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Alert October 14, 2016
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Regulatory Update: SEC Adopts New Requirements for Fund Liquidity Risk Management and Amendments to Permit the Use of "Swing Pricing"
On October 13, 2016, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) unanimously adopted regulatory changes that require open-end funds, including mutual funds and exchange-traded funds (ETFs), to establish liquidity risk management programs. The SEC also adopted, by a 2-1 vote, rule and form amendments to permit certain open-end funds to use "swing pricing."
Yesterday, on October 13, 2016, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) unanimously adopted regulatory changes that require open-end funds, including mutual funds and exchange-traded funds (ETFs), to establish liquidity risk management programs. The SEC also adopted, by a 2-1 vote, rule and form amendments to permit certain open-end funds to use "swing pricing."
A forthcoming Goodwin Client Alert will provide additional information about these regulatory changes. In the meantime, for additional information, please refer to the SEC's "fact sheet" and press release, which also includes information relating to a separate SEC action to "modernize and enhance" fund reporting, and the SEC adopting releases for liquidity risk management and swing pricing.
Liquidity Risk Management
The SEC adopted Rule 22e-4 under the Investment Company Act of 1940 (the 1940 Act), which requires open-end funds, including certain ETFs but excluding money market funds, to adopt and implement formal, written liquidity risk management programs (Programs). Rule 22e-4 specifically excludes ETFs that qualify as so-called "in-kind ETFs" from certain requirements. The key components of a Program are summarized below.
Assessment, Management and Periodic Review. A fund will be required to assess, manage and periodically review its "liquidity risk," considering certain specified factors. Liquidity risk is defined as the risk that a fund cannot meet redemption requests without significant dilution of remaining investors' interests in the fund.
Liquidity Classifications. A fund will generally be required to classify each of its portfolio investments into one of four liquidity categories based on the number of days within which the fund reasonably expects an investment would be convertible to cash under current market conditions without significantly impacting the investment's market value. These categories are: highly liquid, moderately liquid, less liquid and illiquid. In making this classification, a fund will be required to take into account relevant market, trading, and investment-specific considerations and the market depth of the investment. This represents certain changes from the initial proposal, including, among others, a reduction in the number of classifications from six "buckets" to four. In addition, under the final rule, a fund will be permitted to classify investments by asset class (as opposed to on an individual investment basis), unless the liquidity characteristics of a particular investment suggest a different classification for that investment as compared to the fund's other portfolio holdings within that asset class.
"Highly Liquid" Investment Minimum. Based on a fund's assessment of its liquidity risk, the fund will be required to determine, and review no less frequently than annually, its "highly liquid investment minimum," which is the minimum percentage of the fund that must be invested in "highly liquid assets." Highly liquid assets are generally defined as cash or investments that are reasonably expected to be converted to cash within three business days without significantly changing the market value of the investment. A fund must adopt procedures for responding to situations where the fund's highly liquid assets fall below its "highly liquid investment minimum." Such procedures must provide for reporting to the fund's board in the event of a shortfall.
15% Illiquid Investment Limit. A fund will be prohibited from acquiring any "illiquid investment" if, immediately after the acquisition, the fund would have invested more than 15% of its net assets in illiquid investments. An "illiquid investment" is defined as any investment that a fund reasonably expects cannot be sold or disposed of in current market conditions in seven calendar days or less without the sale or disposition significantly changing the market value of the investment. A fund will be required to review its illiquid investments monthly and the board must be notified if a fund exceeds the 15% limit. This notification must include information regarding plans to bring the fund back into compliance within a reasonable period of time.
Form N-LIQUID. New Form N-LIQUID will require a fund to confidentially notify the SEC when the fund's level of illiquid investments exceeds 15% of its net assets or when its highly liquid investments fall below the fund's minimum for more than seven consecutive calendar days.
Board Oversight. A fund's board, including a majority of its independent directors, will be required to approve a fund's Program and the designation of the fund's adviser or officer(s) to administer the Program. However, unlike in the proposed rule, a fund's board will not be required to specifically approve the fund's highly liquid investment minimum (except in limited circumstances) or to approve material changes to the Program. Instead, consistent with its current obligations under Rule 38a-1, a board will be required to review, no less frequently than annually, a written report that describes the administrator's review of the Program's adequacy and effectiveness.
The SEC also adopted amendments to Rule 22c-1 under the 1940 Act permitting, but not requiring, open-end funds (other than money market funds and ETFs) to use "swing pricing." "Swing pricing" is the process of adjusting a fund's net asset value (NAV) per share to, in effect, pass on the costs of shareholder purchases and/or redemptions to the shareholders associated with such activity. Consistent with the proposed rule, a fund using swing pricing would adjust its NAV by a specific amount – the "swing factor" – once the level of net purchases or net redemptions from the fund has exceeded a set, specific percentage of the fund's NAV known as the "swing threshold." A fund that opts to use "swing pricing" must adopt swing pricing policies and procedures that specify the process for determining the fund's swing factor and swing threshold, taking into account certain considerations. The policies and procedures would also be required to establish a swing factor upper limit that may not exceed two percent of the fund's NAV per share. A fund's board would approve the fund's swing pricing policies and procedures and review no less than annually a written report from the persons responsible for administering swing pricing – the fund's adviser or officer(s) designated by the board.
Disclosure/Reporting Requirements Relating to Liquidity Risk Management and Swing Pricing
A fund will be required to disclose information regarding its liquidity risk management programs and, as applicable, its use of swing pricing.
Form N-1A. Form N-1A, a fund's registration statement, will be amended to require additional disclosure regarding a fund's procedures for redeeming fund shares, including the number of days in which the fund typically expects to pay redemption proceeds and the methods that the fund typically expects to use to meet redemption requests. A fund would also be required to disclose information regarding its use of swing pricing.
Form N-CEN. New Form N-CEN, an annual census reporting form, will require a fund to disclose information about the use of any lines of credit and interfund lending and borrowing. Funds will also be required to report information regarding the use of swing pricing, including the swing factor upper limit.
Form N-PORT. New Form N-PORT, a monthly portfolio holdings report, will require a fund to publicly report the aggregate percentage of the fund representing each of the four liquidity classifications and, on a confidential basis to the SEC, position-level liquidity and the fund's "highly liquid investment minimum."
Compliance Dates
With respect to liquidity risk management, the SEC provided a tiered set of compliance dates based on asset size. The compliance date for fund complexes with $1 billion or more in net assets is December 1, 2018, while the compliance date for fund complexes with less than $1 billion in net assets is six months later on June 1, 2019. The effective date of the amendments permitting funds to use swing pricing will be two years after publication of the release in the Federal Registrar (which has not occurred as of the date of this update).
Paul J. Delligatti
Andrew L. Zutz
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The Sanctuary- Kiawah, South Carolina: Lowcountry Luxury with Kids
by Robin Hutson
Kiawah Family Fun
I'd never seen the South Carolina coast. As we boated through the marshes at dusk with dolphins escorting us on either side, I soaked up the colorful landscape wondering why I had taken so long to visit Lowcountry and enjoy a Kiawah family vacation.
The beauty of the Lowcountry marshes at Kiawah Island, South Carolina
The Kiawah Island Golf Resort near Charleston has been a favorite destination for South Carolina families since it opened in 1976. Once New Yorkers found this paradise, expansion and development of Kiawah Island has been consistent since the '90s.
One of the more recent additions to the island is The Sanctuary at Kiawah Island, the island's first actual hotel amidst its villas, condos, and vacation homes of the bigger resort. The Sanctuary at Kiawah opened in 2004 and is a prestigious Legend property with Preferred Hotels.
Like with most new construction buildings on Kiawah Island, The Sanctuary Hotel is meant to look like it has always been there. Walking into its two-story lobby, the staircases are sweeping, as is the scale of the art and windows. There's nothing casual about it. Its design in both rooms and public spaces are to create a historic heritage it would have had were it not part of a private plantation during the ages when The Breakers, Jekyll Island, and Sea Island were developed.
The Sanctuary Hotel at the Kiawah Island Golf Resort is a member of Preferred Hotels
The Sanctuary Hotel, although five-star, is a casual beach resort
Despite its luxurious amenities and steep entry fee, the Kiawah Island Golf Resort retains a casual and understated vibe. Bicycles reign here, and everyone rents this preferred mode of transportation to explore. The extensive natural assets that drew its first families continue to brings the kayaking Patagonia crowds and their kids. The clubby feel at the other famous beach resorts isn't felt as much at Kiawah because seasonal residents have a private club while the other two resorts blend residents with hotel guests.
The lobby is divided into two adjacent lounges: the masculine and feminine. The feminine side of the lobby is a beautiful destination styled for early morning coffee or afternoon tea with 19th-century portraits, chintz fabrics, tasseled pillows, and stocked cabinets showcasing collectible porcelain. The kind of room your grandmother would say, "How lovely."
In contrast, the masculine lounge showcases a bar which dominates the room, leather club tables and chairs, model sailboat stools and other elements that let you know this is where to have a cocktail or two. There are dramatically large stairwells paired with two-story murals of Lowcountry marsh scenes painted on the walls, and I loved them passing each time to our room.
The masculine side to the Sanctuary Hotel's lobby
Lowcountry scenery has inspired most of the art at the Sanctuary Hotel
The feminine lounge at the Sanctuary Hotel at Kiawah Island Resort
Fabulous staircases at the Sanctuary Hotel, this one leading to the Ocean Room resturant
Truthfully, the Sanctuary can boast the worlds' fastest elevators. It is a detail my children speak of to this day. Every time we took the elevator we laughed in disbelief at how quickly we climbed to the top floor within a few seconds of the doors closing. When we rode the elevator with other guests, they would raise their eyebrows in disbelief and mention it, too. There was no time for siblings to quibble about who pushed the elevator buttons.
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There is an exceptional kids' store called the Eco Boutique at the Sanctuary that can outfit your children in anything you left behind as well as an impressive selection of toys for the pool, hotel room, or dinner table. It is just past the real estate office, which is worth exploring to assist in getting a handle of size of the Kiawah Island resort, as the Sanctuary is a small part of it.
The Sanctuary Kiawah Family Rooms and Suites
The rooms are beautifully appointed with bathrooms that open to the main room, tassels hanging from wherever they can, hallways of closet space and balconies perfect for sipping wine or iced tea. They are consciously traditional.
The standard rooms are spacious enough to accommodate two queen beds and a rollaway easily. If you prefer suites when traveling as a family, be sure to select one which features walls between the bedroom and sitting area, as the entry-level suites are separated by ample space and a two-sided entertainment center.
Balcony views of the Kiawah Island Beach from the Sanctuary Hotel
A double room with two queen beds at the Sanctuary Hotel
Locally sourced gifts are available at the Sanctuary Hotel's gift shop
Kiawah Family Dining
Because of the size of the resort, the dining options are plentiful on the whole island, and we certainly didn't cover all of them. At the Sanctuary, Jasmine Porch is clearly popular for breakfast, and sitting outside near its planted butterfly gardens is a serene way to start the day.
Its entrance is near Beaches & Cream, the resort's ice cream parlor that offers a small selection of take-away bites, ample snacks and candies, and, impressively, two freshly pressed fruit and vegetable juices each morning for those shunning sugar. They sell out, so don't wait.
The butterfly garden outside Jasmine's Porch restaurant at the Sanctuary Hotel
Beaches & Cream cookies at the Sanctuary Hotel at Kiawah
Local crab salad at the Sanctuary's poolside restaurant
In the morning, Beaches & Cream offers freshly pressed fruit and vegetable juices, but you can pretend this is a cocktail if you want to.
The Atlantic Room was an incredibly memorable meal on our ten-day vacation down South. The sustainable fish they served was flawlessly prepared. Both the Atlantic Club and the Ryder Cup Bar next door were popular with families even though they are located in the Ocean Clubhouse on the far end of the island. A perk to eating at the clubhouse is the drive though the residential part of Kiawah Island to admire the elegant architecture of the community.
As we waited for entrées, the sun was setting over the ocean and golf course. It was definitely one of the sunsets of the summer, as the majority of the guests left their tables to post their own pictures to Instagram. Compared to other beach resorts on the Atlantic, Kiawah's beach does not face due east, so the sunrise and sunset happen to the left and right of you, making them both daily events.
The Atlantic Room serves sustainable fish at the Ocean Course Clubhouse on Kiawah Island
Tthe Ocean Course Clubhouse on Kiawah Island
A Kiawah Island sunset from the Ocean Course Clubhouse
Stormy sunset views from the balcony of the Sanctuary Hotel on Kiawah Island
The Ocean Room is the formal restaurant at the Sanctuary and didn't feel like the place to bring young children, but I am eager to return to try their Southern-inspired sushi lounge sourcing local seafood.
There are many other family options scattered through the different condo communities on the island, and the larger pools offer lunch and dinner. We had a particularly nice lunch at the Loggerhead Grill overlooking the Sanctuary's pool area, and I was impressed with the children's menus throughout the resort.
Kiawah Family Pools and Beach
There are several pools at the Sanctuary and within the Kiawah Island Golf Resort. The main pool at the Sanctuary was perfectly relaxing and fun with its beautiful, tiled fountain in the center and a twelve-inch deep pool lures the swim diaper crowd.
The Sanctuary's adult-only infinity pool at Kiawah Island
The spa and fitness options at Kiawah are extensive, and please look for a separate article discussing its wellness features. For grown-ups, there is an indoor pool within the fitness center and an infinity-edge pool overlooking the ocean.
The highlight of our stay was the Night Heron pool complex, a very short ride by car or bicycle from the Sanctuary. This hotel can boast one of the best resort pools we've experienced. It was recently renovated yet it still feels nostalgic of the '80s childhood vacations, appealing to your inner seven-year-old. How many times did my husband and I both go down the waterslides? We'll never tell, but it takes a lot to get mommy to get her blown out hair wet.
The Night Heron pool of the Kiawah Island Golf Resort is amazing.
Sneaking onto the toddler slide at the Poolside service at the Night Heron pool of the Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Poolside service at the The Night Heron pool of the Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Its genius design for families with children offers a large zero-entry area where parents dragged their pool chairs into the water where there were small slides and swings for toddlers. The pool got progressively deeper with incredible water guns, fountains, and sprays until one reached the two waterslides. It was a fantastic pool. We spent as much time there as we possibly could, and we're not really pool people.
We even went back after we checked out— on the way to the airport for an evening flight— to grab a few more hours. My children, who always travel with me, are typically great at adapting to a fast-paced schedule, yet they showed— for the first time—complete despair when I said it was time to leave. That's never happened before, and it hasn't happened since. They had found their Eden.
Everyone gets around by bicycle on Kiawah Islando
A thorough kids' store has everything you left behind at the Sanctuary Hotel
Kamp Kiawah and the Heron Park Nature Center
Night Heron Park, aside from the incredible family pool, houses the hub of family activity for Kiawah Island with its kids' club and nature center.
My son changed his mind about attending Kamp Kiawah, but my daughter was game to try it. It's great that the camp accepts three-year-olds, as many camps accept those four and older. As I dropped her off she was the oldest child it seemed by several years; I heard "You've Got a Friend in Me" and other preschool Disney hits playing while I filled out paperwork and signed her up for a pizza lunch. I walked away feeling a little guilty but, by the time I rounded the corner, a group of other tweens magically appeared.
By the time I collected her, she asked me if she could stay the whole day, and my son regretted his choice to miss out. Children made sand and tile mosaics, played games, ate a big pizza picnic for lunch, yet it's a mellow type of camp that reminds the children they are, in fact, on vacation to have fun.
Ready for Kamp Kiawah at the Kiawah Island Golf Resort
A pop up sundae stand at the family pool at Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Family bingo at Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Projects drying in the sun at Kamp Kiawah
Prepping the next art project at Kamp Kiawah
Loving her Kiawah Island bag
Adjacent to the open-air Kamp Kiawah pavilion sits the nature center. This isn't a room with a few terrariums of lizards; this is a reptile collection worthy of a science museum.
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The Kiawah Island Golf Resort has an ambitious Junior Naturalist Program, lasting one and a half hours each day for children aged eight to twelve, providing short hikes and instruction through the nearby marshes and ponds. The weeklong program culminates on Fridays where participants help with animal care at the nature center, whose collection includes alligators, turtles, and lots of snakes.
If your children enjoy participating in these types of activities, the Kiawah website has many things of interest to share with them like a bird checklist and a monthly newsletter from the nature program to build excitement for their vacation.
Heron Park Nature Center at Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Snakes! Heron Park Nature Center at Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Sea turtle tracking at the Heron Park Nature Center at Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Turtles at the Heron Park Nature Center at Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Alligators at the Heron Park Nature Center at Kiawah Island Golf Resort
The summer offerings are extensive and offer a world-class tennis program considered one of the best in the country. The Barth Tennis Academy offers weekly and three-day packages. Golf clinics for those eight and older are also extremely popular as are paddle boarding, kayaking, and bodysurfing on the beach.
Kayaking at Mingo Point, Kiawah Island
Fiddler crabs off the docks of Mingo Point at Kiawah Island
The activities are meant to keep a family staying a week or longer incredibly busy with a variety of choices. With its own annual marathons and triathlons, Kiawah Island Golf Resort is sort of the polar opposite of the Disney World Resort, where splashing log rides are traded for kayak tours of marshes. They are both great vacations, but clearly offer contrasting experiences.
Paddle boarding at the Kiawah Island Golf Resort
Making sand castles at the Sanctuary Hotel at Kiawah Island Resort
Beach attendants prepare for a day at the beach, the Sanctuary Hotel at Kiawah Island Resort
The Mingo Point Oyster Roast and Barbecue
Kiawah's longest island tradition is the Mingo Point Oyster Roast and BBQ. This sunset experience gathers large groups to enjoy a BBQ buffet, as well as, a large section of blazing ovens to roast oysters. I walked over to the area to investigate but the opening of an oyster shell by knife didn't look like an activity for newbies.
There were several activities and a live band that made it feel like an elaborate private party. Hula-hoops were waiting in front of the stage for takers of any age. Kids were given canvas backpacks at the entrance to color that served to carry their crafts and purchases when climbing trees and getting their faces painted or hair braided. The cookout schedule varies thought the year, from March through November, with summer months offering it weekly.
One of the resort's boating facilities nearby offers sunset boat tours through the marsh. We walked down a dock over large blue crabs running below. The boat ride offered an incredible palette of colors with views of vacation homes hidden amongst the trees. I was impressed that the ever-expanding development of homes on Kiawah is tasteful and well integrated with the natural landscape.
The ride was so peaceful my son fell fast asleep, missing the dolphins that were quietly splashing beside us. Marshes don't sound very appealing, but— until I had seen these coastal jewels— I simply never knew what I was missing.
Hair braiding during a Mingo Point sunset, Kiawah Island
Carolina style barbecue chicken at Mingo Point, Kiawah Island
The roasted oysters at Mingo Point, Kiawah Island
Mingo Point, Kiawah Island
Hula hooping at the Mingo Point Oyster Roast, Kiawah Island
The Sanctuary is a top-notch resort providing a great introduction to one of the South's most beautiful destinations. No matter how long your first visit is it won't feel long enough. The majority of the guests on the island stay a lot longer than a few days. They know something you don't.
Although we were guests of the Kiawah Island Golf Resort, these opinions are entirely my own.
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It does look like a sanctuary! I love the look of the hotel, grounds and food. My kids would be all over that water area and kids club.
Amy Whitley
We were supposed to go here last fall, but instead we had an epic airline cancellation adventure…another story! BUT: this area is still on my bucket list, so it's fun to see!
Katja - globetotting
Wow, this really does look amazing. I particularly love the contrast between the adults-only pool and the kids' pool! My son would visit for the nature centre alone, what an incredible thing for a resort to have. Beautiful photos as always!
This is truly an amazing (and unique!) southern charm resort. I pass South Caroline on my way to Florida every year but only stopped in Charleston so far. Hopefully will check the islands one day. How warm was the ocean water temp when you visited?
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I'm Still Here – From the 1971 Stephen Sondheim Musical 'Follies'.
It's 3rd February already – where the Fleetwood Mac did that week go? Let's try and get up to speed shall we.
We're off to a smart three bed semi in commuter belt territory – not quite a country house but it's only a short walk to a county park. The house itself has benefited from a bit of a freshen up throughout and has been extended sufficiently so that we can have a good size lounge/dining/kitchen area which will free up the front room on the ground floor so that we can use it as a guest room. The kiddies will have a good sized bedroom as will we and the smaller room can be set up as an office. I'll miss our en-suite wetroom but I'll only have two floors to keep clean and the new carpets throughout will be a softer landing for Alexandra and Calder's ever increasing falls from things that they shouldn't be sodding well climbing on anyway. We've had to pay a slightly higher deposit because we have Pushkin and have agreed to have the ( pale, neutral!) carpet professionally cleaned before we depart but let's face it the tomato sauce terrorists were going to make sure that we were going to have to do that anyway. It felt like home almost immediately and Alexandra and Calder were in their element running around and rolling about on the floor. The trains running past the bottom of the garden are barely audible above the usual background soundtrack of our lives and although it clearly gets a bit hectic at drop off and pick up times at the primary school directly across the road we have off street parking and I'll have prime position for a bit of "what does she think she's wearing" people watching.
When the letting agent confirmed that all was well last Saturday morning we relaxed a bit, planned a bit and then panicked a bit. We had less than two weeks to get ourselves packed up and ready to move. The last removal company that quoted had the best reviews and were significantly less expensive. We agreed that paying them to pack up for us was way less stressful than trying to do it ourselves despite the fact that Alexandra and Calder are always more than willing to get very hands on with an empty box or two.
We all went to Twins Club on the Monday and then pushed on out to Ikea in the afternoon.Despite the media frenzy that our appearance in last week's Mirror generated we were not stopped for autographs once AND we had to pay for our own meatballs! Once we had decided on the items of furniture that we would need at the new place,we dropped a few random nuts and bolts around 'bargain corner' and left to put in an online order at home.
Daddy Simon had a Board meeting to attend on Thursday afternoon so Alexandra,Calder and I all piled into Gloria and set off south on the M25 to measure up at the new house. The low wall and fence post at the end of the driveway appear to have got a bit closer together in the past few days and I can see Gloria getting a coke bottle shaped restyle in the coming months. Once again the munchkins seem happy to run about and pay scant regard to the bag of toys that I had brought along. As I start to envisage our furniture in situ,the place seemed to shrink at bit.Plenty of storage space in the kitchen but no dishwasher or tumble dryer and the Fridge-freezer seems smaller than I remember. Oh well – who doesn't love a challenge.
Alexandra and Calder have bored of chasing one another around the – "has that just got smaller again? " – lounge area and are now wiping their noses on a glass door that I had forgotten existed. Now I chase them around the dinky sized "we'll NEVER get two sofas in here" living room with a tissue much to their delight/ horror and reward their reluctant submission to the Kleenex with Land Rover and Teapot from the bag of toys.It's heartening to see that I won't have to alter my well rehearsed lines of " Don't bang it on the glass – I'll take it away – no don't bang THAT on the glass either!" and decide where 'naughty corner' and 'confiscation station" will be as the letting agent tacks another zero to the end of our security deposit.
We head up the -oh goody stairs – Up three,down one, up two, down four. Measuring tape in mouth,notepad stuffed down back of trousers and a wriggling child under each arm I head up the stairs and shut us all in the first room. There's a walk in cupboard so that keeps them occupied for a bit and as I measure up the window for curtains I see that the cavalry has arrived. I'd arranged to meet an ex work colleague and lovely friend here and then go on to lunch. Kiddies are delighted to have a fresh face to demonstrate the wonders of the 21st century staircase to and I quickly guesstimate the rest of the measurements required and bid a farewell to the bemused letting agent.
Quick stop-off at a Tesco that will become a local haunt – surely customer service will be better than that at Catford. I drop forty odd quid on 'a loaf of bread'and Nina splurges a similar amount on ' some milk' and then a lovely afternoon catching up before heading north on the M25. My back seat navigators fall asleep almost instantly and so I bump the radio off and enjoy the silence on my drive back to Catford.
I get some time to myself to attend the dentist on Friday morning – he's running ahead of schedule so I don't get to enjoy as much of the 'Top Gear' magazine as I'd like but he turns a blind eye to my lackadaisical flossing habits and I get a clean bill of oral health for another six months. It's only when I'm settling up my bill that he suggests that it would be worth bringing Alexandra and Calder in for a check up.
"ARE YOU FREAKING KIDDING ME???? " Our little boy has to be tightly head locked into position by one of us whilst the other has to crowbar his tightly pursed lips apart with a blunt toothbrush which has been liberally covered with strawberry ice cream flavoured toothpaste. I mumble something about I'll get back to you and debate whether I can get away with an enamel staining americano at Costas so that I can finish off that copy of 'Top Gear' before I head for home.
Busy week ahead as you can imagine. But will be sure to keep you updated as and when I can.
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I can see/hear the trains from my study and I love it! Don't really notice them most of the time and when I do they make me feel connected. And as for the school over the road, just stick the children in front of the window at opening/closing times and you'll be able to grab ten minutes whilst they watch everyone arrive/go home!
Good luck, hope it all goes well. Where are you moving to?
Great news … it is all falling Iinto place even though 'exhausting' for you and crazy till settled in new abode. You are nearly there … so exciting.x.


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Published on 13.12.07 in Vol 9, No 4 (2007): Global Theme Issue on Poverty and Human Development
Preprints (earlier versions) of this paper are available at http://preprints.jmir.org/preprint/953, first published Aug 01, 2007.
Exploring Social Contextual Correlates of Computer Ownership and Frequency of Use Among Urban, Low-Income, Public Housing Adult Residents
Lorna H McNeill1, PhD, MPH;
Elaine Puleo2, PhD;
Gary G Bennett3;
Karen M Emmons3
1Department of Health Disparities Research, The University of Texas MD Anderson Cancer Center, Houston, TX, USA
2Department of Biostatistics, School of Public Health and Health Sciences, University of Massachusetts Amherst, Amherst, MA, USA
3Center for Community-based Research, Dana-Farber Cancer Institute, and Department of Society, Human Development and Health, Harvard School of Public Health, Boston, MA, USA
Lorna H McNeill, PhD, MPH
Department of Health Disparities Research
1100 Holcombe Blvd, Unit 125
Fax:+1 713 563 3448
Background: As advances in computer access continue to be made, there is a need to better understand the challenges of increasing access for racial/ethnic minorities, particularly among those with lower incomes. Larger social contextual factors, such as social networks and neighborhood factors, may influence computer ownership and the number of places where individuals have access to computers.
Objectives: We examined the associations of sociodemographic and social contextual factors with computer ownership and frequency of use among 1554 adults living in urban public housing.
Methods: Bivariate associations between dependent variables (computer ownership and regular computer use) and independent variables were used to build multivariable logistic models adjusted for age and site clusters.
Results: Participants (N = total weighted size of 2270) were on average 51.0 (± 21.4) years old, primarily African American or Hispanic, and earned less than US $20000 per year. More than half owned a computer, and 42% were regular computer users. Reporting computer ownership was more likely if participants lived above the poverty level (OR = 1.78, 95% CI = 1.39-2.29), completed high school (OR = 2.46, 95% CI = 1.70-3.55), were in financial hardship (OR = 1.38, 95% CI = 1.06-1.81), were employed and supervised others (OR = 1.94, 95% CI = 1.08-3.46), and had multiple role responsibilities (OR = 2.18, 95% CI = 1.31-3.61). Regular computer use was more likely if participants were non-Hispanic (OR = 1.94, 95% CI = 1.30-2.91), lived above the poverty level (OR = 2.84, 95% CI = 1.90-4.24), completed high school (OR = 4.43, 95% CI = 3.04-6.46), were employed and supervised others (OR = 2.41, 95% CI = 1.37-4.22), felt safe in their neighborhood (OR = 1.57, 95% CI = 1.08-2.30), and had greater social network ties (OR = 3.09, 95% CI = 1.26-7.59).
Conclusions: Disparities in computer ownership and use are narrowing, even among those with very low incomes; however, identifying factors that contribute to disparities in access for these groups will be necessary to ensure the efficacy of future technology-based interventions. A unique finding of our study is that it may be equally as important to consider specific social contextual factors when trying to increase access and use among low-income minorities, such as social network ties, household responsibilities, and neighborhood safety.
J Med Internet Res 2007;9(4):e35
doi:10.2196/jmir.9.4.e35
Computers;
minority groups;
African American;
Hispanics;
social context;
social environment;
low-income population;
socioeconomic position;
social networks;
There has been a growing emphasis on technology-based strategies to increase reach, efficacy, sustainability, and cost-effectiveness of preventive health interventions. Communication strategies, many of which utilize computers and the Internet, are being recognized as potential modalities for reducing health disparities via the dissemination of culturally appropriate health information to racial/ethnic minorities and low-income populations [1].
Certainly, disparities in health outcomes can be attributed to cultural and societal factors, such as access to health care [2], but health disparities in the United States are likely influenced by a lack of access to health information [3]. A 2000 report by the Pew Internet & American Life Project noted that racial/ethnic minorities and those in lower income groups are interested in using computers and the Internet to access health information [4]. More recent findings from the Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS) show that more than 60% of black and 56% of Hispanic online users looked for health or medical information online [5]. National data suggest that computer ownership among racial/ethnic minorities is increasing, although it is still less compared to whites. In 2003, 64% of whites reported having one or more computers in the home; the number of African American and Hispanic households with a computer was 45% and 44%, respectively [6]. Likewise, among those with very low incomes (< US $20000 per year), studies have shown that ownership is greater for whites compared to African Americans and Hispanics [7].
As advances in computer access continue to be made, there is a need to better understand the challenges of increasing access for racial/ethnic minorities, particularly among those with lower incomes. It is well known that access to communication technologies is differentially associated with social class. For example, income, education, and employment are positively associated with subscriptions to Internet services and newspapers [3]. However, the influence of social contextual factors on computer use, specifically computer access, still needs to be determined.
Social contextual factors are those that shape an individual's day-to-day experience, such as one's neighborhood or work environment as well as social norms of health and behavior [8-10]. It is likely in this regard that in addition to socioeconomic resources a combination of other factors, such as personal time constraints and multiple role responsibilities (eg, caregiving responsibilities) [11], as well as larger societal forces, such as social network ties and neighborhood factors, influence computer ownership and the number of places where individuals have access to computers. This may be particularly true for lower income groups who live in poor neighborhoods. For example, a 2003 report by the Public Access Computing Project [12] found that while low-income families living in lower income neighborhoods and low-income families living in higher income neighborhoods reported computer use at similar rates (~ 58%), low-income families living in lower income neighborhoods reported slightly less computer ownership than their counterparts living in higher income neighborhoods. Access to computers can potentially link disenfranchised communities to greater informational, social, and economic resources, thereby potentially building neighborhood social capital [13].
There have been very few studies of the association between social contextual factors and computer access and use. This is an important omission because we posit that attempts to reduce communication disparities may fail if focused solely on sociodemographic factors. Therefore, this study examines the combination of sociodemographic and social contextual factors and their influence on computer ownership and frequency of use among adults living in urban public housing.
This study uses baseline data from an ongoing randomized controlled trial of a colorectal cancer prevention intervention, "Open Doors to Health," conducted in 12 urban subsidized housing complexes in Boston, MA, United States.
The housing site is the unit of randomization and intervention. Unequal probability sampling was used because of the varying size of housing sites. In the sites that had a population of less than 300, all adult residents were sampled. In the remaining sites, with a population greater than 300 adult residents, researchers obtained a 35% sample, with a minimum of 250 participants per site. Sites were matched for randomization to intervention condition based on population size, ethnicity ratio, and age group ratio (≤ 50 years, > 50 years) when possible.
Figure 1 depicts a conceptual framework that explicates the role of the social context in health behavior change [9]. We chose a social ecological framework to illustrate social contextual factors across multiple levels of influence [14-17]. Among these were individual factors, which include material circumstances such as owning one's own car or having adequate resources for child care. Interpersonal factors, such as the presence of social ties, family roles and responsibilities, and social norms, are likely to be powerful correlates of health behaviors and may vary by factors reflecting cultural differences (race/ethnicity, acculturation). Organizational factors may reflect the work setting, for example, job stress, control, and exposure to a hazardous work environment. Neighborhood and community factors measured on an individual level include access to a safe neighborhood. Finally, larger societal forces, such as racial discrimination, may also shape health behaviors and outcomes.
Social contextual factors, in turn, may influence health behaviors directly or indirectly through individual psychosocial factors. Social cognitive theory [18,19], the theory of reasoned action [20,21], and the transtheoretical model of behavior change [22,23] are guiding models that highlight specific individual psychosocial factors that predict a change in behavior. Psychosocial mediating variables in large part influence intentions to change behavior, which are highly associated with the likelihood of change [24,25].
Figure 1. Conceptual model
One's social context and day-to-day realities are shaped by sociodemographic characteristics, which may influence a range of interrelated health behaviors. For example, socioeconomic position, race and ethnicity, nativity, gender, and age are important correlates of health outcomes. Identifying disparities in health behaviors across populations with these characteristics can inform priority setting and guide policy decisions. In addition, culture, that is the learned and shared knowledge and beliefs used to interpret experiences, cuts across all domains in this model [26,27].
Study Recruitment
Recruitment for Open Doors to Health began in 2004. Participants provided informed consent and completed an interviewer-administered survey in either English or Spanish. Participants received US $25 compensation. Eligibility criteria for the study survey included (1) living in the housing community, (2) being at least 18 years old, (3) being fluent in English or Spanish, and (4) not having cancer. An initial sample of 3688 subjects was drawn. Of them, 747 (20%) were deemed ineligible, leaving 2941 eligible individuals. Of these, 828 (28%) refused participation, and 559 (19%) could not be reached, leaving 1554 residents who completed the baseline survey. This yielded an overall 53% response rate, with a range of 34% to 92% across the housing sites. The study protocol was approved by the Human Subjects Committee at the Harvard School of Public Health.
Sociodemographic Characteristics
Sociodemographic variables collected included gender, date of birth, race/ethnicity (categorized as black, white, Hispanic, and other), and highest level of education completed. We also assessed poverty status and financial situation with two measures. Yearly household income (six response options ranging from less than US $10000 to at least US $50000) and the number of people supported by this income were used to measure poverty status (dichotomized as being above or below the poverty level based on the 2005 federal poverty guidelines on income and household size) [28]. Participants were also asked about their perception of the financial status of their household (comfortable with some extras, enough but no extras, have to cut back, or cannot make ends meet).
We assessed employment status in several ways. Participants were asked if they were working, and, if so, (1) whether they worked full-time or part-time and (2) the number of hours worked in a week, including overtime or extra hours. Hours worked were categorized as 0, less than 20, 20 to < 37, and 37+ hours per week. Participants were also asked about the number of jobs (beyond their main job) they worked (0, 1, or more than 1) and whether they supervised employees.
Lastly, we assessed immigrant status by asking participants their birthplace, the number of years they lived in the United States, and their first or native language.
Social Contextual Factors
Each participant was asked about several social contextual factors. Neighborhood safety was assessed by asking whether participants felt safe walking alone in their neighborhood during the day and at night [29]. For both daytime and nighttime, participants were asked "How safe do you feel walking alone in your neighborhood?" Response options included "safe," "a little unsafe," and "unsafe." For analysis purposes, we combined the response categories of "a little unsafe" and "unsafe" for daytime safety due to the small number of responses in the latter category.
To assess social cohesion in the housing community, we asked respondents to report their agreement with five statements: (1) people around here are willing to help their neighbors; (2) this is a close-knit neighborhood; (3) people in this neighborhood can be trusted; (4) people in this neighborhood generally do not get along with each other; and (5) people in this neighborhood do not share the same values. Item responses were reversed for the first three statements and then responses to the five items were averaged. The summary score ranged from 1 to 4, with a higher score indicating higher social cohesion [30].
Marital status, number of close friends, number of close family members, and active membership in organizations (religious, professional, community, civic, etc) were combined to form a continuous measure of the number of social network ties ranging from 0 to 4, with a higher score indicating a greater social network [31]. Social support was assessed by asking participants about emotional support from family and friends, support when sick, help with household tasks, financial support, and help getting to the doctor. Responses to questions of social support were measured on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from "yes, always have someone to help" to "no, no one like that." A single social support variable was created by adding the number of responses to the five questions that indicated at least some support, with a range of 0 to 5. Higher scores indicated greater social support [32].
Participants were asked about their various family roles, which included "earning money to support the family," "taking care of children," and "taking care of another household." The measure of multiple roles was computed as the number of family roles for which the participant was mostly or fully responsible (0 to 3). To determine role conflicts, participants were asked whether their daily activities made conflicting demands on them (ie, role conflict) [9].
Health status was captured by asking participants whether health problems make it difficult for them to exercise (yes/no).
Participants were also asked to report the number of hours per day (during the week and weekend) that they watched television [33].
Computer Ownership and Use
We assessed computer ownership and frequency of use (daily, weekly, monthly, less than monthly, and never). Use was recoded as regular (daily and weekly), intermittent (monthly and less than monthly), and never. For multivariable modeling purposes, this variable was further dichotomized as regular versus intermittent or no use. Participants were also asked where they most often use a computer: home, work, housing site, library, friend's house, community center, or other. The latter five response options were coded as "other" for the purpose of these analyses.
On the basis of the cluster design, data for all analyses were weighted up to the population size within each housing site (with a total weighted size of 2270). Frequency distributions and estimates of means and standard deviations were assessed for distributional assumptions and outliers. Bivariate associations between the dependent variables, computer ownership and use of a computer, and independent variables were assessed, and variables found to be significant at the P = .15 level in bivariate analyses were retained for use in multivariable modeling. Based on the bivariate associations and consideration of effect modifiers (ie, interaction effects) and confounders, multivariable logistic models of the dependent variables were developed. Bivariate associations with computer use were assessed using three category polytomous logistic regression models with a generalized logit assumption. Based on the assessment of these models, the sample size of the intermittent users and consideration of cluster model constraints, we dichotomized the computer use variable to regular versus intermittent and nonusers. Thus, all multivariable models are dichotomous logistic models. All analyses were conducted to adjust for age as a potential confounder. All analyses were conducted using SUDAAN version 9.0.1 (Research Triangle Institute, Research Triangle Park, NC, USA) and SAS statistical software version 9.1 (SAS Institute, Cary, NC, USA) for clustered data.
Sociodemographic characteristics and social contextual factors by computer ownership, frequency of use, and location of use are shown in Table 1.
The majority of the study participants were female (74%), not working or disabled (63%), and earned less than US $20000 per year (74%). The mean age of the participants was 51.0 ± 21.4 years. Almost half of the participants were black (43%), and an equal number were Hispanic (43%); 52% of participants were born in the United States. A slight majority of participants lived above the poverty level (51%); however, 43% considered themselves to be under financial hardship.
More than half (51%) of participants owned a computer, and 42% reported regular computer use (Table 1); 50% of regular users used the computer most often at home. Computer ownership was highest (greater than 70%) among participants who were less than 49 years old, those with at least some college education, and those who were employed. A large number of adults 65+ (86%) and those below the poverty level (58%) had never used a computer. Unemployed participants were more likely to use a computer in places such as a library or friend's house than at home.
Own a Computer Use a Computer Location of Computer Use
Yes, No. (%) No, No. (%) Never, No. (%) Intermittent, No. (%) Regularly, No. (%) Home, No. (%) Work, No. (%) Other, No. (%)
Overall 1079 (51.23) 1027 (48.76) 1021 (48.14) 217 (10.23) 882 (41.58) 550 (50.00) 270 (24.55) 280 (25.45)
Sociodemographics
Male 227 (42.47) 307 (57.53) 291 (53.76) 35 (6.55) 215 (39.67) 146 (57.30) 37 (14.52) 72 (28.18)
Female 852 (54.21) 720 (45.79) 730 (46.24) 181 (11.49) 667 (42.27) 404 (47.85) 233 (27.54) 208 (24.60)
< 35 341 (70.73) 141 (29.27) 58 (12.14) 58 (12.04) 365 (75.82) 213 (50.42) 88 (20.81) 122 (28.77)
35-49 383 (72.44) 146 (27.55) 173 (32.69) 82 (15.55) 273 (51.77) 182 (50.82) 110 (30.87) 65 (18.31)
50-64 279 (41.31) 396 (58.69) 416 (61.39) 61 (9.03) 201 (29.58) 123 (47.27) 68 (26.03) 70 (26.70)
65+ 77 (18.28) 345 (81.72) 374 (86.42) 16 (3.60) 43 (9.98) 32 (54.86) 3 (5.95) 23 (39.19)
Poverty level
Below poverty level 431 (42.61) 580 (57.39) 591 (58.14) 138 (13.59) 288 (28.27) 230 (53.69) 43 (10.06) 155 (36.24)
Above poverty level 527 (59.35) 361 (40.65) 342 (38.18) 64 (7.11) 490 (54.71) 254 (46.07) 205 (37.04) 93 (16.89)
Financial status
Comfortable/enough 589 (50.63) 574 (49.37) 549 (46.72) 105 (8.92) 521 (44.36) 299 (47.94) 177 (28.41) 148 (23.66)
Have to cut back/can't make ends meet 466 (52.79) 417 (47.21) 428 (48.57) 108 (12.30) 345 (39.13) 238 (52.10) 93 (20.26) 126 (27.64)
≤ 8th grade 92 (20.05) 366 (79.95) 423 (90.94) 18 (3.79) 24 (5.26) 20 (47.16) 4 (10.03) 18 (42.81)
Some high school 164 (42.64) 221 (57.36) 248 (64.05) 39 (10.21) 100 (25.75) 83 (58.85) 18 (12.50) 40 (28.66)
Completed high school/vocational 338 (58.93) 235 (41.07) 237 (41.02) 77 (13.29) 264 (46.67) 165 (48.19) 90 (26.31) 87 (25.50)
At least some college 483 (70.59) 201 (29.41) 111 (16.22) 82 (11.97) 492 (71.81) 281 (49.23) 158 (27.70) 132 (23.07)
No 623 (55.40) 501 (44.60) 407 (35.91) 140 (12.35) 586 (51.74) 348 (48.09) 178 (24.64) 197 (27.27)
Yes 455 (46.47) 524 (53.53) 613 (62.23) 77 (7.82) 295 (29.94) 201 (53.61) 92 (24.40) 82 (21.98)
English 1st language
No 471 (48.13) 507 (51.86) 588 (59.81) 78 (7.98) 317 (32.21) 216 (54.37) 100 (25.13) 81 (20.50)
Yes 607 (53.93) 519 (46.07) 432 (38.06) 138 (12.21) 564 (49.74) 333 (47.48) 170 (24.24) 198 (28.28)
Hispanic 425 (46.03) 499 (53.97) 570 (61.19) 74 (7.97) 287 (30.84) 192 (52.63) 90 (24.58) 83 (22.79)
Black 496 (54.41) 415 (45.59) 343 (37.54) 123 (13.42) 448 (49.04) 263 (46.43) 136 (24.07) 167 (29.50)
White 41 (50.91) 39 (49.09) 38 (44.93) 4 (4.59) 42 (50.48) 30 (61.98) 12 (23.92) 7 (14.10)
Other 111 (61.78) 69 (38.22) 68 (37.65) 16 (8.97) 96 (53.39) 59 (52.82) 31 (27.84) 22 (19.33)
Work status
Employed 556 (71.46) 222 (28.54) 201 (25.84) 76 (9.79) 501 (64.37) 243 (42.34) 268 (46.59) 64 (11.08)
Unemployed 158 (57.08) 119 (42.92) 72 (26.22) 51 (18.45) 152 (55.33) 104 (50.63) 1 (0.50) 100 (48.86)
Not working 366 (34.82) 684 (65.18) 746 (70.01) 90 (8.45) 231 (21.54) 203 (63.50) 1 (0.32) 116 (36.18)
Hours worked (hours/week)
0 521 (39.46) 800 (60.54) 817 (61.18) 139 (10.40) 380 (28.43) 306 (58.72) 1 (0.20) 214 (41.09)
< 20 69 (67.91) 33 (32.09) 38 (37.63) 14 (13.66) 49 (48.70) 42 (66.89) 8 (12.85) 13 (20.26)
20 to < 37 198 (71.50) 79 (28.50) 73 (26.28) 25 (9.02) 180 (65.70) 94 (46.52) 77 (37.86) 32 (15.62)
37+ 290 (71.54) 116 (28.45) 93 (22.94) 39 (9.65) 274 (67.41) 51 (34.43) 69 (58.83) 21 (6.74)
Unemployed/not working 523 (39.46) 803 (60.54) 818 (61.03) 141 (10.50) 382 (28.47) 307 (58.47) 2 (0.39) 216 (41.14)
Employed and did not supervise employees 435 (69.25) 193 (30.74) 186 (29.65) 63 (10.10) 379 (60.25) 191 (43.37) 198 (45.07) 51 (11.56)
Employed and supervised employees 119 (81.19) 28 (18.81) 14 (9.19) 13 (8.61) 121 (82.20) 51 (38.52) 69 (51.93) 13 (9.55)
Number of jobs
No jobs 523 (39.46) 803 (60.54) 818 (61.03) 141 (10.50) 382 (28.47) 307 (58.47) 2 (0.39) 216 (41.14)
One job 494 (70.59) 206 (29.41) 192 (27.38) 70 (9.99) 438 (62.63) 216 (42.70) 231 (45.70) 59 (11.59)
More than one job 62 (79.19) 16 (20.81) 9 (12.05) 6 (8.03) 63 (79.92) 27 (39.64) 37 (53.07) 5 (7.29)
Full-time 341 (71.49) 136 (28.51) 111 (23.20) 43 (9.10) 323 (67.69) 126 (34.73) 215 (59.02) 23 (6.25)
Part-time 738 (45.31) 891 (54.69) 910 (55.40) 173 (10.56) 559 (34.04) 424 (57.62) 55 (7.46) 257 (34.93)
Neighborhood safety
Unsafe 141 (47.18) 158 (52.82) 178 (59.56) 30 (10.13) 91 (30.31) 66 (54.23) 25 (20.69) 31 (25.08)
Safe 897 (53.74) 772 (46.26) 740 (44.07) 182 (10.82) 757 (45.12) 458 (48.78) 240 (25.56) 241 (25.66)
Health problems make it difficult to exercise
Yes 409 (43.68) 527 (56.32) 561 (59.39) 93 (9.89) 290 (30.72) 198 (51.44) 70 (18.11) 117 (30.45)
No 670 (57.33) 499 (42.67) 461 (39.19) 124 (10.51) 591 (50.31) 353(49.36) 199 (27.88) 163 (22.77)
Role conflicts (daily activities make conflicting demands)
Yes 437 (57.83) 319 (42.17) 315 (41.63) 83 (11.02) 358 (47.35) 225 (51.12) 120 (27.23) 95 (21.64)
No 618 (48.29) 662 (51.71) 655 (50.75) 128 (9.93) 508 (39.33) 316 (49.55) 147 (23.02) 175 (27.43)
TV use (hours/day)
0 15 (38.75) 24 (61.25) 22 (50.58) 5 (12.89) 16 (36.53) 11 (52.23) 2 (9.75) 8 (38.03)
> 0 to 2 323 (54.61) 269 (45.39) 280 (46.99) 55 (9.17) 261 (43.84) 152 (48.32) 100 (31.83) 62 (19.85)
> 2 to 4 409 (53.03) 363 (46.97) 360 (46.33) 83 (10.64) 335 (43.03) 198 (47.37) 107 (25.53) 113 (27.10)
> 4 to 6 191 (51.26) 182 (48.74) 187 (49.97) 25 (6.77) 162 (43.25) 104 (55.25) 46 (24.64) 38 (20.11)
> 6 138 (42.62) 186 (57.38) 167 (51.61) 49 (15.03) 108 (33.36) 85 (54.33) 15 (9.35) 57 (36.32)
Mean (SE) Mean (SE) Mean (SE) Mean (SE) Mean (SE) Mean (SE) Mean (SE) Mean (SE)
Social ties/networks (0-4) 2.72 (0.03) 2.59 (0.03) 2.62 (0.03) 2.63 (0.06) 2.72 (0.03) 2.70 (0.04) 2.81 (0.05) 2.60 (0.04)
Social support (0-5) 4.47 (0.03) 4.32 (0.04) 4.27 (0.04) 4.36 (0.04) 4.55 (0.03) 4.54 (0.04) 4.51 (0.06) 4.47 (0.07)
Role responsibilities (0-3) 1.59 (0.02) 1.22 (0.02) 1.27 (0.03) 1.51 (0.03) 1.53 (0.03) 1.54 (0.04) 1.76 (0.04) 1.30 (0.05)
Social cohesion (1-4) 2.41 (0.03) 2.57 (0.03) 2.58 (0.03) 2.50 (0.05) 2.40 (0.03) 2.39 (0.04) 2.42 (0.06) 2.48 (0.05)
Table 1. Computer use weighted frequencies
Bivariate and Multivariable Analyses for Computer Ownership
Table 2 displays the odds ratios and associated 95% confidence intervals for both the bivariate models and the multivariable model. Education (completed high school vs not) and ethnicity (Hispanic vs non-Hispanic) were dichotomized.
Being above poverty (OR = 1.78, 95% CI = 1.39, 2.29), in financial hardship (OR = 1.38, 95% CI = 1.06, 1.81), and having completed high school (OR = 2.46, 95% CI = 1.70, 3.55) were positively associated with computer ownership. Employment and supervisory role (OR=1.94, 95% CI =1.08, 3.46) was also positively associated with computer ownership. Finally, having greater financial and caretaking responsibilities were positively associated with owning a computer (OR=2.18, 95% CI=1.31, 3.61).
Bivariate Age-Adjusted OR (95% CI) Yes vs No Multivariable-Adjusted OR (95% CI)†, Yes vs No
Male 1.00
Female 1.47 (0.98-2.22)
Below poverty level 0.51 (0.43-0.59) 1.00
Above poverty level 1.00 1.78 (1.39-2.29)
Comfortable/enough 1.00 1.00
Have to cut back/can't make ends meet 1.24 (1.06-1.45) 1.38 (1.06-1.81)
≤ 8th grade 1.00
Some high school 1.91 (1.31-2.78)
Completed high school/vocational 3.28 (2.36-4.58)
At least some college 5.11 (3.18-8.19)
Did not complete high school 1.00
Completed high school 2.46 (1.70-3.55)
No 1.00 1.00
Yes 1.56 (1.25-1.96) 1.33 (0.98-1.81)
No 1.00
Yes 3.07 (2.15-4.38)
Hispanic 1.00
Black 1.43 (0.99-2.08)
White 1.62 (1.00-2.62)
Other 2.21 (1.29-3.79)
Non-Hispanic 1.41 (0.75-2.64)
Employed 2.55 (1.75-3.69)
Unemployed 1.03 (0.54-1.94)
Not working 1.00
< 20 2.29 (1.18-4.44)
20 to < 37 2.47 (1.47-4.41)
37+ 2.51 (1.97-3.20)
Unemployed/not working 1.00 1.00
Employed and did not supervise employees 2.31 (1.79-3.00) 1.44 (1.10-1.88)
Employed and supervised employees 4.05 (2.26-7.25) 1.94 (1.08-3.46)
No job 1.00
One job 2.48 (1.90-3.23)
More than one job 3.13 (1.63-5.98)
Full-time 2.06 (1.68-2.53)
Part-time 1.00
Unsafe 1.00
Safe 1.24 (0.91-1.70)
Yes 1.00
No 1.13 (0.86-1.49)
None 0.68 (0.31-1.49)
> 0 to 2 1.58 (0.98-2.55)
> 6 1.00
Role conflicts
Social ties/networks
Few (0,1) 1.00
Many (2-4) 1.76 (0.95-3.26)
1 1.20 (0.90-1.62)
2-3 2.18 (1.31-3.61)
Social cohesion (6-24) 0.99 (0.94-1.04)
*Boldface indicates statistically significant association.
† Variables found to be significant at the P = .15 level in bivariate analyses were retained for use in multivariable modeling. Multivariable-adjusted models are adjusted for age, poverty level, financial status, education, immigrant status, race/ethnicity, supervisory status, and role responsibilities.
Table 2. Predicting ownership of computer, adjusting for age*
Bivariate and Multivariable Analyses for Computer Use
Table 3 displays the odds ratios and associated 95% confidence intervals for the polytomous bivariate models. The dichotomous multivariable model is presented in Table 4. Similar to the findings for computer ownership, all sociodemographic factors, with the exception of gender, perceived financial status, and immigration status, were statistically significant predictors of regular computer use in bivariate analyses. As in the previous analyses, education and race/ethnicity were further dichotomized for the multivariable analyses. Multivariable analyses indicated that participants were more likely to be regular computer users if they were above the poverty level (OR = 2.84, 95% CI = 1.90-4.24), had completed high school (OR = 4.43, 95% CI = 3.04-6.46), were non-Hispanic (OR = 1.94, 95% CI = 1.30-2.91), and were employed and supervised others (OR = 2.41, 95% CI = 1.37-4.22).
Bivariate Age-Adjusted OR (95% CI)
Regular vs Never Intermittent vs Never
Male 1.00 1.00
Female 1.47 (0.57-1.77) 1.70 (0.88-3.29)
Below poverty level 1.00 1.00
Above poverty level 3.77 (2.81-5.06) 0.95 (0.52-1.75)
≤ 8th grade 1.00 1.00
Some high school 3.25 (1.84-5.75) 2.30 (1.28-4.15)
Completed high school/vocational 8.61 (4.50-16.46) 4.44 (2.23-8.85)
At least some college 38.30 (17.66-83.04) 11.19 (5.30-23.63)
No 1.09 (0.59-2.01) 0.91 (0.53-1.55)
Yes 1.00 1.00
Hispanic 1.00 1.00
Black 3.82 (2.75-5.32) 3.78 (2.41-5.92)
White 5.64 (3.10-10.26) 1.64 (0.63-4.28)
Other 4.67 (2.61-8.34) 2.71 (1.33-5.51)
Employed 3.60 (2.04-6.37) 1.69 (1.00-2.85)
Unemployed 2.07 (1.25-3.44) 2.37 (1.29-4.33)
Not working 1.00 1.00
0 1.00 1.00
< 20 1.58 (0.56-4.46) 1.36 (0.64-2.92)
20 to < 37 2.86 (1.74-4.71) 1.20 (0.63-2.31)
37+ 3.60 (2.31-5.60) 1.51 (0.72-3.18)
Employed and supervised employees 10.17 (5.80-17.85) 3.12 (1.54-6.30)
No job 1.00 1.00
One job 2.85 (1.81-4.48) 1.33 (0.80-2.20)
More than one job 6.07 (2.09-17.61) 1.89 (0.23-15.58)
Full-time 2.95 (2.29-3.80) 1.35 (0.77-2.38)
Part-time 1.00 1.00
Unsafe 1.00 1.00
Safe 2.19 (1.41-3.40) 1.60 (0.87-2.93)
0-2 1.30 (0.83-2.05) 0.64 (0.34-1.21)
> 2 to 6 1.41 (1.04-1.91) 0.69 (0.39-1.22)
> 6 1.00 1.00
Few (0,1) 1.00 1.00
Many (2-4) 4.01 (2.42-6.64) 1.51 (0.74-3.08)
1 1.36 (0.76-2.43) 1.07 (0.54-2.10)
Social cohesion (1-4) 1.00 (0.85-1.17) 1.12 (0.88-1.42)
Table 3. Predicting computer use*
Multivariable Age-Adjusted OR (95% CI)† (N = 1210)
Below poverty level 1.00
Above poverty level 2.84 (1.90-4.24)
Unemployed/not working 1.00
Employed and did not supervise employees 1.38 (0.89-2.13)
Employed and supervised employees 2.41 (1.37-4.22)
†Variables found to be significant at the P = .15 level in bivariate analyses were retained for use in multivariable modeling. Multivariable-adjusted models are adjusted for age, poverty level, financial status, education, immigrant status, race/ethnicity, supervisory status, and role responsibilities.
Table 4. Predicting computer use (regular versus intermittent/never use)*
Computers and the Internet show substantial promise for increasing participation in health promotion activities; thus, we might have more difficulty reducing health disparities if access to technology is not actively promoted [34]. This large study of low-income public housing residents indicated that more than half owned home computers. This level of computer ownership is higher than that found for the general population in recent national surveys (~ 44%) [6] and that found by other studies in similar low-income populations [35].
Most of the attention on reducing the digital divide has been focused on improving access for racial/ethnic minorities. However, access is only one piece of the equation. To fully realize the benefits of computers and the Internet, regular computer use, which builds computer literacy and instills confidence, must be achieved. Our study showed that 42% of participants regularly used a computer, which indicates that there is a large group of low-income racial/ethnic minorities that are potentially experienced computer users. Most participants reported that they used a computer more often at home rather than at work or elsewhere. The location where an individual uses the computer often reflects the quality of their computer and/or computer access [36]. Our finding of substantial home use is encouraging. Most people use computers at home, likely due to a combination of convenience and employment in settings without computer access. Healthy People 2010 emphasizes the importance of home computers and Internet access to increase opportunities for health communication and improve health [37]. Therefore, making computer ownership more available and affordable is important.
This study also points out that there is still a significant group that does not have access to this technology, with 48% of participants reporting that they had never used a computer. The factors that may impact computer use in this population are not clear. Social contextual factors were not as strongly associated with ownership and use as we hypothesized. In addition to employment, we conjecture that cost is likely an issue, as is lack of interest and relevance. Age did appear to be a key factor, in that the majority of older adults (65+ years) did not own (82%) and had never used (86%) a computer. Although older adults are more likely to report greater barriers (eg, vision problems or other disability) to computer use, [38] studies also show that they are just as likely as younger populations to be interested in using computers to look for health information [39,40]. The current computer skills acquired by today's baby boomers are likely to lessen or eliminate the differential in computer use among the elderly; however, exploring psychosocial and motivational reasons for computer ownership, particularly among elderly who do not currently possess such skills, is important if we are to increase access in this population.
As expected and consistent with the findings of other reports, [36,41,42] we found that sociodemographic factors, employment, and income were positively associated with computer ownership and regular computer use. However, the association between perceived financial hardship and greater ownership would seem counterintuitive considering the above association. We suggest future work to explore whether (1) people now consider computers a necessity and thus find ways to include them in their budget, as noted by one report [43], (2) the association is being confounded by having children under the age of 18 in the household (this was not included in our survey), (3) perceived financial hardship and objective measures of poverty are not measuring the same constructs, or (4) low-income families own computers through the efforts of computer donation programs.
Interestingly, being non-Hispanic was positively associated with regular computer use, but not computer ownership in multivariable models. Although rates of ownership may be similar among racial/ethnic groups, computer use varies. In our study, more Hispanics (61%) than any other racial/ethnic group never used a computer. We also found that greater education was associated with greater computer ownership and regular computer use; in bivariate analyses, there was a positive dose-response relationship between education and ownership and use. Education is a consistently strong predictor of access to and interest in information services, including the Internet and computers [3,6,36,44]. Low levels of education likely explain a large part of the difference in the digital divide between Hispanics and others [45,46], and more strategies are needed to increase ownership and access in this group. Moreover, computers serve as an educational tool that can help increase education for both children and adults [47]. Consequently, the US government and other private nonprofit groups, such as the Bill and Melinda Gates Libraries Initiative, have focused on increasing computer access for low-income groups, such as through public libraries, which are key venues for increasing literacy and an educated workforce [48,49].
Select social contextual factors were also associated with computer ownership and use. For example, feeling safe in one's neighborhood was associated with a 76% increase in being a regular computer user. This may be particularly salient for those who access computers outside the home, such as a library or neighborhood center. In our study area, there are a number of community computer centers, and this trend of having computers at community centers is growing nationally. We also found that having multiple responsibilities was strongly correlated with computer use. This could be explained by the fact that our low-income study population was largely female (71%) and unmarried (68%) and thus likely to be responsible for childrearing, finances, and taking care of other households (eg, parents). They are also likely to be employed in order to meet these needs. This accounts for our finding that employment increases computer ownership. Moreover, one study found that employed women with caregiving responsibilities were likely to have a "management style" of executing tasks [50]; computers would help them coordinate services and resources to maintain control. We also found an association between social network ties and frequency of computer use. Computer access has been shown to be particularly important in building social support among those dealing with chronic illness. Several studies have shown that online support groups for breast cancer survivors and parents of ill children have positive health and social impacts [51-53]. Stronger social network ties may also provide better access to computers and information about beneficial health programs [54].
Strengths and Limitations
Our study focused on access to computers among low-income minority groups. We did not specifically ask about Internet access and use. Information regarding Internet use, type of Internet connection, and reasons for computer use would have further contextualized the communication experience of low-income minority adults. However, government reports show that about two thirds of households with computers also have Internet access [41]; rates of Internet access among our participants are therefore likely similar. Also, ownership does not imply use. It is possible that other people in the household (eg, children) actually use the computer. As our study was a cross-sectional design, we were unable to determine whether sociodemographic and social contextual factors causally influence computer ownership, frequency of use, and location. Because this study was conducted in urban, low-income minority public housing communities, its findings are only generalizable to similar settings. Nevertheless, this large study illustrates the level of access to computers among low-income, urban minority adults.
The racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in access to communication technologies are narrowing, even among very low-income households, making communication technologies for health communication more feasible. However, as the number of technology-based prevention interventions that provide important health information increases, it will be imperative to continue to identify factors that contribute to disparities in access and to connect low-income racial/ethnic minorities to these technologies, particularly computers. In this study, computer ownership among low-income minorities was over 50%, showing noteworthy strides. This suggests that computer-based studies might be reasonable for this population provided that options for nontechnology modalities are also provided. While sociodemographic factors are commonly associated with computer access, a unique finding of our study is that it may be equally as important to consider specific social contextual factors when trying to increase access and use among low-income minorities, such as social network ties, household responsibilities, and neighborhood safety.
This research was supported by grant 5R01CA098864-02 from the National Cancer Institute and support to the Dana-Farber Cancer Institute by Liberty Mutual, National Grid, and the Patterson Fellowship Fund. At the time of this study, Lorna H. McNeill was supported by the Alonzo Yerby Postdoctoral Fellowship at the Harvard School of Public Health. Gary G. Bennett is supported by an award from the Dana-Farber/Harvard Cancer Center and by grant 3R01CA098864-02S1 from the National Cancer Institute.
We gratefully thank the Open Doors to Health research team: Elise Dietrich, Elizabeth Gonzalez-Suarez, Terri Greene, Lucia Leone, Mike Massagli, Vanessa Melamede, Maribel Melendez, Molly Coeling, Tamara Parent, Lina Rincon, Claudia Viega, and Monifa Watson as well as all of the resident helpers and resident service coordinators at our collaborating housing sites. We also thank Martha Zorn for assisting with the analysis of the findings.
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Edited by G Eysenbach; submitted 01.08.07; peer-reviewed by T Kind, E Hargittai, K Cullen; comments to author 23.10.07; revised version received 06.11.07; accepted 06.11.07; published 13.12.07
Lorna H McNeill, Elaine Puleo, Gary G Bennett, Karen M Emmons. Originally published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research (http://www.jmir.org, 13.12.2007). Except where otherwise noted, articles published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research are distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, including full bibliographic	details and the URL (see "please cite as" above), and this statement is included.


South Africa's investment facilitation efforts have borne fruit, with the country taking home the Investment Promotion Award.
"South Africa's investment mobilisation drive is gaining traction and the latest data from South African Reserve Bank and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) indicates a major increase in Foreign Direct Investments from previous years.
"We have turned the corner, improving our investment climate and investor facilitation service," said Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies on Tuesday.
South Africa took home the Investment Promotion Award at the 2019 Annual Investment Meeting (AIM) held in Dubai. AIM is the world's leading FDI platform.
Davies said the award reaffirms the commitments announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa during his State of the Nation Address (SONA) to align SA's economic development priorities on securing innovative investment projects in digital and technology fields to ensure the country is able to achieve Vision 2030 goals.
"Policy certainty on [the] South African ICT landscape and noticeable improvements on FDI ranking indices have underpinned the strides South Africa has made in securing investment in digital, ICT and 4th Industrial Revolution industries (4IR)," he said.
The award not only highlights South Africa's propensity to exploit opportunities offered by cloud computing, the Internet of Things and machine learning but supports South Africa's endeavours in 4IR industries, said Davies.
He said through the "One Stop Shop" approach, InvestSA can compete among the best and is capable today of facilitating large scale investment projects and has developed a significant investment pipeline.


text:
Two Organ Scholars work with Ralph Allwood and the Chaplain to organise and deliver all the music in Chapel. Beyond playing the organ and often conducting services, the Organ Scholars oversee the administration of the choir (with the Choir Administrator), including the selection of music, and the planning of concerts, tours and other events.
The Organ Scholars enjoy the same privileges as members of the choir, including a free three-course meal after Chapel services and free singing lessons. In addition, the Organ Scholars receive an annual stipend of £450, and a further £500 each year towards organ lessons, conducting lessons and the purchasing of scores. In addition to his role with the choir, Ralph Allwood coaches the Organ Scholars in choral direction.
The Organ Scholars are provided with special subsidised rooms in College, as well as with University network phones, internet and pianos. The Senior Organ Scholar occupies some of the finest accommodation in the College, with a set of seventeenth-century rooms adjacent to the Chapel.
The Organ Scholars are central to the music-making at Queens', and often conduct the MagSoc Symphony Orchestra and Chorus. Former Organ Scholars include the composer Charles Villiers Stanford (1870–72), the internationally renowned symphonic and operatic conductor Richard Hickox (1967–70), and in more recent times Alexander Berry (Director of Music, Bradford Cathedral) and Samuel Hayes (Director of Music, the University Church of Great St. Mary's).
Both organ scholarships are endowed: the Senior Organ Scholar is known as the Aliki Vatikioti Organ Scholar, and the Junior Organ Scholar is known as the George C. Phillips Organ Scholar.
The Organ Scholars also traditionally oversee an organ recital series throughout the year, including other Cambridge Organ Scholars, cathedral organists and international recitalists.
If you are interested in learning more about becoming an Organ Scholar here at Queens', please contact the Senior Organ Scholar, Robin Pillinger, or Ralph Allwood.
There are also online listings for the current organ recital series in Queens' College Chapel.
Welfare - ed
Chapel Choir
Choral Scholarships
Joining the choir


Useful Resources During Your Time as a Member of AED Family.
A tool that allows you to calculate your GPA for the MRF or simply if you need to see where you will be.
Here is the application that you will need to apply for the national scholarship.


text:
Human rights lawyer awarded Honorary Degree
He has campaigned against the death penalty for over 20 years — now, Parvais Jabbar has been awarded with an Honorary Degree
Parvais Jabbar MBE from West London, a leading human rights lawyer who has campaigned against the death penalty for over 20 years, has been awarded with an Honorary Degree at the Middlesex University's graduation ceremony today.
Parvais is the Co-Executive of the The Death Penalty Project, an international legal charity based in the London firm of Simons Muirhead & Burton Solicitors.
He specialises in representing prisoners sentenced to death around the world in both criminal and constitutional proceedings as well as bringing cases before international tribunals and courts including Inter American Commission on Human Rights and the United Nations Human Rights Committee.
He has assisted local lawyers in appeals before the Supreme Courts of Uganda, Kenya, Malawi and Singapore in cases concerning the death penalty.
"I am extremely honoured to have been recognised by Middlesex University in this way. It is a privilege to accept this award for doing something that is immensely challenging but also very rewarding," says Parvais.
"I have had the pleasure to collaborate with many academics, including Middlesex's Professor William Schabas, looking at ways in which international human rights and law can be used to restrict the scope and application of the death penalty around world. It is important that institutions like Middlesex University wish to be so active and involved in such fundamental work."
Today's award comes after a long list of recognition for Parvais. In 1999, he was the joint winner of the Times/Justice Yong Lawyer of the Year award, in 2008 he was recipient of the Pro Bon Lawyer for the Year award by the Society of Asian Lawyers and in 2012 he was awarded an MBE for services to human rights.
"It is a real privilege for Middlesex University to be able to recognise expertise, public duty and creativity by offering outstanding individuals one of our Honorary Degrees. I am delighted to be able to play a part in today's ceremony and want to congratulate each recipient. Their achievement is very well deserved," comments Vice Chancellor of Middlesex University, Professor Tim Blackman.
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