murmur of the unpunished remain, but something is changing inside the Russian doll.
Maybe it's a matter of patience, a matter of time. The economic crisis and scarce attention from international organisms don't help. Guatemala has disappeared from the news. Looking the other way shows complicity to the injustice and the killings. Informing, knowing, educating, digging up the dead, judging, asking for forgiveness, and not forgetting is the only way to recover collective dignity, whether it is in Guatemala or in Spain.
_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Intermón Oxfam has been working with families evicted as Polochic. If you want more information about our work, click here.
Photograph: Ramón Lobo. Edition: Carlos de la Calle.
The article was translated by Dianne M. Conn.
Tags américa guatemala Intermón Oxfam ONG Ramón Lobo reportajes
Jot Down Cultural Magazine | Guatemala, la transición requisada dice:
[…] (English version) […]


text:
Inverfarigaig (Schots-Gaelisch: Inbhir Farragaig) is een dorp  in de Schotse Lieutenancy Inverness in de council Highland op de oostelijke oevers van Loch Ness ongeveer 3 kilometer van Foyers.

Plaats in Highland

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text:
Theosophy, define, outline
definition, h p blavatsky
Home > Theosophy Index > Theosophy
Theosophy is a System of philosophy and religious thought that believes that the truest knowledge comes not through reason or senses, but through a direct communication of the soul with the Divine Reality.
The ideas of Theosophy can be traced back to ancient times, but the most widely known modern grouping of adherents to these doctrines, The Theosophical Society, was founded in New York on November 17, 1875. The Theosophical Society became a popular and powerful group throughout the world, especially in America and India. Most of the society's practices and beliefs were determined by Helena Petrovna Blavatsky and her writings.
Theosophy is the study of the teachings of the Masters or Mahatmas. It is a method of studying the Ancient Wisdom, a way of pursuing the ultimate truth. Hindu and Buddhist thoughts and doctrines have become prominent in Theosophy, with characteristic belief in reincarnation in accordance with the Hindu doctrine of Karma.
The motto often used by theosophists is appropriately, "There is no religion higher than the truth". One must not take the teachings of Theosophy word for word, for it is a timeless religion, and the times have changed meanings of words. Rather, it must be taken as a set of beliefs which will point one in the right direction, and give instruction on finding the truth. One of Theosophy's greatest strengths is its adaptability. If one is serious about learning the truth, it is possible to fit the teachings of Theosophy into an existing lifestyle. In many cases, Theosophists are members of other churches. Theosophy is not meant to contradict existing religions. Rather, it is meant to shed light upon and make further sense out of areas that may not be that clear. It is not a new interpretation of an existing religion, nor is it a completely new idea. It is a thoughtful mixture of Eastern religion, Western religion, philosophy, science and other practical knowledge which seems to have escaped most current religions.
According to Blavatsky's Secret Doctrine, there are three fundamental principles of Theosophy.
The first states that there is an omnipresent, omnipotent, infinite "power" which exists but cannot be described or understood by the limited human mind. To call it a being, a God, or even to try and give it a name is to do a great injustice. There is no word to describe it, but "power" will be used from now on. To know this "power" is to know the truth, and it is the truth that we seek. It is only through our many lives and stages of consciousness that we will begin to comprehend the "power."
The second principle deals with eternity and the infinity of the "power." It is boundless, and because we are part of it, we are also boundless. For now, it will suffice to say that man and all matter is immortal in the greater scheme of things.
The third principle deals with wholeness and completeness. EVERYTHING is part of a whole, which we can not fully comprehend, but we can be sure exists. All that we think, feel, and do is not only part of who we are, but part of the universe. Even the universe is part of something greater. It is limitless and infinite.
Introductory quotations
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"Other" poetry wisdom
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After completing my Goodreads goal for 2018 early and continuing to add to it for the last couple of months I wanted to start looking ahead to 2019 and thinking about what bookish goals I could work towards in the year to come.
I thought about it for a while and only came up with 3 big bookish goals I want to work toward next year.
First I want to try and buy less books in 2019 than I did in 2018. I don't think this will be a hard goal. I bought so many book in 2018 that unless I get a bigger house I can't actually buy a ton more books in 2019. I'm trying to stick to sequels or stand alones.
Secondly I want to lessen the gap between my read vs. unread books. The gap at the moment is substantial, but I am using this as motivation to increase my reading. Hopefully I can get the read books to be larger than the unread.
My final reading based goal for 2019 is to read 45 books in 2019. I managed about 40 this year (at the present moment) so I think 45 is a pretty reasonable goal for next year, then hopefully in 2020 I can increase it again!
Not to many reading goals since there are other goals I want to get to in 2019 so I didn't want to go to heavy on the book related ones.
What are some of your reading goals for 2019?


Levi Strauss' "The Savage Mind"
A critical review of Levi Strauss' "The Savage Mind".
This paper discusses Levi Strauss's concepts about art as presented in "The Savage Mind" and looks at how Strauss investigates the concept of bricolage. The paper presents a very negative review of Strauss' views and suggests that Strauss' concepts are of no possible use to the artist.
"It is fortunate that Claude Levi-Strauss wrote The Savage Mind in the mid-1960s, with publication in 1966. It is without doubt a work of a pre-holistic age, and as such has relatively little of value to say in a world torn between technology and metaphysics; it should be noted, of course, that technology is, in some ways, merely the tactile expression of metaphysics. Whether, for example, the computer programmer knows she is using theories of quantum physics to perform her task-and whether the 'alternative minister' some levels below Deepak Chopra knows he is doing the same in the affirmations used to access Truth-doesn't matter. It is apparent that in a universe in which string theory is a topic of conversation among the pseudo-scientific intelligentsia, and the proverbially grinding poverty of the increasingly (by comparison) less developed nations is given short shrift by almost everyone (in favor of Entertainment Tonight and its fripperies about hollow people doing hollow things), Levi-Strauss is a fossil."
The paper analyzes the Levi Strauss Company's proposed move into the South African market.
Company analysis of Levi-Strauss. Focuses on repositioning the company for the global market.
An analysis of the book "Savage Inequalities: Children in America's Schools" by Jonathon Kozol.


text:
Corporation Commission concurs electric companies cannot disconnect power during summer season
State utility regulators debate limits Thursday on the ability of electric companies to shut off power to customers during the summer because of unpaid bills. From left are Justin Olson, Bob Burns, Boyd Dunn and Sandra Kennedy. (Capitol Media Services photo by Howard Fischer)
By Howard Fischer, Capitol Media Services | azcapmedia
Originally Published: June 21, 2019 8:05 a.m.
PHOENIX -- State utility regulators voted Thursday to immediately to block electric companies under their purview from shutting off power to residential customers who do not pay their bills from June 1 through Oct. 15.
The 4-0 vote by the Arizona Corporation Commission requires utilities to give those who fall behind up to four months after Oct. 15 to repay the outstanding balance. And it bars the utilities from charging interest or late fees.
The emergency rules also says that any customer whose power has been shut off since June 1 must be immediately reconnected, also without any additional fees.
But the whole question of waiving additional charges bothered Commissioner Justin Olson.
"We may be actually creating an enticement to not pay one's bill,'' he said. "If one has other bills that will accrue interest and late fees, as most bills do, then there's an enticement to delay paying this bill.''
He said that actually could make matters worse in the long run for some customers who might have been able to pay at least part of their summer electric bills but choose, in essence, to take the interest-free loan. And that, said Olson, creates a risk that some people will get in so deep that they will end up having problems bringing their account into balance by the following Feb. 15, resulting in them losing power at that time.
But Sandra Kennedy defended adding the no-fees language to the emergency order.
"I think what we have seen recently is a utility that has learned to beat the system,'' she said. "So I'm offering this amendment so that this one utility is not allowed to charge late fees or interest on the dollars that are already delinquent.''
Kennedy never made a specific reference to Arizona Public Service, the state's largest electric company.
It was that utility's action last summer disconnecting the power of 72-year-old Stephanie Pullman after she had paid just $125 of her $176 bill that led to Thursday's emergency rules. Pullman had been found dead in her Sun City West home, with the death certificate saying she had preexisting conditions that were exacerbated by the temperature in her house.
Kennedy argued that that eliminating extra fees actually gives customers a chance to catch up on what they owe.
But Kennedy, the lone Democrat on the commission, said there's a larger issue at work in why customers -- 110,000 last year in APS territory alone -- are being cut off in the first place.
"It's a hardship because people can't pay their bills,'' she said.
"It's a hardship because the rates are too high,'' Kennedy continued. "What do we do about that? We've been very silent on that.''
Olson was skeptical about the whole question of exempting past-due amounts for bills in the summer from interest and late fees. He pointed out there is no similar exemption for those who don't pay their bills on time the rest of the year.
Kennedy, however, said the focus now should be on the immediate issue of utility customers whose health or lives could be in jeopardy if their power is shut off during the hottest months of the year.
"If we sit idle, and we sit silent, then we are just going along to get along,'' she said.
The emergency rules also contain an additional provision designed to help customers avoid having their power cut off, not just during the summer but on a year-round basis.
It says that if a utility has a deposit on hand, the company must first look to the deposit to make up anything owed. Then customers will get four months to bring the deposit back to where it was before.
The rules, adopted on an emergency basis, are good for up to 180 days, with the opportunity of regulators to renew them for another 180 days on top of that. Elijah Abinah, the commission's utility director, said he hopes to have a final proposal for the panel to enact before next June.
There are a number of issues still left on the table that are likely to come up as regulators debate a permanent plan.
One is the desire by Kennedy to have the no-disconnect period start on May 1. The plan adopted on Thursday June 1 as the beginning.
There also is some discussion about using weather forecasts and temperatures as a trigger rather than specific dates.
"That's going to be an interesting discussion,'' said Commissioner Boyd Dunn.
At least part of that question relates to concerns expressed in a letter to the commission from attorneys for the Navopache Electric Cooperative, seeking an exemption.
"Temperatures rarely, if ever, reach 100 degrees Fahrenheit within its service area,'' the letter reads. "The justification for implementing the four-month moratorium on termination of residential services has no application to NEC.''
A similar complaint came from Mohave Electric Cooperative.
"Persons in the Bullhead area are used to and know how to handle temperatures that regularly are above 100 degrees,'' the utility wrote to the commission. And it noted that during periods of high temperature the city opens a cooling shelter for people to go, "whether or not they have utility service.''
And that company's attorney argued that if Mohave Electric doesn't get paid during the summer, it cannot pay its own bills.
Lea Marquez Peterson, newly appointed to the commission, was not present for Thursday's discussion and vote. Instead, she provided a prerecorded video of her views for her colleagues listing some of the other things she believes need to be addressed as the regulators decide on a permanent rule.
One of those, she said, is requiring that there be "personal contact'' with certain customers before actually cutting off power, including the ill, the elderly and the handicapped.
Pullman's experience with APS was never far from the discussion.
"I could not imagine what the Pullman family have gone through, a tragedy that we need to address,'' said Dunn.
"This is a tragic event that no family should have to endure,'' said Olson.
On Twitter: @azcapmedia
Hearings resume on APS power shutoff issues
Shutoff of senior woman's electricity leads to calls for reform
Governor non-committal on APS power rates
Hearing on utility disconnect policies focused largely on APS political spending
APS rate hike stands for now despite customer's complaints


You're at a street. You see something new.
An old service station has been fit out as a cafe. The forecourt has a large, timber deck on it.
You're glad your friend recommended this place, and you sit down with him and have a chin-wag.
And, as a bonus, the coffee is excellent.
Along come 2 more chums you haven't seen in a while. Together, you all hatch new plans for your careers. Away you will go to improve your businesses and households.
And innocently in the background, pedalling away to maintain all this community, is Place.
And that place is made and maintained by Johnny Retailer.
All the local government has to do it curate it.
Never wait for your place to populated by the best retailers. Go out and hunt them down.
They are the place managers who drive community building at no cost to you, the local government.
Cash, talent, design, resources, risk – it's all handled by your local independant retailer.


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Album Review: "Face To Face" — The Kinks (1966)
Hokeyboy / 04/25/2013
The First Great Kinks Album!
OK well obviously that's entirely up to debate and purely a matter of opinion, but wow if this album doesn't deliver one fine listening experience. Everything — the songwriting, vocals, musicianship, album production — is elevated to an entirely new level with Face To Face.
1966 was a good year for the band. The classic "Sunny Afternoon" topped the UK Singles chart that summer, and even hit #14 in the US. Later that year — after Face To Face was released — the non-album single "Dead End Street" was released to notable success as well, Top 5 in the UK (although it didn't chart very high in the US). In between, right before the Face To Face sessions were to begin, Ray went buggo and had a breakdown. The resulting album was recording over a longer period of time instead of the usual rushed production schedule; it contained entirely original songs, and Davies concentrated on subject matter more personal to him (rather than the usual collection of blues covers and rock standards).
The result is an absolute 60s masterpiece and a top-tier Kinks album. It starts strong out of the gate with the admittedly-goofy Party Line, a throwback to the Mersey/skiffle sound but with a stronger and more personal vocal performance, as if to emphasize the desperate paranoid whackadoo nature of the song's narrator. Rosie Won't You Please Come Home is another chimey winner, almost a crying plea for a wayward teenage girl to return to the comforting warmth of home. The song has a great vibe and strong musicality, and Davies's yearning for a return to familiar creature comforts will be a recurring theme for a long while. Dandy skewers the 60s manwhore brilliantly, especially when accompanied with an addictive uptempo acoustic vibe. Wonder what he means by the repeating "You're all right!" mantra at the end. Is he vindicating a shallow existence? Pining for one? Or still making fun of it? Good stuff.
Too Much On My Mind is a haunting, painful, beautiful piece driven by some tasty acoustic guitar work. "There's too much on my mind and there is nothing I can do about it." Being as overwhelmed emotionally as Davies was before recording the album, this had to have specific meaning to him. The harpsichordy feel segues into Session Man, a reflection on the dehumanizing elements of the business as refracted through the existence of the studio hired gun. I like the song quite a bit, but it's not *quite* up to the same level as the opening four songs. I'm wondering what session pianist Nicky Hopkins thought, as he was brought in to spice up the songs with keyboards as well as a harmonium on "Sunny Afternoon". Some unfortunately thunder sound effects mar the otherwise powerful, often creepy Rainy Day In June. It doesn't sound like thunder as it sounds like hardcore demolitions work. But as a poetic examination of how it feels when everything turns to shit, it's a really great song.
Anger, or perhaps resentment, drives the uptempo House In The Country. Again it's a throwback to the earlier rock stylings of the band, but the production and lyrics elevate the song beyond mere piffle. Not a standout, but a fine song. Holiday in Waikiki decries crass commercialism in the form of an all-expense paid trip to Hawaii, where everything is staged and fake and costs money to do anything worthwhile. It sounds like a vintage Stones tune, and while the lyrics are beautifully all Davies, the music seems slightly out of place. It's a good song — I wouldn't even call it anything close to filler — but it's the least of the tracks thus far.
The aristocracy gets theirs again with Most Exclusive Residence For Sale, this time in the form of a rich guy who falls on hard times due to excessive partying. It's almost like "House In The Country" part deux, and why not? Good beat, agreeable song, nothing extraordinary. On the other hand, the Indian-flavored Fancy is another exquisite song, beautifully written and sung by Ray. It's a short track, almost criminally so, but an absolute winner. The swing of Little Miss Queen Of Darkness keeps it somewhat notable to me, as do its sad lyrics that pity the desperate party girl looking to be loved by fucking anyone paying her attention. It's a lesser track, but an acceptable if not memorable one.
Strong blues hooks and honky-tonk piano drive You're Looking Fine, making it one of the rare songs on the album in which the quality of the music surpasses that of the lyrics by such a noticeable degree. Which makes the bouncy, music hall driven Sunny Afternoon such a tasty morsel. I first became aware of the song in the mid 90s when Jimmy Buffett covered it, but the original is such classic it's hard to imagine anyone daring to cover it in the first place. It's pretty gosh darn swell, beautiful structured and catchy as sin, a warm breeze of a strong. Finally the chimey I'll Remember wraps up the album in fine pop form, with beautiful harmonies and some fine licks from Dave.
There are so many great tracks on this album, it's almost impossible not to love it. But even the deep cuts are of quality, which makes Face To Face The Kinks's first really cohesive album from start to finish. It flows beautifully. Given the band had more time to breathe and craft their songs, the album's quality really shines out. Face To Face is, simply put, a great album, and if you don't like it you can go pound sand.
04/25/2013 in Album Reviews, Music, The Kinks.
Album Review: "With The Beatles" (1963) / "Meet The Beatles!" (1964) — The Beatles
Album Review: "Run Devil Run" — Paul McCartney (1999)
Album Review: "Driving Rain" — Paul McCartney (2001)
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text:
Das Fürstengrab von Gammertingen ist das Grab einer hochrangigen Persönlichkeit des 6. Jahrhunderts und Teil des Gräberfelds von Gammertingen. Das Grab wurde im Jahr 1902 unzerstört vorgefunden.

Fundgeschichte und Lage
Das Grab des Fürsten von Gammertingen befand sich in einem alamannischen Gräberfeld in Gammertingen. Bereits 1884 wurden bei Bauarbeiten erste Funde gemacht; in den folgenden Jahren wurden weitere Objekte entdeckt, darunter auch Skelette. Weitere bedeutende Funde wurden im Jahr 1902 gemeldet, die wiederum weitere Grabungen nach sich zogen, bei denen das Gräberfeld mit dem Fürstengrab von Gammertingen entdeckt und freigelegt wurde. Das Grab befindet sich im Bereich eines völkerwanderungszeitlichen Gräberfeldes in Gammertingen. Es wurde in der Nähe der Kirche an der Straße nach Sigmaringen gefunden (heute Sigmaringer Straße 57).

Der Helmträger
Der Mann verstarb vermutlich um das Jahr 570 n. Chr. im Alter von Anfang 30. Er hatte einen athletischen Körperbau und muss den wertvollen Grabbeigaben zufolge eine hochrangige Person, etwa ein alamannischer Fürst gewesen sein. Da sein Titel allerdings nicht bekannt ist, tendiert man heute eher zu dem neutralen Begriff Helmträger. Das Grab wurde im Jahr 1902 entdeckt. Der Tote ruhte 2,5 m unter der heutigen Oberfläche in einer 2 m breiten und 4 m langen Holzgrabkammer, die teilweise in den Jurakalk eingetieft war. Die Kammer war zusätzlich noch mit Steinplatten eingefasst. Das Grab wurde vom Ausgräber Johannes Dorn leider nur unsachgemäß gehoben und das Inventar anschließend an die fürstlich hohenzollernschen Sammlungen in Sigmaringen für 1500 Mark verkauft. Etwa zwei Meter vom Helmgrab entfernt fand sich zudem das Grab eines etwa acht- bis zehnjährigen Mädchens. Sie starb ebenfalls im 6. Jahrhundert und dürfte angesichts der räumlichen Nähe und prunkvollen Grabausstattung eine Tochter des Toten gewesen sein. Eine Besonderheit des Grabes ist eine kleine Elfenbeinbüchse mit einer Runenaufschrift, die als ADO gelesen werden kann. Dies könnte eine Namenskurzform darstellen und auf den Schenker der Büchse hinweisen. Im Jahr 1906 wurde wenige Meter entfernt, das Grab einer wohlhabenden Frau entdeckt, die ebenfalls im ausgehenden 6. Jahrhundert starb. Auch sie war wohl mit dem Helmträger verwandt.

Helm
Der prunkvolle Spangenhelm vom Typ Baldenheim ist das auffälligste Fundstück des Grabes und stellt ein bedeutendes Zeugnis alamannischer Siedlungsgeschichte in Gammertingen dar. Der Helm wurde hauptsächlich aus Kupfer- und Eisenplatten gefertigt und war komplett mit einer dünnen Goldschicht überzogen. Sein Gewicht beträgt 1,55 kg, war aber wohl ursprünglich mit intaktem Innenleder und Fell 2 kg schwer. Bis 2014 wurde er im Museum des Schlosses Sigmaringen aufbewahrt, dann an das Landesmuseum Württemberg verkauft. Umgangssprachlich wird er als Der Goldene Helm bezeichnet. Der Helm ist im Verzeichnis national wertvollen Kulturguts als Nr. 01902 eingetragen.

Übrige Bewaffnung und Kleidung
Neben dem Helm weist auch die übrige Bewaffnung auf eine wohlhabende, einflussreiche Person hin. So befanden sich unter den Grabbeigaben die Reste eines Kettenhemdes, ein Schildbuckel, ein Schwert (Spatha), ein einschneidiges Hiebschwert (Sax), eine Axt, eine Wurflanze (Ango) und eine Lanze mit aufwendig verziertem Blatt. Der Breitsax, der heute zum Grabinventar gezählt wird, dürfte allerdings aus der Zeit nach 600 stammen. Daher wird angenommen, dass ein möglicherweise ursprünglich beigegebener Schmalsax nach dem Fundzeitpunkt ausgetauscht wurde. Das Kettenhemd hat eine Länge von 98 cm und eine Breite von 63 cm und ist das größte erhaltene Exemplar in Deutschland. Schließlich befindet sich unter den Waffen auch ein Köcher mit Pfeilen. Von den Kleidern selbst ist nichts erhalten geblieben. Der Tote trug einen Ledergürtel, der verrottet ist, aber durch die im Kern eiserne, außen dick vergoldete Gürtelschnalle dokumentiert ist. Die Gürtelschnalle beinhaltet insgesamt etwa 25 g Gold, was damals etwa fünfeinhalb Solidi entsprach. Dem Pactus Legis Alamannorum zufolge waren für den Diebstahl eines Pferdes oder Stieres sechs Solidi zu entrichten. Am Gürtel befanden sich zudem goldene Nieten mit einem Gewicht von etwa 1,9 g. Weiterhin befanden sich im Grab goldene Schuh-Schnallen.

Gerätschaften
Zu den Gerätschaften zählt eine silberne Ösennadel, die offenbar eher ein Rangabzeichen als einen Gebrauchsgegenstand darstellt, ein Kamm, eine Schere und ein punzierter Sieblöffel ungeklärter Funktion. An den Füßen des Toten lag silberverziertes Zaumzeug. Speisen wurden ihm in verschiedenen Gefäßen, etwa einem Glasbecher, einem Tonkrug und zwei Kupfergefäßen mitgegeben. Ein Holzgefäß, von dem nur die Silberbeschläge zeugen, lag auf seinen Oberschenkeln.

Alamannisches Reihengräberfeld
Das Gräberfeld von Gammertingen besteht aus insgesamt 300–350 Bestattungen, die sich über den Zeitraum von der Mitte des 5. Jahrhunderts bis zum Beginn des 8. Jahrhunderts datieren lassen. Man geht davon aus, dass das Gräberfeld heute nahezu vollständig ergraben ist. Allenfalls unter der Sigmaringer Straße könnten noch Gräber liegen, was allerdings unwahrscheinlich erscheint, da Straßen häufig die Grenzen alter Gräberfelder markieren.

Literatur
 J. W. Gröbbels: Der Reihengräberfund von Gammertingen. München 1905, Taf. 1.
 Rudolf Henning: Der Helm von Baldenheim und die verwandten Helme des frühen Mittelalters. Trübner, Straßburg 1907, S. 12 (Digitalisat).
 Klaus Georg Kokkotidis u. a.: Der Mann mit dem Goldhelm. Das frühmittelalterliche "Fürstengrab" aus Gammertingen, Kreis Sigmaringen, hrsg. von der Kulturstiftung der Länder in Verbindung mit dem Landesmuseum Württemberg (Patrimonia 384), Berlin/Stuttgart 2019
 Frauke Stein: Alamannische Siedlung und Kultur – Das Reihengräberfeld in Gammertingen. Thorbecke 1991, ISBN 3-7995-4152-7.
 Frauke Stein: Die Spangenhelme von Pfeffingen und Gammertingen – Überlegungen zur Bestimmung ihrer Herstellungsräume. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 35, 2003, S. 41–61, 14 Abb.
 Mahand Vogt: Spangenhelme. Baldenheim und verwandte Typen (= Kataloge vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Altertümer. Band 39). Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, Mainz 2006, ISBN 3-88467-100-6, S. 212–218 (online).

Einzelnachweise

Weblinks
 Landesmuseum Württemberg

Archäologischer Fundplatz im Landkreis Sigmaringen
Kostümkunde des Frühmittelalters
Gammertingen
Alamannen
Elitegrab
6. Jahrhundert
Merowingerzeitlicher Fundplatz
Kriegergrab
Geschichte der Schwäbischen Alb
Geschichte (Landkreis Sigmaringen)
Grabbau in Baden-Württemberg
Archäologischer Fundplatz in Europa


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text:
Q: Why does Javascript callback fire after FOR loop runs, when it is in the for loop? I have a Google Distance Matrix working, but need to account for more than 25 destinations, so I'm breaking my array into slices to send 25 destinations at a time. It works, sort of, but the thing I don't understand is the ORDER of how FOR, Functions, and Callbacks work. The callback logs all happen after the FOR loop completes, but they actually have the right data in them, I don't understand why.
This leaves me unable to check for the completion of the FOR loop, because the callbacks won't have happened, so I can't get to the array that is being built from the object that Google kicks back as a response.
Assume that xx starts at 0, and the destination[] is working list of lat/longs.
These are output in console (not variables):
calculate =  1
calculate =  2
calculate =  3
calculate =  4
after for =  4
callback =  4
callback =  4
callback =  4
callback =  4

This is the chunk of code in question:
        var ii,jj,tempServArr,maxZips = 25;
            for (ii=0,jj=destinations.length; ii<jj; ii+=maxZips) {
                tempServArr = destinations.slice(ii,ii+maxZips);
                xx++;
                calculateDistances(zip_latlng, tempServArr);
            }
            console.log("after for = ",xx);
        });
    });
}

function calculateDistances(origin, destinations) {
    console.log("calculate = ",xx);
    var service = new google.maps.DistanceMatrixService();
    service.getDistanceMatrix(
        {
            origins: [origin],
            destinations: destinations,
            travelMode: google.maps.TravelMode.DRIVING,
            unitSystem: google.maps.UnitSystem.METRIC,
            avoidHighways: false,
            avoidTolls: false
        }, callback);
}

function callback(response, status) {
    if (status != google.maps.DistanceMatrixStatus.OK) {
        alert('Error was: ' + status);
    } else {
        console.log("callback = ",xx);
        var origins = response.originAddresses;
        var destinations = response.destinationAddresses;
        for (var i = 0; i < origins.length; i++) {

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Science and Politics in Academe: Good Research is Not Enough
August 9, 2015 /40 Comments/in Featured Articles, Race Differences in Behavior/by Charles Jansen
At first glance, few people are as disagreeable as individuals with a touch of Asperger's. Basically, they are high-IQ guys who tend to intuitively grasp things like logic, mathematics, and mechanics, yet are remarkably inept at socializing with other people. Because of their inborn characteristics, people on the Asperger's end of the spectrum are often "nerds" who spend far more time facing a computer or slaving away in a lab than with other people. We have all seen The Social Network (2010) and its portrayal of Mark Zuckerberg's alleged personality: a strange mix of raw genius, social clumsiness and lack of scruples, the latter allowing Zuckerberg to rip off the Winklevosses and betray his best friend Eduardo Saverin according to the wish of the gleeful manipulator Sean Parker. (Notice that the shared Jewishness of Zuckerberg and Saverin didn't prevent the former from betraying the latter. That community has its breakdowns in ethnic networking too.)
Dark Enlightenment figure Nick Land claims that the biodiversity people — those scorned as "racists" by the mainstream media and parasitic class — are endowed with low agreeableness. They tend to have "low verbal inhibition, low empathy, and low social integration, resulting in chronic maladaptation to group expectations. … Mild autism is typical, sufficient to approach their fellow beings in a spirit of detached, natural-scientific curiosity, but not so advanced as to compel total cosmic disengagement."
There is a grain of truth here. Trying to understand one's fellows from the objective, disinterested point of view of science is not a behavior everyone will be attracted to or able to attain. Calm reflection about abstract principles is different from both blind habit and the passionate defense of some dogma — or one's people. The pure scientist, after all, can never "take his own side." He must forever be purely objective.
Honest — sometimes excessively; balanced in his epistemology to the point of favoring the groundbreaking — or plain truth in general — to popular dogmas; naively believing that his grand abstractions are an excellent recipe for society, like the Enlightenment thinker Condorcet who believed in an unlimited and exponential progress in future history.
Despite these tendencies toward social and intellectual blindspots, it is certainly true that HBD proponents are committed to science. Never deceptive, they do their best to get good data. Far from obnoxious, HBDers in my experience are much more sociable than Land admits — even if they don't reveal it at first glance.
Unfortunately, their skepticism, aloofness and a lack of aggressiveness remain an Achilles heel. Living and working in an academic milieu that is anything but objective and disinterested — an academic world that treats them with hatred and scorn, they tend to remain aloof and unconcerned with changing their immediate social environment, much less the world.
The Academic Ivory Tower
Focused on their work, scientists may tend to let go unnoticed major political events around them. They may even despise demonstrations and politics as unnecessary trouble coming from retarded mobs — until, of course, they get out of the lab and find out how their research will be affected by what the mob cares about.
Edward O. Wilson, who coined the term sociobiology, exemplified the prototypical spirit when he wrote the first lines of his Sociobiology (1975) chapter on man: "Let us now consider man in the free spirit of natural history, as though we were zoologists from another planet completing a catalog of social species on Earth."
There is clearly no political activism involved here. Wilson's aim was gaining a sufficient detachment to notice behaviors and patterns that are usually beyond the radar of our perception, or that we take so much for granted that they escape our consciousness. For years, Wilson had been busy compiling hundreds of studies on various animals, primarily ants, as well as studies on human behavior. In doing so, this quasi-Martian anthropologist failed to notice what was happening in his immediate academic surroundings. Thus, when he published his 800-page book with only a tiny chapter on man as an animal, Wilson faced a backlash he never imagined and for which he was quite unprepared:
Having expected some frontal fire from social scientists on primarily evidential grounds, I had received instead a political enfilade from the flank. A few observers were surprised that I was surprised. John Maynard Smith, a senior British evolutionary biologist and former Marxist, said that he disliked the last chapter of Sociobiology himself and 'it was also absolutely obvious to me — I cannot believe Wilson didn't know — that this was going to provoke great hostility from American Marxists, and Marxists everywhere.' But it was true. … In 1975 I was a political naive: I knew almost nothing about Marxism as either a political belief or a mode of analysis; I had paid little attention to the dynamism of the activist Left, and I had never heard of Science for the People. I was not an intellectual in the European or New York-Cambridge sense. (E. O. Wilson, Naturalist, 1994)
If one defines conservatism as an anti-ideology and a "leave us alone" cry, scientists tend toward conservatism. Science is about finding out the truth, not promoting any ideology. There is no desire to promote conflict, apart from engaging in healthy, evidence-based scholarly debate.
Pioneer Ahead, Myopic on the Flanks
This posture of the scientist above the political fray is especially noticeable in The Science of Human Diversity (2001, hereafter SHD), a book by the psychologist and IQ-specialist Richard Lynn. It recounts the history of the Pioneer Fund, a granting agency created in 1937 to fund studies on human differences. The Pioneer has channeled millions of dollars from private donations to fund numerous studies, including the famous Minnesota Study of Twins Reared Apart. Since it was associated with proponents of eugenics and devoted to studying genetic influences, Pioneer became a target of the Left after the cultural upheaval of the 1960's. Indeed, the preface of SHD starts by mentioning a dramatic TV report where Pioneer is depicted as aiming to "eradicate black people," with references to Hitler and scary music on the background. The preface goes on to mention the abuse and persecution suffered by Pioneer-funded scientists, two of whom were attacked by a violent mob in a seminary, another having to give classes by videoconferencing, others pressured to resign, etc.
Being targeted by the Left is never easy. Whether it materializes in mobs, student associations or professional watchdogs, its tactics are ruthless. Public shaming, social isolation, intimidation, physical violence, pressure to get the miscreant fired from his job, legal actions: all these are routinely used by the activist academic left. The designated bad guy of the day has no right to a sense of moral or intellectual integrity, much less free speech. SHD often refers to attacks from the Left: the big fuss against Arthur Jensen's 1969 paper interrogating the possibility of enhancing intelligence by altering educational environments, the hostility faced by the Nobel prize winner William Shockley, attacks by the "radical (pseudo)scientist" Stephen Jay Gould (see here) and Leon Kamin, the libel campaign and trial against J. Philippe Rushton, and many other cases. In a recent interview, Richard Lynn noted that he refrained from popularizing the results of his research for no less than thirty-five years because he was "afraid of the consequences" on his career and family. Indeed, Lynn waited until he became a professor emeritus to publish a stream of books on IQ as it relates to genetic influences, race, sex, and national culture.
Yet, while reading SHD, I couldn't help but think that something was missing. The book does a good job presenting the most important people who have worked with Pioneer along with their various achievements. It is spiced up with excellent descriptions and witty anecdotes. We learn, for example, how William Shockley ordered a lettuce leaf and nothing more at a classy restaurant because he was on a diet, then paid $40 for the lettuce and drank several Martinis along with his "meal." Both the academic and the human side of the Pioneer-associated people are sketched, showing their illustrious careers and their huge contributions to science.
Nonetheless, where is the metapolitics? Having been targeted repeatedly by the Left, the Pioneer nevertheless eschewed the metapolitical struggle for norms and ideas. There is almost nothing on that. It seems that Dr. Lynn wants to focus on the positive, the growing scientific progress. In doing so, there is little on how the power of the Left impacts the real-world influence of this progress.
Only the passages dedicated to the psychologist Henry E. Garrett focus on the Left and its "egalitarian dogma," as Garrett labeled it (pp.67–9). Lynn mentions the Left here because Garrett himself was puzzled by the rising influence of a set of ideas that seemed devoid of any empirical basis. As a scientist, Garrett advanced an explanation for this puzzling phenomenon: he saw it as the result of three distinct factors, namely 1) the rise of Franz Boas and the blank slate school; 2) Hitler's alleged use of eugenics; and 3) the rise of the Left in general. (Writing in 1961, Garrett was living in the midst of the "civil rights" struggle where the left was beginning to show its muscle.)
Yet Garrett's point is astonishingly superficial — as if these are passing fads that will eventually undergo the normal corrective process of science rather than reflecting real world ethnic and political interests that are not so easily altered. The basic reality was that the rise of the Left meant that truth really didn't matter for shaping real world policy. Pioneer Fund scientists were engaged in a purely academic exercise that would remain in dust-gathering journals, isolated and quarantined from the arena of political combat, its producers shunned and ostracized.
In his Preface, Harry A. Weyher (President of the Pioneer Fund) exhibits a kind of forced optimism based on a belief in the corrective power of science, claiming that Richard Lynn has "hastened the day when the media [and] society at large … will see through the distortions" and peacefully accept what they had rejected with anger for so long: the reality of race differences. This seems to say that the Boasian school had arisen magically, just like the other parts of the Left, and that at some point in the future they will just as magically be overturned and the truth will out — as if simple scientific truth and research of the highest quality will somehow become acceptable to the academic and media left, so that they will all change their opinions and we will enter a golden age where Arthur Jensen has buildings named after him at elite universities.
But how can this scientific truth ever triumph without a complete revolution deposing all the tentacles of our hostile elites, particularly in the media and the academic world? For the left, it's never been about truth or scientific rigor. The Pioneer associates seem to hope that truth is powerful by itself. Well, sorry to disappoint, but it isn't.
Forgotten Pedagogy
The same plight can be observed in a book by Hans Eysenck, a psychologist who stood with Arthur Jensen when the latter was singled out as a "racist." In 1973, this prolix researcher published The Inequality of Man (1973, hereafter IofM), a balanced review of the literature and knowledge of human differences up to that time. Eysenck is fully aware of the hostility to be endured by anyone who upholds the existence of human differences: he had already gone through it when he dared to support Jensen in the controversy resulting from his 1969 paper.
Eysenck's book is balanced and informative. Aimed directly at the political mainstream, it mentions the "education reforms" promoted by the Left and comments on them from the point of view of science. As he doesn't preach to only the converted, Eysenck has to go slowly and pull his punches. As it is, IofM might be a good entry point for many doubting individuals who feel there is something wrong with the conventional wisdom. It is loaded with interesting insights, thoughtfully ruminations on the history of science, philosophical issues, studies on toddlers' reflexes, IQ, how adopted children behave more like their biological parents than the adopters, and many other topics. IofM was a good summary of the state-of-the-art, but of course it did not break through to have a major influence on the public.
As the book struggles to steer within the bounds of the moderate and publicly acceptable, it also shows a crucial lack of understanding of metapolitics. Eysenck correctly identifies Jean-Jacques Rousseau as a source of unfounded dogma on human equality, but fails to grasp how the dogma became so powerful in the twentieth century that it could overturn decades, if not centuries, of honest research on human nature. He claims to find it "strange" that people burst into anger when one discusses the genetic roots of abilities. Whereas his opponents are gleefully certain they know the truth, he exhibits a cautious skepticism, and as a result IofM likely attracts academically oriented minds but passes beneath the radar of the vast majority of people. Eysenck claims to defend a fair middle between leftist blankslatism and eugenics, underlining how recognizing the reality of innate differences will improve the "equality of chances." He defends "toleration" as a "counterpoise" against shaky ideas and dogmas. To no avail of course. Again, while proclaiming the absolute certainty of their belief in human equality, the Left cares nothing for truth.
Eysenck's posture reminds one of David Hume's skeptical empiricism. Hume, a major figure of the Scottish Enlightenment, wrote that "a wise man proportions his belief to the evidence." Hume was wary of enthusiasms and dogmas. He decried the power of "imagination" to form new dogmas and then lead people into ideological wars.
In the same way, Eysenck defends toleration, academic freedom, and a foundational role for scientific and empirical evidence; he can be read as one of Hume's heirs. His tendency to steer between what he perceives as extremes — the blank slate view and eugenics — is typically Humean too.
However, had Eysenck carefully read Hume, he would also know that the eighteenth-century philosopher had seen that passions — not reason — play a powerful motivational role in our minds. Reason can inform us, but reason alone doesn't decide our behavior. Reason works more like a press secretary or a lawyer for our passions than as a committed scholarly researcher. Hume correctly saw that only a passion can counter a passion and how illusory it was to believe that mere arguments, even the best, would never be able to overturn sacred dogmas.
To oppose the torrent of scholastic religion by such feeble maxims as these, that it is impossible for the same thing to be and not to be, that the whole is greater than a part, that two and three make five; is pretending to stop the ocean with a bulrush. Will you set up profane reason against sacred mystery? No punishment is great enough for your impiety. And the same fires, which were kindled for heretics, will serve also for the destruction of philosophers. (David Hume, Natural History of Religion)
Other books could, of course, be mentioned here, such as the work of J. Philippe Rushton, or The Bell Curve. The point here is that while genuine science and truth are likely to stand on our side, it doesn't alleviate the necessity for metapolitical warfare or for preventing small parts of truth from being used by the Left to attack us. It is true, for example, that a small minority of Whites practiced slavery — but it is also true that our ancestors were the only people to energize social movements to abolish it for moral reasons, while pretty much the entire rest of the world continued to practice it.
Science can tell us that Whites have a higher IQ than some groups (but not others) due to our ancestor's adaptation to the Ice Age, and it can inform us of our genetic inheritance. Science can find blond- and red-haired mummies in remote deserts. But by itself, science as promulgated by academic and media elites does not necessarily serve the interests of Whites, and in fact that is obviously the case now. Prominent scientists at elite universities are not writing op-eds in the elite media that we have a birthright over Europe or legitimate interests as Whites, including an interest in protecting our cultural and genetic integrity. We have to make a concerted metapolitical effort to defend these. We have to achieve a clear consciousness of who we are and what we want. Science is doubtless a part of this adventure — but it won't help us without a great deal of metapolitical work of slogging through the institutions. This means that we can't rely on "common sense," mere truth or any impersonal process to save us: we have a great struggle ahead of us for survival.
If you believe evolutionary psychology and heritability studies reveal important truths about ourselves and others, welcome on board. But we also need a metapolitics fashioned to achieve our interests as Whites, whatever the science says about Black/White IQ differences and other topics much beloved by HBD folks.
Metapolitics isn't obvious. Metapolitics isn't nice, and it certainly isn't easy. It sometimes can mean insane toil. I dare to think, though, that it is also more promising than merely doing science and passively hoping that SJW armies or professional finger-wavers will ever care about scientific truth. For them, it's a war. No holds barred.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Charles Jansen https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Charles Jansen2015-08-09 08:58:522015-08-09 08:58:52Science and Politics in Academe: Good Research is Not Enough


text:
Rings of Fire
A Thriller
By Gregory Shepherd
Patrick Featherstone—hero of Sea of Fire—frantically tries to unravel a plot by North Korean terrorists to destroy the Tokyo Olympics.
In Rings of Fire, former Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) sniper Patrick Featherstone has been hired as the Head Security Consultant for the Tokyo Olympics based on his success in thwarting a plot to foment a nuclear war on the Korean Peninsula. He joins up with his old friends from Sea of Fire: Tyler Kang, another former JSOC sniper, and Jung-hee Choy, former North Korean computer hacker. They are joined by the young and beautiful FBI agent Kirsten Beck, and together they frantically try to decipher a series of messages that have been sent to Patrick just before a series of terrorist attacks, which they are sure will culminate in a cataclysm during the awards ceremony on the final day of the Tokyo Games.
Advance Praise for Rings of Fire
"A stunning look behind the border walls of North Korea"
—Mark Greaney, #1 NYT bestselling author of One Minute Out
"Fast-paced and exciting, Gregory Shepherd's expertise on the Far East shines through on every page. Everything a thriller should be!"
—Ward Larsen, USA Today bestselling author of Assassin's Run
"You can taste the grit and hear the rifle's crack as our intrepid JSOC sniper, Patrick Featherstone, is back to support and defend the frontier in Rings of Fire, the must read of 2020."
—New York Times bestselling author, Lt. Col. Hunter Ripley ("Rip") Rawlings
"Unstoppable. A geopolitical thriller that gathers speed like an avalanche."
—Timothy Hallinan, author of the Poke Rafferty series and the Junior Bender series
Gregory Shepherd
Publisher: Permuted Press (February 23, 2021)
Fiction > Thrillers > Political
Fiction > Thrillers > Military
Fiction > Thrillers > Espionage
"Gregory Shepherd's Rings of Fire is a powerhouse of a thriller and a stunning look behind the border walls of North Korea. For fans of Tom Clancy, Brad Thor, and Vince Flynn, Rings of Fire is a novel not to be missed."
– Mark Greaney, #1 NYT bestselling author of "One Minute Out"
"Fast-paced and exciting, Gregory Shepherd's expertise on the Far East shines through on every page. Everything a thriller should be!"
– Ward Larsen, USA Today bestselling author of "Assassin's Run"
"In Rings of Fire, Gregory Shepherd has created an enigmatic, engaging, and thrilling portrait of the Far East—a tsunami of a thriller. No one writes thrillers set in Japan better."
– Alex Shaw, bestselling author of "Cold Blood"
"Once again Gregory Shepherd pens a gripping and action-packed counter-terrorism tale set against the backdrop of the Olympics in Japan. You can taste the grit and hear the rifle's crack as JSOC sniper Patrick Featherstone uncovers a twisted plot to kill. The clock ticks down to another unforgettable adventure in Rings of Fire, the must read of the year."
– Lt. Col. Hunter Ripley ("Rip") Rawlings, New York Times bestselling author
"Unstoppable. Rings of Fire is a geopolitical thriller that gathers speed like an avalanche."
– Timothy Hallinan, author of the Poke Rafferty series and the Junior Bender series
"Freshly fierce! A uniquely crafted thriller chock-full of rich Asian cultural nuances and hard hitting JSOC mission execution."
– J.T. Patten, Author, Task Force Orange series
Book Cover Image (jpg): Rings of Fire
More books from this author: Gregory Shepherd


text:
Q: Where can I find python.exe file in Anaconda? I am using jupyter notebook (in Anaconda) to code in python language. I know in Anaconda, we do not need to install the python.exe file because that is in Anaconda. I want to find the python.exe file in the place that Anaconda is installed but I cannot find it. Could you please let me know where I can find it?

A: If you are a windows user & installed anaconda in default path then go to c drive -> open User folder then look for username you installed under that user inside that folder there will be folder name as anaconda3 & open the folder, you will see python.exe file.
Example path: C:\Users{your user name here}\anaconda3  -> It will be available in the main folder itself


text:
Dec 22, 2019 / 09:55
Vietnam needs US$10 billion a year for energy sector
Linh Pham
The deputy PM said Vietnam needs to mobilize domestic financial sources and credits to develop 8,000 megawatts per year.
Vietnam is seeking the World Bank's finance for its growing energy sector which needs roughly US$9-US$10 billion per year.
Deputy Prime Minister Trinh Dinh Dung and Ranjit Lamech, Regional Director of the World Bank's Infrastructure Department in the East Asia and Pacific region, in Hanoi on Dec. 20. Photo: VNA
Vietnam needs to mobilize domestic financial sources and loans to fulfil its power generation target which is 8,000 megawatts per year, Deputy Prime Minister Trinh Dinh Dung told World Bank officials in Hanoi Friday.
Vietnam expects to get the World Bank's support in financial sources, technical assistance, and regulatory framework to feed the country's economic growth, Dung said at a meeting with Ranjit Lamech, Regional Director of the World Bank's Infrastructure Department in the East Asia and Pacific region and the World Bank Country Director for Vietnam Ousmane Dione.
Both World Bank officials agreed with the Deputy PM's emphasis on the importance of energy sector in the development, expressing impression on Vietnam's successful energy programs, mostly renewable ones.
Working as an energy expert with three decades of experience in financing projects and advising governments, energy utilities and private sector partners on energy security, energy efficiency, and regional energy reforms, Ranjit Lamech suggested that the Vietnamese government should continue issuing policies on mobilizing capital in energy sector.
In addition, the World Bank's experts emphasized the need to tackle problems in large power projects to soon put them into operation and solve overload in power transmission in the near future.
Deputy PM Dung said the government of Vietnam is aware of the power shortage if existing problems are not aggessively solved, mainly in developing power generation and transmission projects.
He noted that Vietnam is taking different measures to ensure enough power for economic growth with a focus on revising the existing power plan with a more specific power structure and safe power system; investing in key projects; completing legal system with special mechanisms for energy investment, especially renewables.
The World Bank has been supporting Vietnam in energy sector since 1995. It has financed Vietnam US$3.92 billion in 12 power generation, rural electrification, power distribution and transmission programs and projects. Currently, the bank continues extending its financial support for a number of power projects in the country.
TAG: Trinh Dinh Dung East Asia Pacific region country director Ranjit Lamech Ousmane Dione energy sector US$10 billion mobilize financial support 1995 rural electrification 8 000 megawatts aware of the power shortage
World Bank, UN work with Vietnam to speed up disbursement of ODA
Power shortage casts shadow on Vietnam from 2021: Ministry
Power shortage could happen in Vietnam from 2019: Deputy PM
Power shortage may loom Vietnam in 2020 and coming years


text:
Ozonesondes
After 6 years of working in the CCC group, Dr. Elisa Murillo has graduated with their PhD and is leveling up as an NCAR Postdoc. The CCC group is thankful for Dr. Murillo's wide-reaching contributions over the years and wishes them the best as they make this important career transition!
A new paper led by CCC graduate student Emily Tinney and motivated by early work from past REU student Lexy Elizalde was accepted for publication in Monthly Weather Review. A modern approach to stability-based definition of the tropopause is sure to have wide-reaching and long-lasting impacts in the atmospheric sciences. LINK
A new paper led by CCC graduate student Elisa Murillo was accepted for publication in the Journal of the Atmospheric Sciences. The reasons behind why many above-anvil cirrus plumes are warm and others are cold are elucidated using a combination of satellite imagery, radar volumes, and storm environments. LINK
As of July 11, the second and final deployment of DCOTSS is complete. As a result, real-time radar and satellite overshooting products have been discontinued.
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