Come on then River, it is New Years Eve after all.
Happy New Year, come on let's dance!
New Years Eve rub down and shoulder massage, ahh.
It's lovely and warm inside and cold and frosty out, the perfect setting for New Years Eve. Daddy has gone mad with the twinkling lights but it keeps him happy.
We've been doing our usual New Years Eve watching of the fireworks going off throughout the world. Apparently London tonight is going to have a sensory display, fireworks, smells and tastes all at the same time. Wow trippy.
Tomorrow is the first blank page of a 365 book. Make it a good one.
Well, this bodes well for a peaceful end to the year. Let's hope Rivers mild demeanour continues.
I was just out watching River play in the frost this morning when I spotted Sarah on the sunshine shed. All the Christmas malarkey means I kind of hibernate indoors over the Christmas week and so don't get to see that many people so it was lovely to see her.
I went outside, avoiding the now crazy River running around in circles on the lawn and asked her how she was.
She'd had a lovely Christmas she said just quiet, with family, well the size of that family I doubt quiet came into the equation.
Finally the suns out, it feels like it's been non stop raining for weeks, in reality I suppose it has been a week. Who is out first, well it's George jumping all over the lawn playing make the leaf fly, it seems he's feeling really frisky. I wonder if he'll pop over and see me later?
The Daddydaddy and Daddymummy dropped by to see us today which was a pleasant surprise. I'm always particularly happy to see them, not only do I get my own special attention but the Daddymummy is a little bit enamoured by River and keeps her way out of my way so I can get loads of undivided attention from Stay Daddy.
River particularly seemed to be on a weird one today, pulling all sorts of strange faces. Still they sorted her out by putting her in a box, oh all this dog tomfoolery, I'm so glad us cats are sophisticated beings.
Boxing Day is usually a quiet affair in this house. Food is still being digested by those three who have totally over indulged. Stays suffering from chocolate tummy and Disappears is just suffering. At least River's got the right idea and trying to run some of it off.
Shame most of it has been after me, but I guess I could do with a little workout.
After yet another dinner of chicken, yes I get it there's chicken to get through I settled down to watch some TV with the Daddies. Very interesting we watched a show about cat cafes in Japan, genius!
Oh yes and daddy informed me that Merlin's arrived. Yes Cookie now has a brother, can't wait to meet him.
I'm so glad I elected to remain in my usual bed last night. By all accounts River had Disappears Daddy up half the night, running around the back garden trying to catch her and stop her from barking and waking up the neighbours. I guess she was very excited about Santa Paws coming.
I came down to see Stay walking around all refreshed but Disappears looking knackered poor thing.
River, never one to let a little thing like sleep get in the way managed to wake Daddy up and get him moving again.
Yep that's it River whisper really loudly in his ear, and lick it, yeah go on, that'll work.
I was quiet pleased she interjected I'm intrigued to know what's in my stocking this year. Disappears arranged it so there's a chance it'll be something that's of actual use.
Of course this getting a present business is never a quick thing when you've got a quick thing snapping at your heals.
First I had to endure her getting all excited over a piece of rope. Still whatever keeps her amused.
I must admit, she did make me laugh when she dressed herself up as a Christmas present.
As much as that did make me laugh, but there's only so much patience a cat can have.
All her tomfoolery is just causing delay after delay.
Mu turn and finally a present of intelligence.
Yes this is fantastic, best present I've had in years.
How ingenious a feather! On a ball! On a stick!
How do they think these things up?
Yes thanks I liked that and all my Dreamies. 100% hit rate this year Daddies, cheers!
The Daddies got River all kitted out and went for a walk in the rain up to see Nanny. I sent her my love but I don't venture out across the road and certainly not in the rain, so I sat in the window and waited to see if anyone came by.
Not long after they left the rain stopped and the lighter Naughty Twin was chased across the road by Mogsie. I called out a Happy Christmas and he called one back, looked at me, licked his lips and dashed away.
It wouldn't be Christmas without a little bit of Mogsie.
I then went to sleep upstairs again and awoke when I heard Daddy calling out to me to come and eat my Christmas lunch.
Chicken, um I love chicken but there's no rush, I prefer to eat in calm and not the usual chaos that surrounds food time here. Very tasty it was too!
Silly paws has gone and got her stocking stuck on her head. Who needs the TV when there's entertainment like this on Christmas Day evening?
Ah Christmas Even is finally upon us. I like the Christmas season, both the Daddies are home, the house is warm and at least for today River is behaving herself so I decided to sit with her for a while and enjoy just looking at the lights and chilling without any worries of a chase.
As with most thing it's time will come and the rattle of the doorbell meant a visitor had come a-calling. It was the Daddymummy and Daddydaddy, I could see them through the window.
A box enters and a mess often follows!
Yep, less than 10 minutes, a bit slow for River she must still be a bit sleepy.
Everyone's gone now and the daddies have settled down. They've even persuaded River that Santa will come quicker is she has a little sleep.
Christmas is I guess a time for the kids.
Great! That's that over with then!
It's Saturday, it's cold outside and it's raining but inside it's nice and warm and I just fancied sitting on Daddy even though River was up there so up I crept really carefully so I didn't disturb her and settled down.
I can hear Stay Daddy now, telling Disappears Daddy finally he has success with us cuddling up. He's been after this happening for a while but he should know by now us cats do things our way and in our time. I must admit it is lovely and snugly up here with baby, hey call it an early Christmas present.
Sarah and the darker Naughty Twin have just had a blazing row. Over what I've no idea but this really isn't the time for dissension in the ranks, we've got enough trouble to deal with from the current influx of the New Cat Crew.
It's been confirmed by the way by George yesterday that the new generation now includes not just Flash and Chameleon but Who and that other cat who looks like Sarah. The lighter Naughty Twin did go over after Sarah took a swipe at the darker Naughty Twin but couldn't do anything to calm the very tense atmosphere that's between them today.
Oh what are we do to, it is a worry!
I don't know why the Daddies give River chicken first thing in the morning, they know it makes her go hyper.
She was in a bit of an excitable mood anyway chasing me around all over the place, in the end I'd had enough and went outside but she followed. I went up into Squirrel Tree to see if Craig was around but he wasn't so I then decided to have a walk around C's garden and see if I could spot any clues that the New Cat Crew had been around.
Just as I was sniffing around I heard a right hullabaloo from our garden. There River was running around in circles barking her head off,, there Stay Daddy was running around after her calling out in the loudest whisper he could to come to him but she was having none of it.
He did eventually catch her and took her inside, even though he said she was being very naughty he really doesn't know how to tell us off, I think it breaks his heart to ever scold us.
He took her upstairs out of the way and I went to see how everything was. Daddy was relaxing in the bath and River was just whining as she does. I tried to say to her that if she doesn't want to be discovered when she makes a secret break for it that she must be quiet or she'll be discovered but I don't think she got it, she just wasn't listening, to intent on trying to get up on the bed where I was.
I don't blame her, it;s the Daddies fault. No chicken first thing in the morning!
And With That She Was Off!
Tonight Was The Night Foxy Lectar Made His Move!
Everyone's Getting In On The Act!
Yes, Thank You I Know How To Hide Under A Car!


Enrolled in a class in which I need to learn C# and object oriented programming. Anyone have experience with the language? It'll be my first programming language. What should I expect?
Can't tell you what to expect but I took class for C++ for a year, It can be a lot to take in but if you take good notes you should be fine.
It's also important not to overthink things when it comes to learning a programming language.
Good luck though. What made you decide to take up C#, or a language at all even? I should probably enroll in a class myself tbh.
I haven't really played around with C#. But I would say I can read it somewhat, once you get the hang of one language it's easier to read other languages. Sounds fun man! Enjoy. All advice I can give is don't be afraid of asking stupid question. Just ask questions about how and why this works in your code. That's what your teachers are for. Great way to learn.
(3 months ago)Nightmare Wrote: Can't tell you what to expect but I took class for C++ for a year, It can be a lot to take in but if you take good notes you should be fine.
I've always been interested in programming but I've never taken the time to actually educate myself. My school program, which is business technology and information systems, requires proficiency in C# and object oriented programming (as well as SQL I believe but that is yet to come). The main focus of this particular course is simple application development and object oriented programming for basic processes.
Thanks for the luck I'll probably need it.
(3 months ago)Axiom Wrote: I haven't really played around with C#. But I would say I can read it somewhat, once you get the hang of one language it's easier to read other languages. Sounds fun man! Enjoy. All advice I can give is don't be afraid of asking stupid question. Just ask questions about how and why this works in your code. That's what your teachers are for. Great way to learn.
I've heard that a lot, that most programming languages can be considered base knowledge for many others; I'd like to follow up with learning other languages at some point.
Thanks buddy! yeah it's always easier to learn when there's an actual teacher/mentor available so I'm looking forward to it.
I'll be sharing some of the stuff I'll be learning and probably asking a question or two here and there.
Wavybone Wrote: I've always been interested in programming but I've never taken the time to actually educate myself. My school program, which is business technology and information systems, requires proficiency in C# and object oriented programming (as well as SQL I believe but that is yet to come). The main focus of this particular course is simple application development and object oriented programming for basic processes.
For the SQL part I would totally recommend codecademy! It can be a bit mundane sometimes. But their SQL course is great, helped me a lot to get down the fundementals.
That's a pretty broad question, not sure if you're asking for insight on the workload involved in learning the language or what is entailed in the language itself.


Sayenko Kharenko is the only law firm in Ukraine to have labour and compliance practice, which emerged from the firms' labour and employment practice and its niche privacy/data protection and anti-corruption/anti-bribery practice groups.
This allows us to handle simultaneously multiple projects, including large compliance projects requiring combined legal advice from the experts of our labour/employment, privacy/data protection and anti-corruption/anti-bribery practice groups.
Our team strongly believes that amicable settlement of labour disputes, especially those related to compliance violations, is often in the client's best interest. We are recognised for the remarkable track record of success in resolving complicated employment disputes amicably and on the clients' terms.
We are the preferred counsel in various sophisticated and complex compliance projects requiring deep knowledge of the Ukrainian labour/employment law, anti-corruption/anti-bribery and privacy/data protection laws, and practice of their implementation. Many of our labour and compliance projects have been performed in connection with international business transactions or as part of the global HR or compliance projects.
We are regularly involved in the policy shaping and legislation development related to various employment, anti-corruption, personal data protection issues and mediation, allowing us to offer our clients valuable insight into their internal compliance policies and procedures.


text:
Hell's Broke Loose in Georgia: Survival in a Civil War Regiment
Scott Walker (Autor)
Darling, I never wanted to gow home as bad in my life as I doo now and if they don't give mee a furlow I am going any how. Written in December 1862 by Private Wright Vinson in Tennessee to his wife, Christiana, in Georgia, these lines go to the heart of why Scott Walker wrote this history of the Fifty-seventh Georgia Infantry, a unit of the famed Mercer's Brigade. All but a few members of the Fifty-seventh lived within a close radius of eighty miles from one another. More than just an account of their military engagements, this is a collective biography of a close-knit group. Relatives and neighbors served and died side by side in the Fifty-seventh, and Walker excels at showing how family ties, friendships, and other intimate dynamics played out wartime settings. Walker follows the soldiers of the Fifty-seventh as they push far into Unionist Kentucky, starve at the siege of Vicksburg, guard Union prisoners at the Andersonville stockade, defend Atlanta from Sherman, and more. Hardened fighters who would wish hell on an incompetent superior but break down at the sight of a dying Yankee, these are real people, as rarely seen in other Civil War histories.
University of Georgia Press
Biografía: histórica, política y militar
Historias reales de guerra y combate

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Sandwich For Five | Keep It Up, David!
Then, on Sunday, I went to a picnic with some friends. We didn't head to the beach, or a park, or up into the mountains – it was an urban picnic, in downtown Los Angeles. My friends Heather and John are still in town – they're the ones who are traversing the country on the Les Miserables tour (you can read about our restaurant adventures here and here – the second link also has great bef0re-and-current pics of both Heather and me). Last night, I had tickets with my aunt and uncle to see the show. There was also a matinee performance earlier in the day, and since Heather and John have a dinner break between the two shows, we had the great idea last week to have a little picnic. My friend Jen (who threw the BBQ last week where I brought my cactus salad) came along, as did my friend Dave, who's been working behind-the-scenes at Les Mis for the past few weeks (Dave's name briefly popped up in this blog waaaay back in the fall in a hiking post).
So… there would be five of us. What to make? Truth be told, I'm getting a little sick of making salads – I've been making a lot of them lately for entertaining purposes, and I'm ready for something different. I wanted it to be easy to transport and easy to eat… I've got it! GIANT SANDWICH! Way back in college, I saw Martha Stewart make giant sandwiches on her TV show (the pre-prison one, without the studio audience), and I used to make them every once in a while. It's been years since I've made one, but who doesn't love a good sandwich?
I've seen recipes (and folks on the Food Network) that speed up the process by adding a few teaspoons of brown sugar to the onions, but I don't like to add unnecessary sugar to anything if I can avoid it. Plus, it's not like I was standing over the stove for the better part of an hour agonizing over the process – I got a lot of other stuff done during that time!
Time to assemble my giant sandwich.
It's a pretty uniform thickness, so every slice of sandwich will have a similar contents-to-bread ratio, and it's crusty on the outside, and very light and airy on the inside.
I cut it in half, laid it open, and put on my first ingredient – baby spinach. Every sandwich needs some greens!
Final sandwich ingredient? Sprouts. I wanted a little more greenery.
It stayed like this for about 20 minutes, while I jumped in the shower and dressed.
Then it was time to pack my cooler bag!
That's right, I have a Passions cooler bag. I watched that soap every day for about 5 years, and it was terrible, and I loved it. I only use this cooler bag a few times a year, but every time I bring it out, and look at that Passions logo, all sorts of fun soap opera memories come flooding back. Remember when Spike made Jessica prostitute herself, and then he started drugging her with roofies and framing her for the murders of her johns? And then Spike knocked her up, and then he buried her alive, and she and her unborn baby died, but then Kay used the power of prayer to bring them back to life? Remember that? No? Am I the only one that remembers Passions storylines? You all missed out.
…and fruit! That's strawberries and blackberries on the left, and on the right is… I'm not going to tell you. I'll give you a hint: it's not cantaloupe. It's a different type of melon that I had never bought before, and yes, I will blog about it later this week (so stay tuned for that).
It looks good, but it tastes even better. It was a hit! And what's that on the right? Heather and John made a delicious couscous salad. It had tri-colored couscous, grilled chicken that had a great spice rub on it, some corn, some chives… Heather, if I'm forgetting anything, pipe up in the comments section!
It was a great picnic with lovely company, and since Heather and John are in town through the end of the month, we may do it again!
This entry was posted on Monday, July 11th, 2011 at 2:28 am and is filed under Uncategorized.	You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
Laughed out loud at the soap story line….and love that you trimmed off the spinach stems! Small things in life!! The sandwich reminds me of MI tailgating days. Good job of tasteful, inventive ingredients!
That sandwich looks AMAZING!!!!!!!! And the cous-cous salad too!
That sandwich looks devine, well all except blue cheese. I can not eat the stuff. Me and mold don't get along and blue cheese is one that I can not have. Feta on the other hand is wonderful stuff! Also when you carmalize onions you can speed up the process by not making so many at once. If you do them in batches it doesnt take as long. I love to use my large electric skillet for carmalized onions because it has a larger flat surface and I can get them done faster by having more space for them.
Hmmm… but doing multiple batches takes time, too! If I did three smaller batches, and they took 15 min instead of 45, it'd still add up to 45 minutes. And with a lot more time tending at the stove, too! Explain more, Crystal! And I bet the sandwich would be GREAT with feta.
Well If I have to do that many onions I typically use a much larger pan, or Cast Iron because it holds heat longer and I do one medium to large onion at a time. This takes roughly 10 minutes to get the carmalizing instead of 15. My electric skillet is large, roughly 13×9 pan size with deep sides. More pan space and onions not touching makes them cook a little faster. I do so love carmalized onions, They are without a doubt the most flavor packed item you can add to food.
That Sandwich is making me drool over here in DC. Looks so amazing. Now I am questioning my decision to head out for a burger and fries in a few minutes!!!
Ha! Did you end up getting the burger?
YUMMMMMM! That looks absolutely delicious. I might copy you, again.
I forgot about your Passions passion. If anyone deserves a Passions tote, it's you!
This sandwich caught my attention while i was looking at your produce aisle section, and I must say I'm intrigued, ill have to head out tomorrow to Whole Foods and try to make this!! Of course ill have to modify a few things cause i don't like blue cheese or sprouts ha, but ill let you know what i come up with!
Glad to have inspired you – please do keep me posted! Keep it up!
Oh my! Turkey sandwich using ciabatta bread is my favorite. I will have to try this one. Looks really yummy to the tummy!


I thought about that episode while talking to a friend about the recent news of singer The Weekend and girlfriend Selena Gomez breaking up. Us Weekly reported that soon after the news broke that the couple of 10 months split, the "Starboy" singer blocked Gomez's family members, friends, her team, and fan accounts dedicated to the couple. He also deleted a majority of photos he had of her on his accounts. And while we speculated about whether he was big mad or little mad, we could both agree that based on the fact that she'd already been seen out with her ex, Justin Bieber, he had the right to block whomever he wanted to.
Who will tell her that her husband has another family abroad?


Warning: This post contains spoilers from the Wednesday, September 19, finale of America's Got Talent.
The ten finalists fought to the last moment on the finale of America's Got Talent but when it came down to fan votes, only one could come up on top. The final two were magician Shin Lim and group Zurcaroh — and the incredible magician was named the season 13 winner! "I can't speak right now," he said after he was crowned the winner and tackled by the entire group. They all picked him up and put them on their shoulders when the announcement was made.
The 26-year-old star not only took home the $1 million prize, but will also headline the America's Got Talent Live stage at the Paris Theater in Las Vegas from November 2-4.
It wasn't an easy journey with such a talented group. The finalists included violinist Brian King Joseph, singer Daniel Emmet, trapeze act Duo Transcend, singer Courtney Hadwin, comedian Samuel J. Comroe, singer Glennis Grace, singer Michael Ketterer and comedian Vicki Barbolak.
This season was actually one of the first that did not include an obvious frontrunner.
Lim spoke exclusively to Us Weekly after his victory. "By the time it got to the top two, that's when it started sinking in. I was like, 'OK, I could actually win this thing,'" he said. "It was all a blur. It was all out of focus. I couldn't see anything." He plans to save his $1 million prize but may spare some of the cash for a new car or his wedding.


text:
Tiana Reid
HomeParticipants Tiana Reid
Tiana Reid is a Postdoctoral Associate in the Department of English at Brown University. Her writing has been published in American Quarterly, Art in America, Bookforum, Frieze, The New York Review of Books, and The Paris Review, among other places. She is a former editor at The New Inquiry and Pinko, and currently sits on the editorial collective of Women & Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory. She will join York University in July 2022 as an Assistant Professor in the Department of English.
Title: "'One is not in control in dreams': On Noting and Noticing."
Abstract: The subtitle of Dionne Brand's A Map to the Door of No Return is "Notes to Belonging." The subtitle serves as an announcement of form but also as an address, a direction, or movement. In this paper, I sketch the shape of Brand's collection of "fragments," signaled by subtitles and numbers, notes that are "disparate and sometimes only related by sound or intuition, vision or aesthetic" (19). How does the overall arrangement of A Map to the Door of No Return reflect belonging's expression as a certain "drift" (118)? How do we read Brand's notes to belonging, charged with a deep sense of heterogeneity and ambivalence, glimpsed through self-observation and self-consciousness?


MCP is widely used as feed additives for livestock and poultry diets because of its high biological value. Our Beluckey® MCP is an excellent source of readily available phosphorus and calcium, two essential nutrients for all animals. It improves livestock and poultry performance by building and maintaining a strong skeleton, optimizing muscle growth and maximizing meat, egg and milk production.


Personal injuries are not always physical, as sometimes reputation and psychological health can be damaged as well. When a personal injury isn't physical, it can still lead to problems with your health if it sends you into a deep state of depression. If someone has caused you embarrassment due to saying things about you that aren't true, it is considered a personal injury. You can take the person to court for defaming your character. Take a look at the information in this article to learn more about filing a lawsuit for defamation of character.
Before pursuing a lawsuit against the other party, you must keep in mind that a rumor does not automatically mean that you can sue for defamation of character. As long as the rumor is true, you might not have a case against the other party. If the rumor is false, or an exaggerated version of something that is true, it is worth taking legal action.
Make sure that you are prepared to go into your lawsuit with complete honesty. If any part of the rumor is true, be prepared to make it public. You must understand that the other party will likely hire a lawyer to get to the bottom of the case. Being dishonest will only make your claim less believable, as your credibility in court will be damaged. You can end up actually having to pay the other party if you lose the dispute, such as his or her legal fees and lost wages.
Suing for the false rumor is one of the things that can get you compensated. However, the effects of the rumor can help you get more money. If you have been seeing a counselor because of the situation, you can recoup the fees that you are being charged. You can also get paid if the rumor had an effect on your ability to work, sleep, and many other things.
Although you might think your case will be easy to win, you should not pursue it without help from a lawyer. The lawyer will let you know from the beginning if you actually have a shot at winning against the other party. He or she will also be able to let you know what you can actually sue for, as well as how much money to expect. You can end up winning more money than you thought was possible if you hire a personal injury lawyer.


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"An Evaluation of the Costs and Benefits of Iowa's Expanded Food and Nu" by Cory Robert Wessman, Connie Betterley et al.
The Expanded Food and Nutrition Education Program (EFNEP)is an educational intervention program designed to help limited income adults with young children acquire the knowledge, skills, attitudes, and changed behavior leading to the improvement of the total family diet and nutritional well-being. The Federal program operates at approximately $60 million per year,and has been in existence since 1969. This study estimates the costs and benefits of Iowa EFNEP to measure the net economic impact of the program from September 1998 to February 2000 for the seven Iowa counties offering the program to eligible participants.
Wessman, Cory Robert; Betterley, Connie; and Jensen, Helen H., "An Evaluation of the Costs and Benefits of Iowa's Expanded Food and Nutrition Education Program (EFNEP): Final Report" (2001). CARD Staff Reports. 18.


Infocus professional video production service includes images to disc or a creatively packaged fully worked story telling style production. Once produced with titles, music and subtle effects to enhance the story line. It can then be playable as a DVD or file on USB.
From a collage of images put together for loved ones to a special presentation for a business conference, a corporate production, or short film clip, we can do it!
We can colour correct all scanned images and video files to minimise the degradation that occurs over time. Once a few titles are added and copyright free music to uniquely tailor the program to your needs, we then sit you down and offer a free viewing to make sure you are completely happy with the results. It is at this stage that we can make any minor changes.


raster;58370 wrote: Oh its hard to say. If you support your liver, you could experience immediate results. If you don't it could last for a long period of time.
Thanks. This is really helpful. Any recommendations for liver support? Supplements? Type of foods I should increase or decrease intake of? I'm very active and tend to sweat a lot. I try to take in a bunch of protein and water prior and maybe a small meal after. Just thought I'd mention that since some supplements have affected my performance adversely in my trial and error method to find a proper diet. Thanks again for your time. Greatly appreciated!


text:
Q: Host different pages all together Let's say I have got 5 websites in the different hostings each.
I want to create a page for each of them but host them all together under a subdomain of ONE hosting, For example.
www.site1.com -> At hosting A
www.site2.com -> At hosting B
www.site3.com -> At hosting C
www.site4.com -> At hosting D
www.site5.com -> At hosting E
Let's say I have got 5 websites in the different hostings each.
I want to create a page for each of them but host them all together under a subdomain of ONE hosting, For example.
www.site1.com -> At hosting A www.site2.com -> At hosting B www.site3.com -> At hosting C www.site4.com -> At hosting D
www.site5.com -> At hosting E
So :
Visiting www.site1.com should take you to what is in hosting A but if you visit www.site1.com/pageZ should take you to pages.site5.com/pageZ in hosting E(BUT YOU SHOULD STILL SEE THE SAME URL)
and the same for the rest... www.site2.com/pageY should take you to what is in pages.site5.com/pageY
how can I do that ?

A: Apache mod_rewrite is for you, the "Rewrite" methods combined with regular expressions should feat your needs perfectly
create a ".htaccess" file in your public dir at hosting A for example
insert this lines :
<IfModule mod_rewrite.c>
    RewriteEngine On

    # redirect pageZ to http://pages.site5.com/pageZ
    # http://www.site1.com/pageZ redir to http://pages.site5.com/pageZ
    RewriteRule ^(pageZ)$  http://pages.site5.com/$1

    # redirect pageY to http://pages.site5.com/pageY
    RewriteRule ^(pageY)$  http://pages.site5.com/$1

    # calling any url starting with "page" and followed by any caracter
    RewriteCond %{REQUEST_URI} ^(page.)$
    # then redirect the uri to the following
    RewriteRule ^(.*)$ http://pages.site5.com/$1 [L]

</IfModule>

You can find a guide at : https://httpd.apache.org/docs/2.0/misc/rewriteguide.html

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The country's first dedicated domestic violence minister has promised to radically shift the government's focus to preventing violence rather than "picking up the broken pieces after a tragedy".
Pru Goward was appointed Australia's first Minister for the Prevention of Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault on Wednesday, in addition to her roles as Minister for Women, Minister for Mental Health, Minister for Medical Research and Assistant Minister for Health.
"Ever since Malcolm Fraser funded the first domestic violence shelters in the 1970s, the focus has been heavily on managing the effects of domestic violence," Ms Goward told Fairfax Media in her first comments as the new minister.
Ms Goward, who lost the portfolio of planning, already faces a tough battle to reverse the increasing toll of NSW women killed by their partners.
Her appointment came two days after Bexley mother-of-four Salwa Haydar, 45, was stabbed to death, allegedly at the hands of her husband, Haydar Haydar.
Of the seven domestic violence murders in NSW this year, five have been women allegedly killed by intimate partners, according to police data.
It equates to almost one a fortnight compared to just over one woman a month last year.


I switched to Dr. Pitts after many years with a soon retiring dentist! I couldn't have asked for a better experience. He was very personable along with the rest of his staff. Very short wait time, and flexible with scheduling around my family's work schedules. The Hygentist is one of the best I have ever had attend to me.
He was very arrogant and very, very expensive. I would never recommend this dentist. Talked down to me like I would not understand what was being said. Would never go back.
See more group practices in Little Rock.


text:
HomeEU politicsLuke Stobart – Catalonia: Past and Future
Luke Stobart – Catalonia: Past and Future
November 2, 2017 Mathew D. Rose EU politics, National Politics 0
This is a very long article and a few weeks old, but provides a wealth of background material concerning the current conflict in Catalonia
Luke Stobart is a writer based in London and Barcelona
Cross-posted from Jacobin
The battle around the October 1 independence referendum — called by the Catalan parliament but banned by Spain's highest court — has become one of the most dramatic European developments in years.
As result of attacks on polling stations that were occupied by citizens to guarantee the vote would take place, around nine hundred people were injured by police — including many elderly people and a man likely to lose an eye after being shot using a banned rubber bullet. In Catalonia the violence led to mass participation in a general strike two days later that managed to shut down most public transport, farms, docks, smaller shops, and the public sector — albeit helped in the last case by the Catalan government subsidizing lost pay. This was a political strike of the kind not seen since the struggles against the dictatorship of General Francisco Franco.
That night, the king of Spain, Felipe VI, appeared on television screens across the country saying not a word about the victims nor recognizing any sense of grievance on the Catalan side. Instead, the new monarch, who since the abdication of his father in 2014 has tried to court an image of openness to dialogue, condemned the Catalan government (Generalitat) for situating itself "outside the law." He promised the implementation of the rule of law and that Catalonia would stay in Spain. With the Catalan government expected to make a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (DUI) in the next few days it is likely that the speech was intended to prepare the ground for a new offensive and escalation.
The buildup to October 1's confrontations was shocking too. Police arrested government officials and held them overnight, seized ballot papers and referendum materials, raided printers and newspapers, took over communication centers and websites (which were reopened by hackers across Spain), and "watched over" confiscated ballot boxes. The Spanish high courts even agreed to try pro-independence movement leaders — and the Catalan police chief — for "sedition," threatened the arrest of over seven hundred of Catalonia's mayors, and slapped hefty fines on the members of the Generalitat-appointed referendum board to force its collapse.
A Radicalizing Movement
Yet the most serious development has been a partial coup against Catalan self-rule. Madrid is "indefinitely" withholding the general funding sent to the Catalan government for the services it administers, including health and education, and attempted to take command through a paramilitary Civil Guard commander of the Catalan "Mossos" police force, which has resisted — making it harder to put down the civil disobedience carried out during the referendum.
Spain is a relatively decentralized state and despite the strong public attachment to "autonomy" in Catalonia, this may now be scrapped in the territory. A measure to take over the police and dismantle the power of the Catalan institutions is being demanded by the Ciudadanos party and is being considered as a resolution by the center-left Socialist Party (PSOE) — the second biggest party in Spain.
Many people, including plenty who are uninterested in independence, see the evolving coup and attacks as intolerable. During the strike against police repression on October 3, significant numbers of people wore Spanish flags — showing their opposition to independence — covered with messages of disgust against the undemocratic clampdown. Mass picketing and actions to occupy and defend the polling stations — led by grassroots Referendum Defense Committees — have brought together moderate Catalan nationalists with radicals, including many anarchists who have tended to treat all "nationalisms" as reactionary.
Those more versed in grassroots organizing against state repression, such as members of the anticapitalist and pro-independence party Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (CUP), are increasingly setting the protest agenda and winning the respect of others. The protest described by the BBC as an "anti-police strike" was originally called by militant unions (including the dockers' union, the pro-Catalan IAC, and the anarcho-syndicalist CGT) based on the calculation that the larger unions who may feel the repression and backlash against it, support by members was too widespread not to support it. This calculation was correct, even if the union and moderate national movement leaders tried (and failed) to turn the protest into smaller testimonial "stoppages."
The escalating events bring back dramatic historical memories. In the 1970s, large occupations and demonstrations were made to regain Catalan self-rule. Previously the Catalan government had been overthrown by force: by Franco in 1939 but also in response to its declaration of statehood in 1934, and much earlier, after a bloody military siege of Barcelona (ending in 1714). Arguably, in the last few weeks Madrid has been applying a state of emergency, which also evokes an authoritarian history, even though the country is supposed now to be a consolidated "democracy" (as well as one of the largest world economies).
Equally significant to the clampdown offensive has been the mass movement resisting it. On the day of the referendum, the movement repelled — in some localities with the help of firefighters — heavily equipped riot police using peaceful but assertive civil disobedience. Since the first arrests were carried out on September 20, university and sixth-form students have been on "permanent" strike, and collective pot-banging protests take place in neighborhoods every night.
As identified by Barcelona Marxist Josep Maria Antentas and, on the other side of the political divide, the La Vanguardia commentator Enric Juliana, the Catalan revolt is changing quickly. The national "sovereignty" movement has held pro-independence demonstrations of around a million people every September (on Catalonia's national day, la Diada). These were peaceful, disciplined, visually powerful, and impressively executed events — for instance, with protesters forming a human chain that spanned the 400 kilometers of official Catalan territory. However, the protests were also stage-managed, media-focused, and nationalistic events that presented little threat to the status quo.
The main organizing body — the Catalan National Assembly (ANC) set up in March 2012 — adopted a plural approach almost exclusively limited to gaining statehood. It did not embrace a significant campaign seeking to introduce a constituent process within the process of independence (to bring about "a republic of the 99 percent" through a mass participatory process involving social movements such as the impressive PAH housing campaign). However spectacular the pro-independence protests, the movement ended up mobilizing little of the poorest layers of society (unlike Podemos and the new municipal coalitions).
However, as repression rose in the run up to the referendum — particularly after the September 20 arrests — the movement became less contained and more dynamic. On that day, a spontaneous rebellion emerged, encompassing civil disobedience in Barcelona and satellite industrial towns that prevented the police from raiding buildings (among them the CUP headquarters). By the evening the protests took on a flavor last seen during the indignados square occupations in 2011, and the massive anti-war protests a decade earlier. The protests are clearly developing from the bottom up and becoming increasingly working class — shown most clearly in Tuesday's strike.
Juliana — an opponent of independence — said that after the protests on September 20 that the new "wave of outrage [indignación] . . . goes beyond the social limitations of pro-independence politics" and is "blurring some emotional boundaries between those pro-independence and those not," suggesting that this trend would deepen if the crackdown continues.
This would seem to be confirmed by the workplace strikes, broad mobilizations led by the Referendum Defense Committees on Sunday, which include many non-independentistas, and the pot-banging in neighborhoods that tend to vote for pro-Spanish parties. But the shift should not be exaggerated. In Carmel, a poor neighborhood in Barcelona of mainly non-Spanish and Spanish immigrant families, turnout on 1 October was only 10 percent. There are still many working people – particularly in some of Barcelona's former industrial "red belt" — who feel Catalan independence may only strengthen the local bourgeoisie or, at best, do little to improve their lives. Yet radical activists are right in describing how the repression has led to the battle lines being increasingly redrawn around defending democracy against authoritarian rule rather than around the more controversial national divide.
Further evidence of the transformation of the movement comes from outside Catalonia. The Basque country is another historic nation in the Spanish state where in the 2000s pro-independence movements, parties, and media were criminalized and repressed (aided by being seen as associated with the Basque separatist ETA's armed struggle). In the territory, many tens of thousands have protested in solidarity with Catalans' right to decide on two occasions. There is speculation about whether the governing right-wing Basque Nationalist Party can continue to provide parliamentary support for the minority Rajoy administration, which could even prevent the latter from governing.
Citizens in much of the rest of Spain have tended to be hostile towards Catalan national demands. Some conservative voters are mobilized behind Rajoy's "defense of Spain," as witnessed in the nationalist protests this weekend (for which many participants were bused in from outside Catalonia). Yet if the Madrid government assumed that it would simply gain popularity for its assault, it may have misjudged the country's mood. Different reports suggest that the images of police confiscating ballot papers and boxes in the face of local protests went over poorly with many Spaniards. Moreover, the state apparatus scored the first of many several own goals when it banned meetings outside Catalonia in support of Catalan self-determination: the message conveyed was that the censorship and prohibitions that took place under Franco were returning . . . and not just to "Cataluña."
Since September 20, dozens of protests in support of Catalan self-determination have been held in Spanish towns and cities. On October 1, Madrid's symbolic Puerta de Sol was full of people opposing the police violence in Barcelona. In such protests — as in Catalonia — there is a notably large presence of the generation that fought against the dictatorship. It was moving to see demonstrators in a Madrid protest singing the 1970s song "L'Estaca" — a song in Catalan about how unity can pull down a dictator. Last Saturday, large rallies were held in the city and in Barcelona in which people wore white and held white flags, calling for dialogue between the two sides. While the protest mistakenly treated the Catalan independence movement as equally responsible for the growing conflict, it still represented a form of protest against the state violence in Catalonia. None of these protests mean that most Spaniards are sympathetic towards Catalan independence. However, opposition to the repression has been growing across the whole of Spain.
As this has took place, MPs in Podemos — the left-populist party arising in part from the 2011 indignados occupations — have been active and often effective in denouncing the authoritarianism of Rajoy (although they have been less critical towards that of the Spanish justice system, and have refused to recognize the binding nature of the recent referendum).
After September 20. Juliana tried to warn the establishment bubble in Madrid that Catalonia may be beginning its "separation from Spain" and that a "crisis of the state" had begun. But it isn't only the independence movement that has advanced.
Because so many riot police were brought from across Spain, few were left in some regions. A group of elected representatives for Podemos and associated organizations meeting in Zaragoza (to unsuccessfully and somewhat theatrically attempt to bring about a new political dialogue in response to the growing crisis) were surrounded by hundreds of fascists. When the group requested greater police protection they were told that the local police were not available, as they had been sent to Catalonia. (On a more positive note, low police numbers in the Madrid region helped a group of migrants escape from a detention center.)
In southern Spanish towns, nationalists cheered Spanish riot police as they left for Catalonia, chanting "Go get them!" as if the police were an invading army. Thousands of police were then lodged in government-chartered cruise ships docked in Barcelona and Tarragona. One of these, incidentally, was covered with a giant cartoon of Tweety Pie surrounded by angry Warner Brother foes. Because this gained so much public attention, Tweety was then covered with a giant tarpaulin — described by one commentator as "a burka." An ex-CUP MP quipped that the spectacle was an illustration of the shortcomings of state dependency on outsourcing. Dockers, who have recently waged a successful strike against restructuring, refused to service the ships.
The heavy coercion deployed to stop the referendum means that although the votes finally cast only reached 42 percent — a percentage that should be increased slightly to take into account the likely 294,000 completed ballot papers confiscated by the police, the 90 percent support for independence on the ballot is being taken as a mandate for continuing the move to statehood. The center-left Junts pel Sí (Together For Yes) coalition and anticapitalist CUP are pushing for a unilateral declaration of independence to be issued as soon as today. Clearly, the state onslaught is pushing the movement for Catalan democracy forward, not backward.
Is Catalan Nationalism Also a Problem?
There are many on the Left in Spain (and to a much lesser degree, Catalonia) that are strongly opposed to the state's authoritarianism but see Catalan nationalism as also to blame for the crisis. There are a variety of perspectives leading them to adopt this attitude, but it's clear that many do so because they accept the caricature of the Catalan movement as bourgeois-dominated and mainly interested in putting an end to sharing its relatively high tax revenues with other Spanish regions, including in the poorer south.
There are several reasons why we should reject this view. First, support for Catalan statehood is mainly left wing, which is how 72 percent of those that supported a Catalan republic before the summer self-identified (as compared to the figure of 40 percent percent for Catalans who would vote "no"). Polls also suggest that over half of those supporting independence do so mainly due to a desire to make policy changes, gain greater local governance, or because they feel "miscomprehended" — reasons that cannot be treated as reactionary. It should be pointed out that in Spain, minority languages and identities are almost absent in the media and sometimes treated as suspect. A few years ago the Constitutional Court, as well as the conservative government in the Balearic Isles (a territory where a Catalan dialectic is spoken), imposed rolling back the use of Catalan or related dialects in the school system. There is little tolerance of the Catalan language and identity in monolingual Spain.
A minority — less than a third — of those wanting independence are inclined to do so to improve the Generalitat's finances. This view is wrongly treated as dominant within "catalanisme" because it is defended by the wing of the movement that remains its most public face. As well as the liberal-right nationalists of PdeCAT — previously Convergència — holding the Catalan presidency, this wing has drawn the center-left pro-Catalan ERC (Republican Left of Catalonia), movement activists, and individuals into Junts pel Sí, an electoral alliance that won the 2015 Catalan elections.
However, the Catalan Right is in fact considerably less hegemonic in pro-Catalan politics than it appears. Before the first giant pro-independence protest in September 2012, Convergència's objective was the limited one of gaining greater fiscal powers within the existing territorial framework, and the party had been in a long-term coalition with a regionalist party — Unió — that later split in opposition to independence. It took a million people to demonstrate for full Catalan statehood for Convergència to embrace such a goal.
The 2011 "revolt in the squares" may have aided this conversion. After this, in which indignados surrounding the Catalan parliament forced pro-austerity President Mas to fly into work by helicopter, Convergència and other establishment parties were deeply delegimitized. This made it difficult for Mas to turn his back on the clamor for independence when it erupted.
Another sign of the largely progressive nature of the independence drive is that since "the process" began in the fall of 2012, the Left has advanced electorally. The center-left ERC has become the most popular pro-Catalan party, and, most inspiring, the CUP — a radical platform built through years of local activism — took ten regional seats in 2015. This breakthrough made the CUP the kingmaker for the Junts pel Sí alliance to form a minority government. A mass members' meeting of the CUP in December 2015 was split down the middle about investing the pro-austerity Mas with the presidency. This led Mas to be replaced as president by Carles Puigdemont, an event that led the Financial Times's Spanish editor to complain that a small group of anticapitalists were deciding a nation's future.
The CUP's new bargaining power (and militant spirit) also enabled it to hold Junts pel Sí to the commitment of organizing the October 1 referendum, as well as pressuring the coalition to pass legislation banning evictions, guaranteeing a basic income, and banning migrant detention centers. Whatever the limitations of pro-Catalan politics, it is impossible to see the process simply as a slide rightward. When the Spanish Right blame "anti-system" CUP activists for the referendum taking place, it is not entirely without merit.
The Catalan Issue Since the 2000s
The immediate reason for Catalonia's "sovereignty process" is that attempts to treat the territory like a nation within the Spanish state — and grant it devolved powers comparable to those enjoyed by the Basque Country — were blocked in the 2000s. A reform of Catalonia's Statute of Autonomy launched by the new Socialist-led tripartite government in 2003 was approved in a referendum in 2006, amended by the then also "socialist" central government, further reduced by Congress, and then, in 2010, left massively truncated by Spain's Constitutional Court.
This came after a protracted campaign against the statute by the right-wing Partido Popular (PP). Particularly irritating to many Catalans was the striking down of a reference to Catalonia being a "nation"; a main slogan in protests against the verdict was "we are a nation." After this development, independence (as opposed to a federal state or an autonomous region) soared in popularity.
Catalans' Relative Preference for Different Territorial Models (%)
Source: Barometers of the Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió (Catalan government's polling center; Germà Bel [2013] Anatomia d'un Desengany: 59).
A more locally rooted movement developed in 2009, when activists in the coastal village of Arenys de Mar held a symbolic referendum declaring the municipality independent from the Spanish state. Similar polls spread across Catalonia over the following years, helping create grassroots networks of municipalities and activists that would later structure the larger movement.
Parallel to these developments, pro-Catalan economic liberals developed and publicized the "economic case for independence," according to which all Catalans would be 8 percent richer under independence. Its logic was summed up in the crude and now-discredited slogan "Spain robs us," which was effectively defended by President Mas and helped win some new pro-independence converts among the many people suffering financially under Spain's recession.
Of course, there were enough cases of economic discrimination against Catalonia to make claims of being robbed seem reasonable. The territory has received lower investments — for example, in transport infrastructure — than other economically similar regions, and when an energy firm controlled by the Catalan savings bank La Caixa attempted to take over large Spanish energy corporations the PP and Spanish employers claimed this would lead to "excessive" economic concentration in Barcelona.
While agitation for independence developed in Catalonia, things moved in the opposite direction in Spain. As the sovereign debt crisis accelerated, calls grew in political and media circles to recentralize policy making — supposedly to reduce spending on duplicated administration. PP General Secretary María de Dolores Cospedal led by example. As president of Castille-La Mancha, she reduced the number of MPs in the region's parliament from 49 to 33, a not-so-subtle attempt to demonstrate how superfluous regional government was.
When the Catalan "sovereignty process" began, calls for reducing or ending regional autonomy subsided. But polls since that time show that these ideas held sway among a significant section of Spaniards and they are now being implemented in a big way.
Relatedly, some commentators have explained the Catalan crisis by referring to the limited reform of the Spanish state and right-wing politics during the transition from fascism. When the PP government weaponize the constitution against the referendum, it is the product of a negotiation dominated by Franco's regime. The basic structures of the police forces and army remain little changed, something that at least partially explains the visible camaraderie between the far-right and police during this conflict (including a photograph of a police officer giving a fascist salute and the National Police tweeting its support for a right-wing anti-independence demonstration).
After all, the forerunner to the PP was set up by Franco's brutal Interior Minister Manuel Fraga. The party's despotic politics were displayed in its 2015 "gag law," which permitted giving fines of several-hundred-thousand euros to those holding unauthorized protests or sharing photos of police brutality on social media.
Yet seeing current state actions as nothing but unreformed fascism has its limits.
Firstly, repression against peaceful national-liberation movements is not the preserve of ex-fascist dictatorships (as witnessed when a "democratic" British state carried out the Bloody Sunday massacre). Moreover, support for prohibition of the Catalan referendum is not limited to conservatives and central state institutions. Instead, it is backed by all of the mainstream Spanish media and the largest opposition parties except Podemos.
The social-democratic PSOE has been divided over the question at best. "Modernizing" leader Pedro Sánchez has been relatively quiet since the repression and backlash began. Yet the party leadership is sympathetic towards arresting Catalan ministers and its powerful right wing supports applying a constitutional article (Article 155) that would effectively end Catalan self-government.
The authoritarian response by the Spanish establishment can also be understood as a continuation of comparable practices in the 2000s against the Basque national movement. Then, pro-independence parties were banned, their leaderships imprisoned, and Basque-language newspapers closed down. There was a near-consensus among the Spanish political class in favor of this, and limited opposition on the street. However, today's context is very different. The current crackdown takes place at a time of socioeconomic decline for a great many Catalans and Spaniards, and after major leftward political shifts (as demonstrated by 2014 municipal elections in which left-wing municipal platforms took over four of the five biggest Spanish cities).
This is a much less favorable scenario for serious acts of state repression to take place, even if there is some real popular support for repression. Perhaps more importantly, the movement being targeted this time is not — unlike the Basque Left — viewed as linked to armed organizations. But it is very possible that the out-of-touch Spanish establishment entered the current battle overconfident, leading it to make big mistakes and inspire a powerful response.
At the same time, we should ask whether the regime consensus in favor of repression also has roots that are not specific to Iberia. Certainly no capitalist state likes to have its power weakened. Such losses inevitably hurt a state's relative global competitiveness. Losing Catalonia would represent a particularly big blow as it provides nearly a fifth of Spanish GDP and punches above its weight in areas such as tourism, culture, and sports. Furthermore, departure by Catalonia could also encourage secession by other national minorities — particularly the economically significant Basque Country. If we add to this the feeling of psychological loss that elites (and an important section of non-elites) feel when their "imagined community" is truncated (particularly if they perceive it as a single national entity), perhaps Madrid's response is predictable.
Attachment to a nation is no less strong among many Catalan nationalists, who tend to treat Catalonia as a millenary nation. The boundaries more radical catalanistes draw include the area around Perpignan (France), the Balearic Isles, and the Valencia region, as well as what is officially known as Catalonia. These views are based on a long, but not unbroken, history.
The Kingdom of Catalonia was one of the first feudal states, with a constitution preceding the Magna Carta. It also developed one of the first parliaments, which tied the monarch to ruling through agreement with the propertied classes. In the late Middle Ages, a Catalan empire dominated much of the Western Mediterranean before Castile — the key power center of Spain — emerged as a world power.
"Catalunya" traded wool and slaves abroad, and its territory expanded as far as Sardinia, Naples, and Athens. The Principality of Catalonia confederated with Aragon in 1137, keeping autonomous institutions and developing its economy further through trading goods to the whole Iberian Peninsula. Historian Pierre Vilar argues that from the thirteenth century the development of a common market system, cultural community and language meant Catalonia was becoming an early nation-state.
However, the following period was tumultuous: social conflict between serfs and landowners, burghers and monarchs; the collapse of population and agriculture due to plague; an increasingly over-stretched empire; wars of succession; anti-Jewish pogroms; and civil war. King Joan II survived the latter by securing the support of Castile in exchange for joining Aragon-Catalonia to this kingdom through marriage in 1469. This union, which would form the basis of Spain, allowed Catalonia to self-govern but not to control foreign policy or trade with colonies.
In the sixteenth and seventieth centuries Catalonia declined economically and was increasingly administered from Madrid. The local presence of the Spanish army, which Catalans were excluded from joining but had to pay for, created resentment among the poor. In 1640, agricultural reapers led an uprising —alongside the Generalitat — that ended with the killing of the viceroy, Castile's Catalan representative. Such a rebellion was temporarily aided by the backing of the French king until Phillip V of Castile reached an agreement with him and Catalonia lost any meaningful independence (as well as its territories that are now part of France).
After Catalonia supported an alternative pretender to the throne against the Bourbon king, its capital's citizens were subject to military siege and bloody reprisals, and by 1714 seven centuries of Catalan autonomy had ended. After a ban on trade with the rest of the Spanish empire was finally lifted at the end of the century, Catalonia prospered again, later undergoing full-scale industrialization. By the nineteenth century it was the most economically advanced part of Spain — becoming the fourth largest cotton producer in the world and developing a powerful financial sector.
In the same century Catalans participated in a long history of revolts and led attempts to create a genuinely federal state. Barcelona became known as the "Rose of Fire" and Engels wrote that it was the city with "more struggle on the barricades than any other in the world." The modern Catalan nationalist movement emerged as a force at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century.
It emerged politically under different ideological formations — including a Republican Left whose president, Lluís Companys, declared a Catalan republic in 1934. Even when Franco banned Catalanisme and suppressed the Catalan national language and identity — including banning Catalan names and punishing children that spoke it in schools — use of Catalan continued in homes (and in FC Barcelona's Camp Nou stadium where suppression proved too difficult due to the venue's size).
In 1979, after Catalonia had regained its institutions, a Statute of Autonomy was passed, and the Generalitat gained jurisdiction over health, education, social security, and cultural policies. Nevertheless, unlike the Basque Country, where at the time there was a larger and more violent national confrontation, the Generalitat was not allowed to collect and redistribute its own taxes — an issue that would encourage later attempts at gaining greater autonomy. Under the pro-Catalan government of the Jordi Pujol, the territory created a popular "autonomous" television network, established Catalan as the teaching language in schools, made Catalan compulsory in public information — somewhat controversially including shop names — and public sector employment. In 2000 it created the Mossos police force, which has proved its credentials as a national police partly through its ability to match or even surpass its Spanish equivalents in beating up protesters, migrants, and others.
Catalonia has a long history: sometimes proud — its economic, political, and democratic precociousness — and sometimes shameful, such as with respect to the considerable wealth it derived from slave production in Cuba. The important point is that expressions of its nation-ness, autonomy, and independence have been much more pronounced and frequent than is generally known outside the region, including in the rest of Iberia.
Catalonia Is a Failure of Spain
However, if we understand national consciousness as a sense of territorial "community," which emerged in modern times as people began to have frequent interactions with states, it is questionable to present Catalonia and Catalan national consciousness as having a constant millenary history.
It is unlikely that the peasantry in the early Middle Ages had much day-to-day contact with the state or developed a strong sense of Catalan identity. Additionally, after the loss of the Catalan institutions in 1714, it took a century and a half for Catalan nationalism to reemerge. It is likely that one reason for this was the economic benefits accrued from being part of the Spanish Empire —particularly by the Catalan upper classes. There were pro-Catalan popular-class movements in the nineteenth century but these did not develop strength comparable to moments when relatively wealthy sectors combined with poorer groups (as in the years prior to 1714, in the decades before the civil war, the 1970s, and now).
Indeed, to best understand the Catalan question — as well as other minority "nationalisms" within the Spanish state — we need to focus on the limitations and failures of the Spanish national project. Spain went from being the world's biggest empire after its conquest and pillage of the Americas to falling behind other states in Western Europe and North America. In the early nineteenth century, Spanish nationalism emerged in response to the Napoleonic invasion of the Peninsula.
In 1812 the Spanish Congress — meeting in exile in Cádiz — passed a relatively advanced constitution that would introduce universal male suffrage, freedom of the press, and land reform. This attempt at creating a modern liberal Spain was defeated, partly due to opposition to such measures from "juntas" governing Spain's overseas territories. Later, a revolutionary struggle in 1868-1873 created a short-lived federal republic responding to minority aspirations. Yet this was overthrown in a military uprising, and Bourbonic rule reintroduced. Over the following decades the state would be monarchic, Catholic, oligarchic, and centralist. For Madrid-based Marxist Jaime Pastor, it looked "more towards a reactionary past, to the Catholic Monarchs and to a decaying Empire, than to a project . . . looking to the future."
The Catalan bourgeoisie opposed the revolution and supported the restoration. Yet in the following period, disagreements emerged over protecting local industry against foreign competition. The pro-Catalan "Lliga de Catalunya" was formed to defend these interests. The party, which gained some support in the middle-classes and countryside, soon began demanding autonomy. After the Spanish-American War in 1898, when Spain lost its last big colonies Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, Catalan regionalism grew as a force, promising modernization through building a Catalan polity that could counter-balance a backwards-looking Madrid.
The Lliga's nationalism was not left wing. Catalan industry became competitive through high levels of exploitation, and employers funded violent groups to kill radical trade unionists. The league had a similar attitude to the class struggle. It joined with conservative Carlists to form Solidaritat Catalana (SC), which won the 1907 general elections in Catalonia. Two years later it supported the army's repression of an uprising by Barcelona workers against conscription into Spain's new colonial war in Morocco. A hundred local people were killed in what became known as the "Tragic Week." In the face of radical workers' struggle, including the historic Canadiense general strike that won the eight-hour working day, Primo de Rivera took power in a military coup in 1923. He was backed by SC and the Spanish monarchy.
Conservative Catalanism rightly paid a heavy price for this collaboration. In the municipal elections of 1931 the more radical Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) displaced it as the main pro-Catalan party. A year later the Generalitat was created, while in 1934 the Second Spanish Republic was formed. The latter had many shortcomings — among them its approach to Catalan autonomy. The same year, a Generalit reform benefiting tenant farmers was struck down by the constitutional court, and when the far-right won the Spanish elections, Catalan President Companys declared a state within the Spanish Federal Republic.
The army intervened, autonomy was quashed, and a state of emergency declared. (There are disturbing similarities here with recent events.) The Generalitat was reintroduced in 1936 after the Popular Front government came to power.
The progressiveness of ERC's politics had limitations that also need to be acknowledged. Most damning, these included leading party members sharing with conservative Catalan nationalism a pseudo-scientific racial view of Catalan identity (common in early-twentieth-century national movements) and helping to crush the anarchist revolution in Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War.
Yet Catalan republicanism was broadly of the Left. Its separatism made it a target of the Spanish Right, which some have argued hated minority nationalism even more than communism — an attitude summed up infamously in the slogan used by a 1920s right-wing MP "mejor una España roja que una España rota" ("better a red Spain than a broken Spain"). Ending attempts at self-government was certainly a major motivation behind Franco's military uprising.
After Franco won the Civil War in 1939, Catalan institutions and public usage of the language were again banned. Many catalanistes fled into exile alongside other republicans. Companys was caught by the Nazis, handed over to Franco, tortured, and executed (a fate that PP spokesperson Pablo Casado has stunningly suggested could await the current Catalan president is he declared an independent republic). Spain officially returned to being "one." To enforce this, members of the fascist Spanish Falange were given control of much of the state apparatus as well as the ministry of the economy. The Left and Catalanism were smashed.
But a pro-Catalan spirit did not disappear completely. One of the first significant battles under Franco was a mass tram boycott in Barcelona against a hike in prices that made tickets more expensive in Barcelona than in Madrid. The protest was fueled by the poverty of the postwar period, but also by a sense of national grievance. As had happened earlier in history, the movement grew stronger by combining the social and national struggle. The Catalan language survived by being spoken in the home, even if by the end of the dictatorship most Catalan speakers could not write in the language. The Catalan national movement re-emerged in the 1960s and played an important role in the movement for democracy in the 1970s (including in the Assembly of Catalonia). It allied with the working-class movements that eventually cracked open the regime, with workers raising the demand for national autonomy during strikes.
Surviving Dilution
After a section of the regime realized the dictatorship may not survive a mass strike wave in 1976 — and might even suffer the fate of the military regime in neighboring Portugal overthrown by a revolution two years earlier — it moved to negotiate a transition to democracy with opposition leaders. The "reformers" — including a monarch who had sworn to preserve fascism — accepted the legalization of opposition parties and unions, and organized elections held in 1977.
But there was more resistance to making concessions towards national minorities. Territorial reform proved particularly difficult. This was partly because the pro-Basque ETA was continuing an armed struggle which had killed Franco's prime minister Carrero Blanco and many members of the security forces. But it is also likely that the Right saw Catalan and Basque nationalism as a particular threat. It thus made sure that the new constitution — today being used against the referendum and movement — affirmed that "the indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation" would be guaranteed by the armed forces. The constitution was only narrowly approved by Catalans in the 1978 referendum, largely due to a desire to avoid returning to dictatorship. Today, the same text is backed by less than a third of Catalans.
Autonomy was only returned to Catalonia and the Basque Country in 1981 and after the first giant protests of the democratic period. And crucially the territorial model introduced divided Spain into seventeen "autonomous communities" (ACs), allowing each a regional parliament and the chance of opting for different degrees of powers. Some of these ACs — for example, Cantabria or Madrid — were not based on any history of territorial identity. The point was to dilute and neutralize Basque, Catalan, and Galician identities.
This deeply flawed process fueled Catalanism. Political hegemony in the territory transferred relatively swiftly to Jordi Pujol's Convergència (from the Communist PSUC). Under his presidency between 1980 and 2003, Pujol led a relatively successful project of "nation-building without a state" (at the same time as enriching himself and his family through charging percentage fees for all public contracts awarded by the Generalitat).
His project would not have been successful without two preconditions being in place. First, there was broad public support for normalizing and extending Catalan culture and language, which was helped by the cross-fertilization of national and working-class struggles in the previous period. Second, Catalan nationalism took a civic rather than ethnic approach. This was important because between the 1950s and 1970s over a million and a half Andalusians, Murcians, and Galicians had settled in Catalonia, attracted by a new wave of industrialization, and there were at first little or no instruments by which to socialize migrants and their children in the Catalan language and culture.
Pujol, who wrote profusely on immigration and Catalonia, won his fellow liberal-conservative nationalists to a view that a Catalan is someone "who lives and works in Catalonia and wants to be [Catalan]"—a relatively open approach that over the decades enabled Catalanism to integrate within it many people from a Spanish background. Pujol himself, however, was still a supremacist: he dismissed "the Andalusian" as being an "anarchic" and "ruined man" and wanted all migrants to be assimilated in a mono-cultural Catalonia. This attitude spilled over into racism when non-Christians began arriving in large numbers in the 2000s. Pujol's embrace of "integration" therefore can be understood as a pragmatic attempt to avoid anti-Catalan politics from reemerging among the newer population as it had at the beginning of the twentieth century. Yet it also added to the positive force of Catalanism.
In all, throughout Catalonia's modern history a general pattern can be identified: rather than Catalan national consciousness being a constant — ever-seeking to create or develop a national polity — it is a more variable reaction to the political and social limitations of the Spanish national project. Modern Catalanism has never been a working-class movement with a socialist dynamic, but it has often been a form of class struggle in which the classes excluded from political power — most often middle classes — have challenged ruling elites. The period since the dictatorship represents a partial exception, however, as Catalan employers and their political representatives have suffered little discrimination from the central state and yet have played a significant role within Catalanism.
Furthermore, the post-'78 regime has been able to live with substantial degrees of autonomy — even financial in the Basque case — as long as this avoided any assertion of nationhood. While nationalists acted within the boundaries of the post-'78 territorial framework, they were tolerated. A sign of this has been that both the PSOE and PP have reached parliamentary agreements with Convergència and the Basque National Party to govern in a minority.
Yet when the peripheries have attempted to gain legal recognition of their national status, the Spanish constitution is employed to sabotage and block them. This happened in the Basque case when President Ibarretxe (1999-2009) called a referendum on becoming a "community freely associated with the Spanish state." The Zapatero government challenged this in the Constitutional Court. As with Catalan self-determination today, the "Ibarretxe Plan" was met by opposition from the whole establishment: judges, media, and the two parties that have dominated Spanish politics in recent decades.
Flaws in the process of political transformation at the end of the dictatorship are a factor in this but history suggests the problem has deeper roots: that assertions of minority nationhood are accurately interpreted as questioning the success of the Spanish nation-state and are therefore seen as incompatible with it. Such an analysis would suggest that Podemos's attempt to combine "progressive patriotism" with a defense of the "plurinational" state has limited odds of success — even in the unlikely scenario that the party could soon reach a position of power in which it could implement its ideas. The far more likely outcome to the current crisis will be that Catalonia secedes or Madrid attempts to destroy what is left of its autonomy.
Some Catalanists might resent having their political project presented as driven more by events on the outside than the inside. They may even understand that treating Catalanisme as mainly reactive undermines the case for a Catalan state. Yet the question must be asked: why has the desire for Catalan and Basque nationhood only has emerged as a mass movement on the Spanish side of these historic territories? The obvious answer is that the French state has been far more successful at making people "feel" French. On the Spanish side, the mechanisms that attach people to a body politic developed late and were weak.
For instance a national education system was not created until the late nineteenth century. Surveys in the 2000s suggested that identification with the Spanish nation is still relatively weak, and interestingly, was found to be weaker in the monolingual area of Extremadura than in Catalonia. Precisely what makes Catalanism a possible route to a new emancipatory politics is that it contains within it an element of political and social critique that gives its struggle for expression an emancipatory potential. It is therefore necessarily seen as an affront by the powers that be, which respond by revealing their anti-democratic and violent nature.
Yet there are two souls in pro-sovereignty movement, as the CUP and others recognize, and the fight must also be for the progressive one to overcome the conservative. This requires class politics and strategy, as well as being honest about the limitations of all national projects. It means finding ways to ensure that a break with Spain is one in the interests of working people. The proposal by the Catalan Left to initiate a constituent process to create a new political and social framework through mass participation may help move in that direction.
Recognizing Catalanism as a reflection of (and boost to) the failure of Spain helps explain the belligerence of the Spanish state towards Catalan self-determination. This is as key to understanding the current crisis as recognizing the limitations of the break with Spain's far-right past or the hubris acquired by the regime due to its successful shutdown of pro-Basque parties and referendums. It suggests that reform of the state was always an unlikely outcome.
In the coming days, we are likely to see more confrontations. Threats by Rajoy to suspend Catalan autonomy if independence is declared, and the likely moves to arrest government members that would follow, could provoke mobilizations that are bigger and more militant than we have seen so far. If this happens, we may be entering uncharted territory for contemporary Europe.
Catalan activists in militant unions, the CUP, and radical organizations, as well as many within Podemos, los Comunes, and the pro-sovereignty movements, will try to continue to propel the democratic struggle leftward. But it will be crucial for their success that solidarity is provided internationally — including by pressing the governments that are allowing Rajoy a free hand.
With thanks to Andrew Dowling, Ona Curto Graupera, and Gareth Dale.
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Segments are a feature in Google AdWords, almost hidden under the main navigation, alongside some other interesting buttons. While this button doesn't seem particularly outstanding, looks can be deceiving. It holds a wealth of information about your campaigns that can help you make more informed decisions.
Segments allow advertisers to dig deeper into their performance metrics. An advertiser can select which type of drilled-down criteria they are looking for and Google will provide deeper segmentation and insights.
The Segment feature is available for just about every campaign element – campaign, ad group, keyword, ads, ad extensions, audiences. Just below the main navigation, an advertiser will see the segment button across almost every tab.
When you click on the Segment button, you'll see a drop-down of the available segments. These are the options available to you when drilling down into performance data.
The Time and Conversion selections have additional arrows. Hovering over the arrows allows an advertiser to select specific timeframes or conversion criteria.
So you have the definition of segments, you know where they are located and what the segment options are but now, let's discuss how they work. When you select a segment, Google will expand your dashboard (table of performance metrics) and insert the segmentation criteria.
For example, if you choose to segment by Device, Google will insert new rows under each campaign (or another element such as ad group or keyword depending on which tab you're on) that provides reporting by device. If you select Time > Month, Google will provide reporting by month.
By digging deeper into performance by the selected segment criteria, advertisers can make better decisions. If you understand how your campaigns or keyword perform across different devices, during different months, during different times of the day, days of the week, based on the network, based on distinct conversion events, across Google search vs. search partners, you can make more informed account optimizations.
Let's now go into detail on some of the important segments.
Segmenting by device allows us to see the performance breakdown by computer, mobile and tablet. If mobile devices drive efficient performance, perhaps we increase the mobile bid adjustment (that means we tell Google that we're willing to pay more for a mobile click).
If mobile devices drive less efficient performance compared to computer and tablet – or mobile drives inefficient performance compared to our account goals, we can implement a negative bid adjustment on mobile devices.
The segment by time selection allows us to see performance data by day, week, month, quarter, year, day of the week or hour of the day. This segment also gives us useful information to make more informed decisions!
Once we analyze the data, we can use the learnings to influence our ad scheduling strategy – or when we activate ads, pause ads, increase bids or decreases bids throughout the day and week. If there are hours of the day that produce strong results, perhaps we implement bid increases. If there are days of the week that are overall more inefficient, perhaps we implement bid decreases or pause the ads during those timeframes completely.
Segment by conversion is important for advertisers who have conversion tracking and conversion goals. When viewing the conversion metrics on a dashboard, AdWords will aggregate all conversions and provide you with a total (i.e. your campaign generated 45 total conversions).
With the segment by conversion feature, you can see the breakout by conversions if you have more than one in the AdWords system (i.e. orders placed generated 30 total conversions, email newsletter sign-ups generated 15). This is a very useful feature! It can help you understand which campaigns, ad groups, keywords or audiences are generating each type of conversion.
The segment by conversion feature has two options; segment by conversion name or conversion category. If you select conversion name, each individual conversion will show up on your dashboard based on the naming convention input when the conversion was created. If you select conversion category, you will see the total rollup by category, which was also input when the conversion was created ("category" is a drop-down selection available to you when creating a conversion).
Try out the segments above – and then look through the others! What does the segment data tell you? Are there useful changes that you can make?


text:
Women and justice for the poor...
Women and justice for the poor : a history of legal aid, 1863-1945 /
"This book re-examines fundamental assumptions about the American legal profession and the boundaries between 'professional' lawyers, 'lay' lawyers, and social workers. Putting legal history and women's history in dialogue, it demonstrates that nineteenth-century women&...
Batlan, Felice, 1965-
New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2015
Studies in legal history
Legal aid > United States > History
Women > United States > History
Holdings details from SECOND FLOOR
KF336 .B38 2015
The poor in court : the Legal Services Program and Supreme Court decision making /
by: Lawrence, Susan E., 1957-
Legal problems peculiar to the poor
by: Hazard, Geoffrey C
Justice and the poor /
by: Smith, Reginald Heber, 1889-1966
The Legal problems of the rural poor, by the staff of the Duke law journal
The extension of legal services to the poor : conference proceedings, November 12, 13, 14, 1964, Washington, D.C. /


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Aaron Hernandez's Net Worth: 5 Fast Facts You Need to Know
By	Effie Orfanides
Updated Mar 17, 2018 at 7:47pm
Aaron Hernandez was found dead in his prison cell at the Souza-Baranowski Correctional Center in Shirley, Massachusetts, on April 19, 2017. The former New England Patriots tight end was serving a life sentence after being convicted of first degree murder in the killing of 27-year-old Odin Lloyd.
Hernandez's death came days after he was acquitted in a double homicide case. The jury did not find him guilty of murdering Daniel de Abreu and Safiro Furtado, but Hernandez was convicted of unlawful possession of a firearm.
According to The Richest, Hernandez's net worth was estimated at $50 thousand at the time of his death. Net Worth Celebrity estimates that Hernandez had a net worth of $8 million at the height of his NFL career.
Hernandez is survived by his daughter, Avielle, 5, his fiancée, Shayanna Jenkins-Hernandez, his older brother D.J. Hernandez, and his mother, Terri Hernandez (his dad passed away in 2006).
1. His Estate Is Worth $0
At the time of his death, Hernandez's estate was worth $0. The Boston Herald obtained court documents last month that stated that Hernandez's home is worthless and must be sold. On Friday, April 28, 2017, the 15-room, 7,100-square-foot home has been listed for sale for $1.3 million. The home was sold to a real estate investor in November 2017, according to the Boston Globe.
The home, which boasts a swimming pool with waterfall, a theater, and a sauna, is still listed for sale today.
Hernandez also owned a condo in North Providence, but it's believed that property has also been sold.
2. He Started 'Running Out of Money' in 2015
Hernandez spent almost every last penny that he had to pay for his lawyers and other legal bills and fees. In 2014, Fox Sports reported that Massachusetts taxpayers could have been forced to "pick up Hernandez's legal tab." The rate for an attorney who handles a murder case is $100/hour, according to the report.
"Despite some pretty wild and baseless speculative allegations made about piles of money, there are no piles of money," attorney John Fitzpatrick told a judge in New Bedford, Massachusetts, on May 21, 2015, according to CBS News.
Following his death, Hernandez had "no monies available and no identifiable personal assets." He did not leave behind a will of any kind, according to People Magazine.
3. He Signed a 7-Year, $40 Million Contract With the Patriots in 2012
Hernandez 'making it rain' following a touchdown. (Getty)
The Patriots offered Hernandez a 7-year deal worth $39,582,000 in 2012 that would have taken him through the 2018-2019 season before he would become a free agent. The deal included a $12,500,000 signing bonus, which was to be paid out over seven years.
In 2012, Hernandez was paid $540,000 as his base salary and $2,550,000 of his signing bonus. In addition to other income, Hernandez was paid $9,990,000 in his first year with the team. In 2013, he was expected to make more money, the breakdown increasing each year.
In 2010, when Hernandez was first drafted by the team, he earned $596,000 in cash. The following year, he earned $650,000.
Hernandez was arrested at his North Attleboro, Massachusetts, home on June 26, 2013. Within 90 minutes of his arrest, the Patriots cut him from the team. From that day forward, Hernandez did not earn a paycheck from football.
Had Hernandez not been involved with the law, he would have earned upwards of $17 million in the 2017-2018 season.
4. His Fiancee Could Receive Money if the Patriots Are Forced to Pay
Hernandez left his fiancee, Shayanna Jenkins-Hernandez (who changed her last name despite never marrying the former NFLer), a suicide note before taking his own life. In the note, Hernandez wrote "you're rich," perhaps implying that his fiancee was going to receive money after his passing.
At the time of Hernandez's death, the Odin Lloyd murder case had been appealed. According to a Massachusetts state law, this meant that Hernandez was technically "innocent until proven guilty" as the appeal wiped the previous trial from record. On May 9, Judge E. Susan Garsh dismissed the charges against Hernandez, upholding the long-standing law that cites "abatement ab initio," which translates to "from the beginning."
"The longstanding rule is…abating the entire prosecution as if it never happened. This court is compelled to follow binding precedent," Judge Garsh told the court before delivering her verdict.
It is now widely speculated that the Patriots may owe Hernandez money — to the tune of approximately $6 million.
"In June 2013, the Patriots withheld $3.25 million of Hernandez's signing bonus. They also refused to pay him his $2.5 million in his guaranteed base salary. New England cited the collective bargaining agreement as their reason for withholding that guaranteed money. That's the money Hernandez's lawyers will likely pursue," reports Patriots Wire.
The Patriots have not commented on the situation following Hernandez's death and the subsequent vacating of his convictions.
You can read the suicide note that Hernandez left his fiancee below.
#BREAKING Suicide note Aaron Hernandez wrote to his fiancée Shayanna Jenkins-Hernandez has been released @ABC6 pic.twitter.com/tTQT4cKYvQ
— Bianca Buono (@BiancaBuono) May 5, 2017
This is also a chance that Hernandez had a life insurance policy that could pay out.
"If Hernandez had a life insurance policy, the policy may dictate that benefits are not paid to his family if the cause of death is suicide. Many life insurance policies, however, stipulate that instead of an outright denial of payment for death by suicide, the payment is delayed for a period of time. When the life insurance policy was purchased often matters, too: a denial is more likely if the suicide occurred within a year or two of the policy being purchased," Sports Illustrated reports.
There is also a possibility that Hernandez's family will be owed a pension from the NFL. Said pension would be protected from any creditor — including any person seeking money in a civil lawsuit — thanks to the Employee Retirement Income Security Act.
5. Wrongful-Death Lawsuits Are Still in Play
Lloyd's mother, Ursula Ward, filed a wrongful death lawsuit against Hernandez, the Patriots, and Patriots owner, Robert Kraft, back in 2013, according to Sports Illustrated.
"Her lawyers are trying to track down his assets and court records indicate she could be awarded more than $5 million," CBS News reported in 2015.
The ex-Patriot also faced civil lawsuits filed by the families of Daniel de Abreu and Safiro Furtado, the two men he was acquitted of killing. Each family is said to be seeking $6 million in damages.
"Hernandez's death does not automatically terminate civil lawsuits filed against him by family members of his victims and alleged victims. Normally those lawsuits continue, with Hernandez's estate replacing him as the defendant. Although the legal burden for proving civil liability is only preponderance of evidence (more probable than not), the nullifying of Hernandez's convictions through 'abatement ab initio' presents an unexpected challenge for attorneys representing the families. Those attorneys—especially those representing the family of Lloyd—would have relied on Hernandez's convictions to help establish that if he was convicted criminally, which requires beyond a reasonable doubt, then he must be liable in a civil case given the lower burden of proof required," reports Sports Illustrated.
Aaron Hernandez Charges, Conviction Dismissed in Odin Lloyd Case
Published May 15, 2017 at 11:38am
5 Fast Facts, Aaron Hernandez, Football, Net Worth 5 Fast Facts, New England Patriots, Shayanna Jenkins
Aaron Hernandez was once estimated to have a net worth of $8 million. At the time of his death, his net worth was estimated at $50 thousand.