text:
Information Bulletin No. 17
1.Inside the Vanni: The Shifting Balance
2.Economic Breakdown
3.Responding & Not Responding: Waiting for Something to Give
4.Security or Harassment?
5.The State and Corruption
������� Reverse Smuggling
6.Aerial Bombing in the Vanni
7.Political Opportunism vs Representing the People's Interests
8.Looking Beyond
Recruitment in the Eastern Province
Countdown in the Vanni – Looking Beyond the Tigers
1.����� Introduction: �
The purpose behind this bulletin coming on the heels of our extensive special report on Jaffna is 3 fold: �
1.�� To address a mounting humanitarian problem that is being dealt with very inadequately and in a manner that creates very much alienation.
2.�� To throw into sharper focus some of the tendencies addressed in the report on Jaffna and the imminent dangers from not having a clear policy.
3.�� To throw further light on the debasement of the state apparatus and to sketch the new challenges to be faced by the Tamils in a rapidly shifting political climate.
1.����������� Inside the Vanni: The Shifting Balance
One respect in which developments are favourable in the LTTE controlled area from a democratic point of view, is that the people are beginning to assert themselves.� But the causes are rooted in enormous tragedy – in great losses in life and material welfare suffered by the people.� Recently the LTTE floated proposals to place the Vanni under a proclamation of state of war similar in tone to that declared by Mahattaya soon after the outbreak of war in June 1990.� Under the new proclamation it was proposed to close the schools for three months and students of about the age of 13 (i.e. year 9 or standard 8) upwards to be given military training.� This was strenuously opposed by principals and associations of parents and teachers.� It was pointed out by principals and teachers that they were running the schools with great difficulty under enormous drawbacks, shrewdly pointing to the schools running smoothly in Jaffna, Vavuniya and Mannar Island. The LTTE has since modified its proposal to one hour a day of ARP (Air Raid Protection ) training. �
An intense campaign of recruitment has been going on with a target of 5000.� Political speeches are regularly made in schools and public places followed by street drama performances.� In Madhu refugee camp a spokesman recently said, "You are all happy about the heavy casualties we inflicted on the Sri Lankan forces at Mankulam.� But we too suffer casualties in dead and injured.� We have got plenty of money, weapons and ammunition.� Unless you join and support our heroic fighting forces, we cannot continue to resist the enemy with the same intensity".� Despite these intensive efforts the response to the recruitment drive has been poor.� Those who join are scattered individuals here and there, rather than groups of persons.� For this reason reliable estimates are not possible.� For example the LTTE claimed recently that it had recruited 1000 in Mallavi, the main refugee settlement in the Mullaitavu District.� But local sources place the number at less than 200.� The number of recruits in the whole of Vanni in recent months is generally estimated to be about 500 although figures such as 1500 are also floated about.� None of those we have spoken to recall cases of child recruitment (say 12 and below).� This is partly because recruitment itself is scattered and no longer a prominent phenomenon.� In general the target age seems to be about 14 or 15 and above.� This is a sign that the short-term need for immediate combat is paramount.� The situation is unlike the early 90s in Jaffna when the LTTE proudly displayed recruits aged 10 and sometimes even 8.� That was when the LTTE ran a virtual mini state with a command of resources supplied by the government, making it feasible to sustain a reserve army of children.
The LTTE has been campaigning for recruits in the cleared areas around Vavuniya too.� Their message was that they had killed 3000 soldiers who were part of the Army's northern advance, and wanted others to join them and share in the LTTE's triumph.� The response is reportedly negligible.
There are several other indications that the LTTE is stretched for manpower.� An appeal has gone out to former members of the LTTE who have married and settled down to rejoin the fighting forces, on the pledge that it would look after their families.� In earlier years those wanting to leave after seven years were normally given permission to leave if they so wished.� Currently there is much foot-dragging on applications for release for those who have completed seven years.� Methods of recruitment too have become increasingly questionable with the passage of time.� They capitalise on momentary indecision, quick removal and isolation from families.� Many of the recent recruits are persons who have been stopped on the street, brainstormed, given promises of glory and pledges to look after the family, were urged to get onto the bar of a bicycle the moment they showed some vacillation, and quickly taken away.� Under these conditions one would have expected marked desertion, but for the fact that escape was difficult and prospects in the cleared (army controlled) area� uncertain.� Yet desertion is prominent enough for people to be aware of it despite every village having LTTE informers.� Recently for example a group of more than half a dozen Women Sea Tigers walked away in Mullaitivu after handing over their cyanide capsules to colleagues.� Some of them have experience of seven years and are known to have been fierce fighters.� Those who had encountered them said that out of the organisation they were behaving like lambs. Most of them have been caught and punished.
The LTTE's recruitment campaign is obviously running into increasing reluctance on the part of civilians.� The more senior students in school see the LTTE's cause as a death trap with no end in sight.� With the older folk it is not so much whether the LTTE's cause is right or wrong, as they rather feel that they have already sacrificed much and have lost far more than their due.� The many families of both Vanni and those displaced from Jaffna, who have lost one or two children in the war, now have a very modest desire to protect their remaining offspring.� Many of those with children coming to the age of 12 or 13 are making plans to move out into the army controlled area, simply to protect their children from the pressure posed by recruiters. �
The LTTE's street drama themes are also reflective of the public mood.� There are of course the usual themes: The older members of a family try to prevail on a younger member not to join the LTTE on the plea that security and studies are more important.� The next thing is that the same older members are killed in aerial bombing by the Sri Lankan Air Force.� The message is clearly that studies and security are meaningless until the state forces are defeated.� More ironical are street drama themes which focus on issues that some the LTTE's strongest critics have been raising.� For example, one such criticism is the LTTE's ardent cultivation of rank hypocrites and opportunists among the elite.� The latter are portrayed in the LTTE's current dramas as making stirring speeches to inveigle other people's children to join the LTTE while being very careful in ensuring that their own children do not join.� It reveals a mood of such skepticism in the Vanni, that to get any sympathy from the audience the LTTE now finds it necessary to attack this segment among its former supporters, who are again� very typical of its overseas support base. �
There is also an evident tactical change in the approach of LTTE recruiters to the civilian population in the Vanni. Some of them told civilians who usually move with them that their Leader himself has given them strict instructions not to alienate the civilian population.� They have been asked to bear with criticism, but to somehow get on with the job of recruitment.� In practice what the recruiters do is to allow the people to criticise and change the subject by saying something like, "We would even like you to come and help us.� You don't have to do anything very risky, you could just carry ammunition or carry away the injured".��� Thus even the little room the people now have to protest and assert themselves at least in the interest of protecting their children, has been paid for in enormous suffering.� Even this could be lost overnight either through the LTTE pulling off some stunning action that catches the government off balance, or through the cumulative effects of the government's own inadequacies, routine callousness shown in aerial bombing and its corruption.[Top]
2.����������� Economic Breakdown
Underpinning the developments sketched above, also lies the phenomenon of economic breakdown.� During much of 1996 following the forced exodus from Jaffna, the LTTE's administrative machinery was trying at least to organise some kind of subsistence level economic life.� Very little of this is in evidence now.� The LTTE has virtually thrown in the towel, confining itself to taxing what it can.� A significant part of the population without work depends on government rations and help from International NGOs.� According to NGO sources malnutrition is on the rise.
The fate of paddy farmers illustrates some salient trends.� When during 1996 Vanni filled with displaced persons from Jaffna there was a local demand for paddy.� The LTTE was a major purchaser but many farmers complain of not having been paid in full to date.� Then private traders came into vogue once again. A year ago the price of paddy rose as high as Rs.900/- a moodai.� The Jaffna population has since declined to a small fraction of what it was, thus sharply curtailing local demand and increasing marketing difficulties.� This year the harvest has been fairly good at 30 to 40 moodais per acre.� A moodai fetches nearly Rs.700- in Vavuniya.� Taking the cost of inputs at Rs.10000/- an acre, this means, under normal conditions, an income of� Rs.11000/-� to Rs.18000/- an acre.� But the LTTE first offered Rs.300/- a moodai.� The farmers protested and refused to sell. The current going rate is Rs.500/- a moodai.� The private traders are not willing to pay more since before getting the stuff to Vavunyia there is a tax of Rs.100- at the LTTE exit point and further costs in trans-shipment at the army entry point, since vehicles from the uncleared area are not allowed into the cleared area.� The farmer's profit is therefore reduced to between Rs.5000/- and Rs.10000/- for what is a good year.� This is not a long-term framework for a stable economic life.
Another feature of economic life is that while many young and productive persons have been rendered inactive, the elderly have become breadwinners.� It is generally easier for old folk to cross over into the army controlled area at Uyilankulam and proceed to Mannar Town.� They then re-enter the LTTE controlled area with 4 litres of kerosene oil purchased at Rs.25/- a litre which they are allowed, 2 litres of coconut oil and 4 cakes of soap. These in turn are sold to traders.� The trader buys the kerosene at Rs.100/- a litre and sells at Rs.125/-. [Top]
3.�� Responding & Not Responding: Waiting for Something to Give
Another recent episode is suggestive of the pressures faced by the LTTE.� When the Roman Catholic Bishop of Jaffna came to Madhu for the festival during the middle of last year he was totally ignored by the LTTE.� Circles close to him expressed disappointment that the LTTE appeared not to be interested in a settlement.� They felt that the LTTE could have used the Bishop's visit to communicate some suggestion for a way forward.� But this year in March, we reliably understand that the LTTE sent an invitation to the Bishop in Jaffna to come to the Vanni and talk to them. A meeting was duly held in early April with the LTTE side represented by Anton Balasingam among others.� Leading circles in Madhu were aware that the Bishop of Jaffna had a meeting with the LTTE in Periya� Madhu, but had no knowledge of Balasingam's participation which was revealed in the media.� Those at Madhu thought that the talks were about seeking the LTTE's cooperation to enable the displaced population to move back to the cleared areas in Jaffna, the south coast of Mannar District (e.g Arippu, Mullikulam and Silavathurai) and the newly cleared areas in Vavuniya District along the Army's northward advance.� In this connection they thought that the talks had been successful and that many people are now moving out without hindrance from the LTTE.
A senior LTTE cadre from Mullaitivu confirmed several of these trends.� The loss of Jaffna, he said, was among other things a crucial financial loss.� Local running expenses were, according to him, met with funds collected in local currency and foreign collections played no role in the Vanni.� Foreign currency was used for military supplies and logistics.� In material terms, he said, the LTTE had what it needed, adding that where fighting cadre were concerned, the numbers coming in were inadequate.� He said there were recruits from 'Batticaloa' and Trincomalee', but were [agewise] in general 'small' ('chinnan').� [See Addendum :- 'Recruitment in the Eastern Province'.]
Their logistics, he said, were intact, and foreign travel to any part of the world was not a problem.� Some of the fringe pan Dravidian groups in Tamil Nadu were sending persons to the Vanni for training by the LTTE.� From these same connections, an unspecified number of Indian mercenaries are said to be serving in the LTTE's ranks.� There are no indications to suggest that these numbers are at present significantly large.� But they are a pointer to the explosive tendencies inherent in delaying putting a political settlement into effect.
What all this means is that the LTTE is in a situation of natural disintegration within the organisation itself and also with its base population unable to take anymore.� It is once more forced to go through the motions of responding as well as not responding – as to the latter its history as we have explained many times previously, precludes any response admissive of democracy and accountability.� The classic way of responding and not responding is to field Balasingam without the Leader himself making any personal commitment.� Balasingam said in early 1990 that the LTTE would lay down arms when the last Indian soldier left the country.� This happened on 31st March 1990.� But Balasingam kept on talking to the Premadasa government even after the war had recommenced on 11th June 1990.� The LTTE will not and cannot give up other violent options.� For instance the LTTE recently met the senior UN representative Olara Otunnu and gave him assurances which raised hopes of civilian concerns being respected.� Yet the LTTE was prepared to risk these gains in recognition and face universal opprobrium a few days later in assassinating Mrs. Sarojini Yogeswaran (17th May), mayoress of Jaffna who increasingly voiced the aspirations of the people for a settled order free of violence and gun culture.� Among its expectations was to bring back fear among the people and create panic among the security forces leading to violations, thus creating a turn of events in its favour.
These actions combined with the LTTE Leader's and Balasingam's statements about the LTTE's strength as a conventional army aspiring to be on par with the Sri Lankan Army, manifest its enormous destructive capacity.� [See press reports mid April on Balasingam's talks with the Bishop of Jaffna and mid May on the LTTE Leader's speech.]� Placed against the tragic social realities in the Vanni, the Eastern Province and among Tamils in general, such attitudes amount to cruel megalomania.� This would in turn suggest that the LTTE's recent attempts to present an accommodative face to civilian objections would be short-lived, leading to a more coercive approach to recruitment. �[Top]
4.����������� Security or Harassment?
The scene in a school in the LTTE controlled area during a propaganda session illustrates the general scepticism prevalent there.� After finishing their speeches the speakers from the LTTE asked those in the audience who wanted Tamil Eelam to put their hands up.� A few hands slowly went up.� Disappointed by the poor response the speakers called for those who did not want Eelam to put their hands up. Only one hand went up.� Before the speakers could get to work on the person who put his hand up the others joined in saying that he had made a mistake.� By contrast, in the government-controlled area, people increasingly feel from their day to day experience that separation is being imposed on them through a hopelessly corrupt and insensitive government machinery.
In Jaffna itself, the Government has to some extent succeeded in putting its best foot forward. But elsewhere, the collective experience of the Tamils is of being branded, harassed and turned into milch cows.� The branding is evident in the often humiliating manner Tamils are singled out in public during security checks.� They have to live with a constant anxiety neurosis worrying about whether they have all the right bits of paper with them, whether they would be stranded in the middle of a long distance journey, locked up or sent back.� Typically, when the identity card reveals a person to be a Tamil or if a person is identified as part of the crowd in a bus bound to a Tamil area, he or she would be kept waiting at a sentry point in Anuradhapura nervously fumbling for all the bits of paper.� A Tamil going home to Mannar or Vavunyia would be required to carry as the minimum the identity card, a local pass, the police registration in Colombo, the pass issued at Cheddikulam if in Mannar and evidence of vocation.� In Mannar for example, one staying at Pesalai or Vankalai wanting an extension of the local pass by say two days, will have to set off early by bus, join a queue at the pass office in Mannar and sometimes be arbitrarily turned back after a long wait to come back in the afternoon or the following day.� While people do not generally experience difficulties at checkpoints, this is often because they have taken their loss of dignity for granted.� This often comes out when a particular soldier is challenged for ordering someone to get off the bicycle and walk when there are absolutely no written instructions telling people the routine to be followed at the particular checkpoint.� The angry soldier's reply could often take the form "When you see the Army, you get down and walk". �
The harassment has become so much part of life that often getting a small job done requires far more effort than the job is worth in time and money.� Getting 5 bags of cement to a point just outside Mannar town requires standing in queues and paperwork involving the GS, MPCS, OICs at police checkpoints and being turned away and coming again when a particular official is not available.� If only 3 bags are approved by the MPCS, citing a shortage, the same procedure will have to be gone through to get the balance.� People do get flabbergasted to find that they have been given a short supply so that large quantities could be smuggled off to the LTTE controlled area past the same police checkpoints.
Such a system can breed only corruption to the total exclusion of humanity.� A relatively mild example of the latter was witnessed at the Chettikulam checkpoint recently.� In a Mannar bound passenger bus, a woman and a man aged 80 were found to be without identity cards. The Tamil woman, a native of Mannar, had gone to work in the Middle East through agents who had supplied her with a passport under an assumed Muslim name.� Upon her return the agents had removed her passport.� This is a well-known racket involving official corruption at high levels that has been going on for more than 20 years.� The police at Chettikulam� sent the man and the woman back by putting them into a bus to Kalpitiya, against the fervent pleas of the driver and the conductor of the Mannar bus.� The 80 year old man posed a security threat to no one. In the case of the woman, the most reasonable thing was to let her proceed to Mannar where the Mannar police could check out her credentials instead of sending her to places where she was totally defenceless.� Also at this same check point one could witness elderly and infirm persons groping for help from passers by to struggle up to the queue and fare the worst in the disorderly rush. Having got their bit of paper they need to struggle back to the bus again by groping at strangers who may be kind enough to assist them.� Does it make any sense at all, considering that they are after all citizens of the same country merely going from one place to another?� Such instances are just the thin end of the wedge.[Top]
5.����������� The State and Corruption
If all these disabilities imposed on Tamil civilians demonstrably improve security one may plead some justification.� But this is far from being the case.� We would seriously question if LTTE operations in Colombo are in any significant way checked by this security regime.� The procurement of passes has become a major industry in which Tamil civilians are milked by security officials working in tandem with different segments of civilian operators and racketeers who are not strictly differentiated by ethnicity.� The rate of inflation for the price of passes has kept pace with the fear psychosis of Tamils drummed up by security officials and the media in the South, together with the feeling of alienation among Tamils.� In October 1996 when civilian passage from the Vanni to the South was through Vavunyia we reported (Information Bulletin No. 12) the cost of a pass to Colombo at about Rs.5000/- from Vavunyia while unobstructed transit to Colombo starting from Nochchimoddai, the last LTTE post, cost Rs.25000/-.� Costs have escalated rapidly.� At present, according to information obtained through LTTE sources, the cost of a pass for unhindered transit from Madhu through Vavunyia to Colombo is in the region of Rs 100000/-. �
Thus as long as the LTTE is thinking of a few operatives in Colombo rather than hundreds it is hard to see how this regime makes a difference.� Where civilians are concerned this pass system has assumed the proportions of a public scandal which no one is willing to do anything about. As soon as one enters Vavunyia one learns that one could have a day pass with the harassment of renewal or the seven day pass for a couple of thousand Rupees.� A particular arrangement in Vavuniya in an example of how bizarre things can get.� Those seeking to reside in Vavuniya when permitted are issued 3-month passes, to be renewed on expiry for another three. When a holder wants to travel to Colombo, he or she will have to find another 3-month pass holder as surety.� The surety's pass is then taken away pending the traveller's return within the guaranteed period.� During this period the surety cannot leave Vavuniya whatever the exigency.� Even old folk going to Colombo for medical treatment have to look for sureties.� These curious matters come under a Senior Superintendent of Police with the Orwellian sounding designation of Population Control� Officer.� Even more curious is that by paying Rs 6000/- or so to agents one could go to Colombo with no restrictions and with no bother of finding sureties.
Now all civilians leaving the Vanni exit through Uyilankulam and are taken to Mannar town to sort out their pass problems.� A pass to Colombo was priced at about Rs. 7000/-.� It was then reported that several persons who had handed over the money to policemen had been cheated.� A more foolproof system costing more is now said to be operated through proctors.� A particular case illustrates the brazen openness.� A young woman who worked as a domestic help in Singapore came home on holiday and went to the LTTE controlled Vanni to visit her family.� She returned to Mannar town having given all her money to the family with the intention of returning to Singapore. She had an entry permit, which required her to be there before a certain date.� But first she needed a pass to go to Colombo.� A senior police official upon discovering the girl's plight kept delaying the approval of the pass clearly signalling that he wanted a bribe which the girl had no means to pay.� After trying for nearly a month the girl's application seemed to have got into the wrong tray and she got her pass.� The next morning she was happily standing in the queue for the Colombo bound bus.� The senior police official who came there saw her and said angrily that he never approved her pass.� The girl protested and showed her pass.� The official made an angry scene saying that if it was his signature it had been forged and that he could lock her up.� The girl was taken out of the line and deprived of her pass.� She had no choice but to give Singapore a miss and go back to her family in the LTTE controlled Vanni.� It is under the pressure of such experiences that people are increasingly posing the question, what is the meaning of being Sri Lankan if were are forced to live in this manner?
Another aspect of state corruption that is done very much in the open is smuggling of restricted items to the LTTE controlled area.� Although talked about among the locals for a long time, matters came to a head, according to civilians sources, because of some disagreement between the Army and local police officials.� According to these sources the Army closed down some lodges in Mannar town which were said to be lodging persons without the piece of paper permitting them to lodge in Mannar.� But the lodge keepers had kept the police on their payroll.� Piqued by this the police are said to have detained a consignment of Pajero vehicle tyres brought into Mannar by a businessman under a permit approved the brigade commander.� They wanted the consignment to be produced in court.� They argued that all state institutions and NGOs who used such vehicles brought their own spares from Colombo under permit and did not obtain them from private traders. �The implication was that this consignment was meant from the LTTE.� It is said that it was the resulting friction between the Police and the Army that led to a top-level investigation. The brigade commander was transferred out and a leading trader was placed under custody for a time, but no further action was taken and the trader was released since evidence was lacking. Where the trader was concerned, he had a valid permit for possession of the goods he was taking outside Mannar town, and this was explained as being taken for purposes of storage in his own premises.� Where the brigade commander was concerned, it was said, he had used his discretion based on the case made out in the application of each trader and even with regard to goods that could be carried to the uncleared area by civilians, he had been relatively generous.
The new brigadier who took over in January is said to be far more restrictive. Nevertheless smuggling remains an almost day to day occurrence, with sections of all security services and some Tamil militant groups involved. In an earlier report we had already referred to naval personnel canvassing fishermen to smuggle.� In another occurrence police investigators were questioning civilians pointed out as LTTE helpers by a member of the LTTE who had surrendered.� The detainees were told, "If you want to smuggle, you come to us.� There is no problem".� Thus smuggling takes place at several levels.� At the highest level the arrangements are fool-proof and there is no individual risk involved.� An example of the risks involved at the lowest level is exemplified by the fate that befell Kanagu.
Kanagu was from the Hill Country and as a boy settled down in Paranthan in the 70s.� Owing to the disruption of life in that area, Kanagu took to smuggling. He had made his own contacts among the security forces including the police and the army at Thallady.� He left his family just north of the Uyilankulam checkpoint and came to Mannar town regularly.� What he did was to buy the goods in town carry them past the checkpoints during the night, wade a couple of hundred yards into the sea and hand the stuff over to an awaiting boat.� He said that his earnings amounted to around Rs.50000/- a month.� But during last December he was one among two shot dead by an unscheduled army patrol.� Normally these activities take place during mutually agreed times.� Perhaps the Army decides to take such action once in a way to satisfy higher authorities in Colombo.� This was Kanagu's misfortune.� There is also good testimony regarding the involvement of two Tamil groups.� A hand cart with goods to be smuggled that was being pushed through the sea sand got stuck one night.� The next morning members of a Tamil group were seen by the public asking around for a tractor to pull the cart out.� One example of the economics of smuggling is that a bag of cement costing Rs.300/- in Mannar town fetches Rs.1500/- at Vidathal Thivu on the LTTE controlled mainland.� After the LTTE collects its requirements and taxes, a bag of cement for civilian use costs about Rs.3500/-. �
Reverse Smuggling
We had further confirmation coming from both sides that there is now an unofficial stand-off between the LTTE and the other Tamil militant groups.� Members of the LTTE intelligence wing and LTTE helpers have been seen in Mannar town.� LTTE intelligence men have also been seen making contact with interests that act as middlemen in rackets. Such stand offs are purely opportunistic, temporary and whose vagaries are dictated by the LTTE with no firm commitment on its part.� Even the LTTE's occasional calculated attacks on other groups (e.g. the mine attack on PLOTE leaders in Vavuniya (12th May) and on the EPDP in Pungudutivu in January) seem to have led to mutual recrimination among the latter rather than to any cool reflection.
There are also indications that the LTTE too may be trying some reverse smuggling.� During the middle of March a motor cycle packed with explosives set off from Madhu on the road to Vidathal Thivu, apparently to be smuggled to Mannar Island in the first instance.� The brother of the cadre who was to deliver the motor cycle also went with him.� At the fourth milepost before the Parappu Kadanthan the motorcycle descended a slope, ran into a patch of loose sand at the bottom and, the rider loosing his balance, the motorcycle fell on its side resulting in a huge explosion. Both the rider and his brother were killed.� The gherkin worn by the rider is said to have been torn into tiny shreds and passers by got a strong smell of decaying flesh for several days.[Top]
6.�� Aerial Bombing in the Vanni
Aerial bombing claims continue to hold their place as the longest running serial fiction dished out by the Ministry of Defence, and are taken in that spirit by the public.� On 26th March about 8 AM Air Force Kfir bombers bombed Vatta Kacchi and claimed to have destroyed several LTTE huts in a forward base, several vehicles and as usual claimed that there had been many LTTE causalities.� The area bombed was in fact a civilian area and the details of the 8 civilians killed tell a different story. They are:� Velayuthan Mangayarkarasai (18), high school student;� Krishnasany Vallipillai (60) (displaced from Varany,Jaffna);� Thanabalu (55);� Namasivayam Balasingam (58);� Muttiah Vasanthkumari (25);� Chellappah Thangavelu (45);� Thangavelu Sivapakkiam (43); & Ramanathan Chellamma (50).� In another incident closer to Mallavi the Air Force bombed a wedding party in the house of a Chettiar.� About three persons were reported to have been killed.
What one finds most disturbing about these bombing attacks is that they come usually in the wake of the advance column on the Jaffna Road encountering causalities, or immediately after the Sea Tigers hit the Navy.� Having launched the bombing attacks the Defence Ministry consistently makes exorbitant claims. This does not give one the confidence that the targets are chosen with any precision or under any demonstrable military necessity.� One is further disturbed when such performances come in conjunction with top brass in the defence establishment facing accusations in the press pointing to corruption and misappropriation.
Sources on the ground further confirm that bombs are dropped from very high altitudes and even where an LTTE target is correctly identified, the bombs missing the target by about one hundred yards is fairly normal and hence the regular civilian casualties.[Top]
7.� Political Opportunism vs Representing the People's Interests
Both in the South as well as the North–East, the people most affected by the war - the poorer segments - have strongly signalled their war weariness by an unwillingness to send their sons and daughters to battle. The war itself has ceased to hold out any stakes for them. But this finds no response in the course of political developments. For its part, the LTTE never acknowledged an obligation to reflect the interests of the people. Its purely destructive stance can be sustained by maintaining a core of assassins to silence the Tamils and suicide cadre for more sensational displays of violence. But such options are not open to those committed to democracy and human rights.
The salient point is usually missed when individuals and groups taking 'politically correct' position attack the Government for the wrong reasons. When a war is forced on the Government (see for example the chronology of events which led to the recommencement of hostilities in April 1995 compiled by INFORM), it is mostly superficial to attack particular military decisions as being politically motivated, ego-centred or unduly provocative. For example all these accusations were made about the decision to militarily take the Jaffna peninsula. But one could, on the other hand, cite the Mullaitivu debacle or the earlier Jaffna Fort fiasco and point to what otherwise may have become the fate of the Army's isolated garrisons in Jaffna.
The salient point is that the Government is being cornered into not reflecting the people's interests in moving away from dependence on the war, but rather to rely heavily on the war itself. We say cornered, because at a conceptual level at least the present Government took some unprecedentedly bold steps to break the status quo on the ethnic question. Among these were the political package and the media campaign to infuse fresh thinking and encourage healthier perspectives on the issue.� In this respect the attitudes of the UNP opposition and large sections of the press and intelligentsia in the South have been very harmful.
The UNP has been playing a studied double game, by on the one hand being ambivalent about the Government's moves towards accommodation, but on the other criticising it for not talking to the LTTE and for fighting a war inflamed, complicated and passed on to it by themselves.
The upshot of all this is a drift where confusion about the LTTE is compounded by the absence of a coherent policy towards the Tamil people. The Tamil people have been relegated to mere security liabilities left to the whims and fancies of a corrupt security apparatus.� For their part the Tamils are being confirmed in the view that their unenviable position is not going to change. The Tamil elite in turn are given an alibi for blaming everything on the Government and avoiding facing up to the LTTE squarely. Finally everything plays into the hands of the LTTE.
As we had already stated, the LTTE which thrives on dehumanising the community and blocking any humanisation on the part of the Sri Lankan state as well as Sinhalese civil society, will continue its destructive course. This also entails the continuation of self-imposed censorship particularly by the Tamil intellectuals and media in evaluating our political reality in a responsible manner. Both these in consequence prevent the ordinary Tamils from seeing any healthy developments in the South.
The LTTE has further recently shown its utter contempt for the people by using a suicide bomber to assassinate Brigadier Larry Wijeratne, a much-valued friend of the people of Vadamaratchy. Wijeratne at the time of his death was in Pt Pedro as a guest of the people who were spontaneously expressing their appreciation in a series of farewell functions. By this act the LTTE grossly offended the most basic and strongly felt cultural sensibility among all peoples – that of the obligations of hospitality.
The late Brigadier Larry Wijeratne is unique in many ways and by example has given hope that it is possible to restrain the security forces from unleashing terror and keep the civilian concerns in the forefront during military operations. His approach was not merely the strategical or tactical one of a clever military officer. When we consider the total blindness shown by many politicians and even intellectuals in the South regarding the critical nature of the ethnic problem, Larry Wijeratne showed clarity and humility in understanding the plight of a people who had previously known only terror from state forces as well as their self - acclaimed liberators. When large sections of the military are still shrouded in corruption, brutality and contempt for the civilians, it is a few officers of the calibre of Wijeratne who have brought hope of a better future. It is a frightening thought that by targeting a few individuals like Larry Wijeratne, the LTTE could create such a vacuum as to push things back all the way to the 1980s. If the South and the North are unable to come out of the present state of opportunism they would deserve the LTTE for some time to come.[Top]
8.�� Looking Beyond
No one in this country irrespective of ethnic affiliation can be complacent about the degradation of the state apparatus.� The 1980s were a clear indication that no one would be spared the consequences.�� From the press exposures of corruption at the highest levels to what is happening on the ground at the lowest, gives an impression that corruption has become more significant than the war itself.� The government's policy as regards war or peace, by comparison, appears to lack any direction.
While the course of events is determined by the unwritten policy of ' Do not trust the Tamils', we will inevitably move towards separation. The only alternative is to rebuild trust, and in the first instance to treat the Tamils as people who have dignity and rights and to be conscious of the failure of the state to give them confidence.� Every effort made by concerned people in Colombo to organise themselves as citizens' committees and represent the interests of the community could not make any headway or curtail alienation in the day to day life of ordinary Tamils. There were of course ritual acceptances of the problems faced by ordinary Tamils and promises of possible remedies at various levels. But nothing ever materialised.� The recent round up and indiscriminate detention of up to 200 Tamil labourers from Paduwankarai who went to Polonnaruwa District for seasonal harvesting is another example of the Government's� ineptitude.
The growth of this culture, which helped to brand a particular community, can be traced to the impunity conferred by a series of repressive legislation beginning with the PTA of 1979.� It is pertinent to ask today whether these developments have aided security in any way?� On reflection, as many argued at that time, the whole thing has been a big mistake. The problem has now reached such proportions that even this Government once pledged to cleaning up this country's human rights record seems to have given up.� Having fattened on the arrogance of impunity, several sections of the security apparatus treat the Government's occasional weak interventions on behalf of human rights with complete contempt.� All units, which acquired notoriety, such as the CSU and the gangs of the Munases, remain at large.� Several police and military officials who were featured adversely in testimony given before commissions set up by the present Government have been promoted and hold some of the senior-most positions.� There is a strong suspicion, particularly in Batticaloa and Vavuniya, that the State maintains armed Tamils groups on a long leash only so that the several uninvestigated murders that are done at the behest of shady state agencies can be blamed on these Tamil groups.
This corrupt self-serving state apparatus is going to be a long-term problem for this country and has already rendered the Tamil problem diabolically complicated.� To many Tamils living outside the war zone these shortcomings on the part of the State are much more a part of their day to day experience than the war itself.� From stories of extortion and harassment at the Colombo International Airport, to Tamil homes being raided by security men in the nights and women being photographed in their nighties, many of which are true, with a number of other exaggerations and fictitious episodes are regularly fed into Tamil news networks overseas to help fill LTTE coffers.� Many of those who support the LTTE do not want to hear anything else.� They are determined not to see for example that life in Jaffna is not as bad as it is often made out to be.� They would indeed least like to hear about the true disposition of civilians in the Vanni.� This kind of blindness is helped primarily by the Government continuing to perpetuate the� already discredited� bureaucratic approaches in tackling� security concerns and failing to deal with corruption and human rights abuses more convincingly. �
The Government needs to show a will to tackle this problem not by just giving token punishments to some low ranking functionaries, but rather to deal with it beginning at the highest level.� There are enough indications that it is here that the problem begins - one could hardly otherwise explain for example the vicissitudes of the drama surrounding the former Air Force chief.� One sees little hope as long as the suspicion remains that Tamil civilians are being bombed to cover up charges of maladministration in the defence establishment, or that the war is being prolonged with young men and women sacrificing their lives mainly to serve the interests of those who benefit from corruption.
The LTTE has manifested its destructive intentions and contempt for the people by the two recent killings in Jaffna that have resulted in fear and despair.� What is most needed now is a clear policy of giving hope to the Tamil people.[Top]
The inherent indiscipline among the armed forces evidenced in the Kiliveddy massacre of February 1996 and in the Tampalakamam killings of February this year are a pointer to the alienation experienced by the Tamil youth in some of the rural parts of the Eastern Province.� At the same time there is disillusionment with the LTTE's cause which has brought death and distrust within the community without offering even distant hope.� Thus the incipient LTTE sympathy that is sparked off from time to time by the callousness of the state forces is largely the result of a political vacuum. The resulting recruitment by the LTTE is� currently however said to be low.� [See Bulletins 10 & 16.]� Around Batticaloa the recruitment by the rival forces brings out clearly the underlying political bankruptcy.� In the town area which is largely under Army control, the LTTE's image is enhanced by the indiscipline of groups operating with the Army.� As for recruitment, experienced local observers associate it fundamentally with extreme poverty, economic breakdown,� lack of alternative openings and the long-term disruptive effects of disappearances and loss of breadwinners.� In the Army controlled area most of the recruitment is, according to these observers, done by Tamil groups close to the Army.� The so called Razik group has recruited from particular areas such as Mamangam. Citizens' groups have received specific complaints of abduction by these groups.� A young married villager minding his father who was warded in Batticaloa hospital, was abducted by TELO when he went to town.� He was released upon the intervention of citizens' groups before being sent for training.� A poor labourer who joined the Razik group absconded when allowed home on leave after training.� He was taken by the group and later found dead with an injury on the head caused by a sharp object.� The magistrate returned an open verdict.
Conditions of poverty are more extreme in the LTTE controlled Paduwankarai area.� Even where students had struggled and secured university entrance, a number of them are daunted from continuing through difficulty in clothing and feeding themselves.� The people themselves have become marked as allegedly LTTE supporters, thus adding to their problems. Traditionally a large number of them who are agricultural labourers travel to Amparai and Polonnaruwa districts to earn a substantial package by helping in the harvesting.� In Polonnaruwa recently up to about 200 of these labourers were picked up willy–nilly by the security forces and sent to Anuradhapura prison as LTTE suspects, leaving their families in a quandary.� Sources in Batticaloa have commended the Muslim employers for having been very helpful and understanding towards the labourers and their families.� Such measures by the State have tended to make a bad situation worse. �
The LTTE's recruits are again young.� Among the boys several are said to be about 13 years of age, but who are strong for their age owing to having worked as labourers.� Also smartly dressed LTTE cadre with their gadgetry and modern conveyances strike a fashionable posture in this area where the war has drastically limited the horizons of the people.� Observers have particularly noted the effect of the sight of the women cadre on young girls of the area surrounded by drabness.� Yet the numbers joining the LTTE are said to be small in comparison with the 80s and early 90s.[Top]
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The world's oceans will contain more plastic than fish by the year 2050, a new study suggests.
As of 2014, the ratio of plastic to fish by weight was roughly one to five. But the World Economic Forum and Ellen MacArthur Foundation report warned that by the year 2050 all the plastic in the ocean could outweigh all of its fish.
As it stands, 8 million tons of plastic enter the ocean each year and there are about 165 million tons of it in the ocean already.
Plastics tend to linger for over a hundred years and we dump about a garbage truck-worth of the stuff into the ocean every minute.
The report suggest that it would be closer four garbage trucks per minute in the year 2050 if the world doesn't improve its recycling habits.
The study recommends moving toward recyclable packaging. Reusable plastics coupled with better recycling practices would go a long way in reducing the amount of plastic that finds its way into nature.


As March is craft month, we've found the quirkiest, most creative Instagram feeds out there for inspiration.
If ever you needed an excuse to unleash your crafty side, March is it. As a homage to craft month, we've collated the best Instagram feeds on the interwebs so there's no shortage of inspiration.
Why we love them: All hail the modern day DIY Queens, sisters Elsie and Emma, the crafty hands behind this world-renowned blog and Instagram account. Stunning calligraphy, quirky designs and perfectly saturated images are what to expect from their animated feed. Made for those who live colourfully.
Why we love them: Molly is a freelance designer and editor with a clean and serene aesthetic. Simplistic and stylish crafts, the Almost Makes Perfect feed is full of inspiring photos and easy-to-follow, step-by-step instructions.
Why we love her: From DIY to what design books you should be reading, the Brooklyn-based interior designer shares a gorgeous range of decorating inspiration with splashes of her personal life. Jenny has us updating our 'Dream House' board a little too frequently.
Why we love them: Finnish blogger and designer, Riikka Kantinkoski creates the most beautiful of palettes in her feed. Cool tones synonymous with Scandinavian style, this Instagrammer is the destination for all supercool, minimalist DIY-ers out there.
Why we love them: Although Hank and Hunt have shut their blogging doors, Jenny's endless archive of party crafts will be sure to keep you busy. Whether it's styling shoots or her thrift shop finds, this prop princess fills her lively Instagram feed with her classic style stirred up with a wild flair.
Why we love them: Where contemporary design meets colour, Erica Domesek will have you transforming your wardrobe and your kitchen smelling delightful at the same time. Her vibrant blog spills onto her Instagram, where she's never short of vivacious snaps along with her cracking one-liners.
Why we love them: Jordan is all about colours, craft and cake. With pages of playful inspiration and even free printables on her blog, her account is your first stop for dreamy packaging and presentation ideas. Side effects of scrolling through her feed include party planning urges and sugar cravings.


text:
{% extends "../../layout.html" %}

{% block sectionClasses %}plugins hasBreadCrumb plugins-spincast-session{% endblock %}
{% block meta_title %}Plugins - Spincast Session{% endblock %}
{% block meta_description %}Spincast Session plugin - manage sessions for the application users{% endblock %}

{% block scripts %}

{% endblock %}

{% block body %}

 Plugins

Spincast Session plugin

 Spincast Session plugin

 Spincast Session plugin

Overview

Usage

Dependencies

Installation

Configurations

                    Overview

	                This plugin provides the logic required to manage sessions associated to the users of your application.

                    In summary, a session is an object containing informations about a particular user.
                    Those informations can be saved in the application and later associated back to the user when
                    he performs a new request. The default mechanism used to be able to bind such informations
                    to a specific user is to save a "session id" in a cookie, on the user.

                    This plugin is mostly useful for your application specific needs, but it can
                    also be used by other plugins that need to keep informations about users.
                    For example, the Spincast Forms Protection plugin
                    uses the sessions provided by this plugin to store "CSRF" tokens required to
                    protect forms, in your application.

                    Usage

                    Getting the session of the current visitor

                    Once the plugin and its associated filters have been properly installed,
                    you simply need to use the
                    SpincastSessionManager
                    to manage sessions.

                    The most important method provided by this manager is getCurrentSession(), which gives you access
                    to the session of the current visitor:

                            {% verbatim %}

public class MyClass {

    private final SpincastSessionManager spincastSessionManager;

    @Inject
    public MyClass(SpincastSessionManager spincastSessionManager) {
        this.spincastSessionManager = spincastSessionManager;
    }

    protected SpincastSessionManager getSpincastSessionManager() {
        return this.spincastSessionManager;
    }

    public void myRouteHandler(AppRequestContext context) {
        SpincastSession currentSession = getSpincastSessionManager().getCurrentSession();
        Long userId = currentSession.getAttributes().getLong("userId");
        if(userId != null) {
            User user = getUserService().getUser(userId);
        }

        // ....
    }
}

                        {% endverbatim %}

                            Explanation :

                                    15 : Gets the session of the current
                                    visitor.

                                    16 : Gets an information
                                    you associated with this session (here a "user id").
                                    The informations saved in the session are
                                    named "attributes" and they are implemented using a
                                    JsonObject.

                    Note that once the plugin has been installed properly, a session returned by
                    SpincastSessionManager#getCurrentSession()
                    is never null! If no session already exists for the current visitor, a new one is automatically created.

                    Storing and retrieving session attributes

                    Since the attributes of a session are accessible on a JsonObject object,
                    getting them in a typed way is really easy. Adding new ones too. You simply call
                    getAttributes()
                    on the session to have access to them.

                    Note that an after filter will
                    take care of saving a session that has been modified during a request, you don't have to do it
                    manually!

                    Getting the current session using an add-on

                    If you use sessions a lot in your application, we suggest you add a
                    "session()" add-on
                    to your custom Request Context!

                    By adding a new "session()" method pointing to
                    SpincastSessionManager#getCurrentSession(),
                    you get easy access to the current session in your routes handlers:

                            {% verbatim %}

public void myRouteHandler(AppRequestContext context) {

    Long userId = context.session().getAttributes().getLong("userId");
    if(userId != null) {
        User user = getUserService().getUser(userId);
    }

    // ....
}

                        {% endverbatim %}

                    Dependencies

                    The Spincast Session plugin depends on the Spincast Scheduled Tasks plugin, a plugin which is not
                    provided by default by the spincast-default artifact. This dependency plugin will be automatically installed,
                    you don't need to install it by yourself in your application (but you can).

                    Just don't be surprised if you see transitive dependencies being added to your application!

                    It is always a good idea to read the documentation of the plugins that are
                    automatically added. You
                    may want to modify some of their default configurations!

                    Installation

                    This plugin work out-of-the-box, but we recommend some of the parts to be tweaked! For example,
                    the default SpincastSessionRepository
                    implementation, used to store the sessions, is based on cookies, and you may want a more robust solution.

                    But let's start with step one...

                    Installing the plugin itself

                    1.
                    Add this Maven artifact to your project:

<dependency>
    <groupId>org.spincast</groupId>
    <artifactId>spincast-plugins-session</artifactId>
    <version>{{spincast.spincastCurrrentVersion}}</version>
</dependency>

                    2.
                    Add an instance of the SpincastSessionPlugin
                    plugin to your Spincast Bootstrapper:

                        {% verbatim %}

Spincast.configure()
        .plugin(new SpincastSessionPlugin())
        // ...

                        {% endverbatim %}

                    Session filters

                    Two filters are required for this plugin to work properly.

                            The first filter, a before filter, makes sure the session is loaded and
                            available through your application.

                            The second filter, an after filter, makes sure a modified session is
                            saved at the end of a request.

                    By default, those filters are automatically added by the plugin! You can disable this by
                    setting isAutoAddSessionFilters()
                    to false.

                    The default positions used to add those filters are -100 and 100
                    respectively. If you let the plugin bind the filters, you can still modify those positions
                    by using the getAutoAddedFilterBeforePosition()
                    and getAutoAddedFilterAfterPosition()
                    configurations.

                    To bind the filters by yourself (if you need full control), disable isAutoAddSessionFilters()
                    and then:

                    {% verbatim %}

@Inject
SpincastSessionFilter spincastSessionFilter;

// "Before" filter
router.ALL()
      .id(SpincastSessionFilter.ROUTE_ID_BEFORE_FILTER)
      .pos(-1000)
      .skipResourcesRequests()
      .handle(spincastSessionFilter::before);

// "After" filter
router.ALL()
      .id(SpincastSessionFilter.ROUTE_ID_AFTER_FILTER)
      .pos(200)
      .skipResourcesRequests()
      .handle(spincastSessionFilter::after);

                    {% endverbatim %}

                    By using the provided ids ("SpincastSessionFilter.ROUTE_ID_BEFORE_FILTER" and
                    "SpincastSessionFilter.ROUTE_ID_AFTER_FILTER") you make sure the filters will
                    only be added by you, since the same id can only be used once (otherwise an exception
                    is thrown when the application starts).

                    In a typical application, a custom filter that is often created and added is one to retrieve a logged in
                    User from the database and add it to the request's variables,
                    so the user is easily accessible to the application's code.
                    Such UserFilter would probably need to be added at a position after the
                    spincastSessionFilter::before filter! Indeed,
                    the UserFilter would use the session of the current visitor to determine
                    if he is a logged in user or not and, if so, what is his "userId" (an attribute
                    saved in the session!). This is an example of why being able to modify the positions of
                    filters may be important.

                    Repository implementation

                    This plugin is totally agnostic on how the sessions are actually persisted. It is the
                    implementation of SpincastSessionRepository
                    that controls how the sessions are actually saved. The default implementation is
                    SpincastSessionRepositoryDefault
                    which saved the sessions in a cookie on the users.

                    Even if a default repository is provided, we recommend that you do bind a custom repository using a real database!
                    The default repository, that uses cookies,
                    is somewhat limited. The number of characters that can be stored in a cookie
                    is indeed limited...

                    There are four methods to implement in a custom repository:

                            void saveSession(SpincastSession session)

                                    This method will be called by the plugin when a current session needs to be
                                    saved to the database.

                                    Note that the modification date of the session to save is
                                    already updated when this method is called! You don't have to update it by yourself,
                                    manually or using a database trigger.

                            SpincastSession getSession(String sessionId)

                                    This method will be called by the plugin to retrieve a session saved in
                                    the database.

                                    It must return a SpincastSession
                                    instance, or null if it's not found.

                            void deleteSession(String sessionId)

                                    This method will be called by the plugin to delete a session.

                                    If no session with this sessionId exists, nothing is done.

                            void deleteOldInactiveSession(int sessionMaxInactiveMinutes)

                                    This method will be called by the plugin to delete sessions that have been inactive
                                    for more than sessionMaxInactiveMinutes minutes.

                                    Your query/code must use the modification date of the saved sessions to
                                    determine which sessions to delete.

                    SQL/JDBC example

                    Here's an example of an SQL script (targeting PostgreSQL) to create a
                    "sessions" table. You will probably have to adjust this query
                    for your own database! Or even to use something totally different if you
                    are not using a relational database.

                    {% verbatim %}

CREATE TABLE sessions (
    session_id VARCHAR(36) PRIMARY KEY,
    attributes_serialized TEXT,
    creation_date TIMESTAMPTZ NOT NULL DEFAULT NOW(),
    modification_date TIMESTAMPTZ NOT NULL DEFAULT NOW()
)

                    {% endverbatim %}

                    To serialize and deserialize the session's attributes, you can
                    simply use the JsonObject's
                    toJsonString()
                    and JsonManager's fromString():

                    {% verbatim %}

                        Saving a session to the database:

InsertStatement stm = jdbc().statements().createInsertStatement(connection);
stm.sql("INSERT INTO sessions(  // ...
stm.setString("attributes_serialized", session.getAttributes().toJsonString());

                    {% endverbatim %}

                    {% verbatim %}

                        Retrieving a session from the database:

SelectStatement stm = jdbc().statements().createSelectStatement(connection);
stm.sql("SELECT session_id, // ...

JsonObject attributes =
    getJsonManager().fromString(rs.getString("attributes_serialized"));

SpincastSession session =
        getSpincastSessionManager().createSession(rs.getString("session_id"),
                                                  rs.getInstant("creation_date"),
                                                  rs.getInstant("modification_date"),
                                                  attributes);

                    {% endverbatim %}

                    Configurations

                    The configuration interface for this plugin is
                    SpincastSessionConfig.
                    To change the default configurations, you can bind an implementation of
                    that interface, extending the default
                    SpincastSessionConfigDefault
                    implementation if you don't want to start from scratch.

Options:

                            int getSessionMaxInactiveMinutes()

                                    The number of minutes an existing session can stay inactive (not being used) before it is
                                    garbage collected by the cleanup scheduled task.

                                    If a user with a saved session doesn't visit your application for this long, his session
                                    will be lost.

                                    Defaults to 10080 minutes (7 days).

                            int getDeleteOldSessionsScheduledTaskRunEveryNbrMinutes()

                                    How often should the scheduled task to delete the old sessions (by calling the

                                    deleteOldInactiveSession() method that you implemented) run? This
                                    configuration returns the number of minutes between two launches of the cleanup scheduled task.

                                    Defaults to 30 minutes.

                            int getUpdateNotDirtySessionPeriodInSeconds()

                                    The after filter provided by the plugin (and that you added to your router!)
                                    doesn't save a session that is not dirty on each and every request, simply to update its modification date ...
                                    This wouldn't be very efficient. The filter rather saves a session that is not dirty only once during the period
                                     specified by this configuration.

                                    Important! This period must be shorter than the period
                                    specified by getSessionMaxInactiveMinutes()
                                    or otherwise some active sessions may be deleted!

                                    Defaults to 300 seconds (5 minutes).

                            String getSessionIdCookieName()

                                    The name of the cookie that is used to store the session id, on the user.

                                    Defaults to "spincast_sid".

                            String getDefaultCookieRepositoryCookieName()

                                    When the default repository
                                    is used, this will be the name of the cookie used to store a session, on the user.

                                    Defaults to "spincast_session".

                            boolean isAutoAddSessionFilters()

                                     Should the required before and after
                                     filters be added automatically? If false, you will have to add them by
                                     yourself.

                                    Defaults to true.

                            int getAutoAddedFilterBeforePosition()

                                     When the session filters are added automatically,
                                     this will be the position of the before
                                     filter.

                                    Defaults to -100.

                            int getAutoAddedFilterAfterPosition()

                                     When the session filters are added automatically,
                                     this will be the position of the after
                                     filter.

                                    Defaults to 100.

{% endblock %}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Erving Goffman's theory of total institutions presented in his essay an asylums published in 1961 (Goffman, 1961). He based his essay on his observations in the National Institute of Mental Health in Washington, D.C., and describes that the concept of institutionalization as an effect to bureaucratic structures and patient decline that can be attributed to the state of Total Institutions. The total institution model has been criticized for its basic theoretical limitations but has remained popular with social scientists, rights advocates and lobbyists for hospitalization (Hebding & Glick, 1992).
The problem with Goffman's stand is the negativity that it attributed to the institutions. The effect is that organizations will be considered inherently unproductive and detrimental and allows for individuals to be considered blameless for the circumstances by which an institution exists or operate (Goffman, 1961). An extremist implication is that it would be ultimately wiser to make do without these "total institutions" or that health care professionals have little impact on the quality of the service provided by these institutions.
The Welfare State proposed by William Beveridge in 1940`s Britain has been described as a `grand scheme for reconstruction`- or as sexist and racist. Which do you think is more accurate and why?
William Beveridge was asked by the Ernest Bevin, Minister of Labour to look into the state of England's of social security system. Apart from developing a better social security system, the study was to be the foundation of England's rebuilding efforts after World War II. 11. The 1942 report's main thrust was the establishment of a welfare system to be supported by the work force in the form of contributions to a common insurance fund that will provide aid for sickness, unemployment, retirement and the widowed. The system was to subsidize living costs for a minimum standard of living in the country (Beveridge, 1942).
The post-war conditions that were the premise of Beveridge's health care system have changed: post-war welfare policies afforded women little to no access to benefits for themselves and only as dependants of their spouse (Williams, 1993). Davies (1986) pointed out the need to review of Beveridge's model not because it was a deficient, he points out that the model was sound for post-war conditions significantly, but because of the unprecedented developments for social security in today.
In spite of its successes, the biomedical model has been criticized. Why?
According to Boorse (1967), it is feasible to give objective, impartial observations using "teleological function statements" using biomedical models. Furthermore, Boorse says that a function is the determinant for the design of an organism and that, "function in a biologist's sense is nothing but a standard causal contribution to a goal actually pursued by the organism".
In contrast, De Vito (2000) has pointed physiology is not the central concern but the value-laden concept of life that acts as the criteria in considering structure of physiology and vital teleological goals. Attitudes and ideals health and illness contribute to the perception and identification of symptoms and the consequent medical course of action (Kirmayer, Young & Robbins, 1994). The concern is that standardized biomedical models continued consider of pathology rather than the development of knowledge of the disease and do not account for practical somatic conditions.
How do written records and oral histories contribute to our understanding of people's experience of care?
It is important that healthcare systems factor social institutions and their success depends on the development of models that consider patients' histories as component and products of society and not just of their physiology (Wade & Halligan, 2003).
In this new model a consideration of a patient's written records and oral histories provide insight that go beyond the biomedical models or statistical standards. Database of medical information also can provide greater insights to medical conditions and may provide reference for future researches.
Outline different categories of abuse and discuss how you would judge the seriousness of different forms of abuse.
Among these forms of abuse, abuse against children, women and the disadvantaged are the increasing areas of concern. The standard today is that all suspicious injuries or conditions must be reported to the police for investigation. Though abuse has significantly risen in recent surveys, it has not made a revolutionary impact on health care practices yet (Manfredi & Maioni, 2002).
Stereotyping in care work can lead to discrimination. Explain how this arises and how such discrimination can be challenged.
To create truly effective health care systems, there should be a prevailing effort to be aware of the changing society (Hughes & Lewis, 1998). Stereotyping in care work does not only lead to decline of service quality but also diminishes the value of health care and welfare professionals. It should be recognized that these professionals have to deal with not just health of welfare issues but must tackle societal ills as a whole (Bakan, 1997).
Why is paid home care work important? Is its importance reflected in training and levels of pay? If not, why not?
The need for coverage for home care will improve the quality of services provided as well standardizes training levels and rates of service. Health industry crises and budget cutbacks have forced some hospitals and health services to shut down does limiting the locations where services can be accessed. The development of home care as a profession may be the answer to this concern. To alleviate the cost of home are, may opt to get services privately. This raises the concern for medical risk and insufficient training. Home care should be viable profession in health care if it is developed as a sector in the health industry if the increasing demand for the service is to be met.
What is meant by accountability and why is it important in health and social care agencies? What are some of the difficulties that arise in practice?
Quality service is an accountability of the health care industry. The delivery of these services ensures the success of the community (Arendt, 1958). Health Care and Welfare providers must be responsive and able to change as society does otherwise they fail their role as an institution (Democratic Health Network, 2006). The increasing demands because on existing health because of either developing demographics is not just about funding but also entails the more important issue of effective management (Bakan, 1997).
What are the different approaches in which education and training has been framed for the health and social care workforce? Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the approaches you identify.
Current educational systems involve education and practicum. The system has been proven effective because it provided both technical and practical approaches essential to the filed.
However, the profession should be considered on that needs continuing education to be allow workers the ability to deal with the developing needs of society. Personal support education for the health welfare professional must also be given to help them deal with the emotional and psychological stress of their profession.
Standards and operating procedures in the field should also be responsive and suited to the needs of communities. A colder coordination with community groups and social interest groups can also provide insights to prevailing needs that have to be addressed by health and welfare workers (Wade and Halligan, 2003).
Care relationships can be both rewarding and demanding. Illustrate both aspects of such relationships.
Health and Welfare are essential institutions in society because of they center on the quality of life and life itself. Beyond diagnostics, prescriptions and treatment is Health and Welfare's role in establishing the value of our existence and our significance in society.
Health care professionals are given a career that is rewarding and allows them to directly affect society. Individuals benefit from the improvement of the quality of their lives as well as their enjoyment of it. And as a whole, society is able to reflect, through its Health and Welfare system, its core values as well as build a secure and happy society.
Arendt, Hannah (1958). The Human Condition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Bakan, Joel (1997). In Just Words: Constitutional Rights and Social Wrongs. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Beveridge, William (1942). The Report to the Parliament on Social Insurance and Allied Services. London: Ministry of Labour.
Boorse, Christopher. Wright on Functions. The Philosophical Review. LXXXII. pp 67-89.
Davies, S. (1986). Beveridge Revisited: New Foundations for Tomorrow's Welfare. London: Centre for Policy Studies.
Democratic Health Network (2006). Accountability of the Health Service. Retrieved on September 9, 2006 from http://www.dhn.org.uk/module1-detail.jsp?section= what_we_do_dhn&id= 14.
De Vito, Scott. On the Value-Neutrality of the Concepts of Health and Disease: Unto the Breach Again. Journal of Medicine and Philosophy. Vol., 25, No. 5. 2000. pp. 549-556.
Devon County Council (2006). Forms of Abuse, including Signs and Signals of Abuse. Retrieved on September 9, 2006 from http://www.devon.gov.uk/index/socialcare/older_ people/adult-protection/appg/ap-alert-guide/ap-alert6.htm.
Goffman, Erving. (1961). Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. New York: Doubleday.
Hebding, D. E. and Glick, L. (1992) Introduction to Sociology. New York: McGraw-Hill Inc.
Hughes G. and Lewis, G. (1998). Unsettling Welfare. London: Routledge.
Kirmayer L.J., Young A., Robbins J.M. (1994). Symptom Attribution in Cultural Perspective.
Manfredi, Christopher P. and Maioni, Antonia (2002). Courts and Health Policy: Judicial Policy Making and Publicly Funded Health Care in Canada.
Sade, Robert. M. (1995). A Theory of Health and Disease: The Objectivist-Subjectivist Dichotomy. The Journal of Medicine and Philosophy. Vol. 20, No.5.
Wade D.T., Halligan P. (2003). New Wine in Old Bottles: The WHO ICF as an Explanatory Model of Human Behaviour.


John Delaney was reportedly just 150 feet from the peak of Mount Everest when he died Saturday, having collapsed from an unknown medical condition. The Intrade founder passed away without knowing he had a new daughter. He was 42.
Delaney, the first Irishman to perish on Everest, had tried the summit once before five years ago, around the time of his marriage. This time he made it up 29,000 feet, and his guide had already gone ahead to the mountain's peak, when Delaney collapsed. The guide returned, and doctors were consulted by radio, but Delaney could not be resuscitated. He leaves behind not only his wife and new daughter, born last Wednesday, but two young sons, as well.
His company, Intrade, bills itself as "the world's leading prediction market" and make bets on the outcomes of "hundreds of real-world events." Delaney surely foresaw that he'd miss the real-world event of his daughter's birth during his climb; that he'd miss her life entirely was presumably an unanticipated tragedy.


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Kalininsky District () is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-eight in Saratov Oblast, Russia. It is located in the west of the oblast. The area of the district is . Its administrative center is the town of Kalininsk. Population: 33,302 (2010 Census);  The population of Kalininsk accounts for 49.4% of the district's total population.

References

Notes

Sources

Districts of Saratov Oblast

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Leighton Meester oozes casual glamour and sophistication, whether she's waltzing down the red carpet, or slouching around the beach.
Leighton has paired this beautiful polka dot dress with a sloughy grey cardigan, grey booties and a tan waist belt. Keeping her hair off her face, and wearing minimal makeup, ensures that focus is not taken off her beautiful dress. I absolutely love this outfit.
Leighton looks cute and stylish in this cream mini-dress, which she has paired with a waist belt, sandals and sunglasses.
I think Leighton looks stunning here. Pairing a gorgeous waistcoat with a tank-top and jeans is a classic move, but one that Leighton really works, adding her signature sunglasses to complete the look.
Leighton looks adorable here, pictured with her puppy. She has cracked out another pair of gorgeous sunglasses, and paired them with some washed out jeans, a grey t-shirt and a tan cardigan. Her hair finishes off the outfit, with cute little plaits keeping it off her face.
What do you make of Leighton's style? Is she a winner for you?


In his speech at Fort Hood, the president invoked Abraham Lincoln with a mention of the afterlife. Lee Siegel says Obama's worship and rhetoric could escalate a perilous war.
President Obama's speech at Fort Hood on Tuesday may have been beautiful and eloquent, even stirring, but it sent the wrong type of shivers up my spine.
References to first and last things, to the ultimates of birth and death, rolled mellifluously off the president's tongue. "Your loved ones endure through the life of our nation," he told the families and friends of the soldiers who had been murdered at Fort Hood. His most striking phrase was also chilling in its casual camaraderie with the beyond. "So we say goodbye to those who now belong to eternity." A modern president who is so comfortable with first and last things, and with the cushioning concept of eternity, is deeply unsettling, especially in a time of war.
Any contemporary president who consciously models himself on Lincoln is quite possibly going to lead us all into hell.
And make no mistake about it, Obama hasn't come close to deciding whether to escalate American involvement in Afghanistan. A couple of weeks ago, the atmosphere was filled with the rumor, seemingly leaked by someone in the administration, that he had resolved to send 30,000 to 40,000 more troops there, as per Gen. Stanley "Hearts and Minds" McChrystal's imperious request. Obama's people quickly refuted it. Then came the leaked memos written by Karl Eikenberry, U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, expressing serious reservations about committing any more troops to that county. A dutiful press characterized these memos as "echoing" Obama's own thinking.
But no one knows what he is thinking. For all of the men's club atmosphere in the White House these days, this president has got to be the most feline, the most passive-aggressive leader the country has ever had. Obama likes to play all sides against the middle, but he also likes to agitate all sides in order to help him find exactly just where the middle is. And when trespassed against, he bides his time and strikes back by proxy. It's not hard to imagine that Eikenberry's leaked memos, which directly contradict McChrystal's request for more troops, were meant by Obama as humiliating payback to McChrystal for trying to force Obama's hand in public.
Obama has not made up his mind on what to do in Afghanistan, so the way he talks about war and about death in war is significant. Lately, it's almost panic-inducing. After last Tuesday, it seems that Obama's well-known worship of Abraham Lincoln is starting to tip over into a fantasy of actually being Abraham Lincoln.
At Fort Hood, not only did Obama explicitly mention Lincoln, but he repeated a line from the Gettysburg Address almost verbatim—"We are a nation that is dedicated to the proposition that all men and women are created equal"—and borrowed cadences and language from that legendary brief speech. Echoing Lincoln's "testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure," Obama referred to a "nation" that "endures" three times. He also repeated the Gettysburg Address's themes of sacrifice and necessary suffering.
Why should the president drawing on a great American figure like Abraham Lincoln be a cause for concern? It should worry us because you can admire Lincoln's achievement in freeing the slaves and keeping the Union together, but also be horrified by his bloodlust in doing so, and his sense of himself as a biblical hero. You don't have to be a despicable Lincoln-hater to not want to associate yourself with the smarmy and sanctimonious Lincoln-idolators. Any contemporary president who consciously models himself on Lincoln is quite possibly going to lead us all into hell.
Lincoln presided over the deaths of 620,000 soldiers and 50,000 civilians, and the crippling of hundreds of thousands more. Drew Gilpin Faust, in her study of the Civil War, This Republic of Suffering, observes at the end of her superb book that by war's end, freedom was still an "unrealized ideal" and that "assumptions of racial hierarchy would unite white North and South in a century-long abandonment of the emancipationist legacy." She seems to wonder, as other historians have, whether so much carnage was necessary to break down the institution of slavery.
Obama is hardly a shallow academic scoring easy moral points with a pretty—if morally imbecilic—phrase. But he does seem intoxicated with the wartime Lincoln, whose public rhetoric grew in beauty and power as the war became more and more ferocious.
Nothing guarantees a leader's immortality like war. War's mire and sordidness make the most conventional sentiments and rhetoric seem stirring, grand, and heroic by comparison. There is pretty much a national consensus now that the war in Vietnam was a senseless catastrophe, but that conflict started with language made eloquent simply by the invocation of war. John F. Kennedy's immortal line from his inaugural address—"ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country"—has a Periclean fineness. Yet it is also an invitation to perform the ultimate service for one's country, death on the battlefield—specifically, an unspeakably unnecessary death on a Southeast Asian battlefield.
Obama's nocturnal visit to Dover to pay his respects to fallen American soldiers, his solicitousness at Fort Hood, his visit to Arlington National Cemetery make for a replenishing contrast to his predecessor's puerile callousness toward the American military's heartwringing sacrifices. Such dramatic acts are very moving. At the same time, they could also be shrewdly staged sops to the generals before Obama disappoints them by announcing that he will send no more troops to Afghanistan.
Lee Siegel has written about culture and politics and is the author of three books:Falling Upwards: Essays in Defense of the Imagination; Not Remotely Controlled: Notes on Television; and, most recently,Against the Machine: Being Human in the Age of the Electronic Mob. In 2002, he received a National Magazine Award for reviews and criticism.


Vicks Inhaler is a medicated inhaler that encounters the problem-related to clog nose. The main ingredients Menthol gives temporary relief from nasal congestion and makes you breathe easily.
Treats stuffy nose due to cough, cold or respiratory allergies.
Composition: Per 0.5ml Contains: Pudina ke phool 41.54% w/w, Kapoor 41.54% w/w, Wintergreen tel 12.27% w/w, Base q.s.
Dosage: 1 - 2 inhalations in each nostril.


Chaotic riffage and diarrhea inducing brutality; this merciless assault will leave your brain cringing for more! Chicago's Truculency will pound your face with devastating riffs and relentless blast beats. Seamlessly flowing from insane technicality to ball crushing brutality, their debut album "Eviscerate the Paraplegic" is sure to wrench up your mind with its technical brutal madness. For fans of Spawn of Possession, Deeds of Flesh, Condemned, and Origin.


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Hucknall and Ashfield residents asked to put the bins back sooner
'Pig's ear' repair on Hucknall road branded 'one of worst in England' is slammed.
Hucknall Whyburn Farm: Motion against proposals to to build 3,000 homes on green belt will not be debated by council
Campaigners against controversial proposals to build 3,000 new homes on Hucknall green belt at Whyburn Farm have been dealt the frustrating news that their key motion will NOT be debated as hoped today (Thursday) by Ashfield District Council.
Thursday, 2nd December 2021, 12:49 pm
Instead, the motion is to be referred to the council's cabinet and not be debated until January.
Many campaigners will still be at the meeting this afternoon though, as the group's petition containing more than 7,600 signatures, which was handed in to the council last month, will still be debated, albeit for limited time.
The motion, put forward by Coun Lauren Mitchell (Lab), who represents Hucknall South, calls for the council to amend, and potentially replace, its current draft plan in relation to proposals for the housing on green belt in the face of strong public opposition from the people of Hucknall.
A motion calling for changes to the draft local plan to protect Hucknall green belt will not now be debated by Ashfield District Council today
It was on the agenda for this afternoon's full council meeting which many campaigners were planning to attend.
But meeting papers from council officers, seen by the Dispatch, reveal that there will be no debate.
The papers say: "A motion relating to the local plan has been summitted to council and appears on the agenda.
"The cabinet and the council share the responsibility for decision-taking regarding the local plan – the cabinet is responsible for the preparation of the local plan and the council is responsible for approving the local plan for submission to the Secretary of State for examination and the adoption of the local plan (article four of the Local Authorities (Functions and Responsibilities) (England) Regulations 2000 (SI 2000/2853)).
"The council has no current role in relation to the formulation of the draft local plan nor the consideration of the consultation responses to the current Regulation 18 draft of the local plan.
"This means that the motion proposed regarding the draft local plan will be moved and seconded, be referred to the cabinet (in consultation with the local plan steering group) without debate or amendment pursuant to rule 14.4 of the council procedure rules.
"Assuming the motion is moved and seconded as set out in the council agenda, it is anticipated that the mover and seconder of the motion will be asked to attend the cabinet on January 25, 2022 to put their motion and for the cabinet to then debate it.
"External legal advice was obtained to confirm advice in relation to the legalities of the motion and the constitutional procedures."
Campaigners against 3,000 homes on Hucknall green belt inviting everyone on a wi...
But while Coun Mitchell's motion will not be debated, there will still be debate on the petition, although it will be limited to a maximum of 15 minutes.
The Whyburn petition is one of two being presented at the meeting.
Papers say: "The petition organisers have been invited to the council meeting and they will present their petitions to the chairman of the council/chief executive officer.
"Both petitions have over 1,500 signatures and as such will be debated at council and each petition will be dealt with separately, in line with the petition scheme and the constitution (Rule 12).
"The petition organiser has up to five minutes to address the council.
"The council will then discuss the petitions for up to a total of 15 minutes
"The council, at the end of the discussion, will resolve how to deal with the petition (this requires a motion to be moved and seconded and voted upon)."
The draft plan itself has been paused since the first round of public consulations ended on November 16 while the council says it awaits clarification from the Government following Prime Minister Boris Johnson's comments at the Conservative Party Conference about not forcing councils to build on green belt.
Lauren MitchellAshfield District CouncilHucknallBoris Johnson


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The Inspirational Kerala Cop Journey from Lemonade Cart to Varkala SI
By Raymond J. Parks	 Last updated Jun 29, 2021
The fortune tale genre took a different turn when Anie Siva, Deputy Police Inspector for the sleepy town of Varkala in Kerala overnight became a sensation with a tale of persistence and willpower. Anie has now been appointed to Ernakulam District. Anie was looking to graduate when Cupid hit her at the age of 18, only to have a life that hit her harder than an iceberg. The first rejection came from the husband when she was carrying their first child. The abandoned young woman of the family had nowhere to go with a baby to care for.
Anie is in awe of all the appreciation that has poured in when. She sat down for a conversation with News 18. "I'm amazed it's for real. I'm confused if this is the same company where I fought for 15 long years. Countless women in this society deserve to be appreciated. Actor Suresh Gopi called me to ask me why I hadn't approached him when needed. In the face of poverty, seeking help is only secondary. The first thing you look for is a safe place to take shelter. When I joined the police force, I found many people who needed a shoulder to cry on, so that their worries were suddenly gone.
When she was abandoned by her ex-husband, Anie took on odd jobs for a living. She started out as a door-to-door marketing agent selling curry powder. As it fell flat on her face, she moved on to a life insurance agency. A paltry Rs 3,500 per month was barely enough to cover the expenses of a rented house and childcare costs for his son.
She found an associate from the same agency to start the lemonade business. Anie had pledged her gold ornaments to fund the business, but the unruly nature of her business partner's husband ruined the profit, prompting her to seriously think about job security.
The Facebook post behind her overnight fame came as Anie walked the Memory Trail from her new office where she was appointed Police Inspector.
"I had no knowledge of most of the jobs I had held in my life. I had no idea drinking lemonade, let alone making one myself. My lack of expertise earned me the wrath of a client. So I made a point of telling all my fights to this company. I never expected it to be projected in this proportion, "says Anie.
Citing her broken marriage at the age of 18, Anie would not have wanted to measure her knowledge with her education. "Education is not the standard of knowledge. These days, I marvel at the thoughtless act of getting married. It helped me understand teenage girls better. "
"I believe it's God's command for me to be in this service and live to support many others. If there is no one to support and no one to expect at home, it gives you pause. I have a son. But no matter what I did, I couldn't afford to buy her a meal. During my days as an insurance agent, a man accepted a policy of Rs 50,000 in exchange for a striptease! This view of society has not changed much to this day. Those who "like" and "share" social media posts do exactly the same against dark. Just as the character played by Thilakan in the movie "Veendum Chila Veettukaryangal" told his son, my father wanted me to "show how I live". I found myself having to do it, so that my father would keep his head up. He didn't start talking to me, "concludes Anie.
Comic book TV series that went too far
The Full Monty is coming to the Theater in the Park in October
'The Real Magic Mike' takes it off for HBO Max in December
Could Libya be ruled by a Gaddafi again?
Raymond J. Parks
GB Justice Chief Justice Malik Haq Nawaz visits Nagar and Hunza
Celebrity Silhouette arrives in Southampton
January 4 to 10, 2022
How MAGA Media's dead ends fought for rejections in Trump's wake


In March I wrote a piece for The Shadow Booth about Susan Cooper's great young adult novel The Dark is Rising, with reference to the extraordinary cover of the edition I had as a kid (see above), which scared me so much that at the time I couldn't read the book.
I was delighted when the artist, Michael Heslop, contacted me, and even happier when he agreed to an interview, which you can read by clicking this link to The Shadow Booth.
Posted in Book Cover Art, Children's fantasy, Fantasy, Herne the Hunter, Michael Heslop, science Fiction, Susan Cooper, The Dark Is Rising.Tagged Cover artist, Herne the Hunter, Michael Heslop, PUffin, Susan Cooper, The Dark Is Rising.


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