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Bilge Yeşil on the Turkish media, past and present
Turkey Book Talk is back after a one month hiatus.
We return with a good one: Bilge Yeşil speaks about her book "Media in New Turkey: The Origins of an Authoritarian Neoliberal State" (University of Illinois Press).
Download the episode or listen below:
https://turkeybooktalk.podbean.com/mf/web/ec2yqx/Bilge_Ye_il_on_the_Turkish_media.mp3
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Here's my review of the book.
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Filed in AKP, Book Review, Freedom of expression in Turkey, Interviews, Podcast, Politics, Press freedom, Turkey, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish politics, Turkish press review, Uncategorized
Tags: book review, freedom of expression in Turkey, interview, politics, press freedom, Turkey Book Talk, Turkish media, Turkish politics, Turkish press
Misunderstanding the Turkish press
I'm breaking my blogging hiatus to present a guest post by my friend Paul Osterlund, who is currently reporting for Today's Zaman. The piece is a response to a recent apologia for the Turkish government's press freedom record written by Sabancı University historian Adam McConnel on the Serbestiyet website. Rebuttals are welcome via the comments section.
Late last month, an article titled "Understanding the Turkish Press" appeared on the Turkish website Serbestiyet (The Independent), written by Adam McConnell, an American historian who has lived in Turkey for 15 years and holds a doctoral degree from Istanbul's Sabancı University.
Despite the website's moniker, Serbestiyet is comprised primarily of self-fashioned "liberal" journalists and scholars who support President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). The website features a cadre of columnists who previously wrote for the Taraf daily, who subsequently jumped ship when that paper adopted a harshly critical stance toward the AKP. These columnists range from those who are unwavering in their support for the AKP to those at who are at least willing to acknowledge many of its authoritarian blunders, nevertheless insisting that the party is Turkey's only democratizing force.
In his essay, McConnell writes that the Turkish press is a "daily anarchic knock-down, drag-out free-for-all," where the is no semblance of objectivity, but rather a ragtag collection of pro and anti-government dailies eschewing proper journalistic standards for cheap potshots. While this may be true, it forms the basis for his assertion that "the Turkish press is not under threat from the government, and is not censored," a position that could only be occupied by one wearing blinders. His idea of a free press resembles Erdoğan's views on democracy, which Turkey's president believes in firmly rooted in the ballot box. So long as there are multiple parties competing in relatively free and fair elections, no one has the right to complain. As long as there are a variety of papers taking aim at the government, the opposition, the Gülen movement, and each other, the press should be considered free and healthy.
Such logic painfully overlooks a variety of important factors. One troubling trend that McConnell neglects to mention is Erdoğan's penchant for publicly chastising journalists. The president has done this time and time again knowing that the journalist in question will receive a deluge of threats. In 2011, Erdoğan accused respected columnist Nuray Mert (without specifically mentioning her name) of supporting the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Afterwards, Mert lost her job as a TV show host and was eventually booted from her columnist position at the daily Milliyet. Most recently, Erdoğan singled out professor and columnist İhsan Yılmaz, (though again not by name) calling him a traitor for various remarks Yılmaz had made at a conference in Washington earlier this year. Both Mert and Yılmaz reported fearing for their safety. These are only two among a host of similar incidents. (Erdoğan seems particularly eager to target young female journalists, including Amberin Zaman, Ceylan Yeğinsu, Selin Girit and Rengin Arslan).
The government has levied media owners with hefty tax fines, most famously in 2009 when the Doğan Media Group, which runs the daily Hürriyet and CNN Türk among other outlets—was fined a whopping 4 billion lira. The penalty was later reduced to just under one million, but the penalty was widely believed to have been a punishment for the media group's critical coverage. As of 2013, more journalists were behind bars in Turkey than in any other country. Erdoğan frequently files criminal complaints against journalists he doesn't like, and even deported an Azerbaijani journalist early this year for certain tweets he wrote, an incident that may be the first of its kind in history. McConnell mentions none of this, apart from this underwhelming tidbit: "True enough, Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan has apparently put pressure on some newspapers or journalists, and gotten some people fired, which was obviously not the right thing to do."
The author proceeds by listing the most prominent Turkish dailies and their respective ideological stances, pointing out that the majority are critical of the government. He takes opposition papers to task for suddenly beginning to cover labor issues, a move which he says amounts to "nauseauting hypocrisy." Never mind that labor conditions have deteriorated amid a major construction boom and privatization frenzy that has coincided with the AKP's tenure as Turkey's ruling party.
Even if it is hypocritical for the opposition papers to revert their focus toward these issues, they have become impossible to ignore, particularly when they are surrounded by hysteria and provocation caused by the AKP itself. An Erdoğan advisor, Yusuf Yerkel, was photographed kicking a protestor following a deadly mine disaster that killed 301 workers at the Soma mine in May. Erdoğan himself caused a furor when he said the tragedy was the "nature of the business," referencing similar disasters in 19th-century England. In the midst of such absurdity, only papers loyal to the government failed to report on these incidents, the kind of scandalous and popcorn-muching fodder that is dream coverage for newspapers.
McConnell, while exhibiting his distaste for what he sees as opposition hypocrisy, conveniently leaves out that pro-government papers routinely print bald-faced lies and anti-Semitic nonsense. Last year Yeni Şafak ran an interview with Noam Chomsky where certain answers were altered (the meticulous Chomsky discovered this himself), whereas Takvim printed an interview with CNN's Christine Amanpour that was completely fabricated. Meanwhile, in the midst of Israel's latest flurry of bomb attacks on Gaza, Yeni Akit featured a word game centered around a picture of Adolf Hitler, with the resulting clue reading "we are longing for you."
Pro-government tabloid Takvim's legendary interview with a tree during last year's Gezi protests.
Pressure from the ruling party can even have the power to dramatically influence circulation between the opposition papers. After Hürriyet opted not to print a highly sarcastic piece from Yılmaz Özdil, one of the country's most popular columnists, Özdil jumped ship to Sözcü, which then immediately took Hürriyet's spot as the third-most circulated paper in Turkey, moving up from fourth place, although the two papers have traded places since then. Amid increasing pressure from the government, Hürriyet declined to print Özdil's column as it suggested in a facetious manner slathered with bitter mockery that Erdoğan's son Bilal should be the country's prime minister.
In their columns, the Serbestiyet crew has exhibited an extremely paranoid attitude toward the Gezi Park protests, asserting that the movement had been hijacked by Kemalist/neo-nationalist forces. They argued that the protests amounted to a "coup," and they evaluated the Dec. 17 corruption scandal using the same term. Even the Oct. 6-7 clashes between PKK sympathizers and Islamist groups over Turkey's indecisiveness over Kobane have been referred to as a coup by some of these columnists. One would think that people who have lived through actual military coups, as tanks rolled through the streets and forcibly seized control, and where dissidents were imprisoned, tortured and killed, would not throw around the term so lightly. They also managed to gloss over the large number of journalists who lost their jobs following the Gezi events. Since they believe any serious threat to the credibility of the AKP must be a coup plotter or secular nationalist, they harbor the same stance toward the opposition press. Any paper or writer who criticizes the government is a bitter, coup-sympathizing elitist who doesn't understand a monumental social transformation that only the AKP could usher in and see through.
Since McConnell would like his readers to believe that the opposition papers solely exist to take jabs at the AKP, he attempts to minimize their distinct ideological positions and deemphasizes the fact that they are catering to different groups of people. One wouldn't find an average reader of Sözcü thumbing through the pages of Taraf, as the latter frequently features columnists openly and frankly discussing the Armenian Genocide and the Kurdish settlement process, occupying positions uncomfortable for your average Kemalist. On the other hand a loyal Taraf reader would likely snub their nose at the idea of reading Cumhuriyet or Yurt. (McConnell makes the claim that Taraf has become co-opted by the Gülen movement, a rather conflated accusation that many of its former columnists have echoed. While Taraf's Mehmet Baransu and Emre Uslu are movement sympathizers, the paper also features gay and trans columnists alongside a host of other writers that would be unwelcome at the Gülenist papers.) Moreover, a reader of Zaman or Bugün, who sympathizes with the Gülen movement, would be unlikely to give Sözcü or Cumhuriyet more than cursory glance, even if Zaman has begun to reference Cumhuriyet reports.
Different opposition papers have specific reasons to criticize the AKP. Left-wing papers such as BirGün and Evrensel go after the government because of its crony capitalist tendencies and sweeping neoliberal urban redevelopment initiatives. The Gülen dailies have come out swinging because the AKP has publically vowed to wipe out the Gülen movement and have taken major initiatives to destroy its financial integrity. The Kemalist dailies sling mud at the AKP whenever they can because they see it is an affront to their "secular lifestyle" and what they interpret as the "secular legacy" of the modern Turkish state.
The pro-government press, on the other hand, exists for a solitary purpose: to act as the mouthpiece of Erdoğan and the AKP. These outlets come in different flavors, but they are all equally loyal in their unquestioning devotion to the president and the government. On several occasions, pro-government dailies have featured nearly identical headlines, indicating that they are the result of top-down instructions. If the present state of the Turkish press can be considered an all-out slugfest between papers that have very distinct reasons for taking potshots at the government and the pro-government press, it is because these conditions have been fostered and encouraged by the government's polarizing rhetoric, zero tolerance policy regarding criticism, its eagerness to personally single out "troublesome" journalists and its encouragement of corporate allies to buy media outlets to broaden the range of its mouthpiece. The current condition of the Turkish media cannot be understood separately from the ever-increasing authoritarian maneuvering of Erdoğan and the AKP.
The Turkish press, like the country it tries to represent, is highly dynamic and full of twists and turns. But despite the fact that Turkey can technically be considered a democracy, it is not a healthy one. And while pro and anti-government papers may duke it out freely with obnoxious headlines that often amount to little more than insults, the Turkish press is far from free. For one to begin to "understand" the Turkish press, they must be aware of the constant and diligent interventions staged by Tayyip Erdoğan, conducted to intimidate and delegitimize any and all who rattle his cage.
Filed in Freedom of expression in Turkey, Media freedom, Press freedom, Turkey, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish press review
Tags: Adam McConnel, Paul Osterlund, Serbestiyet website, Turkey, Turkish media, Turkish press
Doğan Ertuğrul spills the beans about pro-gov't daily Star
A long and revealing interview with Doğan Ertuğrul, the former senior news editor of the staunchly pro-government daily Star, appeared on the news website T24 on May 5. Ertuğrul resigned from the newspaper in March, issuing a statement complaining that it had descended into the realm of "black propaganda":
In the state of insanity that Turkey is currently experiencing, the media has suffered more than its share. 'News' papers and TV stations that don't observe news values and instead aim for perception management – or, more accurately, black propaganda – have become routine.I have held the same position at Star for years, but I feel there is no longer any possibility there to do responsible and balanced journalism.
One wonders why it took so long to come to this conclusion, but Ertuğrul candidly explained his thoughts to T24's Hazal Özvarış.
Star is one of the pillars of the friendly new media establishment that has developed around Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) since it came to power in 2002. As comes through in the interview with Ertuğrul, it sees itself as more intellectual that the higher-circulation Sabah, though you have to ask just how highbrow a title featuring bi-weekly columns from PM Erdoğan's economic advisor and telekinesis-detector Yiğit Bulut can be. Along with its sister TV station, Kanal 24, Star was bought by businessman Ethem Sancak in 2007, with Sancak declaring soon afterwards that he had entered the media sector "to serve the prime minister." Kanal 24 is now equally devoted to the government as Star, and is probably even more influential, reaching a much wider audience while remaining just as partisan. After selling both off in 2009 (having made the necessary editorial adjustments), Sancak bought them back last month.
Star's front page headline on May 4, slamming Washington-based think tank Freedom House for it's recent press freedom report describing the Turkish media as "Not free." The subheading says Freedom House has links to "Israel lobbies" as well as "famous speculator George Soros," while the text underneath emphasises that its president, David Kramer, is a Jew.
Back in 2007, Sancak declared himself "lovesick for the prime minister," adding that Erdoğan was his "most important idol." He is one of the wealthiest and most prominent members of the AKP's new constructocracy, with economic interests intertwining closely with the political interests of the government. Money can't be made from owning a newspaper, but Sancak knows that owning an AKP-friendly media company is a necessary overhead to win contracts in other areas, (just last week his firm won the tender for armoured vehicle and bus manufacturer BMC).
He first bought the Star Media Group at a time when Turkey's "old elite" was applying a huge amount of pressure against Erdoğan and the AKP over Abdullah Gül's presidential candidacy in 2007, and just one year before the closure case against the party was to be brought to the Constitutional Court. The AKP became convinced that a new, friendly media was needed to defend it against such attacks, so it actively went about fostering this. In light of the harsh atmosphere of the period and as part of the narrative of Turkey's "normalisation," there was actually a defendable case to be made for such a move. However, as in many other areas, it has all gone too far. Pressure is now being applied to media across the spectrum, and the core group of pro-government titles has descended into blatant distortion, parrot-like repetition of AKP public statements, and vitriolic character assassinations. As Henri Barkey recently wrote, Turkey's slavishly devoted pro-government media now resembles "Pravda on steroids."
T24's interview with Ertuğrul highlights his revelation about how an interview with President Gül was censored by Star in order to not disturb PM Erdoğan. However, it is perhaps more interesting for the glimpse that Ertuğrul gives into the inner workings of the newspaper; none of it comes as a surprise, but it is quite unusual for an "insider" to go public in such a way. Translated below are some of the most important points, which I think speak for themselves:
My colleagues at Star used to jokingly call me "Brother ethics" because of my concern about journalistic principles. I used to hold many of the same ideals as the AK Parti government, but when the party started to abandon these principles, the media that is close to the government also started to follow the same path. My first realisation of this was during the Gezi protests. I went to Gezi and so did my children. I had the opportunity to see both the groups using violence, and also those with ordinary, democratic demands. For this reason I found the attitude taken against Gezi by the government and the government media very disturbing.
There was a complicated process during the "Kabataş assault" story during Gezi. At the editorial meeting I came out and said this story was fantastical and unconvincing. Many other editors expressed similar views. I said it was wrong to publish news without any evidence at all, based only on the claims of the young headscarved mother. But I couldn't prevent the story from being published … After the camera footage emerged showing what really happened in Kabataş we even debated writing a formal apology at the editorial meeting; but as the prime minister's attitude became clearer, this became impossible to publish.
I had already been objecting to a lot of things, and my objections were always taken into consideration. However, by the end the number of these objections being considered dropped … We had a responsibility to the public before our responsibility to Erdoğan. But that threshold was passed long ago.
The prime minister doesn't see anyone's position as "enough." This happened in a lot of incidents with us. After saying to ourselves, "This [language] is very tough, let's not put it in the headline," we then saw Sabah's headline the next day and we said to ourselves jokingly, "Ah, the prime minister will now criticize us by saying, 'Look, have you seen this?'"
In the government's media there is no need for "Alo Fatih" calls interfering in the editorial process. There, people already know the reflexes of the prime minister and the government. In this sense, Star is a comfortable newspaper … The editors know what they have to do, what will or will not upset the government. There's a kind of shared mind-set that doesn't exist in somewhere like Habertürk, for example … I can't speak for elsewhere, but I can speak clearly about the situation in Star. [PM Erdoğan's economic advisor] Yiğit Bulut is a writer there, and before he was a TV station's director; [Erdoğan's political advisor] Yalçın Akdoğan also writes in Star. Both of them very regularly visit the newspaper. Therefore, caricature-like "Alo Fatih" phone calls are not even necessary at Star.
The issue isn't just about patronage. These newspapers also have directors. If we look at just bosses, we can see that Yeni Şafak's boss has his own personal agenda. For example, despite the prime minister's support, Yeni Şafak ran a campaign to prevent Mehmet Görmez from becoming the Religious Affairs minister. For some reason or another, the paper's boss doesn't like Görmez. In other newspapers, the most important thing is to consider which minister or which prime minister's assistant they are close to, and what kind of closeness they have.
It's possible that many journalists are supporting the government both out of the opportunities this offers and also because they share its ideology. The AK Parti has created its own ideology; call it AK Parti-ism or Erdoğanism. The business environment is connected to the government, so is the media, so is the judiciary, so is the bureaucracy. This is a summary of the Turkey of Tayyip Erdoğan's dreams.
A coterie has developed that uses the political and economic opportunities provided by the government. In the media at the moment there are people supporting the government, but a large number of these will curse Erdoğan when his government declines. There are a lot of people behind him who have no real sympathy for him.
During the Gezi protests and especially after Dec. 17 [corruption probe] there were dozens of headlines that unfortunately didn't conform with proper news criteria and were published for propaganda purposes. It's no longer difficult to see how the government is the source behind a lot of news and a lot of journalists. Sabah, Yeni Şafak, Star, and Akşam haven't published a single line about the claims in the Dec. 17 investigations. There hasn't been a single piece of news about what the claims actually were. At the same time, we read propaganda in the government media about the Gezi protesters' "global terror links," about Israel being behind Dec. 17, and even debates about the Gülen movement's Islamic-ness.
There were a lot of former police chiefs, bureaucrats, and politicians found guilty in the Ergenekon and Balyoz cases who started to feature in Star headline stories just because they took the same positions as the prime minister. People like Emin Aslan, Sabri Uzun, Hanefi Avcı. Once upon a time the accusations against them were widely reported in the newspaper. As that was the case, what were we doing back then? And what are we doing now?
While I still worked at Star, I struggled to keep doing the things that I believed were correct in the name of journalism. I asked myself whether I should quit, or stay and struggle. In order to change things you must struggle. I objected to what was being done, I did what I could, and when I saw that I wouldn't be able to do it any more I quit. I wondered about whether the insane atmosphere in Turkey would end after the local elections in March … But I saw how the country and Star became even harsher after the elections.
Filed in AKP, Freedom of expression, Freedom of expression in Turkey, Press freedom, Turkey, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish politics, Turkish press review
Tags: 24 TV, Dogan Ertugrul, Ethem Sancak, Hazal Ozvaris, media freedom, press freedom, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Star Media Group, Star newspaper, T24, Turkish media, Turkish press, Turkish pro-government press
Yiğit Bulut: PM Erdoğan's Flavor Flav
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's chief economic advisor, Yiğit Bulut, is both the Flavor Flav to his Chuck D, and the Aristotle to his Alexander the Great; both the "hype man" on stage and "theorist" behind the throne. His appointment to the PM's inner circle caused mirth last July, amid his suggestion that foreign powers were seeking to kill Erdoğan using telekinesis, but that was just one of many odd theories he has come up with since last summer's Gezi Park protests. He recently made headlines by declaring that the EU, (Turkey's number one trading partner), was "finished" and would be superseded by the "new world order" of the "Turkey-Eurasia/Russia-Middle East equation"; while last year he told a TV programme that he would "die for Erdoğan if necessary." Bulut's rise is both a symptom and a cause of Erdoğan's gradual departure from reality, and the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) steady descent into paranoia.
People often speculate about whether Erdoğan "really believes" the conspiracy theories that he comes out with, or whether they are just a cynical way of playing to his electoral base in tough times. In fact, both can be true, and insisting only on the latter ignores the deep traces of such currents through the history of Turkey's Islamist movements, (not least in Necmettin Erbakan's Refah Party, where Erdoğan cut his political teeth). When times were easier during the AKP's first couple of terms, such rhetoric generally remained latent; but it was always ready to surface again when things took a turn for the worse. This was clearly the case after last year's Gezi protests and the Dec. 17 corruption probe. Erdoğan did indeed play to his base out of electoral calculation, but when the stakes were so high and the alternative was political disaster (and possibly jail), those conspiracies must also have been a lot more convincing to him. It's probably significant that Bulut was named advisor to Erdoğan shortly after the Gezi protests erupted. It was in those difficult circumstances that his warnings of a Turkey besieged by foreign powers and his political vision of fantasy neo-Ottomanism must have made the most sense to the prime minister.
Bulut was actually once a staunch, nationalist-flavoured critic of the AKP, critical of privatisations, its inability to deal with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and Turkey's growing debt stock. The Damascus moment came some time before his 2010 divorce from former wife Şule Zeybek, the niece of secularist media tycoon Aydın Doğan, and ever since he has defended Erdoğan with the zeal of a true convert. In June 2012 he became the editor of pro-government 24TV, after which he was rewarded for his now-unswerving loyalty with an appointment to the prime minister's brain trust. He now juggles his new role with his regular column in daily Star and political talk show appearances on pro-government TV. Indeed, Bulut was at the centre of one of the more amusing episodes from the wiretap leaks released before Turkey's March 30 local elections: A conversation between the editor of private broadcaster NTV, Nermin Yurteri, and PM Erdoğan's chief political advisor, Yalçın Akdoğan. In it, Akdoğan demands that Bulut be included as a guest on a news discussion programme, which is desperately resisted by Yurteri, who says her station is willing to accept any other pro-government figure but not the widely ridiculed Bulut.
Advert for Yiğit Bulut's pre-election "National Will" lecture tour, arriving in Istanbul's Esenler district.
The crude populism of Bulut's thrice weekly Star column is reminiscent of Erdoğan's bombastic public speeches, but the wild adolescent theorising about the "NEW WORLD ORDER" may be less familiar. It's chilling to think that it's not the ranting of a frustrated teenage shop assistant in Yozgat, but that of the Turkish prime minister's chief economic confidant, who has a personal office in Istanbul's Dolmabahçe Palace.
Translated below is one of Bulut's columns in Star. Hard to believe, it isn't one of his most spectacular pieces, but it does give a good idea of his surreal intellectual hinterland. It appeared on March 28, as Turkey's political atmosphere was at fever pitch just two days before the critical local election. In it, we see Aristotle turning his attention to the future challenges facing the "New Turkey" and how the government's defense policies can best meet these new challenges:
What is the biggest danger for the 'new great Turkey'?
In the days before 2003, when Turkey was still covered up, the question that was asked was this: Which is the biggest threat for Turkey, "fundamentalism" or "separatist terrorism"?
My dear friends, today the question is different: What is the biggest threat for a Turkey that is making peace with itself and expanding? Is it possible to ignore or even destroy the National Will? I repeat: Is it possible to ignore or even destroy the National Will?
This country had many days, months and years of viewing and being forced to view its own values as a threat. The way we looked at issues was mistaken, and so were the solutions we put forward! Until 2003 we lived in this "blind well," and with our "mistaken entrances" we always produced "mistaken results"!
Dear friends, today the situation is very different, and when is to be done is clear: Turkey is establishing a new threat perception, appropriate to its understanding of the "new world order"; as a necessity it is forming a "national defense-military technology-production" strategy. It's not difficult to detail this: Turkey is advancing to become a country capable of reaching the maximum fire power with minimal "human resources," conducting operations in all areas and – most importantly – meeting its "defense needs" with indigenous technology and even producing "concepts."
Dear friends, there were once built-in internal and external focuses were imposed on us for years, and the "built-in media" vehicle didn't even allow us to question this! We even helplessly believed that our own Muslim citizens could be our biggest threat, that our Kurdish-origin citizens could want to divide us… It wasn't right, it was never right, but we could never remove "this sack from our heads" and realise the true "threat definition"! Today we have ripped off the sacks, and the path we will now embrace is apparent!
Result 1: As Turkey grows, it will see; enemies are not just internal and external. As Turkey GROWS, it will see that its enemies are not only inside the nation, but they also hide and focus in the twists in the path of Turkey's expansion.
Result 2: Our minds must be very sharp and our thesis must be very clear: In the last 10 years, Turkey has ripped off the "sacks," saved itself from the "diseased structure" of previous civil-military relations, and is progressing on the path of "becoming a universal state" in the new world order.
Result 3: Turkey is defining a "new national defense concept suitable for a universal state" and is also detailing the technical aspects! Turkey has now revealed itself and there are those who are uncomfortable about this; therefore, a suitable new "NATIONAL STRATEGY" must be very carefully and quickly developed.
Result 4: The NEW TURKEY's use of military force in diplomacy is inevitable! Instead of a military focusing its perceptions on vicious internal threats, a country on the path to becoming a global player must have a military that is redefined to deal with global threats.
Result 5: A NEW CONCEPT OF NATIONAL DEFENSE will benefit the Armed Forces in great and strong diplomacy, and can only be revealed with a new political vision.
Result 6: A new concept for the Turkish Armed Forces must be formed. This new concept would replace the one which searched for virtual enemies wanting to drag the country to fundamentalism and which followed its own citizens on suspicion of dividing Turkey. Instead, it would be a concept that would be strong enough to operate in the world arena, to rival America, the EU, Israel, Russia and China. The local defense industry is currently developing, modernisation is increasing, and projects are being realised to build tanks, aircraft, and ships that can operate thousands of miles from Turkish soil. In short, the Turkish military is becoming a world force…
Result 7: All members of the Turkish Armed Forces who can "see the future" are aware that a new concept of the military will suit the concept of a new Turkey. In fact, when you look closely, you see that in this area there is a big clash between the "resisters" and those who want to "open the path." The BUILT-IN PRESS is working to create the public impression that this is a POLITICAL AUTHORITY-ARMED FORCES clash…
Result 8: The current Global Attack is directly targeting the "national will" and seeks to surrender Turkey's management to the hands of global governance. What we must do is very clear: Destroy these barriers and continue on our path…
Last word: The whole of Turkey – its people, its government, its state – it currently under a huge attack. Most importantly, it is standing against this attack as a whole and battling to exist. At this point, I ask you: all Turkish citizens must investigate the barriers that stand in the path of the GREAT TURKEY and, in a manner suitable to the new world order, stand as a single body against these attacks! "Fear not, the red flag blowing in the horizon won't fade."*
* The opening line of the Turkish national anthem.
Filed in AKP, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish politics, Turkish press review
Tags: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Star newspaper, Turkey national will, Turkish conspiracy theories, Turkish media, Turkish press, Yigit Bulut
The balkanisation of Turkey's media
The Turkish press has presented a grimmer spectacle than usual since the corruption scandal broke last month. The tendency that I mentioned in my last post has accelerated, with the rival Erdoğan and Gülen-affiliated media gunning for each other, adding a fresh dimension to the more familiar division between pro-government and opposition titles. The Turkish media is becoming increasingly balkanised, separated into mutually exclusive information silos that can't agree on even the most basic facts. The problem isn't just that certain information is given through a distorting prism, but that often it is simply not reported. Facts are cheap in an environment of hearsay and rumour mongering, but often they're not even present in the first place.
Take the case of the resignations from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) that followed the breaking of the graft probe story. Five deputies have so far resigned from the AKP over the issue, an unprecedented number and a massive shock to a party that places such a high value on internal party discipline. But the editors of Erdoğanist mass circulation Sabah shielded their readers from the harsh truth as much as they could. While reporting the prime minister's defiant speech at an opening ceremony in Sakarya on Dec. 27, Sabah simply ignored the resignations of three AKP deputies that were announced earlier on the same day. When it finally mentioned them in the following days, it portrayed them as acts of dishonourable betrayal influenced by nefarious foreign forces. Then there's the story of the truck that was discovered in Hatay on Jan. 1 heading to Syria loaded with weapons, National Intelligence Organization (MİT) agents, and members of İHH, a humanitarian aid foundation. Again, the pro-government media initially refused to report the revelation, or the borderline-unconstitutional machinations that prevented local prosecutors from inspecting the truck on its discovery. While it made the headlines of many other media outlets, there was no coverage of the news in Sabah other than straight-faced denials from İHH officials and accusations of "black propaganda." As a final example, I looked through Sabah on Jan. 9, after 15 provincial police chiefs were removed from their positions as part of the government's purge of suspected disloyal officials. The news of the changes came at the bottom of page 21, and essentially just consisted of a list of those affected, with no indication of the purge's wider significance, or mention of the 350 police officers that had been relocated the day before.
You might think that with modern technology there can be no covering up of such essential truths, and that eventually people must surely reach a balanced understanding of the facts. But there's plenty of contrary evidence in Turkey to confound the Internet utopians. I doubt that people read or click more broadly online than they do in print; in fact, the opposite seems to be true. Of course, there are more opportunities to read about things that challenge one's views online, but there is also more scope to indulge comforting illusions. Ultimately, the Internet is probably exacerbating Turkey's polarisation. The last few years have seen the emergence of a huge number of popular news websites of questionable origin peddling aggressively pro-government lines. Like Sabah et al, these sites have a tendency to water down or simply ignore the awkward truths and move on. Similarly blinkered opposition news sites also exist, but it is the pro-government ones that have proliferated so noticeably of late. An unhealthy number of media outlets in Turkey are trapped in echo chambers where dubious facts are taken as unquestionable truths.
But I'd also be careful not to overestimate the ability of "facts" to have much of an impact in such a polarised atmosphere. Nobody's forcing Sabah's readers to buy it, and if they wanted something else there are plenty of alternatives to choose from. Rather, there's a very natural human predilection to pay most attention to the information that coheres with one's own worldview and screen out the rest. Political confirmation bias is a reality everywhere, but it's particularly conspicuous in Turkey: people tend to work backwards to make the evidence fit their conclusion, rather than the other way around. It all seems to indicate that the country's dangerously polarised public debate is only likely to become even more bitter and trenchant. More bad news, basically.
Filed in AKP, Gülen movement, Turkey, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish politics, Turkish press review
Tags: Balkanisation, corruption scandal, Erdoğan-Gülen power struggle, Erdoğanism, Gülen movement, Sabah newspaper, Turkish journalism, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish press
Rift with Gülen movement exposes rise of 'Erdoğanist' media
The spat between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the movement of Islamic preacher Fethullah Gülen has seen tension between erstwhile allies in the Turkish media boil over into open hostility. Among many other things, the public drawing of swords – ostensibly over the closure of private examination schools (dershanes) – has exposed the extent to which PM Erdoğan has successfully built himself a support network of personally loyal media outlets. This network was already clear to see, but its guns have never before been so openly turned on the Gülenists.
Of particular note is the staunchly pro-Erdoğan line taken these days by daily Akşam, which was among the assets seized from Çukurova Holding by the state-run Savings Deposit and Insurance Fund (TMSF) over debt issues in May. After the seizing of Akşam, former editor-in-chief İsmail Küçükkaya was fired and the TMSF appointed a former Justice and Development Party (AKP) deputy in his place, while major changes were also made to the paper's wider editorial team. Its previously centrist tone changed immediately, and Akşam became one of the most reliable supporters of the government throughout the summer's Gezi Park protests. After the prep school polemic exploded, Akşam again rallied behind Erdoğan, taking its place alongside Sabah, Star, Türkiye, Yeni Şafak, Yeni Akit, Takvim, and Habertürk, in the ranks of pro-government newspapers launching unprecedented attacks on the Gülen movement. As with the others, this is clear simply from the number of front page headlines repeating whatever belligerent words the prime minister said on the subject on the previous day.
Echoing Erdoğan: "No step back from dershane reform"
Although the new editorial board shifted Akşam's position months ago, it was actually only sold to businessman Ethem Sancak last month, (along with TV station SkyTürk360, also seized from Çukurova Holding). Sancak once described himself as being "lovesick for the prime minister," and openly declared that he had "entered the media sector to support Erdoğan." He previously bought daily Star and news station Kanal TV back in 2006, transforming them into firmly pro-AKP voices before selling them on soon afterwards. Both processes resemble the way that Sabah, one of Turkey's top-selling newspapers, was sold to the prime minister's son-in-law in 2007, since when it has taken perhaps the most unswervingly pro-Erdoğan line of all mainstream newspapers. Through such moves, Erdoğan has gradually built up a media base completely loyal to himself, without which he would never have been able to achieve a position of such authority in the country. It has been a conscious effort; the bitter power struggles that have marked Erdoğan's political career have convinced him of the need for a reliant and disciplined media support network, and the intertwining interests of business and political elites in Turkey allowed this network to be cultivated. This new, rigidly "Erdoğan-ist" media base has been more apparent than ever during the row with the Gülen movement.
The AKP government has sought to take the sting out of the dershane issue, announcing that the "transformation" of prep schools into private schools doesn't have to be completed until September 2015 (conveniently after the three upcoming elections). The electoral effects of the Erdoğan-Gülen rift are still being speculated on, but it's clear that although a detente has been declared for now, the knives will be even sharper when they inevitably come out again.
Filed in AKP, Fethullah Gülen, Press freedom, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish politics, Turkish press review, Uncategorized
Tags: AKP, Akşam newspaper, Çukurova Holding, dershane debate, Ethem Sancak, Fethullah Gülen, press freedom, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkish media, Turkish press
'Important statements from the prime minister'
The title will be familiar to any follower of news in Turkish. Every day, "news" stories consisting of unedited transcripts of words spoken by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are published online under that headline by the major newspapers. The recent storm over Erdoğan's opposition to mixed-sex student accommodation was only the latest example showing that Turkey's entire news agenda is increasingly becoming subject to the whims of his unpredictable tongue. He opens his mouth and whichever subject he has chosen then dictates the national conversation. When the media is so completely dependent on politicians, how can be expected to hold those same politicians to account?
This problem cuts across the internet, the television, and the printed press. It almost feels like an act of rebellion when a TV station chooses not to cut to a live broadcast of any public utterances from "The Master." I only came to Turkey in 2009, so I can't say whether this has always been the case, but I suspect that the situation has only deteriorated of late. The fact is that you can't get much safer than a "news" story simply providing a transcript of words spoken by the prime minister. What's more, depressingly, I've been told that these articles usually get the most "hits" for websites. This fixation on Erdoğan's every word is not only extremely distorting, but also exacerbates the bizarre cult of personality that has developed around him amongst his supporters.
Habertürk parroting the prime minister on Nov. 9. With unintended irony, the headline quotes Erdoğan's response to Deputy PM Bülent Arınç's criticism of the mixed-sex student housing debate: 'I don't discuss these things in front of the media.'
But while this obsequiousness is lamentable, those official pronouncements in fact are very important. The centralization of decision making is so chronic that Erdoğan's words, whatever they are, really do have the power to shape the agenda of the country, decide the laws that then get passed, and at what speed. As Adana Governor Hüseyin Avni Coş said shortly after Erdoğan's utterances on co-ed housing: "We see the prime minister's words as orders." Policy is increasingly being shaped on an ad-hoc basis around Erdoğan's statements; the centralization of power around him now is such that there is a genuine justification for reporters broadcasting and publishing every single thing he says. The vicious cycle is thus reinforced.
That's why the controversy that is periodically caused by the firing of prominent critical columnists from newspapers often misses the point. Many people's understanding of news seems to be little deeper than a "who said what?" bish-bash-bosh, responded to by a flood of commentary. As I wrote in my last post, few seem to value deeper investigative reporting, and none ever mention the inherent problem with "stories" consisting of nothing more than an indiscriminate transcript of a minister's speech. Editors who are encouraging "Important statements from the prime minister" articles are contributing to this dangerous imbalance. Far from the media being a check on power, PM Erdoğan's tongue is the driving force behind the media.
Filed in Politics, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish politics, Turkish press review
Tags: Habertürk newspaper, press freedom, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey, Turkish journalism, Turkish media, Turkish newspapers, Turkish press, Turkish TV


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Clinical manifestations and diagnosis of Ebola virus disease
INTRODUCTION — The family Filoviridae consists of two genera, the Ebola and Marburg viruses, which are among the most virulent pathogens of humans [1]. The Zaire species of Ebola virus, discovered in an outbreak in Zaire (the present Democratic Republic of the Congo) in 1976, is the causative agent of the 2014 epidemic in West Africa, where the case fatality rate is estimated to be as high as70 percent [2]; rates in earlier outbreaks reached 80 to 90 percent [3].
Epidemics of Ebola virus disease are generally thought to begin when an individual becomes infected through contact with the body fluids of an infected animal. Once the individual becomes ill or dies, the virus then spreads to others who come into direct contact with their blood, skin, or other body fluids. On rare occasions, Ebola virus disease has resulted from accidental laboratory infections, and there is concern that the virus might be used as an agent of bioterrorism.
The clinical manifestations and diagnosis of Ebola virus disease will be reviewed here. The epidemiology, pathogenesis, treatment, and prevention of this disease are discussed elsewhere. (See "Epidemiology and pathogenesis of Ebola virus disease" and "Treatment and prevention of Ebola virus disease".)
For more details, please refer to this link: http://www.uptodate.com/contents/clinical-manifestations-and-diagnosis-of-ebola-virus-disease

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: return true for click event and continue Hi I have a popup window control what I'm trying todo is get it to continue the click event if the user chooses the yes button. How do you continue the click event for the 'yes' button, I'm trying to make it return true but it doesn't continue for the click it just return false.
<script type="text/javascript">
    $(document).ready(function() {

        $('.delete-question').click(function(e) {
            ret = false;
            _this = this;

            $('#pop-up-1').popUpWindow({
                modal: true,
                blurClass: '.main-container',
                action: "open",
                buttons: [{
                    text: "Yes",
                    click: function () {

                        this.close();
                        ret = true;
                    }
                }, {
                    text: "No",
                    click: function () {
                        this.close();
                    }
                }]
            });

            return ret;
        })
    });
</script>

A: You can't do it directly, but you can emit the click event once it is needed, e.g. something like this (not tested):
<script type="text/javascript">
    // global flag to track the popup state
    var popupReturn = false;

    $(document).ready(function() {

        $('.delete-question').click(function(e) {
            // when true (after Yes click only) go on returning true
            if (popupReturn) {
                popupReturn = false;
                return true;
            }
            else {
              _this = this;

              $('#pop-up-1').popUpWindow({
                  modal: true,
                  blurClass: '.main-container',
                  action: "open",
                  buttons: [{
                      text: "Yes",
                      click: function () {
                          // set global flag to true
                          popupReturn = true;
                          // emit click event where it knows that popupReturn is true
                          $(_this).click();
                          this.close();
                      }
                  }, {
                      text: "No",
                      click: function () {
                          this.close();
                      }
                  }]
                });
                return false;
            }
        })
    });
</script>

A: You can't return from asynchronous event like in your case, because your "modal" is not really modal in sense that it doesn't pause code execution until use clicks a button.
This is where callback come handy. I would wrap the modal code into helper plugin and use it like this:
$.fn.confirmable = function(options) {

    options = $.extend({
        close: $.noop,
        dismiss: $.noop
    }, options);

    this.each(function() {
        $(this).popUpWindow({
            modal: true,
            blurClass: '.main-container',
            action: "open",
            buttons: [{
                text: "Yes",
                click: function() {
                    this.close();
                    options.close();
                }
            }, {
                text: "No",
                click: function() {
                    this.close();
                    options.dismiss();
                }
            }]
        });
    });
};

$('.delete-question').confirmable({
    close: function() {
        // ok pressed do something
    },
    dismiss: function() {
        // cancel pressed
    }
});

It means that your workflow needs to transform to asynchronous callback/promise-based.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Parents-Alumni-Care & Safety
Support CJ
Profile of a CJ Graduate
History of Chaminade Julienne Catholic High School
CJ Newsroom - Community
School Buildings
Eagle Tennis Center
Roger Glass Stadium & Eagle Field
Student Conditioning Center
Ensuring A Safe Community
Explore CJ as a Parent
Explore CJ as a Student
Ready to Apply
Summer AP/Honors Course Work
Physical Education Waiver
Flex Credit Program
Guidance Office News
City Connects
CJ STEMM
F.L.I.G.H.T.
Summer Faith Experiences
Religion Service Requirements
Service Learning Experiences
CJ Spirit Store
CJ Drug Awareness and Universal Testing Program
Connect and Remember
Final Forms
Activity Interest Form
Men's Bowling
Facilities, Rentals and Directions
Directions to Other Schools
Facility Usage Expectations and Prices
CJ Performing Arts Earns 19 Awards at MVHSTA
CJ performing arts students received 19 awards at the inaugural Miami Valley High School Theatre Awards Showcase on Tuesday, June 11.
"We are so lucky to be in a city like Dayton that embraces and celebrates high school theatre in this amazing way!," said CJ choir and drama teacher Caitlin Bennett.
The CJ Performing Arts students were recognized in the following categories:
Read more about CJ Performing Arts Earns 19 Awards at MVHSTA
CJ Performing Arts Presents: Picnic With the PoPS
The annual Picnic With the PoPS concert will be held at the CJ auditorium (due to weather).
This great evening of musical adventure and fun is open to the community and perfect for all ages:
6:30 p.m. — Jazz Band performs
7 p.m. — Concert begins
Guests will hear classic hits and mash-ups of favorite songs performed by the concert band and choirs, the string ensemble, Hands in Harmony, and acapella groups, Phoenix and Vega.
The CJ Spirit Shop will be open before and after the concert.
Read more about CJ Performing Arts Presents: Picnic With the PoPS
CJ Performing Arts Presents: A Night of One Acts
Eight performances ranging from comedy, to drama, and everything in between, will be showcased on the CJ stage on Saturday, May 4.
CJ Performing Arts Presents: A Night of One Acts, beginning at 7 p.m. Admission is $5. This is the fifth year for the showcase, which continues to grow both with the number of performances and opportunities for students.
Read more about CJ Performing Arts Presents: A Night of One Acts
Past and Present A Cappella Members Perform at CJ
Performing without accompaniment, Eagles past and present have been taking to the big stage to showcase their talents.
Members of the school's a cappella group, Vega, recently took part in the International Competition of High School A Cappella (ICHSA) semi-finals. The group qualified for this competition after placing second in the ICHSA quarterfinals. At the semi-final competition, Vega placed fourth and received an award for best choreography. Vega member Chloe Proffitt '21 also received an award for best soloist.
Read more about Past and Present A Cappella Members Perform at CJ
UD New Horizons Band and CJ Band to Perform Free Concert
The University of Dayton's New Horizons Music program and the Chaminade Julienne Catholic High School Performing Arts department are presenting a concert on Thursday, March 21 at 7 p.m. in the CJ auditorium. Admission is free to this event.
The concert will feature the two programs' concert bands and the University of Dayton's New Horizons' Rising Stars Beginning Band. Music education students from the University of Dayton will also participate as conductors and performers. Thus, the concert body will range from ages 14-80's.
Read more about UD New Horizons Band and CJ Band to Perform Free Concert
CJ Performing Arts Presents: Rodgers & Hammerstein's Cinderella
CJ's Spring Musical Rodgers & Hammerstein's Cinderella takes the stage March 8 and 9. As adapted for the stage, with great warmth and more than a touch of hilarity, the hearts of children and adults alike still soar when the slipper fits.
Showtimes are 7 p.m. (both days) and a 2 p.m. performance on Saturday. Guests are invited to meet the cast and crew in the cafeteria after the matinee performance. Younger students can have their program signed by their favorite characters and get a picture.
All tickets are $10.
Read more about CJ Performing Arts Presents: Rodgers & Hammerstein's Cinderella
Vega Takes the Stage at TedXYouth Dayton
Vega is celebrating recent successes as the a cappella group qualified for the Great Lakes region semi-finals of the International Championship of High School A Cappella (ICHSA) competition and was asked to perform at TedXYouth Dayton on Friday, March 1.
"The group has overcome a lot of challenges this year, but the students' hard work has definitely paid off," shared Vega director Maddie Brown Severance '13. As an alumna of Vega, she knows from first hand experience the time and dedication it takes to be a member of the a cappella group.
Read more about Vega Takes the Stage at TedXYouth Dayton
Performing Arts Students Showcased Near and Far
2019 is beginning in a big way for students in performing arts.
Read more about Performing Arts Students Showcased Near and Far
CJ Performing Arts Presents: Sounds of the Season
The entire family can get into the Christmas spirit when CJ Performing Arts Presents: Sounds of the Season, a Christmas Concert, on Thursday, December 13 at 7 p.m. The performance will take place in the newly renovated CJ auditorium.
Ensembles performing at the concert will include concert band, concert choir, liturgical choir, string ensemble, Hands in Harmony, a cappella groups Phoenix and Vega, and the Busted Box Improv Troupe. Performances will feature both sacred and secular music.
Read more about CJ Performing Arts Presents: Sounds of the Season
CJ Performing Arts Presents: "A Murder is Announced"
Students within the CJ performing arts community are buzzing with excitement for the showing of their mysterious play, A Murder is Announced, which takes the stage November 16-18. The play is about a murder that hasn't taken place yet, but invitations to it as a "party" have been sent. When the murder truly happens, it's up to the guests to figure out the murderer!
Chiamaka Ejinaka '21 is a production assistant of the play.
Read more about CJ Performing Arts Presents: "A Murder is Announced"
505 South Ludlow Street | Dayton, Ohio 45402 | 937-461-3740
©2019 Chaminade Julienne Catholic High School


text:
Charitable Giving: A Family Affair
Getting things done is in donor Bob Taylor's blood. This grandson of the venerable Taylor's Do-It Centers founder headed the Virginia Beach-based company for 15 years. As a volunteer he led the Hampton Roads Chamber of Commerce, United Way of South Hampton Roads and regional Better Business Bureau.
In 2001 Bob and his wife Marion, a former banker, moved to Fort Wayne, Indiana where he headed Do It Best Corp., a 3,800-store cooperative. He immediately jumped in as an Indiana civic leader involved in downtown planning, nonprofits and state boards.
Before retiring to Virginia Beach in 2016, Bob and Marion started a Hampton Roads Community Foundation donor-advised fund. "We want to continue to give back to our community and plan for its future," he says. "But what happens when we are gone? We are proponents of community foundations" and their ability to keep pace with changing needs in specific geographic regions.
While serving as board president of a private Indiana funder, Bob started thinking about how foundations "give you a window into all the agencies and needs plus all the accountability" needed to successfully award grants.
Rather than starting their own foundation the Taylors created the permanent Bob and Marion Taylor Family Fund at the Hampton Roads Community Foundation.
"If you want to connect with the most effective and efficient nonprofits, a community foundation will help you do that," Taylor explains.
For the Taylors starting a donor-advised fund lets them involve their children while "marshaling resources for the community."
More Philanthropy Posts
Shirley Baldwin Selected for Community Builder Award
Q&A with Brittany Branch: Visionaries Member Focuses on Bolstering Black Community
Leading by Example: The Philanthropy of James and Karen Jones Squires


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Spirit of Mount Vernon's casual and educational atmosphere is the perfect cruise for school field trips!


Questions and Solutions for CHEM120 Are Up!
I've managed, a mist exam time to find an opportunity to scan, size, convert and upload the solutions that were just sitting on my bed for the past few days. Doing this while still having all the knowledge fresh in my head is very useful.
Although the Chemical Bonding Section is not completely finished, I will try to get that done by the end of the next day.
*P.s. Hope my scribbling is legible enough!


text:
Contact Kris
Welcome to the World of The Fey
Their armies conquered half the world. Then came Blue Isle.
With a sweeping scope reminiscent of George R.R. Martin's Westeros and intricate characters like those in J.R.R. Tolkien's Middle Earth, Kristine Kathryn Rusch's Fey series takes fantasy in a whole new direction. When the most powerful ruling family in the world attempts to conquer a tiny, seemingly helpless island kingdom, they meet forces they never knew existed. In a fight spread over generations, this saga of hope and magic proves that the greatest power of all comes from love.
A very good, very large fantasy…nicely done and with a particularly satisfying and unexpected resolution.
Science Fiction Chronicle
The Fey Newsletter
Find out what's happening next on Blue Isle.
The Sacrifice gets bundled!
Read the Series
(In Order)
Destiny: A Prequel Story of The Fey
BEFORE THE DARK DAYS.
Written as a prequel to Kristine Kathryn Rusch's popular Fey saga, "Destiny" follows the Shapeshifter Solanda on Nye. The Black King wants her to use her special abilities on a job that will change the Fey forever. But Solanda wants to change the life of one child. Can she do both? Or should she do nothing at all?
The Sacrifice: The First Book of The Fey
THEIR ARMIES HAVE CONQUERED HALF OF THE WORLD. NOW THEY WANT THE REST.
The Fey, known for their beauty and their warrior magic, have set their sights on Blue Isle. They should conquer the Isle quickly; its people, simple and religious, have never known war. On the eve of the invasion, Jewel, the granddaughter of the Fey's all-powerful Black King, has a frightening vision, one that ties her fate to the Isle forever. Still, she helps her father Rugar head the invasion force. The force meets a surprising resistance. Nicholas, heir to Blue Isle's throne, has always dreamed of battle. Normally, he would be no match for the powerful Fey. But Blue Isle has a secret weapon—a weapon no one understands, a weapon that could stop the Fey in their tracks. Nicholas must find a way to harness this amazing power. Jewel must find a way to thwart him. To survive, one of them must make the ultimate sacrifice. A fast-paced, vibrant novel, filled with memorable characters, Sacrifice begins a saga that will take readers to a richly imagined world, filled with magic, treachery, and unexpected love.
The Changeling: The Second Book of The Fey
BETRAYAL. ASSASSINATION. KIDNAPPING. AND THAT'S JUST THE BEGINNING…
The most surprising book of The Fey saga, with a twist so powerful the rest of the series hinges on that one moment. The Changeling alters everything from the balance of power to the very nature of power itself. For years, an uneasy truce has settled over Blue Isle. But in a series of betrayals, that truce gets shattered. First with an assassination. And then with the destruction of all hope that the warrior Fey and the people of Blue Isle will ever experience peace. Human, half-human, Fey, it becomes impossible to tell hero from villain, impossible to figure out who wants to heal Blue Isle—and who wants to destroy it.
The Rival: The Third Book of The Fey
A LAND SCARRED BY WAR FACES A CONQUEROR WITHOUT MERCY.
The Fey have conquered half the world with their great skills—not just at combat and with powerful magicks. The Fey have another weapon, a greater weapon: Patience. Twenty years after their first invasion, the Fey try again to conquer Blue Isle. This time, the greatest tactician the Fey have ever known, the Black King Rugad, leads the fighting force. He's after not only the strategic island, but he's also after his own great-grandchildren. The oldest of those children has just come of age. He's first in line to inherit Blue Isle's throne. But as Rugad appears on Blue Isle, that Isle's King Nicholas must move beyond guerrilla war to an out-and-out fight for dominance, using a magic created in the union of Fey and Islander, a magic that no one from Rugad to Nicholas himself could ever have expected…
The Resistance: The Fourth Book of The Fey
A RUTHLESS WARRIOR. A BRILLIANT TACTICIAN. ONE FAMILY. OPPOSITE SIDES.
The Black King of the Fey, Rugad, has conquered Blue Isle's capitol city. He thinks he's conquered the Isle itself, even though he can't find its royal family. That family has retreated to the mountains. Exhausted but undefeated, they will regroup and attack again, this time with a new weapon, one that can change everything. As both sides gear up for a second round of terrible warfare, the Shaman has a Vision filled with death, destruction-and the source of Fey might: The Place of Power.
Victory: The Fifth Book of The Fey
AN ANCIENT WEAPON. A NEW SOURCE OF POWER. ONE SPLINTERED FAMILY. WILL IT DESTROY THE WORLD? OR SAVE IT?
In the Cliffs of Blood, Blue Isle's royal family has discovered a secret so powerful that it might destroy the Black King of the Fey. But the Black King's power comes from the same source as the powers of his great-grandchildren. And they're trying to defeat him. If they use this ancient weapon, will they destroy themselves? Must they in order to save Blue Isle? Will using the weapon vanquish the Fey? Or give the Fey the ultimate power? A saga of magic, strange alliances, hope, and fear, filled with disaster, triumph, brutality, and enchantment.
The Black Queen: The Sixth Book of The Fey
FIFTEEN YEARS OF PEACE—SHATTERED BY A SMALL VOICE
Peace marks Queen Arianna's rule of the Fey Empire. Until a war begins inside her. A mysterious presence tries to take over her mind—one of the most magical and powerful brains in all of Blue Isle. The only person who can help her? Her brother Gift, the legitimate heir to the Fey Empire. He doesn't know enough magic to save her, but he will find someone who can. But the Black Throne itself has other ideas. It wants Gift to rule the Fey. To do so, he must betray his family, betray his heritage, betray everything he believes in. If his sister loses control of the Fey, then the entire world will plunge into war. Will Gift allow that? Or will he step into his position as the rightful ruler of the Fey? Will he destroy the world or destroy his family? Will he let the Black Throne win?
The Black King: The Seventh Book of The Fey
FAMILY. KINGDOM. SELF. THE FATE OF THE WORLD HINGES ON MAKING THE RIGHT CHOICE.
Blood Against Blood: The name of the ancient curse that protects members of the Black Family from murdering each other. But what if circumstances justify the death? What if a family member needs to die? Gift faces this dilemma. A powerful presence has taken over his sister Arianna's mind, and Arianna rules the Fey. If that presence takes over the Empire, the world will end. But something awful will happen if Gift harms his sister. The Black Throne itself complicates everything. Because the Throne, a living entity in its own right, wants Gift to rule, not Arianna. Does Gift do what's best for his family? For the Fey Empire? Or for himself? And how can he know what's best? The magic confuses, the Throne tempts, and his sister's mind seems gone. Gift must make the right choice or doom everyone—and everything.


text:
Christina Cuevas Bio, Age, Job, Jenny Slatten Daughter
ByJosh LeviMay 21, 2022
90 Day Fiance: The Other Way, a spin-off of 90 Day Fiance, was first announced in May 2019 and tells the story of a couple where the American partner marries a foreign person and moves to his/her country. TLC viewers are well aware that Jenny Slatten from 90 Day Fiance: The Other Way lives in New Delhi, India, a place which she calls her "home" now, with her partner Sumit Singh. In 2022, Jenny's daughter Christina Cuevas and her wife, Jen, flew to New Delhi to visit her mom's family. They were l be in town for May visiting some popular places together with Jenny and Sumit.
Stick with us until the end of this article to know more about Jenny's daughter Christina Cuevas — from her job to married life.
Meet 90 Day Fiance Jenny Slatten Daughter, Christina Cuevas
90 Day Fiance viewers are well aware that it had been a long time since she last saw her family back in America. However, Jenny's daughter Christina Cuevas and her wife, Jen, came to India all the way from California, and together with Jenny and her partner Sumit Singh they seem to be having fun in the most populous democracy in the world.
Jenny has been showing her daughter around her city, and we know this through all the video clips Christina has been posting on her Instagram. Jenny and Sumit took Christina and her partner Jen to a few restaurants to try out the local cuisine. Overall, Christina seemed to like the Indian food and even called the food "delicious" at a particular restaurant called "Pirates of The Grill".
Jenny and Sumit also took their visitors on a few side trips and one of the trips were to the yoga capital of the world Rishikesh. They stayed at a yoga retreat resort, called Sattva Yoga Resort.
We learned through Christina's video diaries that Jenny and Sumit also made a stop in Goa. They stayed in a beautiful villa, which had three bedrooms, three full bathrooms, a living room, a modern kitchen, and a pool right outside their back door.
Christina seems to have nothing but an appreciation for Indian culture and customs. She is particularly impressed by the fashion. Recently, she even shared a video trying different traditional attires.
On her Instagram, Christina "Tina" Cuevas modeled 11 "Woman's Kurtas," an outfit that looked long dressed with three-quarter-length sleeves with slits going up both sides of the bottom. To rock the kurtas, she wore white leggings.
She wrote, "I think I'm replacing all my clothes with kurtas I just love them they are so comfy and cute… and you can wear shorts, leggings, palazzo pants, jeans I mean, and the ones that button all the way down…," in the caption area of the video.
Talking about things other than Christina's visit to India, her mom Jenny made her TV debut through 90 Day Fiance: The Other Way. The 90 Day Fiance spin-off followed Jenny's journey to India to be with her now-husband, Sumit Singh. There, she faced many obstacles including Sumit's parents being against their relationship. However, the biggest one was Sumit lying about not being married.
Sumit solved the latter problem by getting a divorce from his then-wife. Sadly, Jenny's man could not convince his parents to accept his relationship with Jenny and went against their wishes to marry his love.
Christina Cuevas Father
Before she met Sumit, Christina Cuevas' mother had been married to a Black man for 15 years. Reportedly, the pair divorced each other as Jenny once said, "I found out he was leaving me for somebody else."
Christina first posted about her father on an Instagram post dated June 4, 2020. She uploaded an old picture of her kissing her dad and in the caption revealed that he passed away in 2008. She also wrote, "I know if he were here today I would be wrapping my arms around him with LOVE because he was not just a beautiful black man he was my dad. We stand with you."
She is also said to possess some resemblance to her late father. One of her fans asked, "You look like your mom. But definitely more like your dad. Where was he from? Background?" to which she replied, "Kentucky raised and moved to Orange County."
As per reports, Christina's father's name was Robert.
Christina Cuevas Age
Christian Cuevas' age was 40 as of 2022 and she celebrated her 40th birthday back on January 12th. Her wife, Jen, wished her a happy 38th birthday on January 12, 2022, by making an Instagram post.
Is Christina Cuevas On Instagram?
You can find Christina Cuevas on Instagram @blend_it_too, where she has around 31.2 thousand followers. She also has a second IG handle (@mrs_tina_c) with 168 followers but the account seems to be inactive now. Jenny's daughter is also huge on TikTok (blend_it_too), where she has 21.7 thousand followers.
Christina Cuevas Job
According to Christina's Instagram, she is a nail artist. What else, she is also an entrepreneur and runs Rsweetcreations. Rsweetcreations does so many things but one of their jobs is to customize picture letters.
A scroll through Christina's old IG also reveals that used to sell beauty products. Some of her popular products were Primers, Caribbean Sparkle, Insane Tints, and Lotions.
Is Christina Cuevas Married Yet?
Christina Cuevas is married to her longtime partner, Jen. As per Jen's Instagram (gains_ta), the two are together since 2007. The adorable couple celebrated their 12th wedding anniversary on December 16, 2019, and Jen took to Instagram to celebrate the personal milestone.
Christina with her longtime partner, Jen.
Christina and Jen's relationship is clearly an inspiration to many young lovers if their Instagram posts are anything to go by. Both of them publicly show their love for each other with Jen even calling Christina "the one to show her true love and help her smile through all the bull shit."
Christina's wife, Jen, turned 41 years old in October 2021 and is only a year older than her partner. Jen is a trucker by profession.
Christina Cuevas Height
Jenny Slatten's daughter Christina Cuevas stands at an average height of 5 feet 7 inches.
Where Does Christina Cuevas Live?
Christina Cuevas lives in Victorville, California as of 2022.
Has Christina Cuevas Appeared On 90 Day Fiance?
Christina Cuevas has never appeared on 90 Day Fiance or any of its spin-off shows.
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Total TV maven. Devoted internet specialist. Pop culture expert. Freelance problem-solver. Reader.
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Project Veritas is the brainchild of right-wing "gotcha man" James O'Keefe and his merry band of conservative provocateurs. The group claims to work toward "a more ethical and transparent society" but has exclusively used its tax-exempt status to attack liberal organizations with unsound and dishonest "investigative journalism," often in the form of blatantly doctored videos purporting to show wrongdoing by liberal activists.
The group has gone after Planned Parenthood, labor unions and Medicaid, among others. In 2011, Project Veritas' efforts to "embarrass or ensnare liberal groups" also led to the resignations of two NPR executives after he released questionably edited footage showing the officials criticizing the Tea Party movement.
Project Veritas' top known donors are Koch Brothers-linked dark-money groups DonorsTrust and the affiliated Donors Capital Fund, with contributions of $149,450 and $105,000, respectively. In 2014, the most recent year for which financial information is available, the group reported $2,416,542 in revenue.
In 2014, the Project Veritas formed Project Veritas Action Fund, a 501(c)(4) "social welfare" organization that permits the group to be more directly involved in political activity and gives the group "more flexibility to investigate all public officials." The new group has released two videos, including one that goes after Texas gubernatorial candidate Wendy Davis and another against Kentucky Democrat and Senate hopeful Alison Lundergan Grimes.
42 transactions on record as a recipient.


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Overthinking Things That Go Pew-Pew
Sci-Fi, Fantasy, Video Games, and Other Miscellany
Arena Posts
Eric Farr	Fantasy, Review, Video Games	 December 29, 2019 December 28, 2019 6 Minutes
Ninja Theory released Hellblade in August 2017. Earlier this month, a sequel was announced. And this Thursday, oblivious to the sequel announcement at that time, I played the original. That has become one of my favorite gaming experiences in 2019, and I anxiously await the follow-up title.
I haven't played any of Ninja Theory's other games. I had only heard of Hellblade because of the general praise for its depiction of psychosis in a video game. I didn't have any set expectations going in. I found myself sucked in very early.
To begin, let's acknowledge that Hellblade is a very pretty game. That it manages to preserve so much of its graphical fidelity in this Switch port is impressive in and of itself. It's interesting to look at–I say interesting because it's often more fantastical, horrifying, or grotesque than beautiful.
Combat is easy to pick up and feels good, too. It's simple enough: heavy and light attacks, dodge, block, a headlong charge useful for disrupting certain opponents, and a focus ability that charges up over time and slows enemies down (and makes certain enemies stagger or become corporeal) when used. The formula doesn't get mixed up much. And while new enemies are introduced over time, there are less than a dozen enemy types altogether. Sometimes battles can be trying, with multiple opponents wielding mixed arsenals. There are also several boss fights against larger, unique enemies; these fights required the most precise use of the combat system and felt uniquely desperate. If I sound muted about the combat, it's because I am. It's engaging most of the time, but it's nothing special. Thankfully, the game is not combat-focused; it's just one of three major play modes. The other two play modes are exploration and puzzles.
This is a game designed around levels, but they can often feel vast, with many paths to wander. You don't level up in the game; Senua is Senua, and her equipment is her equipment. This isn't a quest for gold or glory, and so there's nothing to collect. At one point, Senua has to get a new sword, but the process of obtaining that sword is deeply tied to narrative; it's not about fetch quests for materials or finding treasure chests with new weapons. While you do have many paths to pursue, few are truly unrelated to the narrative of the game, and the main "resource" to locate consists of the runic monoliths that, when focused on, unlock a voice-over narration about some aspect of Norse myth (as told by a deceased mentor of Senua's). In short, exploration is part of the narrative.
Puzzles are varied but typically revolve around the use of Senua's focus to change her perception of reality. You might be called to detect the natural presence of a rune in the environment, or to line up symbols with the shape of a seal on a door, or to reconstruct a bridge or set of stairs by viewing the ruins from a particular angle. It's often mind-bending, though thankfully seldom frustrating.
More than anything, this is a game about story. Senua is a Pict from Orkney in the late 8th century. She experiences psychosis, which is mainly represented in the game through delusions and hallucinations, though also through interesting use of visual phenomena and a certain sort of pattern-seeking behavior, among other things. Senua is plagued by voices, which can be hurtful or helpful. The worst of the voices is representative of the Darkness, a destructive force that she believes kills everyone she cares about and is slowly rotting away within her. The game kicks off in the wake of a Viking raid in which her lover was tortured and killed as a sacrifice to the Northmen's gods. Senua is under the delusion that if she can take the decapitated head of her loved one to Hel and bargain with or defeat Hela, she can restore him to life. Her personal journey, and her past life, are secrets to be uncovered by the player, and I won't get into them much more here. Suffice it to say, one of the greatest successes of the game is that it presents the journey as a fantasy narrative that the player can buy into; while you're playing, Senua's goals seem like reasonable objectives, as they must seem to Senua herself (in fact, she sees them as the only options). In this way, more than any particular visual or auditory device (although the use of light and color and sound is unnervingly effective), the narrative itself does a remarkable job at placing the player within Senua's mindset. It all seems so reasonable, so plausible, that we can easily forget that we are playing a game of historical fiction, not fantasy.
Death and fear of loss are central concerns of the game. Senua fears her own decay and death. Senua cannot get over the death of her lover. The death of her mother becomes an increasingly prevalent trauma. The game's narrative literally sends us to Hel. But the game design also makes that fear of death part of the gameplay. Early on, Senua is infected with a variant of dark decay that creeps its way up her arm, advancing at key story moments and every time she "dies." Death unwinds events a bit, but it has still "occurred," and the cost is the advancement of the rot that threatens to permanently end her. She can die many times, but once the darkness reaches her head, she will die her final death. The game presents this as a risk of permadeath. This threat reinforces the fear of death in the player's mind, but the rot progresses so slowly that it is not a primary concern, and there are so many opportunities to surge to your feet after a fall with enough button mashing that death is rare anyway, at least on the auto-difficulty that I played on. In fact, some sources I've seen indicate that the permadeath is all a bluff, not something that can actually happen within the game, and yet another example of game design used to reinforce the psychosis and unreliable narrative/experiences of the protagonist.
The cinematography and direction of the game are also fascinating. There are a great deal of cutscenes, though the distinction between cinematic and gameplay is often blurred. While we almost always experience the game from the third-person perspective, despite sharing in Senua's hallucinations, most cutscenes feel oddly second-person. A good deal of the game could almost be described as second-person, as one of the primary voices often narrates the story and the past to us, often speaks to or about us as if we are one of Senua's voices, and comes close to breaking the fourth wall in its engagement with us. We are Senua and yet we are apart from her; you are always a "you," not an "I" or a "they" but a tag-along presence directly connected to the events. The cinematics can be especially disconcerting, focused so much on Senua's face and reactions; we are often forced to take the perspective of a monster or abuser or similar predator/dark force. It's a disorienting effect that I'm still thinking about, coming to terms with. We are Senua; we are the forces that oppress her; we are an observer; we are an aid. The focus always on Senua, even though perpetually outside of her immediate perspective, reinforces that the external world as we see it is merely a representation of Senua's inner reality, that we should always be questioning what is "real" or "unreal."
The use of historical and psychological research, considerable interviews and involvement with academics and those who have experienced psychosis, and innovative game design creates a truly compelling, unique, and authentic experience. It's more than the fantastical monster-slasher that it may seem at first glance. I would strongly recommend this game to anyone, except that it is a deliberately disturbing, uncomfortable experience. I was often on-edge, uncomfortable, distressed, and even terrified while playing. If you have experienced psychosis or have an aversion to disturbing images, graphic depictions of suffering, or violence, you should pass on the game. My wife was fascinated by it but ultimately had to abandon viewing the game because of the disturbing sound design. Hellblade actually comes with a trigger warning, the first I've seen in a game and hopefully something the industry will start to pick up more and more in the future. It also offers a website for those suffering from mental illness, to tap into mental health resources in their own country. It's a smart, thoughtful, empathetic touch.
If you can't play the game, try to look up the documentary about its making that comes with Hellblade. It's fascinating to learn more about the historical and psychological research that went into making it. And while virtually every game has dozens, if not hundreds, involved in the creative process, the documentary really drove home to me that this was a game that uniquely had an auteur guiding its creation, development, and vision: Tameem Antoniades, the game's writer and director (and a founder of Ninja Theory). I have considerable respect for his vision, the work of his team, and the insight of those involved in aiding the project to ensure an accurate and visceral representation of psychosis.
I hope that we can see more games willing to go to such depths to portray a challenging subject like psychosis. To have mental illness in games as more than a simple threat, debuff, or sign of villainy would be amazing. And Hellblade shows that games are uniquely positioned to place their audience within the mindset of minorities who are otherwise Othered.
Tameem Antoniades
Published by Eric Farr
Attorney, husband, proud co-caretaker of two dogs and a Manx cat. I also write.	View all posts by Eric Farr
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Crime Dramas


Taxpayers who donate a computer or other technological equipment to educational institutions in Louisiana are allowed a credit of 40 percent of the value of the property donated (R.S. 47:37). The recipient certifies the donation of property by using Form R-3400 the Certificate of Donation available on LDR's website. You must attach the completed certification form to your return. On Line 3A, enter the value of the property donated to an educational institution in Louisiana. Multiply the amount on Line 3A by 40 percent and enter the result on Line 3B. Round to the nearest dollar.


Join eCIFM Solutions at the annual IBM IoT Exchange, April 24-26, 2019 in Orlando Florida. This year's IoT Exchange will include the TRIRIGA Academy which spans all aspects of the facilities, real estate, and building lifecycles – delivered by clients, partners and the IBM product and business teams.
eCIFM will be available to answer questions about new TRIRIGA features, products and On The Go! – the leading mobile solution for TRIRIGA. This event will also provide certification sessions, a hands on demo center and excellent networking; with an expected 450 TRIRIGA users in attendance. Located at the Hilton Orlando, you will also have excellent access to the many attractions that have made Orlando famous.
eCIFM is one of the top IBM TRIRIGA implementers and we look forward to discussing any of your TRIRIGA requirements. Mark your calendars and Join Us!
Industry leading talent Cher Nicastro has joined as eCIFM's Vice President of Development and Mike Herbert has joined as the Chief Architect.
Agreement with Kimvio streamlines lease abstraction process for IBM TRIRIGA® and Aids in FASB / IASB preparation.
eCIFM proudly proclaims top IBM Business Partner for IBM TRIRIGA® for the 2nd year in a row.
Implementation of eCIFM On The Go! 4.0 leads to dramatic increases in workplace efficiency.
eCIFM Solutions Inc. announces its booth information and breakout session detail.
Former IBM executive brings over 20 years of Real Estate and Facility Management experience to eCIFM.
eCIFM starts off Q2 of 2013 with the achievement of the IBM Premier Partner Status.
eCIFM announces the booth information and the speaker session details for this year's IBM Pulse event.


If there were a way to use existing technology to help identify people potentially exposed to Ebola (or any communicable disease like SARS or the flu) would you be interested in being part of the conversation? It may not be such a far-fetched idea.
Twitter's ads would work a lot better if it knew how old you are. So in an obvious data grab, Twitter will show animated balloons on your profile when it's your birthday if you're willing to give it your birthdate. You can see what the balloons looks like on comedian Kevin Hart's profile.
BlackBerry 的 Android 滑蓋機 – Venice 真機照片現身?


Chlorotrifluoroethylene (CTFE) market research gives the worldwide market including growth history, competitive landscape, and major regional improvement status, segmentations with type and application. Geographically, Chlorotrifluoroethylene (CTFE) market report 2019-2025 provides a detailed analysis on major regions such as North America, Europe, Asia Pacific, South America & Middle East and Africa.
Chlorotrifluoroethylene (CTFE) market report covers types, applications, players, production, consumption, sales, revenue, market share, gross margin, cost, gross, market share, CAGR, imports & exports, and market influencing factors.
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There is no mistaking the allure of an antique Chinese Buddha statue, whether depicted sitting serenely or reclining in a contemplative mood, yet there are many more antique Asian sacred objects you can also feature in your home. Simple and yet elaborate altar tables whether stained or lacquered highlight a feature wall, or in an open loft space, create a room divider without obscuring views. Antique Chinese shrines, hand-carved Filipino Santos and vintage Tibetan bowls provide shape and color.


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Why We're Forever Indebted to Goats
The origin of coffee is traditionally traced back to Arabia. However, the story of coffee begins far before then and there, in the ancient coffee forests on the Ethiopian plateau.
A goatherd named Kaldi noticed that a particular tree's berries rendered his flock unable to sleep! Kaldi reported this to the local monastery's abbot who experienced similar effects after making the berries into a drink. Word of the abbot's discovery began spreading east to Arabia, where most folks know this story to have begun.
Coffee in the Near East + Europe
By the 15th century, many public coffee houses — called qahveh khan — had popped up in cities in the Near East. People referred to these as "Schools of the Wise" because patrons engaged here with cultural facets from music and dance to current news, whilst sipping on their "wine of Araby." Thousands of folks pilgrimage to Mecca each year, which enabled awareness of coffee to spread around the globe.
Europeans who traveled to the Near East returned home with word of an unusual dark beverage, and by the 17th century, the drink had spread to the western countries. Though some folks called coffee the, "bitter invention of Satan," the drink gained papal approval once Pope Clement VIII intervened. Shortly after, coffee houses became the center of social goings-on in Europe, just as they had in the Near East. Londoners established 300 coffee houses in that city, alone, by the mid 17th century.
Coffee arrived in the New World (initially New York, then "New Amsterdam") in the mid 1600's, but citizens favored it less than tea until the Boston Tea Party of 1773. After which, Thomas Jefferson denoted coffee, "the favorite drink of the civilized world."
Coffee Continues to Spread
In 1714, the Mayor of Amsterdam gifted France's Louis XIV a coffee tree. A young naval officer, Gabriel Mathieu de Clieu, thieved a sprout from the tree to take to his home, Martinique. Surviving jealous passengers, horrendous storms, pirates, and water rations, the sprout made it safely to Martinique and grew into 18 million trees in the next half century. This seedling parented all coffee trees found in the Caribbean, Central, and South America.
In 1727, the Governor of French Guiana denied Brazil involvement in the coffee development. However, the Brazilian representative captured the Governor's wife with his good looks, so she sneakily sent him home with a bouquet sprinkled with seedlings. This mere bouquet began Brazil's billion-dollar coffee empire.
By 1800, coffee had become one of the world's most profitable export crops and transitioned from an indulgence for the elite to quite the pedestrian pleasure. Today, coffee is the second most sought commodity in the world.
Where's the party? Here's the 2017 Global Coffee Expo Parties List!
Cold Brew Coffee is Taking Over the Beverage World


I hope you all had a wonderful weekend. We got to see some friends today who were in town visiting. They've moved to Sweden last year so it was great catching up with them and we hope to see them again later this year (in Sweden!). I did my bit in supporting the independent bookstores by spending some time browsing in Malvern Books and I'll tell you more about my finds in another post.
This post however is about April reads. I wasn't sure how the month was going but in the end it was a good month.
I read poetry, mysteries, a book in translation – basically a good mix and total of six books. The books were: Where'd You Go Bernadette by Maria Semple, The Dry by Jane Harper, In this Grave Hour by Jacqueline Winspear, Interference by Amelie Antoine, Where All The Girls Have Gone by Jayne Ann Krentz and a collection of Langston Hughes poetry. While I enjoyed most of the books my favorite was definitely the Hughes poetry collection.
I have to say that when I choose books I don't necessarily think about the challenges. It's mostly after I read the book that I wonder if I can add it to the totals so I'm pretty happy with my progress so far. I do wish I was making a bit more progress on the Classics but let's see what the next few months bring.
How about you, how was your reading month and what are you looking forward to in May?
I can't believe it's may already! April was a good reading month for you. I hope May is off to a good start!
I love the title "Read My Own Damn Books" for a challenge! Congrats on a good reading month!