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Confederate memorials turn up faster than they can be removed a year after Charlottesville
Today the SPLC's list of public Confederate memorials — monuments, place names, holidays and the like — is 237 entries longer, at 1,740, than in 2016.
Confederate memorials turn up faster than they can be removed a year after Charlottesville Today the SPLC's list of public Confederate memorials — monuments, place names, holidays and the like — is 237 entries longer, at 1,740, than in 2016. Check out this story on delawareonline.com: https://www.delawareonline.com/story/news/2018/08/07/confederate-memorials-list-longer-usa-public-remove/921582002/
Rick Hampson, USA TODAY Published 8:25 a.m. ET Aug. 7, 2018
The statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee stands in the center of the renamed Emancipation Park on Aug. 22, 2017 in Charlottesville, Virginia. A decision to remove the statue caused a violent protest by white nationalists, neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan and members of the 'alt-right'. (Photo: Mark Wilson, Getty Images)
A statue of Jefferson Davis was carted off in Memphis, Tennessee. Busts of Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson were pulled from the Hall of Fame for Great Americans in the Bronx, New York. A memorial fountain was uprooted from a park in Helena, Montana, and a war monument outside an old courthouse was hauled down in Durham, North Carolina.
In the year since the violent Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, on Aug. 12, 2017, about 75 Confederate memorials have been renamed or removed from public places across the nation, according to a study by the Southern Poverty Law Center, a civil rights group.
That's in addition to another 40 or so that were erased in the year after a white supremacist opened fire on a Bible study group in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015.
MORE: Confederate statue removed from Dixie State campus
MORE: Dixie State's Rebel statue returned to artist
But today, the law center's list of public Confederate memorials – monuments, place names, symbols, holidays – is 237 entries longer, at 1,740, than in 2016.
That's because the same outrage that led to the removal of some memorials has led to the identification of others. Confederate sites, most of them established long ago, are being discovered faster than they're being removed.
The growing national inventory of Confederate tributes suggests that whatever direction the nation takes on two other issues that went viral in 2017 – sexual harassment and gun violence – there will be no reckoning soon for public Confederate symbols. There are just too many.
Delaware's only Confederate monument didn't go up until 2007. It was put up by a group of descendants of Confederate veterans at the Nutter D. Marvel Carriage Museum in Georgetown.
The monument has weathered the national controversy. The NAACP called for the state to stop funding the Georgetown historical society over the issue in 2017, and Gov. John Carney said it should come down, but his office later clarified that people have a right to display flags on private property even if they are offensive.
More recently, in July the Delaware State Fair ordered vendors to stop selling Confederate merchandise, which it said violated its policies.
Nationally, some of the newly listed memorials were in plain sight, such as a monument to Lee in downtown Fort Myers, Florida; Charleston's Wade Hampton Park, named for the scion of one of the largest slave-owning families in America; and Nicholls State University in Louisiana, named for a Confederate general and postwar governor who helped strip blacks of the vote.
But who knew that Winnie Davis Hall at the University of Georgia is named for the daughter of the Confederate president? That Graceville, Florida, pop. 2,200, "Where the Living is Easy,'' is named for a Confederate officer? That there's a Jefferson Davis Highway marker in Las Cruces, New Mexico, or a monument in Monterey, California, to an officer who left the U.S. Army to serve the Confederacy?
After the law center released its first survey two years ago, it was deluged with reports – from journalists, historians, members of the public – that its staff checked out while continuing its own search for memorials.
Confederate monuments lose standing across the U.S.
A women tries to stop John Miska from cutting off the black tarp that was put over the statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee that stands in the center of Emancipation Park (formerly Lee Park), on Aug. 23, 2017 in Charlottesville, Va. Earlier this week the Charlottesville city council voted unanimously to cover Confederate statues. Mark Wilson, Getty Images
Workers tighten black canvas draping a large statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee on horseback at Emancipation Park in Charlottesville, Va. Aug. 24, 2017. = Michael Reynolds, European Pressphoto Agency
A man takes a picture of a statue of Confederate General Thomas 'Stonewall' Jackson that has been covered by black tarp by the city, at Justice Park in Charlottesville, Va on Aug. 24, 2017. The city draped black canvas over statues of two Confederate generals on Aug. 23, at Emancipation Park and Justice Park following the violence that occurred at the on Aug. 12 white nationalist rally in Charlottesville. A vehicle, who police say was driven by James Alex Fields Jr., smashed into a crowd of counter-protesters 12 August, resulting in the death of 32-year-old Heather Heyer and the injury of more than two dozen others. The city council has voted to remove the Lee statue but a lawsuit has put that action on hold. Michael Reynolds, European Pressphoto Agency
With the Confederate Monument in Woodlawn Cemetery already on a flatbed truck, workers remove the base on Aug. 22, 2017 in West Palm Beach, Fla. Lannis Waters, The Palm Beach Post via AP
This Aug. 21, 2017 photo shows the Confederate monument in Woodlawn Cemetery after it was vandalized over the weekend. Workers have started taking down the memorial at the city-owned cemetery in West Palm Beach, Fla. Lannis Waters, The Palm Beach Post via AP
Bert Cambron, left, and Mark Wilson employees of Dayton National Cemetery move the vandalized Confederate soldier statue that stood in Camp Chase Confederate Cemetery on Aug. 22, 2017, in Columbus, Ohio. Columbus police say vandals appear to have climbed on an arched memorial at Camp Chase Confederate Cemetery and toppled the statue atop the monument to the ground. The soldier's head and hat were knocked off. Police say the vandals took the head but left the hat. Eric Albrecht, The Columbus Dispatch via AP
Bert Cambron, an employee of Dayton National Cemetery, moves a hat closer to the vandalized a Confederate soldier statue that stood in Camp Chase Confederate Cemetery on Tuesday, Aug. 22, 2017, in Columbus, Ohio. Eric Albrecht, The Columbus Dispatch via AP
A statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee is removed from the University of Texas campus on Aug. 21, 2017, in Austin, Texas. University of Texas President Greg Fenves ordered the immediate removal of statues of Robert E. Lee and other prominent Confederate figures from a main area of campus, saying such monuments have become "symbols of modern white supremacy and neo-Nazism." Eric Gay, AP
Confederate statutes removed from the University of Texas are secured to a traile on Aug. 21, 2017, in Austin, Texas. Eric Gay, AP
Onlookers celebrate as a statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee is removed from the University of Texas campus, early Monday morning, Aug. 21, 2017, in Austin, Texas. Eric Gay, AP
A pedestal wrapped in plastic that had held a statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee which was removed from the University of Texas campus early Monday morning is photographed on Aug. 21, 2017 in Austin, Texas. Eric Gay, AP
A woman yells at counter protestors during a protest held at the former Durham County Court House, following rumors of a march planned by the KKK and other white supremacy groups, in Durham, N.C. Caitlin Penn, EPA
Counterprotesters march against a potential white supremacists rally on Friday, in Durham, N.C. The demonstration comes a week after a fatal clash during a 'Unite the Right' rally between white supremacists and counterprotesters in Charlottesville, Va. Sara D. Davis, Getty Images
Protesters gather in front of the old Durham County Courthouse where days earlier a confederate statue was toppled by demonstrators. Logan Cyrus, AFP/Getty Images
'Death To The Klan' is written on what's left of a monument statue of a Confederate soldier toppled by protesters on Aug. 14, 2017, as counterprotesters arrive in front of the former Durham County Court House, Friday. Caitlin Penna, EPA
People march in the streets protesting against a possible march by the Ku Klux Klan in Durham, N.C. Hundreds of anti-racist demonstrators gathered in a North Carolina city in response to rumors of a white supremacist march. The sheriff had issued a statement that he was investigating the rumors, but no gathering of white supremacists was apparent by mid-afternoon. However, officers blocked streets and businesses closed. Jonathan Drew, AP
Demonstrators burn a Confederate flag replica in reaction to a potential white supremacists rally in Durham, N.C. Sara D. Davis, Getty Images
A protester looks down from where a Confederate statue once stood in front of the old Durham County Courthouse. Allen G. Breed, AP
Barbra Paulk, 77, listens to protesters speak at the former Durham County Court House. Caitlin Penna, EPA
Artist Hattie Pink marches with her anti-confederate artwork in reaction to a potential white supremacists rally in Durham, N.C. Sara D. Davis, Getty Images
A counter demonstrator is overcome with emotion during a march in reaction to a potential white supremacists rally in Durham, N.C. Sara D. Davis, Getty Images
In this Aug. 14, 2017 file photo, a protester kicks the toppled statue of a Confederate soldier after it was pulled down in Durham, N.C. Bombarded by the sharpest attacks yet from fellow Republicans, President Trump on Aug. 17, 2017, dug into his defense of racist groups by attacking members of own party and renouncing the rising movement to pull down monuments to Confederate icons. Casey Toth, AP
The defaced Gen. Robert E. Lee statue stands at the Duke Chapel on Aug. 17 2017, in Durham, N.C. Duke President Vincent E. Price said in a statement that he had already been meeting with members of the Duke community to discuss how to deal with strong reactions to the statue. But he says it's wrong for an individual to vandalize a house of worship. Bernard Thomas, AP
Tampa For Justice member Kelly Benjamin, right, leads a news conference in front of the Confederate memorial while protester Gary Snow, left, uses a bull horn to try and disrupt the event in Tampa, Fla., on Aug. 17, 2017. Borchuck, James, AP
John Raymond Alvarez, who favors moving the confederate monument, left, argues with Gary Snow, who favors leaving the monument, after a news conference in front of the old county courthouse in Tampa, Fla., on Aug. 17, 2017. James Borchuck, AP
From left, Ngoc Loan Tran, 24, Peter Gull Gilbert, 36, and Dante Emmanuel Strobino, 35, leave a courtroom in the Durham County Courthouse after their first court appearance after being arrested Wednesday for the toppling of the Durham County confederate statue during a Monday protest, on Thursday, Aug. 17, 2017, in Durham, N.C. Casey Toth, AP
Dante Emmanuel Strobino, left, chants with Jason Bowers, center, and Kate Bowers, before a protest outside the Durham County Jail where many lined up to "symbolically" turn themselves in for the toppling of the Durham County confederate statue during a Monday protest, but officials at the jail, where the magistrate's office is located, blocked their entry into the buildings, on Thursday, Aug. 17, 2017, in Durham, N.C. Protesters then supported Strobino, and three others, who then made their first court appearance for being arrested Wednesday for the vandalism. Casey Toth, AP
Lamont Lilly symbolically turns himself in for the toppling of the Durham County confederate statue during a Monday protest, but officials at the jail, where the magistrate's office is located, blocked their entry into the buildings on Aug. 17, 2017, in Durham, N.C. Casey Toth, AP
The defaced Gen. Robert E. Lee statue, center, stands at the Duke Chapel on Aug. 17 2017, in Durham, N.C. Duke President Vincent E. Price said in a statement that he had already been meeting with members of the Duke community to discuss how to deal with strong reactions to the statue. But he says it's wrong for an individual to vandalize a house of worship. Bernard Thomas, AP
This June 5, 2017 file photo shows a monument to Arizona Confederate soldiers, presented by the United Daughters of the Confederacy in 1961, amid other memorials at Wesley Bonin Memorial Plaza on the grounds of the Capitol complex in Phoenix. The memorial has been cleaned after it was defaced with paint a second time this week amid controversy over Confederate statutes and other honors. Angie Wang, AP
Pro-statue protester Gary Snow, left, talks with statue removal protesters before the news conference in front of the old county courthouse in Tampa, Fla., Thursday, Aug. 17, 2017. (James Borchuck/Tampa Bay Times via AP) /Tampa Bay Times via AP) ORG XMIT: FLPET102 Borchuck, James, AP
A concrete slab remains where a stone and plaque memorializing the resting place of Confederate soldiers from the Civil War was removed at the Confederate Rest section of Forest Hill Cemetery in Madison, Wis., Thursday, Aug. 17, 2017. Madison Mayor Paul Soglin ordered the removal of the monument, as well as another at the site. Soglin said Thursday that the monuments to confederate soldiers are being removed because the Civil War was "a defense of the deplorable practice of slavery." (John Hart/Wisconsin State Journal via AP) ORG XMIT: WIMAW201 John Hart, AP
A monument memorializing the resting place of Confederate soldiers of the Civil War stands in the Confederate Rest section of Forest Hill Cemetery in Madison, Wis., Thursday, Aug. 17, 2017. Madison Mayor Paul Soglin ordered the removal of the monument, as well as another at the site. Soglin said Thursday that the monuments to confederate soldiers are being removed because the Civil War was "a defense of the deplorable practice of slavery." (John Hart/Wisconsin State Journal via AP) ORG XMIT: WIMAW202 John Hart, AP
Tampa For Justice member Kelly Benjamin, right, speaks in front of the Confederate memorial while protester Gary Snow, left, uses a bull horn to try and disrupt the event in Tampa, Fla., on Aug. 17, 2017. Borchuck, James, Tampa Bay Times via AP
John Raymond Alvarez, who favors moving the Confederate monument, left, argues with Gary Snow, who favors leaving the monument, after a news conference in front of the old county courthouse in Tampa, Fla. ,on Aug. 17, 2017. James Borchuck, Tampa Bay Times via AP
The defaced Gen. Robert E. Lee statue stands at the Duke Chapel on Aug. 17 2017, in Durham, N.C. Duke President Vincent E. Price said in a statement that he had already been meeting with members of the Duke community to discuss how to deal with strong reactions to the statue. But he says it's wrong for an individual to vandalize a house of worship. Bernard Thomas, The Herald-Sun via AP
A protester kicks the toppled statue of a Confederate soldier after it was pulled down in Durham, N.C., on Aug. 14, 2017. Casey Toth, Casey Toth/The Herald-Sun via AP
From left, Ngoc Loan Tran, 24, Peter Gull Gilbert, 36, and Dante Emmanuel Strobino, 35, leave a courtroom in the Durham County Courthouse after their first court appearance after being arrested for the toppling of the Durham County confederate statue during a protest on Aug. 17, 2017, in Durham, NC. Casey Toth / The Herald-Sun via AP
Dante Emmanuel Strobino, left, chants with Jason Bowers, center, and Kate Bowers, before a protest outside the Durham County Jail where many lined up to "symbolically" turn themselves in for the toppling of the Durham County confederate statue during a Monday protest, but officials at the jail, where the magistrate's office is located, blocked their entry into the buildings on Aug. 17, 2017, in Durham, N.C. Casey Toth, The Herald-Sun via AP
Lamont Lilly symbolically turns himself in for the toppling of the Durham County confederate statue during a protest. Casey Toth, The Herald-Sun via AP
The defaced Gen. Robert E. Lee statue, center, stands at the Duke Chapel on Aug. 17 2017, in Durham, N.C. Duke President Vincent E. Price said in a statement that he had already been meeting with members of the Duke community to discuss how to deal with strong reactions to the statue. Bernard Thomas, The Herald-Sun via AP
This June 5, 2017 file photo shows a monument to Arizona Confederate soldiers, presented by the United Daughters of the Confederacy in 1961, amid other memorials at Wesley Bonin Memorial Plaza on the grounds of the Capitol complex in Phoenix. The memorial has been cleaned after it was defaced with paint for a second time this week amid controversy over Confederate statutes and other honors. The state Department of Public Safety says troopers on Aug. 17, 2017, confirmed that the Confederate Troops Memorial at Wesley Bolin Memorial Plaza had been painted. The DPS says a suspect described as a white man in his 40s was last seen riding a bicycle nearby. Angie Wang, AP
Pro-statue protester Gary Snow, left, talks with statue removal protesters before the news conference in front of the old county courthouse in Tampa, Fla., Aug. 17, 2017. Borchuck, James, AP
A concrete slab remains where a stone and plaque memorializing the resting place of Confederate soldiers from the Civil War was removed at the Confederate Rest section of Forest Hill Cemetery in Madison, Wis., Aug. 17, 2017. Madison Mayor Paul Soglin ordered the removal of the monument, as well as another at the site. Soglin said that the monuments to Confederate soldiers are being removed because the Civil War was "a defense of the deplorable practice of slavery." John Hart, AP
A monument memorializing the resting place of Confederate soldiers of the Civil War stands in the Confederate Rest section of Forest Hill Cemetery in Madison, Wis., Aug. 17, 2017. John Hart, AP
Montreal Lambert protests in front of the Confederate monument in downtown Norfolk, Va., on Aug. 16, 2017. Steve Earley, AP
Workers load statues of Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson on a flatbed truck in the early hours of Aug. 16, 2017, in Baltimore, Md. Statues of key figures in the Confederacy were removed overnight as a campaign to erase symbols of the Civil War-era, pro-slavery secessionist republic gathers momentum across the United States. The statues in Baltimore were removed four days after clashes in Charlottesville, Va., following a rally called by white supremacists to protest plans to remove a statue of Lee from a public park. Alec MacGillis, AFP/Getty Images
A city worker removes the detail sign at the former Roger B. Taney monument in Mount Vernon Place in Baltimore, Md., after it was removed by the city on Aug. 16, 2017. Tasos Katopodis, AFP/Getty Images
Baltimore Mayor Catherine Pugh talks about the late night removal of four confederate statues in the city, Wednesday. The City of Baltimore removed four statues celebrating confederate heroes from city parks overnight. Mark Wilson, Getty Images
Workers load statues of Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson on a flatbed truck. Alec MacGillis, AFP/Getty Images
A monument featuring Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson, left, and Robert E. Lee stands in Wyman Park in Baltimore, Md., near Johns Hopkins University. The monument was a gift from J. Henry Ferguson, a prominent local banker. Jackson and Lee were childhood heroes of Ferguson. The statue was erected in 1948, 24 years after Ferguson's death. Maryland was a border state during the Civil War. A slave state that did not secede from the Union and did not join the Confederacy. Sean Dougherty, USA TODAY
A family takes photos at the Robert E. Lee and Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson monument base in Wyman Park Dell in Baltimore, Md., after it was removed by the city. Tasos Katopodis, AFP/Getty Images
Protesters gather at the base of the Confederate Monument in downtown Norfolk, Va., on Wednesday. Steve Earley, AP
Susan Bro, mother to Heather Heyer, speaks during a memorial for her daughter, on Aug. 16, 2017, at the Paramount Theater in Charlottesville, Va. Heyer was killed Saturday, when a car rammed into a crowd of people protesting a white nationalist rally to protect Confederate monuments. Charlottesville, Pool photo by Andrew Shurtleff
Artist Sam Welty creates a chalk mural of Heather Heyer during her memorial service, in Charlottesville, Va, Wednesday. Heyer was killed Saturday, when a car rammed into a crowd of people protesting a white nationalist rally. Julia Rendleman, AP
Multiple white nationalist groups march with torches through the UVA campus in Charlottesville. When met by counter protesters, some yelling "Black lives matter," tempers turned into violence. Multiple punches were thrown, pepper spray was sprayed and torches were used as weapons. Mykal McEldowney, IndyStar via USA TODAY NETWORK
Multiple white nationalist groups march with torches through the UVA campus in Charlottesville on Friday. Mykal McEldowney, IndyStar
This Aug. 12, 2017 image shows a white supremacist sporting a NAZI tattoo leaves Emancipation Park in Charlottesville, Va. Steve Helber, AP
Demonstrators hold a banner decrying white supremacist's at the entrance to Emancipation Park in Charlottesville, Va., on Aug. 12, 2017. Steve Helber, AP
A sign calling for Emancipation Park to be renamed after Heather Heyer is placed at the base of a statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee, blocks from where she was killed and 19 others injured when a car slammed into a crowd of people protesting against a white supremacist rally, Saturday, in Charlottesville, Va. Chip Somodevilla, Getty Images
White supremacist guarding the entrance to Emancipation Park, Saturday, as State Police monitor the situation, right, in Charlottesville, Va. Steve Helber, AP
An injured white supremacist is helped, Saturday, in Emancipation Park in Charlottesville, Va. Steve Helber, AP
The statue of Confederat Gen. Robert E. Lee stands in the center of Emancipation Park, Sunday, the day after the Unite the Right rally devolved into violence in Charlottesville, Va. The Charlottesville City Council voted to remove the statue and change the name of the space from Lee Park to Emancipation Park, sparking protests from white nationalists, neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan and members of the 'alt-right.' Chip Somodevilla, Getty Images
Sen. Tim Kaine visits a makeshift memorial on Aug. 16, 2017, where Heather Heyer was killed Saturday when a car rammed into a crowd of people protesting a white nationalist rally Charlottesville, Va. Julia Rendleman, AP
Marcus Martin, right, hugs his fiance Marissa Blair, left, during the memorial for Heather Heyer, at the Paramount Theater in Charlottesville, Va. Martin pushed his fiance out of the way of the vehicle that killed Heyer last Saturday and was injured himself. Andrew Shurtleff, Pool photo by Andrew Shurtleff
White supremacists come prepared to clash with counter demonstrators at the entrance to Lee Park in Charlottesville, Va., Saturday. Steve Helber, AP
Counter demonstrators clash with white nationalists at the entrance to Lee Park in Charlottesville, Va., Saturday, Steve Helber, AP
Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe, at podium, speaks with the media after a memorial service for Heather Heyer, Wednesday, in Charlottesville, Va. Andrew Shurtleff, AP
President Donald Trump speaks to the press, Tuesday, about protests in Charlottesville after his statement on the infrastructure discussion in the lobby at Trump Tower in New York. Donald Trump found himself in the eye of a political storm Wednesday, again after his stunning remarks on the unrest in Charlottesville, which sparked unease within his own camp and could be a turning point in his already chaotic presidency. Just about 200 days into his term, the US leader crossed a red line in saying there was "blame on both sides" for the melee, which began when a rally by white supremacists over the removal of a Confederate statue turned violent, as they clashed with counter-protesters. Jim Watson, AFP/Getty Images
A paint-covered monument to Confederate soldiers who died in an 1863 battle stands along a road in Knoxville, Tenn., on Wednesday. Communities across the US are reconsidering whether their Confederate monuments should continue to stand in public places. Erik Schelzig, AP
An empty pedestal remains where a statue of Roger B. Taney, former Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court and majority author of the Dred Scott decision, once was before city workers removed the statue August 16, 2017 in Baltimore, Md. Mark Wilson, Getty Images
Baltimore city worker removes graffiti from the pedestal where a statue dedicated to Robert E. Lee and Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson stood. Win McNamee, Getty Images
People look at the empty pedestal where the Confederate Soldiers and Sailors Monument once stood, Wednesday, before city workers removed the statue in the early morning hours. Mark Wilson, Getty Images
A student tour group poses at the site where a statue dedicated to Robert E. Lee and Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson stood Aug. 16, 2017 in Baltimore, Md. The City of Baltimore removed four statues celebrating confederate heroes from city parks overnight, following the weekend's violence in Charlottesville, Va. Win McNamee, Getty Images
Mourners and clergy pray outside the memorial service for Heather Heyer, Wednesday. Evan Vucci, AP
Charlottesville resident Sina Kamlani walks through the Downtown Mall outside of the memorial service for Heather Heyer on Wednesday. "The world's going crazy but the good people need to stand up," she said. Julia Rendleman, AP
A bystander takes a picture of the monument dedicated to the Confederate Women of Maryland after it was taken down early Wednesday, in Baltimore. Local news outlets reported that workers hauled several monuments away, days after a white nationalist rally in Virginia turned deadly. Jerry Jackson, AP
Workers remove a monument dedicated to the Confederate Women of Maryland in Baltimore. Jerry Jackson, AP
Natabious Wingfield, from left, stands with his cousins Mikiah, and Nikiah Wingfield outside of a memorial service for Heather Heyer in Charlottesville, Va. Julia Rendleman, AP
Hillsborough County Commissioners meet about the possible removal of a Confederate statue, Aug. 16, 2017, in Tampa, Fla. If enough money isn't raised by private citizens to move a Confederate monument in Florida to a private cemetery it will remain on public property, officials decided Wednesday, casting doubt on an earlier vote to remove it. The Hillsborough County Commission's vote came just days after a deadly white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Va. Chris O'Meara, AP
The Rays, Lightning and Bucs are all donating funds toward the removal of a Confederate statue in Tampa. Chris O'Meara, AP
Steve Damron, 50, of Spring Hill, Fla., holds up a sign during a Hillsborough County Commission meeting about the possible moving of a Confederate statue Wednesday. Chris O'Meara, AP
Butch Fox of Tampa, who takes care of the Confederate Memorial Park grounds in Seffner says this is the worst incident that's happened here on Aug. 15, 2017. "We're not a racist organization," said Fox. "We don't condone what happened in Charlottesville." The Confederate Memorial Park was vandalized over the weekend in response to the incident in Charlottesville, Va., where three people died during a white-nationalist rally. Octavio Jones, AP
Jacksonville resident Terri Smith prays at the base of the Woman of the Southland statue in Jacksonville's Confederate Park at the end of a rally in Jacksonville, Fla, on Aug 15, 2017. "I was saying a prayer to heal all the anger and racial divide. It's clouding the peoples judgement. We should be celebrating our veterans" said Smith. Several organizations wanting the removal of confederate monuments and have the names changed on schools and bridges met at the base of the Woman of the Southland statue in Confederate Park North of downtown Jacksonville. Roughly 30 demonstrators against the monuments and around 10 who wanted them left alone were kept in check with the presence of around a dozen members of the Jacksonville Sheriffs Office. Bob Self, AP
The issue of removing Confederate monuments isn't new. Members of the public hold signs both for and against moving a Confederate monument called Memoria In Aeterna during a Hillsborough County Commission meeting in Tampa, Fla., on July 19, 2017. One month after deciding not to move the 106-year-old Confederate memorial from public property, the Hillsborough County Commission on Wednesday is taking up the issue again. Chris Urso, AP
Members of the Take Em Down Jax organization hold a banner with the list of offending confederate monuments, Tuesday, as well as buildings and locations they want renamed during a rally in Jacksonville's Confederate Park in Jacksonville, Fla,. Several organizations wanting the removal of confederate monuments and have the names changed on schools and bridges met at the base of the Woman of the Southland statue in Confederate Park North of downtown Jacksonville. Roughly 30 demonstrators against the monuments and around 10 who wanted them left alone were kept in check with the presence of around a dozen members of the Jacksonville Sheriffs Office. Bob Self, AP
Joe Ross, with the Northside Coalition, looks at the statue in the Woman of the Southland monument in Confederate Park after a rally in Jacksonville, Fla., Tuesday. Bob Self, AP
Elechi Egwuekwe, 16, clenches her fist as she stands in front of the Nathan Bedford Forrest statue in Health Sciences Park, in Memphis, at the conclusion of a protest showing support for those who were injured or lost their lives on Saturday in Charlottesville, VA. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
A reflection of Jefferson Davis's Confederate statue is seen in a puddle of water as protesters hold hands while surrounding the monument at Memphis Park on Tuesday. The action comes days following the death of Heather Heyer after the "Unite the Right" rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. "We can not celebrate MLK50 with these statues in our city," said activist Tami Sawyer. Yalonda M. James, Yalonda M. James/The Commercial
Protesters link arms as they surround the Jefferson Davis Confederate statue at Memphis Park on Tuesday. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
Theryn C. Bond (center, left) receives a hug from Taylor Cook, Saturday, as they stand in front of the Nathan Bedford Forrest statue in Memphis, during a protest showing support for those who were injured or lost their lives on Saturday in Charlottesville, VA. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
Activist Yuleiny Escobar quietly sits on Tuesday during a protest near the statue of Nathan Bedford Forrest, the late former slave trader, Confederate general and Ku Klux Klan member, early Tuesday morning. Escobar and a small group of protestors were told by Memphis police officers to leave the park because it was closed. "All of our events have been nonviolent, peaceful events and it doesn't matter if only five of us show up, they send twenty plus police officers," said Hunter Demster of Coalition of Concerned Citizens. Last October, the Tennessee Historical Commission denied Memphis City Council's application to relocate Forrest's statue. A protest held at Health Sciences Park on Saturday continued the call to have the statue removed. The city is preparing to sue Tennessee to remove Memphis's two Confederate monuments: Forrest, in Health Sciences Park, and Confederate President Jefferson Davis, that is located at Mississippi River Park in Downtown, according to City Attorney Bruce McMullen. This news comes a day after Mayor Jim Strickland condemned white supremacists for the violence in Charlottesville. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
A protestor holds a socialist flag, a symbol of socialism, left-wing politics and communism, at the base of the Nathan Bedford Forrest statue in Health Sciences Park, Saturday. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
Elechi Egwuekwe, 16, and others hold "Black Lives Matter" signs in front of the Nathan Bedford Forrest statue in Memphis, Saturday. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
Aleida Escobar, 9, sits at the base of the Nathan Bedford Forrest statue, in Memphis on Saturday, during a protest in support of the those killed and injured in Charlottesville, Va. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
Protesters surround the Jefferson Davis Confederate statue at Memphis Park on Tuesday. Yalonda M. James, The Commercial Appeal
That explains, for example, why the organization's tally of Confederate monuments (a subset of memorials) has increased from 718 in 2016 to 772, even though over the same period 49 monuments were removed. They include Memphis' statues of Davis and Nathan Bedford Forrest, a Confederate general accused of presiding over the slaughter of black Union troops. After the war he became the first "grand wizard" of the Ku Klux Klan.
It was the city of Charlottesville's plan to remove statues of Lee and Jackson from two parks that sparked demonstrations last August by far-right groups. A riot erupted when the protesters clashed with counterprotesters; one counterprotester was killed when she was rammed by a car driven into a crowd by a man linked to white supremacist groups.
The conflict became a national political debate after President Trump appeared to equate the white supremacists and their opponents, referring at one point to "very fine people on both sides."
A year later, the statues that prompted it all remain in place; state law prohibits local governments from "disturbing or interfering with" memorials to war veterans.
Old memorials, newly recorded
Most of the law center survey's newly recorded memorials are not themselves new. Many date from 1890 to 1914, when the South reversed the effects of Reconstruction, systematically denied blacks the right to vote and redefined the primary Confederate war aim as the protection of states' rights, not slavery. This theory, regarded as specious by most academic historians, is called "The Lost Cause.''
But the increase in public Confederate memorials is not entirely a matter of record-keeping. At least 44 new ones have been established since the turn of the century.
A Confederate flag and Delaware state flag fly at the Delaware Confederate Monument in Georgetown. (Photo: James Fisher, The News Journal)
In 2007, for example, the Sons of Confederate Veterans established the Delaware Confederate Memorial on the grounds of a museum in Georgetown, Delaware, run by a private non-profit historical society that gets financial aid from the state.
The granite monument bears the names of 95 Delaware residents who, even though their state never left the Union, supported the South in the Civil War "to serve what they thought was the right thing to do.''
Removing public monuments is neither easy nor cheap.
Seven Southern states that contain the lion's share of Confederate symbols have laws that restrict localities' ability to tamper with historic markers. (The city of Memphis transferred its title to the Forrest and Davis statues so they could be moved).
And if a change is made, it has a price tag. When officials in Roanoke, Virginia, decided last month to rename Stonewall Jackson Middle School, officials estimated the cost of changing everything from stationery to band uniforms to the basketball court floor at about $170,000.
The law center's memorial tally doesn't include memorials at battlefields, museums or cemeteries. It also doesn't cover those on private property – even though they can have a public impact.
The Confederate Memorial of the Wind in the east Texas city of Orange has a circular colonnade with a pillar for each of the Confederate states. It sits near I-10 – on Martin Luther King Jr. Drive.
About a third of Orange residents are African-American, and when the monument was proposed, it aroused substantial opposition. But because it's on private land, local officials said they had no standing to prohibit it.
This June 28, 2017, shows statue of Confederate president Jefferson Davis on Monument Avenue in Richmond, Va. As cities across the United States are removing Confederate statues and other symbols, dispensing with what some see as offensive artifacts of a shameful past marked by racism and slavery, Richmond is taking a go-slow approach. (Photo: Steve Helber, AP)
Monuments to The Lost Cause
If there are too many Confederate memorials for a real national reckoning on the issue, there also is too little political support for their removal. Nothing proves the point like the case of Monument Avenue in Richmond, the former capital of the Confederacy.
There is no place in America quite like Monument Avenue – a broad, European-style boulevard whose four lanes of traffic are divided by a landscaped median and lined with elegant apartment houses, mansions and churches.
It is also an open-air argument for The Lost Cause. Its larger-than-life statues of Davis, Lee, Jackson and Gen. J.E.B. Stuart – the last three on horseback – were erected from 1890 to 1919, marking the South's recovery from the Civil War and triumph over federal attempts to reconstruct its politics.
But Monument Avenue is also a supreme expression of the turn-of-the century "City Beautiful'' movement. It's a National Historic Landmark, and in 2007 the American Planning Association named it one of the nation's "10 Great Streets.''
In 2017, after New Orleans removed four major Confederate statues but before Charlottesville exploded, Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney formed a commission to study the avenue and add "context" to its Confederate ethos. After Charlottesville, he expanded the commission's charge to include study of the monuments' removal or relocation.
The question facing Richmond was the same one facing the nation. When is it permissible to tamper with a public historical artifact, even one with an unpalatable message? Can a memorial tell us an important story about the time it was created? Or can it be so offensive that it should be banished from the public realm?
"You can't change history,'' President Trump said a year ago during the fight over the Charlottesville statues. "But you can learn from it.''
Several of the commission's public comment sessions were stormy; one had to be canceled because of security concerns. In all, about 1,200 attended one or more of the meetings. The commission received 1,800 pieces of correspondence.
But even in a city with a black majority, removing the statues lacked strong public or official support. In December, for example, the City Council rejected a proposed charter change that would give it authority to remove the statues.
Last month, after 11 months of work, the commission issued its recommendation: Add signs to put the statues of the three generals in historical perspective, and remove – if the law allows – the one of Davis.
The commission had a less publicized conclusion. What the city needed, it said, was to recognize other Civil War stories, such as the bravery of the United States Colored Troops, a regiment made primarily of former slaves that fought for the Union in a battle near Richmond in September 1864.
The mayor agreed. He said the creation of statues representing "another side of history" is the report's "most pressing" recommendation.
Which suggests an ironic solution to America's memorial conundrum: more memorials.
More: America's 'Confederate infrastructure:' Too big to hide, move or raze
More: Tragedy in Charlottesville: The Unite the Right rally
Read or Share this story: https://www.delawareonline.com/story/news/2018/08/07/confederate-memorials-list-longer-usa-public-remove/921582002/


After a month of training since Ragnar led us through that exercise, I would personally say that I don't consciously break the self into three during training, nor do I think that is what Ragnar was urging us to do, necessarily. But I think they are always there, right? If I understand correctly, and in light of what George is saying, what I find notable is that those 3 selves are always there co-existing within the actor, while we may not be acknowledging it. And as Michael Chekhov is so wonderful about reminding us, once we apply our concentration, or acknowledge something, we can easily access it. What I think can become an issue is when that 3rd self - the Assessor becomes dominant, becomes the Critic, or as MC would put it, when the Little Intellect takes over.
I do think it is important to be able to assess the ideas within the moment. But how can we stay true and assess the idea or the moment without letting it turn to judgment? And conversely, we can't stay in the Doing Self all the time either, right? Because then we have no awareness of how our actions are affecting the space and/or the people around us.
A couple weeks ago, in a Spy Back of the training, one of our actors noted how she wasn't meeting the expectation she set for a specific exercise. Or rather that she wasn't meeting the rhythmic requirement of the movement. I think this was an opportunity to overcome that obstacle using the 3 selves. Her Idea self set a goal, the Doer wasn't meeting it, and in that moment the responsibility then falls on the Assessor to acknowledge that fact, NOT JUDGE it, and allow her to change her expectations, or completely shift and change her focus and/or intention. Does that make sense? So then she isn't discouraged about not meeting the expectation, aware of it yes, but not discouraged. By shifting her intention, she can focus on accomplishing her new task, and then later can spy back and take notes on what happened during the training. I think that is a great example of the Three Views idea.


Frank James Malle interviews jazz vocalist, Toni Jannotta, and guitarist, Nigel Taylor for this segment of Our Ventura. Toni and Nigel perform "Is It Magic?" Additionally, they discuss jazz history and jazz aesthetics and Toni talks about her award as Grant Recipient for Ventura County Arts Council's "Artist in the Community Partnership Grant," which honors and supports her "Voices of the Homeless" jazz performance project.
Nigel is a popular area musician who is fluent in many musical genres and has a particular passion for jazz.


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Home Longform African American Genealogy in the Time of Black Lives Matter
African American Genealogy in the Time of Black Lives Matter
As we look hard at our culture and ourselves, a new generation of Black genealogists weighs in on how Black lives—past, present, future, and forever—matter.
Thomas Jordan began with the death of his aunt Mildred, the last member of his father's generation. With her went a houseful of family mementos, clues to his family past. Jordan felt "a void," he says, that eventually sent him to Ancestry.com, to libraries, to cemeteries, and to courthouses across several states seeking his relatives, living and dead.
Photograph by Jeremy Kramer
Jordan became hooked on genealogy. Over the years he's discovered more and more cousins, including Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, who helped organize the Montgomery Bus Boycott. "I'd seen her before, unbeknownst to me, in the documentary Eyes on the Prize," says the Mt. Washington resident, who grew up in Bond Hill. "She played this gigantic part in one of the most pivotal moments in Civil Rights history."
On the maternal side, Jordan even managed to sleuth out the slave owner whose son, he thinks, he is descended from. He's walked the land his great-grandparents owned in Crawford County, Georgia, and saw where they worked and where they worshipped.
Joyce Coleman began piecing together her genealogy from a young age, from overheard names in a family where the past was seldom discussed. She developed a passion for history and learning the stories of those who went before. She's volunteered at the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center's John Parker Library before the building's first brick was laid, and helped others construct their family trees.
Coleman has traced her own roots back before the 1830s, but it was when she researched her husband's family that she made a discovery close to home: an aunt he never knew. They drove to Maysville, Kentucky, to meet her. "The woman asked, How's my brother?" she says. That's when they realized she didn't know that Coleman's father-in-law was dead. "I've been trying to find my brother, and I can't find him," she said. Then she lifted up this candy dish and pulled out a piece of paper. On it she had written the names of Coleman's husband and his father, sister, and brother. "She said, I've been trying to find them, and you brought my nephew."
That sense of missing pieces in a vast, personal puzzle sends millions of us to genealogical websites FamilySearch and Ancestry.com, part of a multimillion-dollar industry popularized by shows like Henry Louis Gates's Finding Your Roots. Armchair genealogists also flock to DNA "heritage" tests promising insights into one's ethnic and geographic origins.
There's something innately human in seeking our roots. While it's seldom as easy as seen on TV, for African American genealogists like Jordan and Coleman, reconstructing that family tree is far more difficult given U.S. society's blind spots and glaring omissions. But there are new records waiting to see light. And the gaps themselves have something to say about how inequity and racism thread through history into the present day.
Genealogy has helped Jordan put his ancestors into historical context, he says, and that context can change how you see the present. Consider the controversy over athletes taking a knee during the national anthem, he says. Jordan, an ordained minister and 33-year veteran of WCPO-TV, says that those who see the act as disrespecting the flag overlook a historical reality. African American servicemen—both he and his wife are related to many—returned from fighting tyranny overseas to fight the same old racism and violence at home. This was an America where Black servicemen were lynched for wearing their uniforms.
But Jordan isn't angry. He believes that genealogy has the power to heal people and communities, to restore their pride of place in history. That's why he visits schools to teach young people that every family member is important and every relative famous in some way.
So genealogy isn't just about the past. It links us in the living, breathing present. And as we look hard at our culture and ourselves, a new generation of Black genealogists weighs in on how Black lives—past, present, future, and forever—matter.
Thom Reed is African American and, like all FamilySearch employees, Mormon. The company is an arm of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS). You can't do genealogy research without using records made available by the church because, driven by doctrine that calls them to baptize the dead and "seal" families in eternity, Mormons have amassed and digitized the world's largest collection of genealogical records. Stored in their fabled Granite Mountain Records Vault in Utah, which is drilled into a mountain behind nuclear-blast-proof doors, they have information containing some 2 billion names.
Thomas Jordan finds meaning connecting his grandchildren Anaya (age 13) and Imani (age 8), wife Jacquelyne, and daughter Bethany with family members who came before.
Reed, who is deputy chief genealogical officer at FamilySearch, Zooms with me from Salt Lake City's renowned Family History Library, whose imposing monolith looms in his background (although he still rocks a 513 area code from an earlier career phase with Procter & Gamble). At FamilySearch, Reed was project manager for the epic Freedmen's Bureau Project, which transcribed records of 4 million freed Blacks from 1865, following Emancipation.
The National Underground Railroad Freedom Center was one node in this vast, crowd-sourced project, a partnership among the National Archives, LDS, the Afro-American Historical and Genealogical Society, and others. More than 25,000 volunteers transcribed and indexed the names of 1.8 million men, women, and children, making them easily searchable online. "That means we didn't find them all," says Reed. "So there are more records still out there. About 40 million of us are descended from those 4 million emancipated people at the end of the Civil War. What people don't always immediately grasp is that there tends to be a lack of records in certain areas. But also that there are records out there that people don't traditionally think about," including those held by slave-owning family descendants who are reluctant to share them.
Genealogy newcomers often think when they research African American relatives that they need to go straight to the period of slavery, he says, when in fact there usually are vital records—birth, marriage, death, military, and more—available in the years since. There are also records created by Black families, churches, and other institutions that set down the generations for posterity.
Coleman, of Paddock Hills, also cautions against trying go too far back too quickly. It's important to do the work, she says. Resources like Ancestry.com and DNA tests have their place, "but it's important to dig deeper. When you come to the Freedom Center, you get a different version of ancestry than what you can get at home. You might get a DNA test that tells you you're 50 percent Italian, 10 percent German, and 2 percent African. But you don't know the names of these people. You don't know anything about them."
DNA heritage testing remains unregulated, often offering wildly different results depending on the company used. It can be useful when you've hit a dead end in family research, but it's particularly questionable for African Americans given that the vast majority of DNA held in databases comes from white Europeans and overlooks the historically transient nature of human populations. It won't bring your ancestors into clear focus the way old-school research will. "The first thing you need to do is find the oldest persons in your family and sit down, talk to them, and ask them questions," says Coleman. "Ask them for names. Ask them if they have a bible or any kind of a written record of your family."
Thomas Jordan's distant cousin, Rev. James Brookins
Photograph courtesy of Thomas J. Jordan
Thomas Jordan's mother Lela B. Thomas Jordan (left)
Another great source is old newspaper archives, particularly a city's African American newspaper, like The Cincinnati Herald. "If Sally Jones died, the newspaper said she died on June 1, period," says Coleman. "But who is Sally Jones? You don't know because of the one-line blurb that we would find in the white newspapers. But we had the Cleveland Call & Post and The Chicago Defender [Black-owned newspapers that would write full obituaries], and the Pullman porters on the passenger trains were the newspaper boys of that time. They would take the papers to the South, and that's how many people learned about their relatives in the North who had died."
White-owned newspapers, interested in selling subscriptions to Black readers, eventually began to include so-called African American Society Columns. Genealogy and local history reference librarian Stephen Headley has been indexing these and making them available on the Public Library of Cincinnati and Hamilton County website. "Society Columns" doesn't do justice to the richness of information they contain. "They talk about weddings and deaths and will include obituaries," he says. "They even mention births, sometimes giving the weight of the baby. You can really get a good sense of at least a segment of Cincinnati's African American population during that time." The Cincinnati Commercial Gazette/Tribune ran one such column by Charles W. Bell, a prominent Black citizen and teacher of penmanship who also edited a Black newspaper locally. Another appeared in The Cincinnati Times-Star authored by Susie Johnson Higgins, a teacher at Gaines High School, the city's segregated public school for Black students in the late 1800s.
Headley is all too familiar with the challenges facing the African American genealogist. "It doesn't get easier even well after Emancipation," he says. "During the 1920s and '30s, over the Great Migration of African Americans to Cincinnati, they're mostly coming from the South, and those states have very poor records, or at least they're not accessible yet." Cincinnati newspaper society columns are also valuable because they cover a 20-year gap in government recordkeeping left when the 1890 census schedules were destroyed in a fire in 1921, he says.
Thomas Jordan's Aunt Mildred Louise Jordan Barnes
In his genealogical journeys, Jordan has often struck gold in another source. "I guess my forte, my niche, is dissecting obituaries and funeral programs," he jokes. When a cousin gave him the funeral program of his Aunt Eddie, a teacher in Georgia, unfamiliar names jumped out among those he already knew. The mysterious names prompted him to write to Southern churches his family had been active in, asking for any leads. A cousin wrote back. Her mother was still alive and remembered the names of his great-great-grandparents.
"The African American funeral program is kind of unique in how it evolved," Jordan says. They're rich in detail where official records and mainstream newspapers fell short. They hail from the tradition of Black-owned funeral homes, which amassed uncommon wealth and influence that they often parlayed into support for Civil Rights advancement.
In 2019, Coleman and Jordan gave a presentation at the Public Library of Cincinnati and Hamilton County about the city's Black funeral homes. Their PowerPoint presentation is a veritable who's who of the influential Black businessmen and -women who prospered in the West End prior to that neighborhood's evisceration by I-75 construction, which pushed many to the suburbs.
Tending for and burying the dead was one of the most lucrative professions available to Black entrepreneurs in the post–Civil War era, when embalming really took off. Black funerary professionals quickly specialized in providing elaborate home affairs that afforded dignity in death to those who had been denied it in life.
Among the Cincinnati families who went into the business, there was James E. Simpson Jr. of Jones & Simpson Funeral Home, who stuck a campaign bumper sticker on his hearse and became the first African American to win a city commission election in Covington and was integral in desegregating Northern Kentucky theaters. Inez Renfro of the Renfro Funeral Services family became one of the most powerful Black women in Cincinnati, bolstered by the Republican Party. Doris Rankin-Sells, of Rankin Brothers, was the first African American woman to be awarded a Wendy's franchise. She served on boards from the Cincinnati Chamber of Commerce to the Greater Cincinnati Foundation. And Mary Norris Andrews, who owned M.M. Andrews Funeral Chapel in Avondale, published The Cincinnati Independent, the city's only Black-owned paper during the 1940s and a springboard for young African American writers, typesetters, and printers.
But these businesses are disappearing. With the popularity of cremation and younger generations leaving the business, they're being gobbled up by chains. And when that happens, generations of funeral programs can easily be lost in the shuffle.
FamilySearch recently completed a pilot project in Virginia to collect, digitize, and share generations of funeral programs. Reed says he hopes to replicate that project across the U.S., but the clock is ticking.
Information on Black ancestors can also be found in places where their bodies are enshrined in the earth itself and their names written in stone. Musician, music teacher, newspaperman, writer, and publisher Wendell Phillips Dabney gives the history of Cincinnati's African American cemeteries in his seminal book, Cincinnati's Colored Citizens (1926), the pages of which shine with his characteristic wit. Theirs is a history that underscores again how dignity, even in death, remains elusive.
Two key locations remain today: Price Hill's Union Baptist Cemetery and Madisonville's United American Cemetery. The latter was created in 1884 when Colored American Cemetery in Avondale was closed. According to Dabney, white citizens' "delicate nostrils seemingly scented an aroma arising from their defunct colored brethren which gave to the atmosphere a tang not redolent with fragrance. In short, the whites objected to the black burying ground." After a protracted battle, most of Colored American Cemetery's burials were moved to the new United American Cemetery.
Retired architect and former Freedom Center genealogy volunteer Chris Hanlin has researched and mapped the extant cemeteries. He lives in Madisonville near United American. Fascinated by its beauty and the lives of those buried there, he learned that it shares a designer with Spring Grove Cemetery, as well as Eden Park, Lincoln Park, and Burnet Woods: the great Prussian landscape architect Adolph Strauch.
Dabney lies in United American. Former slave and Civil War Medal of Honor recipient Powhatan Beaty is buried in Union Baptist, as is Harriet Clay, a former slave and friend of Booker T. Washington. They are resting places for the formerly enslaved, for anti-slavery advocates, and for conductors on the Underground Railroad. But as recently as last year United Baptist Cemetery was vandalized; gravestones were overturned and sprayed with graffiti.
Union Baptist Cemetery is overseen by Union Baptist Church, Cincinnati's oldest Black church. According to Board of Trustees Chair Angelita Jones, the church recently received a $10,000 grant from the Hamilton County Board of Commissioners and $400,000 through the African American Civil Rights Grant Program, which is administered by the National Park Service, to stabilize and repair the cemetery buildings, monuments, headstones, and fencing. "I know that sounds like a lot of money, but we're talking about 16 acres and thousands of headstones," she says. "The grass-cutting and all of the upkeep comes out of the congregation's and pastor's pockets."
With the COVID-19 crisis keeping members from church, funds are tight. Union Baptist Church can't do it alone, she says, "So we're going to continue to apply for grants and continue to fund-raise [including through GoFundMe], because these cemeteries have to be sustained."
Nationally, historically Black cemeteries remain an important genealogical resource. "There are young children, for instance, who were born after one census and died before the next census was taken in a period before there were birth certificates," Hanlin says. "So the person's tombstone inscription may be the only record that this person ever existed."
The real reason to visit them, though, is out of respect. Both Jordan and Reed have sought their ancestors in cemeteries. In his book, Double Jordan, the story of uncovering his paternal ancestry, Jordan writes how, on a dead-end road in Culloden, Georgia, near the headstones of cousins in a segregated cemetery, he came across a section with a single marker that read, SLAVE CEMETERY, We know not who they are but they are loved ones of God and man, and will never be forgotten.
Reed has also walked among the dead, searching for his great-great-great-grandfather. He visited a timber country cemetery in Marengo County, Alabama, hoping to pick up the trail where the records had left him cold. He's still searching. "I'm right up against that brick wall of enslavement and haven't made that bridge yet. I say yet because I'm in it for the long haul," he says, smiling over the video connection from Utah.
The internet may well prove to be the ultimate genealogical tool. Artificial Intelligence will soon support optical character recognition even for difficult-to-decipher handwritten records, says Reed. But the future of the past lies in crowd-sourcing, in a wide network of inquisitive minds. It's happening right now, a million aha moments on message boards and social media pages, where users share notes, photos, and scans from the front pages of family bibles.
It's a project that anyone can contribute to. "With this whole racial tension in the U.S. right now," Reed says, "a lot of my white friends have approached me and asked, What can I do to make things better? Part of it is participating in these projects to make more records accessible for people of African descent."
FamilySearch has acquired and digitized records from the Caribbean, civil registrations that haven't been indexed, he says. "So we need volunteers just like the Freedmen's Bureau Project to jump on board and help us index and make these records searchable for our brothers and sisters in the Caribbean." And there are efforts around the country to reclaim African American cemeteries. "Get involved in your local community," says Reed. "Help reclaim a cemetery, and put that information on websites to make it accessible to more people worldwide. That's what allies who want to help the cause can do."
Jordan is hoping to pass the genealogy torch to younger generations. From the age of 3, his granddaughter showed an interest, he says, and her face lit up seeing photos he'd discovered of his great-grandparents. More recently, for Black History Month, she did a school project on her family tree.
His granddaughter, now 8, has caught the spark. She recites the names of those who went before. She feels their weight and carries them on.
Joyce Coleman
Chris Hanlin
Thomas Jordan
Thom Reed
Stephen Headley
African American genealogy
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Kofi is nine years old. He loves Fortnite and soccer and he plays for Simply Sports FC. He is good at batting and catching in baseball. He also enjoys drawing, fishing, and engineering. Kofi's favorite movie is Avengers: Infinity War, and he loves the part when Thanos takes the Infinity Gauntlet.
Kevin was a nine-year-old soccer player from the USA. His dream was to win the World Cup. Right now, he played on a Little League team called Simply Sports FC. He played striker. He won the State Cup Finals, and he was now in Red Bulls Academy. His best friend, Shane, was also in the Red Bulls Academy. Shane was his strike partner. Shane hung out with him a lot, and they both made the USA U-Thirteen team, and they won under 13 Olympics.
On his 18th birthday, the USA team called him up for the World Cup team.
Shane, who also had the same phone, the iPhone X, was called right after that to also be in the World Cup with the USA.
They both went to each other and said, "Guess what just happened?" at the same time.
Once they got to training, meeting all these famous players, like Pulisic and Tim Howard, would be hard. But once the real training started, they felt fine. They had all the skills to match the other players. When it came to shooting drills, the only person who could get the ball past Tim Howard was Pulisic. Their best achievement was scoring at least one goal on Howard.
The team was so good that they qualified for the World Cup! They had to play Messi, the great Ronaldo, Pogba, Griezmann, and David de Gea. So far, Kevin and Shane were doing well. They had three goals, and they were feeling great. USA was undefeated because of the "Stonewall," Tim Howard. When they made it to the semi-finals, their match against Germany would be really hard because they would play against the "Keeper Sweeper," Manuel Neuer. But they managed to score a few goals and win 3-1. When they made it to the finals, they had to play the hardest opponent, England, and they won. The score was 2-2 USA. Kevin scored once, and Shane did too. It was a really close match. When Kane scored two for England, the US team got nervous.
When it was overtime, both teams scored one goal, Kevin for USA and Sterling scored for England. It went all the way to penalties, and it was down to Kevin to make the winning kick for the USA. He was feeling so nervous. He made his run up short and smashed the ball into the top right corner of the goal. England's goalie dove to the bottom left. He was so happy that they had won the World Cup finals. When he scored, he screamed, "Yes!" He did it. He finally won the World Cup.


This is an on-going series in which the second book, Onyx, was just recently released.
Katy (just like myself) is an avid reader and a total book lover. She does a blog on the books she has read and occasionally a vlog. She just recently moved to a new town with her mom after the passing of her father. Katy takes refuge in gardening and reading her paranormal romance books until the day her neighbors make an appearance. Daemon is a swoon-worthy guy and his twin sister, Dee, is just as beautiful. Daemon begins torturing Katy with his crude and uncalled for words after Katy befriends his precious little sister. As time goes by, Katy begins to realize there is something odd about Daemon and Dee.
One day, she is attacked by a man dressed in all black. Daemon comes to her rescue and kills the strange man, leaving a HUGE target on Katy's head. He gave her a trace. Now she is visible to everyone that is trying to get to Daemon and Dee. Visible to all the other ALIENS. Yep, it's an alien book, BUT a good one. (Not the cheesy green-skinned-fish-eyed people) They are aliens that can travel at the speed of light and their true forms are that of a bright blue light in the shape of a human. But that's all I am spilling, so pick up a copy and try out the idea of aliens…….hot aliens!!!!!!!
4 ½ stars out of 5!!!!!!!!
check out this series here!
Scarlet wakes up in the middle of a forest and has no idea who or where she is. Amnesia, that's what she suffers from. While getting adjusted to this new city and caretaker, she meets a guy named Gabriel but that same night she keeps seeing another guy that looks just like him. Not understanding what exactly she's gotten herself into, she begins a relationship with Gabriel and his twin Tristan. But only one can love her while the other has to kill her. Her world just got complicated.
I don't want to give away any more of the story– you need to find out for yourself.
This story evoked a lot of feelings from me. One second I was rooting for Scarlet and Gabriel and the next I was praying that something hot would happen between Scarlet and Tristan. Some moments I had to stop reading so I wouldn't freak out ( I was reading it around midnight). The humor in it had me laughing out loud obnoxiously and ridiculously. And lastly the romance, it's swoon-worthy, honestly. The love between Gabriel and Scarlet is chaste and very sweet. On the other hand, with Tristan its bumped up a few notches.
Check out this series. You won't be disappointed but rather, you'll be left wanting more.


Bison over Fort Wayne 3 to 1.
2nd year Head Coach, young team (1 SR, 2 JR's on the 13 player roster) up against a good, veteran, Fighting Hawks squad.
This is one of UND's down years, and they aren't much more experienced than NDSU outside of 1 senior. Both squad's have really good looking freshman setters. UND's freshman is going to be an absolute star. NDSU really needs to find a second middle hitter. Outside of the first one, the other 2 they rotated both are young and look completely lost.
UND has some really good looking young volleyball players on that roster, tall, rangy, and powerful.
I would think the new coach will be better than the other one (who btw in a season and half has all but ruined what was an up and coming Southern Illinois program), but there are some other legitimate programs in the Summit right now. I think in the next 5-10 years Denver, UND, and Omaha are going to be the conference juggernauts barring any crazy coaching moves. UND seems to be able to find really excellent coaches that recruit nationally and Denver and Omaha are in absolute prime recruiting areas for kids that get overlooked by the P5 schools. All 3 of those schools have some very long, rangy, bouncy freshman and sophomores.
Denver wins the first set 25-21, in Denver.
Denver gets the second set 25-18.
Denver wins the match 3-0.
NDSU hit negative for the entire match. That is really rough. Need to find some hitters.
Last edited by JohnnyExtacy; 10-20-2018 at 05:32 PM.
Bison beat Oral Roberts in 5 sets!
Most people will only see that last night the Bison volleyball team won 3-2 in five sets. What they won't see is how close we were to being swept and losing the match.


It appears that in these viruses Dr. Stanley has discovered forms that exist in the twilight zone between the liv ing and the non-living, having certain properties of each, but belonging to neither. They help to bridge the gap between the organic and the inorganic worlds. They furnish one of the most important missing links that funda mentalists have always challenged the evolutionists to hnd.


Sophie Jarvis is a Vancouver-based filmmaker whose award-winning films have screened internationally. She is a graduate of Simon Fraser University where she wrote and directed her short film The Worst Day Ever, which premiered in 2012 at the Toronto International Film Festival and won the award for Best Direction at the 2013 enRoute Film Festival. Since then, she has directed numerous short films, with the generous support of agencies like the Canada Council for the Arts, the BC Arts Council, and Bell Media's BravoFACT fund. She is currently in post-production on Medical Drama, a short film shot on 16mm that is slated for completion in late 2017. Jarvis holds a BFA in Film Production from SFU, and had the honour of participating in the 2013 Berlinale Talents. Sophie is developing her first fiction feature film, Invasions through WIDC Story & Leadership.


Judith Jacobson is POAH's General Counsel/Managing Director, responsible for developing the organization's legal strategies around acquisitions and operations and for guiding POAH's legal affairs, ensuring legal compliance, and limiting organizational risk exposure. Jacobson works closely with and advises POAH's CEO, board of directors, legal team, and senior leadership team.
Jacobson has over 30 years of experience in the affordable housing and community development field including the areas of financing multifamily rental properties, credit enhancement of tax-exempt bonds, first-time homebuyer programs, regulations for mixed finance of public housing, and technical assistance to municipalities. She has spearheaded major innovations in the field of affordable housing, including the development of the One Source loan program for construction and permanent loans and MassDocs, the consolidated closing documents used for all state subsidy loans.
She has received numerous awards, including the Community Service Award from Citizens' Housing and Planning Association, the Unsung Hero Award from the Women's Bar Association, and the Public Service Award from Commercial Real Estate Women. On a volunteer basis, she has also served as the chair of the Newton Community Preservation Committee and the Real Estate Bar Association's Affordable Housing Committee.


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Health care specialist Stacy Chagolla helps William Bishop compare plans at an Affordable Care Act enrollment fair in Pasadena, Calif., this month. David McNew/Getty Images hide caption
David McNew/Getty Images
How Will We Know If HealthCare.gov Is Fixed?
November 30, 2013 • Saturday is the day the White House promised the website for the Affordable Care Act will work for the "vast majority of users." NPR's health policy correspondent Julie Rovner explains what that means, and whether the deadline is going to be met.
Insurance companies say they are finding numerous mistakes on a digital form that's essential for signing up through HealthCare.gov. AP hide caption
A New Worry Looms Online For The Affordable Care Act
November 30, 2013 • HealthCare.gov is supposed to be mostly fixed by Saturday, but errors in an obscure but crucial form could further disrupt the rollout.
The Odon Device was inspired by a YouTube video about how to remove a cork from the inside of a wine bottle. The Odon Device hide caption
The Odon Device
Popping A Baby Out Like A Cork, And Other Birth Innovations
November 29, 2013 • With babies getting bigger and moms' pelvises getting smaller, it's no wonder moms have problems in delivery these days. Inventors have come up with all kinds of devices to help babies into the world. Some seem promising, but others are a little far-fetched.
As HealthCare.Gov's Deadline Approaches, What Will Be Ready?
November 29, 2013 • The Obama Administration this week announced yet another delay for small businesses seeking to purchase health insurance on the troubled HealthCare.gov website. Ari Shapiro and Julie Rovner discuss how the small business part of the program keeps getting pushed to the end of the administration's priority list.
Sex, Alcohol Used To Sell Health Insurance In Colorado
November 29, 2013 • The ads suggest the Affordable Care Act is good for young adults because it'll save them money on health care, leaving them more to spend on liquor and birth control. (This piece initially aired Nov. 24, 2013 on Weekend Edition Sunday).
Shopping Online For Health Exchanges Not Perfect Yet
November 29, 2013 • There has not been much of a Thanksgiving break for the team that's been working frantically to repair the website of the federal government's health insurance exchanges. After a disastrous debut last month, the Obama administration promised the site would be working smoothly for the "vast majority" of users by the end of November. Where do things stand?
Health Care Frustrations Turn Into Satisfaction For Ga. Man
November 29, 2013 • In the first month of the federal health insurance exchange, about 1,400 people in Georgia signed up for insurance. One of those is Michael Lappin of Atlanta. He not only has better coverage now, but Lappin says he's saving thousands of dollars.
Lara Imler has tried to cancel her enrollment on HealthCare.gov, but to no avail. Annie Feidt/Alaska Public Radio Network hide caption
Annie Feidt/Alaska Public Radio Network
Breaking Up With HealthCare.gov Is Hard To Do
Alaska Public Radio Network
November 28, 2013 • Lara Imler was one of the first people in Alaska to sign up for health insurance on HealthCare.gov. Turns out, the website miscalculated her subsidy. She wants to start over and get a new plan. But a stubborn software kink is standing in her way.
Benjamin Arthur for NPR
Brain Cells 'Geotag' Memories To Cache What Happened — And Where
November 28, 2013 • Scientists have identified special cells in the brain's hippocampus that mimic a trick of some digital cameras. These cells automatically 'tag' the memory of each event in our lives with information about where that event took place — the better to recall, perhaps, where we left our lost keys.
Zac Visco for NPR
The Salt
Why We Give Thanks For The Health Benefits Of Cranberries
November 28, 2013 • The Pilgrims believed that cranberries could cure scurvy. They were wrong on their reasoning but right on the cure: The berries are packed with vitamin C. Watch our video exploring why we should all be thankful for the health-promoting compounds found in berries.
Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius visits navigators helping enroll people on HealthCare.gov. Lynne Sladky/AP hide caption
All Tech Considered
HealthCare.gov Team Working Through Holiday To Meet Deadline
November 28, 2013 • Workers on the "tech surge" to fix the error-riddled website have just days to meet the Obama administration's self-imposed deadline for a functioning site. Public confidence in HealthCare.gov has already taken the kind of hit that may be hard to overcome.
What seemed like a burden can become a gift. iStockphoto hide caption
After The Cranberries And Pie, Let's Talk About Death
November 28, 2013 • Most people know about advance directives for end-of-life care. But many don't know about a one-page form designed to let people who are very old or sick specify just how much medical care they want. It's signed by a physician, so it's got teeth. But some disability advocates say it may go too far for some people.
With November Ending, Taking Stock Of HealthCare.gov's Progress
November 27, 2013 • President Obama pledged that the website where consumers can sign up for health insurance will be working for the vast majority of people by Saturday. How far has HealthCare.gov come and how far does it have to go?
Small employers can still enroll in Affordable Care Act coverage through insurers or brokers, but not through the online exchanges. iStockphoto hide caption
Small-Business Access To Online Health Exchanges Delayed Again
November 27, 2013 • No online registration for you, the Obama administration told small-business owners interested in using the Affordable Care Act exchanges to buy employee health insurance. Online access was pushed back to November 2014. Employers can still enroll through an insurer or broker.
Madison Fitzgerald, 20, holds her baby, Jake, in the neonatal intensive care unit at Texas Children's Hospital in Houston. Jake, who was born 16 weeks too early, receives donor breast milk every three hours by mouth. Carrie Feibel/KUHF hide caption
Carrie Feibel/KUHF
Booming Demand For Donated Breast Milk Raises Safety Issues
Houston Public Media News 88.7
November 27, 2013 • The push to get women to breast-feed has been so successful that many mothers who can't do it are looking for other mothers' extra milk. Milk banks that pasteurize and sell donated breast milk have sprung up. Informal online swapping of extra mother's milk has become popular, despite quality concerns.