Karachi, Pakistan's biggest city saw its worst political violence in decades on 12 May. Over 50 people were killed and more than 150 injured in clashes and gunfights between the pro-government Muttahidda Qaumi Movement (MQM – a chauvinist reactionary party which primarily bases itself amongst the Mohajir minority) and opposition groups.
The violence followed a visit to the city by the now famous Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhary who was suspended by the Musharraf regime because of his refusal to follow the orders of the country's President and army commander, General Musharraf. It is no surprise that Musharraf did not take kindly to Chaudhary's visit to Karachi.
This was particularly the case after the great show of strength by anti-Musharraf forces, made up of all the opposition parties, in Lahore on 5 May. Until that point, the government was only "uncomfortable" with Chaudhary's outings to Rawalpindi, Sukur, Hyderabad and Peshawar to address different bar councils and lawyers' conventions. The opposition parties also rallied around the arrivals of the Chief Justice to these cities.
But the Lahore show was unique. It indicated that the movement against General Musharraf was gathering momentum. After the unprecedented reception in Lahore, the government realised that wider layers of society were moving to support the movement led by lawyers who opposed the suspension of Iftikhar Chaudhary. It was also clear that the main capitalist opposition parties were gaining support as well and were prepared to mobilise their supporters on the streets. Up to this time, the leaders of the main parties were vociferous in their opposition to the Chief Justice's suspension but refrained from mobilising large numbers in street demonstrations, fearing starting a movement they could not control.
The government decided not to give a free hand to the lawyers and opposition parties to show their strength. The Muttahidda Quami Movement (MQM), an ally of the Musharaf government, decided to show its muscle and announced a counter rally against the Chief Justice on 12 May.
Show of strength or weakness?
This protest became seen as a big test of strength for the MQM and the government. Tension increased when both the alliance of opposition parties and the MQM announced protest rallies on the same day and almost in the same places. Since the Karachi events both the MQM and government have blamed the visit of the Chief Justice for the bloodshed.
The MQM wanted to use their protest to demonstrate that the Chief Justice had no support in this, the largest city and biggest industrial centre, in Pakistan. While it is true that the MQM has a certain base and support in the Urdu speaking population of Karachi.
What everybody saw on that day had nothing to do with mass support for the MQM and the government. It was more about their willingness to use brutal violence to achieve their aims. The whole city was besieged, and all the roads leading to the airport were blocked with huge containers. Hundreds of opposition activists were arrested and many more were forced to go into hiding. The government tried everything to prevent opposition rallies from taking place. The MQM were not only given a free hand in their murderous attacks but were actively supported by the Karachi city administration. There was no attempt to block the route of the MQM's protest demonstration. The rest of the city was barricaded in. Armed militias attacked opposition rallies and nine areas were turned into battle grounds.
The most modern assault rifles available were used in the attacks in which most of the victims were opposition party activists. Armed thugs and goons continued to control the streets for more than six hours. AAJ TV, a private TV channel, was also attacked and remained under intense fire for hours. Armed militias fired thousands of rounds of ammunition at the TV station.
The police and paramilitary Rangers were nowhere to be seen while these bloody attacks took place. Showing callous disregard for human life, when dead bodies were lying on the roads and injured were screaming from the pain of their injuries, the MQM continued its rally and show of strength in the centre of city. However, the turnout of only a few thousand at this rally was small compared to recent ones organised by the MQM.
For the last few years the MQM has desperately tried to change its image into appearing to be a non-ethnic national political force, which campaigns for the rights of all oppressed nationalities and sections of society. As part of this process the MQM tried to build a membership base in the other provinces in Pakistan, apart from Sindh were it is based. The massacre on 12 May changed all that. More than 150 office bearers of the MQM in the three other provinces resigned in protest. The MQM was forced to close down its offices throughout the country, because of the fear of reprisals from people enraged with the killings in Karachi. Rather than strengthening its position, the MQM is completely on the back foot.
There has been a powerful backlash not only from the main capitalist opposition parties, but also from trade unions, traders, Non-governmental organisations (NGOs), community groups against the Karachi events.
Capitalist opposition parties called for a 'general strike' which was one of the most successful of this type of protest for over seven years. However, this kind of 'general strike', although it has economic consequences only involves the closure of shops, markets and small businesses. It should not be confused with a general strike with the industrial working class at its head which cripples the economy and the ability of the elite to make profits. Nevertheless, even the traders organisations supported this call. The government and MQM came under fire from every corner and were quite clearly not expecting such a strong reaction. Even the media has turned against the government. As a result the Musharraf regime has started issuing threats of harsh action against the TV stations and newspapers if they continue covering events in a manner critical of the government.
For the first time since the Musharraf's military coup in October 1999 the media, lawyers, traders, middle class professionals and some sections of the working class are coming close to coalescing into an opposition movement against the government. The capitalist opposition parties are also coming close to form a broader alliance. Such a broad opposition with the support of traders, trade unions and other social movements and organisations could create a nightmare situation for Musharraf.
Musharraf's regime is facing its first major political challenge since the 2002 elections. The regime seemed relatively comfortable and was preparing for another term with Musharraf as President and the Pakistani Muslim League – Q (PML-Q – a new party created by Musharraf after he seized power in 1999) being the senior partner in government.
However, everything changed after 9 March 2007 when the Supreme Court Chief Justice was suspended. The seemingly all-powerful government now faces serious political and judicial crises as a major division within the ruling elite has opened up. All the discontent with the Musharraf regime threatens to flow through the breach created by this crisis.
The regime is isolated and has been significantly weakened in the last two months. Politics is now sharply polarised along pro- and anti Musharraf lines. The future of General Musharraf has become the key question in Pakistan's politics.
It is not ruled out that the Musharraf government could hold on to power but it has lost much of its authority and legitimacy. The regime has never been as isolated since coming to power. Mainstream capitalist political parties were opposed to Musharraf from the beginning, but the MMA (an alliance of major Islamic religious parties) extended him reluctant support. They facilitated the passage of the 17th amendment to the constitution which allowed and enabled Musharraf to continue as army chief and President of the country. Now the MMA is no longer willing to support Musharraf.
These recent events have made it impossible for the Benazir Bhutto led Pakistani Peoples Party to strike a deal with Musharraf to support him in the near future. There are very few political options left for the government to solve the current political and judicial crisis.
Musharraf presides over a hierarchical political order based on the military. As commanding officer, he is supported by the army-intelligence establishment that has the backing of the top bureaucracy. Beneath this are the co-opted political elite. These arrangements have three major implications for the political system. It restricts or excludes the role of the dissident political forces which no loner have any stake in the Musharraf-led military dominated political order; the co-opted political leaders depend on Musharraf for political clout; and rather than strengthening his popular credentials, this makes this political set-up the most unpopular in the history of Pakistan.
The suspension of the Chief Justice was a pre-emptive move to ensure that top echelons of the judiciary did not create any problems for Musharraf in the event of opposition challenges to his candidature for another term. Whatever the intention, it has backfired massively. This decision has developed the political conditions which the opposition parties can exploit. Now Musharraf wants to re-elect himself from the present assemblies rather than waiting for new elections. This alone can further fan the flames of this conflict and force it to new, even more intense levels.
As a result the government is considering different options to end the present crisis. It is more likely that they will use more repressive measures to crush the opposition movement. But this could provoke widespread agitation against the government and could also draw in new layers of the working class in the movement.
The next few months are crucial for the future of the Musharraf regime, which is hanging by a thread. The outcome of the on-going legal and constitutional battle in the Supreme Court will have an effect in determining the future course of political events in Pakistan. If the Supreme Court decides the matter in the favour of the Chief Justice and drops the charges against him, it will be big blow for the present regime. If case goes against Iftikhar Chaudhary, it could provoke a fresh series of protests and this could force out Musharraf and his cronies.
The government is worried about the fact that more and more people are joining the street protests every day. Now the teachers union and Doctors association has also joined the movement. But the overwhelming majority of working class people are still observers of the movement.
Nevertheless, the Chief Justice is the most popular 'non-political' personality in the country. The reason for this popularity is that he decided to take on the Musharraf regime. He has become a symbol of resistance and courage. The lawyers' movement around Iftikhar Chaudhary has been able to build in just 2 months what the opposition parties have failed to develop in seven years. This is because the capitalist opposition leaders are completely unable to build any lasting support which is necessary to mobilise the masses.
There is no leadership on a national level which can fill the gap. In the absence of a mass working class party and leadership, the situation has become more complex.
While the present protests could develop into a broader movement involving wider sections of the working class, this is not certain. At the moment the majority of the working class is not confidant enough to take on the government and consciousness is still contradictory. On one hand there is rising anger and hatred against the regime and the ruling class but still there is wide spread disillusionment about politics and political parties. It will take longer, therefore, to translate the anger into action. There are very few people who still have illusions in the system and state institutions, but there is no clarity of what the alternative might be. The huge anger against elite but this has not yet been translated into a clear class consciousness on a mass scale. But as the movement develops further, a clearer class consciousness will emerge.
Independent political action by the Pakistani working class is needed to get rid of military rule and capitalism. Workers and young people do not trust the capitalist and religious parties who are involved in this movement to get their corrupt hands on the levers of power. If they do manage to oust Musharraf it will not solve any of the basic problems faced by the working class. A real change and transformation of society is only possible if working class takes power in to its own hands, and replacing capitalism and feudalism with a democratic socialist society.


text:
La Vauxhall Cavalier était une voiture familiale produite à Luton, par le constructeur automobile anglais Vauxhall de 1975 à 1995. La première génération et la seconde génération de Cavalier, produites entre 1975 et 1981 puis de 1981 à 1988, étaient basées sur les seconde et troisième génération d'Opel Ascona avec quelques différences. La troisième et dernière génération, produite entre 1988 et 1995, était en tout points identique à l'Opel Vectra.

Première génération (1975-1981)

Seconde génération (1981-1988)

Troisième génération (1988-1995)

Notes et références

Liens

Cavalier
Automobile des années 1970
Automobile des années 1980
Automobile des années 1990
Berline

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Global Views Shuts Down Polling! =UPDATED=
Huge news: Global Views has shut down its polling center for the duration of the election, apparently:
The Global Views Survey Research Center's sudden announcement on Tuesday that it would no longer conduct polls on elections or political issues has triggered intense media coverage and allegations that it caved in to political pressure.
The surveys the center had been conducting on January's presidential election, as well as its monthly public support trend investigation and political party inclination investigation will all be halted.
The center's last survey was conducted on Sept. 21 and found that if President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) ran just against Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), support for Ma was 39.2 percent to Tsai's 38.3. percent.
If People First Party Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) joined the race, Soong would garner 10 percent of the votes, and Tsai would lead Ma with 36 percent to his 35.8 percent, the survey found.
If you look at the poll right below this one, you'll Ma has a huge lead. That's in the pro-KMT China Times. Other pro-KMT polls are similar. But GV constantly interrupted this narrative of inevitable DPP loss with the sad news that the race is neck and neck -- even the international media was reporting it as a neck and neck race. It's hard not to read this shutdown of the one semi-reliable poll as an act of political pressure.
Remember too that if the KMT loses they have now prepared the ground for the claiming that the vote was rigged: "Look, the polls had Ma up by 10 or more, but he lost by 2. How is this possible? There must have been cheating!!"
UPDATE: SY in the comments says:
The owners and the head of the GV group are close to KMT, most are members of KMT.
I was told:
The above-mentioned geo-demo-adjusted projections ("analysis") have been showing Tsai leading for the last two months (the Oct data is said to be of the same trend.) The "bad news" has been spreading from ear to ear.
I believe this was the reason why the Ma regime decided to kill it. Personally, I still believe Ma will win the election. Money does talk.
Thanks also to the commenter who pointed to the Lib Times piece: GV currently has Tsai up over Ma 4-6%. The head of GV resigned in the wake of this mess.
UPDATE II: Read Taiwan Echo's post
UPDATE III: Global Views polling center director interview summary in the TT
(Permalink) 7:21 AM
OzSoapbox said...
If this has never happened before then yeah, it's a bit suspicious.
I note that no official explanation was given, what's up with that?
Who puts out a press release announcing abornmal behaviour without an explanation??
The press release is an obvious form of subtle public protest. Nothing stopped them from simply... quietly not polling..... but by making a PR moment out of it, they called attention to their action.
Aren't the poll from the Election Study Center of National Chengchi University really more useful? I'd be more worried if these types of polls disappeared.
Chengchih U's polls were spammed by Ma supporters a while back and rendered useless. TT reported on it. I don't know whether the election market is still functioning, and it can't tell you what the poll results are, only who people think will win. Different information altogether.
Rust said...
Chengchih University uses a model similar to that of the stock market to predict the possibility of the election. Before the spamming, Tsai lead Ma in elected probability (not vote %) by something like 55 v.s. 45. After the spamming is the other way around. They still have the website though.
In an interview published today in LibertyTimes.com.tw, the director of Global Views's past polling center, Mr. Dai (戴立安), who resigned after the close of the center, said that currently, Tsai has an advantage of 4-6% advantage over Ma.
http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2011/new/oct/13/today-p5.htm
>The press release is an obvious form of subtle public protest. Nothing stopped them from simply... quietly not polling..... but by making a PR moment out of it, they called attention to their action.<
Not true, Michael. They have subscribing "members" (customers) who have paid for a period of time (e.g. per year) to access their monthly poll raw data, analysis (including geo-, demographically adjusted projections), etc. The public announcement was necessary.
The center is currently busy closing accounts and refunding subscribers ("members".)
The following is taken directly from their publications on how to pay to open a "member" account:
C. How to obtain information about the brief analyses on the surveys, raw data and cross-tabulations?
The GVSRC online database provides brief analyses on surveys for our members with a valid account.
Members with a valid account can log on to 專案資料庫 ("Project/Case Database") to check related information. To download raw data, weighted data, and crosstabs in the GVSRC database, an additional fee will be charged.
For full access to the database, please go to the link: 網路申請 ("Apply On-Line") to register; if you are a registered member with an expired or suspended account, please link to 選購使用期 ("Purchase a Subcription Period") to finish the purchasing process for valid membership. Currently, the database and survey results are in traditional Chinese characters.
I too find the China Times poll a bit suspicious. Taiwan Thinktank released their own poll earlier this week that showed Tsai down by a little over one point. The question remains over whether green polls (I know that GV was not green, but it did tell a different story than the obviously blue polls) are any more reliable than blue polls.
For a description of what is wrong with a lot of the blue polls, look here: http://blog.udn.com/amlink/5712104. It contains the text of a Wikileaks cable from 2007, written ostensibly by the acting AIT Director. Wikileaks may not really provide any news that we have never heard before, but still, some of the info can be useful.
The gist: Most blue polls contain structural sampling error. Due to the fact that they concentrate on cities, they get a larger than average share of either white collar city residents, who tend to vote KMT. They also tend to rely on telephone surveying in the early evening, at a time when working class folk, who tend to prefer DPP, have not gotten home from work. Since many of the polls do not weight properly, the data that is reported is often very wide of the mark. One of the cable's observations:
"While media polls were relatively accurate in predicting the 2005 county and city elections, more recently, their forecasts for the 2006 Taipei and Kaohsiung mayoral elections were far off the mark. Taipei DPP candidate Frank Hsieh garnered 41 percent of the vote despite polls in the preceding weeks that showed him in just the low 20s, and in Kaohsiung, DPP candidate Chen Chu squeezed out a narrow victory over her KMT rival although she trailed by double-digits in most polls (Ref B)."
My own hunch is that Tsai is still behind, but not by as much as the blue polls say. Of course I could certainly be wrong. Certainly the character assassination of Su over that stupid farmhouse thing isn't helping the matter.
Ah, thanks SY. I forgot the paid subscriptions.
John S said...
Then there is the built-in, structural bias of both polls AND actual elections due to the fact that voting is unfairly made inconvenient for MANY workers in Taipei from the South of Taiwan.
These people (if they want to vote) have to devote two whole days to exercise their right to vote.
The elections would have a completely different outcome if people were allowed to vote in the area where they actually reside, rather than have to spend a whole day going back to their hometowns in order to stand in line for two hours to place a vote, and then drive another whole day back to their residence in Taipei.
It is obvious which party gains an advantage from this inconvenience. And if it only makes a 2-3% difference in the votes, then that is enough to decide the future of Taiwan.
Tommy - actually the "pro-blue" polls were fairly accurate in the most recent presidential and municipal elections. They only race where they were way out was in Taiching City. In Taipei and Tainan they actually underestimated blue support last time round.
John S. - it is not at all obvious who gains.
Do you have any figures on party support for people based in Taipei but with household registration in the south?
The KMT would also point to the many military personnel and China based Taishang who have to travel even further to vote. These groups are generally believed to lean blue.
I think how you question and count polls. Whenever I received calls like that, I basically answer with an open attitude that could sway either way. Most people with a higher education probably will also answer in such a flexible manner. I never trust polls that I don't know how they asked question no matter how well known the organization is. Sorry for putting on my auditor's hat here, but the devil is in the detail of these as with anything else.
Okami said...
In Changhua County, Tsai Yingwen is everywhere. It's kind of odd. Ma Yingjiu has no pics nor advertising up.
The "editorial" by Lincoln Millstein of the Hearst papers and now this. What seems to be shaping up is that the multinational corporations seem to be calling the shots, along with KMT who also have considerable vested interests in China. This isn't politics, its Big Business. Damn, lift up a few stones in this election and you find all sorts of disgusting critters.
Nobody is saying that blue polls are never accurate. Of course they can be accurate. The point is that it is very difficult to tell whether they are accurate or not until after the election. And it is very difficult to exonerate all of the polls based on some accurate responses. It is possible, for example, that the polls to which you refer were more accurate due to lukewarm voting by Green voters. Take the presidential election. In this case, the structural bias might not matter as much because the people who were not counted would not turn out to vote in high numbers.
If you read the cable in question, the writer says that polls are to be used at your own risk, not that we should never pay attention to polls.
No, I don't have numbers to cite, because I don't think any reliable figures have ever been published. Getting relaible numbers would be very difficult.
But I think it is a deliberate obfuscation to try to equate the number of Taisheng with the number of workers in the north, who must vote in their hometowns in the south.
There are many hundreds of thousands of workers residing in the north, but voting (or not voting) in the south. NO WAY there is anywhere near a similar number of Taisheng working in China.
Anyway, the Taisheng get several days off and special flights from China. Normal workers don't get days off or transportation to go vote.
The real reason there has been no system put in place to allow people to vote at any location in Taiwan on election day is because the KMT knows that would give an advantage to the pro-Taiwan parties.
The first reason one often hears for not reforming these outdated voting rules is that changing the rules would result in more voting fraud. But that is not the real reason, it is just a cop out.
Nobody is saying that blue polls are never accurate. Of course they can be accurate. The point is that it is very difficult to tell whether they are accurate or not until after the election. And it is very difficult to exonerate all of the polls based on some accurate responses.
Isn't that stating the obvious? Of course we can never tell if any poll, blue or green, is accurate until after the election.
And it is very difficult to exonerate all of the polls based on some accurate responses. It is possible, for example, that the polls to which you refer were more accurate due to lukewarm voting by Green voters. Take the presidential election. In this case, the structural bias might not matter as much because the people who were not counted would not turn out to vote in high numbers.
So you are insisting that the polls still have a "structural bias" despite them being largely accurate. Many greens were indeed lukewarm in 2008 - and the polls would have captured that.
There are at least 750,000 Taiwanese residing in China. Some estimates put the figure even higher.
There might be more flights and charters to cope with the demand, but they have to buy their own ticket! They are not provided with "transportation to go and vote". Even with discounts, it will come to a lot more than a train ticket from anywhere in Taiwan. There is also no rule saying that they get time off for voting.
For Taipei based voters from the south, it should be much easier to get back. With the HSR you can be in KHH in less than 2 hours. Also the vote is on a Saturday, which is also designated as a public holiday. An easy day trip for many I would think.
There are definitely a lot of technical issues to sort out, such as organizing registration and preventing double voting. However, the Minister of the Interior has been pushing for this for quite some time. It will happen sooner or later (but only for voters within Taiwan, overseas voting will still not be allowed).
@Okami: In most areas, Matong is completely absent from the campaigns of local candidates. He's so deeply unpopular in most quarters they consider him a liability, not an asset. Only in the Hengchun area have I seen him on posters, or Wu Dunyi for that matter.
@John S: There are well over 100,000 Taiwanese living and working in Shanghai alone. I think the number for the whole country is close to a million. KMT is going to give them a buy one, get one free deal if they come home and vote blue. Guess who will pay that bill!
Taiwan Echo said...
Trying to say something but it gets too long, so I made it a post:
The Shutting Down of a Reputable Poll Center
I provided some background info so we can understand what's going on better.
I have a friend that would come back and help KMT polls analysis back in the earlier days. Based on my understanding of her personality, I trust they truly do good work at it. What is finally announced might be different, but I think we really should know what kinds of questions are asked during the polls, and the exact sequence in which they were asked regardless who conducts these. Personally, I think Soong is a good administrator, but not a good leader. Tsai is still in a changing mode, it's hard to tell what she will do. But currently, she does seem not have the vision nor administrative capability. Ma needs a devoted team to carry out his vision; how strong his team can get really is going to be hard to tell, probably only God knows what will happen.
Yes, every paper and publication throws around guesstimated figures regarding how many Taiwanese reside and work in China or elsewhere, but AFAIK there is no single institution actually counting these people, or even giving a definition for who is and is not "Taisheng".
Are we talking about people who reside there year-round? Or who have to go there 2-3 times a year for a couple of weeks at a time?
Are we also counting the recently-retired Taiwanese military personnel who are now paid consultants for the PLA in Beijing? There are a lot of them, according to Chinese who love to cite them as examples of brotherhood and reconcilliation.
At any rate, re. the topic of "inconvenienced voter groups", you just can't convince me that the number of Taisheng (however defined) is more than 1/10 the number of people (in fact, whole families) who work in companies in Taipei, Hsinchu, Neihu, etc. who must go south or east to vote.
Those people are living and needing services in the north, but have no representation there. If it is difficult for them to travel long distances to vote, then they are, in fact, not being adequately represented in the south or east, either.
"So you are insisting that the polls still have a "structural bias" despite them being largely accurate. Many greens were indeed lukewarm in 2008 - and the polls would have captured that."
Essentially, yes, that is what I am "implying could be the case" (your choice of the word "insisting" is a bit wide of the mark since I never said that blue polls have not improved in the last few years. We don't know that yet.).
Imagine a situation where a population has people who only like pears and people who only like apples. A polling agency wishes to find out what people like in advance of a fruit election. They only contact people who like pears. They will then conclude that 100 percent of the population likes pears. Then, when election day rolls around, something happens that keeps all of the apple lovers at home. The pear wins the election with 100 percent of the vote, and the polling agency concludes that their work was flawless. Clearly, the coincidental matching of the two numbers says little about the agency's ability to measure public opinion, which is the point of polls after all, right?
Your comment misses the point about sampling. The issue isn't the number of greens who feel this way or that. The issue is the number of greens who are asked to be a part of the sample.
The memo in question draws attention to a key problem in the results of several blue polling agencies -- namely that they chronically contain structural sampling error. This means that they are more likely to be wide of the mark. This does not mean that they will never hit the right numbers.
Based on the simplistic logic in the apple-pear example, we see that even the most biased sample can yield results that are right on the money under the right conditions. Such is the nature of polling. But, if polls are properly done, they should ideally produce, over time, results that vary randomly around a mean that represents the "real" opinion of the population... with a few outliers to boot.
Regardless, my comment about not knowing about blue polls until after the election was not referring to any one poll. Rather, it was referring to the "correctness" of the mean that the polls were varying around before the election.
Incidentally, this is also what the writer of that memo was referring to. Due to the fact that Taiwan polling experts (the one in question was precisely from Global Views) say that blue polls frequently have structural sampling error, we necessarily find it difficult to rely on any of the polls to tell us what will happen in a race, especially when the race can be close.
I would be interested in how the polls are revealed during US elections. Certainly there are lots of people that do not reside in the US. Additionally, it is quite common to consult in other countries in this global village. I believe US personnel consult internationally on a much larger scale in various ways. Having had friends and relatives working in the news media,it is a wonder how people view things in ways far from reality. A current Daimond distributor in the Amway business told us how they would dream us stories based on the bits and pieces of information they could put together.
Nobody cares about reality, even iF Design. Recently I attended a meeting explaining the Taiwan Bicycle Design and Innovation Awards procedures organized by iF design. In one of the example they presented was a description of a bicycle that talked about "increased lateral stability", to I to the opportunity to ask how could they compare against other bikes how good the lateral stability is? Based on their response, it was clear that performance issues were not of real concern. The real things are just what you talk about and how you present it. Where what is said a truth or not was really of no concern, but rather how the message was delivered, and whether it hits a sweet spot in the reviewers view or not.
Yes, but you ignore the fact that people can and do change their household registration easily. For those who choose to not to move their household registrations, all the main population centres in the west of the island are less than 2 hours from Taipei, and the election is held on a public holiday. Furthermore, the turnout figures do not support your claim that the DPP is at a disadvantage due to the fact that you can only vote where your household registration is:
Little difference in turnout between DPP and KMT areas in the western half of the island, despite high levels of dissatisfaction among many DPP supporters. KMT areas in the east and the outlying islands show the lowest turnout.
http://db.cec.gov.tw/vote212.asp?pass1=A2008A9900000000
Very high turnout in both north and south. KHH city turnout the highest in the country. KMT dominated east coast and outlying islands again showed lowest turnout.
As above, but highest turnout in Taichung County this time.
Tommy- if there are sampling errors, then this will be reflected in inaccurate poll figures. The memo you refer to is from 2007. Since then the polls have improved in reliability.
They were basically accurate in the last 2 elections. This would not have happened had they been consistently under-sampling green voters.
M:Since then the polls have improved in reliability. They were basically accurate in the last 2 elections.
Don't forget there was a shooting right before the election last year.
If the shooting changed the result, and the result thus matched what the pre-election polls said, then it means that the polls reflect a post-shooting outcome, thus not accurate in nature.
So to argue that the polls were accurate, a condition has to be true: the shooting didn't change the result.
Can we make that argument ?
No matter how accurate polls are, too much exposure to it can dangerously create a phenomena of expectation. This really defeats the purpose of letting people make decisions in a more educated manner. I would vote to have these polls made available after selections instead of before.
You have missed the point again. No matter how many times you tell me that the most recent elections happened to be in line with polling data, you still are no closer to showing that any improvements have been made. Remember the apples and pears? Improvements can only be verified when we have more information to work with. That means another election or two must go by.
Polling agencies only gain their reputations over time precisely because, without the passage of time, their record is unknown. But, by all means, be the parrot and say, "Oh but the most recent municipal and presidential elections once more." News flash: 2007 to 2010 is not really a long time.
Tommy - 2007 to 2010 is a long time if they have changed their sampling methodology. We will have to see how accurate the polls are this time, but the general view at the moment is that Tsai is behind. DPP people I have spoken to think that "she doesn't stand a chance" and "needs a miracle".
Why is she likely to lose?
Along with the KMT's usual money advantages, there is a powerful incumbency effect in presidential elections (which is why Chen won in 2004), Tsai is an inexperienced campaigner, the attacks on Su Jia-chyuan have worked so far (interestingly the KMT's attempts to attack Tsai herself have failed abysmally), and Su Tseng-chang is waiting for 2016.
Taiwan Echo - the shooting might have been a factor. In fact the KMT polled 4% higher that the TVBS prediction in Taipei and Tainan. The one big anomaly was Taichung where Su Jia-chuyuan ran Hu much closer than the polls predicted.
Most commentators think this is that many supporters of Liao Liao-yi either didn't vote or defected to the DPP. Although Liao declared his support for Hu, a defeat for Hu would give him a shot in 2014. Therefore, he didn't do anything to mobilize support for Hu beyond what was necessary for appearances sake.
@M,
How do we access the accuracy of a poll so far ahead? You have to assume that nothing changes before the election, and no one changes minds during the period of 3 months. I don't think it is a reasonable argument.
DPP people I have spoken to think that "she doesn't stand a chance" and "needs a miracle"
I think that depends on whom you spoke to. There are DPP people who want to see Tsai lose. Tsai's primary opponent, Su Tsen-chang (蘇貞昌), never seems to put himself under Tsai. In many campaign trips where he should have helped local campaigners, he walked into the place (from behind the audience) like he is the candidate. He spent most of his speech bragging about his achievement and left small time frame to talk about whom he is supposed to promote. There's always doubt about whom on earth he is campaigning for. A simple logic deduction to this situation: a winning in 2012 will give Tsai a huge advantage in 2016, which would mean Su's dream of president will be forever sealed.
In fact, before Chou Yi's mud-throwing attack, articles written by Su Su Tsen-chang's followers, aiming at attacking Tsai, were the main fuel the blue media picked up to attack Tsai. As you pointed out, they failed. I believe that's why Chou Yi took back the stage and change the target to Su Chia-Chyuan. But that doesn't mean Su Tseng-chang's followers stop their attacks on Tsai. In fact, by adding fuel into it, Su Tsen-chang's followers play a significant role in making an impression that the green camp also think that Chou's mud attack works.
There are also TI extremists who might not want to see Tsai lose, but are blind to Tsai's messages and to the tide Tsai created. They would tell people that Tsai has no chance at all, too.
the attacks on Su Jia-chyuan have worked
Is that so? If you believe that, you might want to give yourself a better explanation on why the political poll center is Global Views is suddenly shut down in the first place.
Taiwan Echo - yes of course a lot can change between now and the election. A poll can only give an indication of the position now. Everyone seems to think that Ma is ahead, which suggests that the Global Views poll is an anomaly.
As for Su Tseng-chang's failure to fully support Tsai - this could have an adverse impact. Unlike blue supporters, green voters are very loyal to the party - they vote for the party rather than the candidate. But any divisions in the green camp could hamper Tsai's efforts to win over floating voters.
By attacking Su Jia-chyuan, the KMT is trying to link the Tsai-Su ticket to A-Bian in voters' minds. It remains to be seen how effective this tactic will be.
But I think Ma will win because: (1) the KMT have more money, (2) he is the incumbent
Michael- thanks for the article.
However, I think the discussions here have missed the point so far. It's not only just about the accuracy of the polls; it's about freedom of expression. No matter Global Views is accurate or not, it doesn't deserve to be shut down this way.
From what I understand, it is suspected that senior management of GV and KMT political forces jointedly killed someone (Mr. 戴) who just tried to do his job, professionally, for their political gains. If so, is there any way to ask international press freedom organizations to investigate this?
M- Just want to point out two things: 1) so-called blue polls still badly underestimated DPP's support in 2009's local elections and in 2010, as someone already pointed out, there was the bullet factor 2) the "every poll" here you are talking about are actually just blue polls; in fact, the recent Liberty Times showed a small lead for Tsai, for whatever is worth.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: How to write angular directive that toggles classes by selector I'm trying to write a directive that toggles classes based on a selector condition:

    <input type="checkbox">
    Example checkbox

I need to somehow watch for DOM changes on the element and its descendents but I'm getting an ng:areq error. How can I do this?
define(function (require) {
    var _ = require('lodash');

    return {
        restrict: 'A',
        scope: {
            object: '@classWhen'
        },
        link: function (scope, element) {
            scope.$watchCollection(function() {
                return element.find('*').add(element);
            }, function () {
                _.forOwn(scope.object, function (test, classes) {
                    test = typeof test === 'boolean' ? test : element.is(test);
                    element.toggleClass(classes, test);
                });
            });
        }
    };
});

A: Okay, after reading your bounty comment, I understand that you want this to be controller independent. I spent some time completely reworking my solution, and I think I have finally figured out a way to accomplish what you want.
It really comes down to 2 things:
1) Detecting a change on the checkbox :checked status, and
2) Detecting a change on the checkbox :disabled status
Detecting 1) was easy, as you can use a simple jQuery change handler, but detecting 2) took a bit more research. It requires the use of scope.$watch on the child ng-disabled attribute.
Here is a demo of how this would work:

var app = angular.module("myApp", [])
  .directive("classWhen", function() {
    function setClasses(classWhen, $element, $input) {
      Object.keys(classWhen).forEach(function(key) {
        var test = classWhen[key];
        // .toggleClass("className", true) === .addClass("className")
        // .toggleClass("className", false) === .removeClass("className")
        $element.toggleClass(key, $element.is(test));
      });
    }
    return {
      restrict: 'A',
      link: function link (scope, element, attrs) {
        var classWhen = JSON.parse(attrs.classWhen);
        var $element = $(element);
        $element.find("*").each(function (index, elem) {
          var $elem = $(this);
          // namespace the change event so we can easily .off() it
          $elem.off("change.classWhen");
          $elem.on("change.classWhen", function () {
            setClasses(classWhen, $element, $elem);
          });
          // watch child ng-disabled attribute
          scope.$watch($elem.attr("ng-disabled"), function (val) {
            setClasses(classWhen, $element, $elem);
          });
        });
      }
    };
  });
.is-checked {
  background-color: yellow;
}
.is-disabled {
  background-color: lightblue;
}

    <input type="checkbox" ng-model="disableAll" />Disable All

    <input type="checkbox" ng-disabled="disableAll">Example checkbox 1

    <input type="checkbox" ng-disabled="disableAll">Example checkbox 2

    <input type="text" ng-disabled="disableAll" ng-class="testingClass" ng-model="testingClass"/>

    <input type="checkbox" ng-disabled="disableAll">
    Example checkbox 3

    <input type="checkbox" ng-disabled="disableAll">Example checkbox 4

A: Here's my attempt to solve your problem in generic way: https://plnkr.co/edit/kVyJQClmQhF3FeBTmKaX?p=preview
Directive code:
app.directive('classWhen', () => (scope, element, attrs) => {
  scope.$watchCollection(getClasses, setClasses)

  function getClasses() {
    // We have to evaluate expression in attrs.classWhen so that we get object
    const rawClasses = scope.$eval(attrs.classWhen)
    const classes = {}

    // then we normalize it so that strings are treated as jquery selectors
    Object.keys(rawClasses).forEach((className) => {
      const expr = rawClasses[className]
      classes[className] = typeof expr === 'string'
        ? element.is(expr)
        : !!expr // we normalize falsy values to booleans
    })

    // then we return it to $watchCollection
    return classes
  }

  /**
   * will be called whenever any of the classes changes
   */
  function setClasses(classes) {
    Object.keys(classes).forEach((className) => {
      element.toggleClass(className, classes[className])
    })
  }
})

A: I have created a generic fiddle for this and also with RequireJS as you used.
Please have a look here
http://fiddle.jshell.net/balasuar/dugmu/15/
Note: Whatever property you added in the selector like :checked and :disabled, add the related angular property to the child element like ng-model and ng-disabled. It will work like a charm !!
Code

var app = window.app = angular.module("myApp", []);

define('classWhenDirective', function () {
    //var _ = require('lodash');
    var app = window.app;debugger;
    app.directive("classWhen", function() {
    return {
    restrict: 'A',
    link: function(scope, element, attrs) {
          scope.$watch(getChanges, setClasses)

  function getChanges() {
    var attrs = [];

    function getAttrs(elm) {
       $.each(elm.attributes, function(i, attrib){
     var name = attrib.name;
     var value = attrib.value;
       if(value && name.indexOf('ng-') > -1) {
         value = scope.$eval(value);
       }
     if(value) {
       attrs.push(name + ':' + value);
     }
  });

    }

    getAttrs(element.get(0));

    element.children().each(function(){
       getAttrs(this);
    });

    return attrs.join(',');
  }

  function setClasses() {
    var rawClasses = scope.$eval(attrs.classWhen);

    Object.keys(rawClasses).forEach(function(className){
      var expr = rawClasses[className]
      var setClass = typeof expr === 'string'
        ? element.is(expr)
        : !!expr;
       element.toggleClass(className, setClass);
    });
  }
    }
  };
    });
});

define('todo', ['classWhenDirective'], function() {
  var app = window.app;
  app.controller('myController', function($scope) {

  });
});

// angular bootstrap
require(['todo'], function() {
  angular.bootstrap(document, ['myApp']);
});
.is-checked {
  color: green;
}
.is-disabled {
  color: gray;
}

ClassWhen Directive

    <input type="checkbox" ng-model="disableAll" />Disable All

    <input type="checkbox" ng-model="checkBox1" ng-disabled="disableAll">ClassWhen checkbox 1

    <input type="checkbox" ng-model="checkBox2" ng-disabled="disableAll">ClassWhen checkbox 2

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Home › Recent News › Posts › How Net Neutrality Changes Could Impact Higher Education
How Net Neutrality Changes Could Impact Higher Education
By Sam FernandezJuly 23, 2018
For nearly two decades, the Internet was predominantly treated as a utility, with Internet Service Providers (ISPs) being subject to regulations that prohibited blocking and prioritizing content or throttling traffic. When the Federal Communications Commission's Restoring Internet Freedom order went into effect on June 11, however, such regulations were lifted.
Higher Education has encountered its fair share of regulation changes over the years, but the repeal of net neutrality may bring some uncharted territory. In fact, its impact is still largely unknown. Here are some key net neutrality questions and considerations for institutions and EDU marketers.
Net Neutrality & the Higher Education Classroom
The FCC's order places the Internet in a position for change, and it's something that could impact how students access, interact and collaborate in the digital world — and throughout their higher education journey.
Access. Student access is a major discussion point within postsecondary circles, and potential Internet "fast lanes" and pay walls might create another hurdle for institutions to overcome. This is an especially important question for online degree programs. Will its content be readily available for all students? In all states? Of all socio-economic levels?
Content & Creation. In addition to access, the Internet is key to innovation. If value is placed on different kinds of content, it could influence a student's ability to research and complete projects. It may also limit faculty lesson plans and the opportunity to develop course materials that cover a topic on a broad and far-reaching scale.
Costs. Faster speeds and untethered access to resources may come at a different price point for all users — including universities. It's possible that it could impact degree program bottom lines, and it may require new agreements or partnerships with ISPs.
Net Neutrality & EDU Marketing
Changing Internet environments will also impact how EDU marketing partners effectively reach future prospective students.
Lead funnels lean on online portals to drive engagement and nudge prospects from one stage to the next. Social media, in particular, is a key touch point along the lead life cycle. Effective online recruitment efforts also include paid online advertising — 61 percent of high school sophomores land on college websites this way — and college planning websites. More than 60 percent of juniors and seniors use such sites. But this level of engagement could be changing.
With the FCC's Restoring Internet Freedom order, the Internet may be heading toward a paid model similar to the likes of cable TV or mobile data plans. We could see Internet sold in tiered packages — with basic bundles offering select websites and more premium-level content sold separately. In other words, it's possible some prospective student populations may not subscribe to all channels, and it's critical for higher education institutions and EDU marketers to take this into consideration. It's time to innovate. It's more important than ever for schools to develop comprehensive marketing strategies that incorporate a broader set of communication channels and to tie those strategies with strong boots-on-the-ground efforts. For example, two-thirds of students are receptive to text message communication; SMS marketing may soon become an increasingly effective lead nurturing strategy.
Marketers will also need to consider how new Internet environments will influence search engine algorithms, mobile marketing, streaming content, and much, much more. Strategies must be nimble in order to update strategies accordingly and quickly — in an effort to ensure leads are not missed.
Net Neutrality & States
The impact may differ from state to state. For students, institutions and higher education partners in New York, Montana and Washington, the order's impact may not be quite as significant. They have recently enacted state-wide regulations to preserve net neutrality protections, and other states — like California — may be soon following suit.
It goes without saying that Higher Education as a whole is evolving. A new Internet environment is just one more reason for the industry to innovate and for EDU marketers to think bigger and more broadly.
Sam Fernandez
http://www.studentmatchingservice.com
Sam Fernandez is the Vice President of Strategic Alliances for Student Matching Service, a state-of-the-art contact center focused exclusively on enrollments, recruitment, and better outcomes for colleges, universities and Higher Education. With a career spanning nearly 30 years, Fernandez has managed and driven EDU marketing initiatives for online schools, virtual educational services, large public universities, medical institutions, and more.
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text:
A Mapping of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the Cyber Resilience Review (CRR)
March 2018 • Technical Note
Greg Porter (Heinz College at Carnegie Mellon University), Matthew Trevors, Robert A. Vrtis
This technical note describes mapping of HIPAA Security Rule requirements to practice questions found in the CERT Cyber Resilience Review for organizations' use in HIPAA compliance.
CMU/SEI-2018-TN-001
Cyber Risk and Resilience ManagementCyber Risk and Resilience Management
This technical note provides a description of the methodology used and observations made while mapping the requirements of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the practice questions found in the CERT® Cyber Resilience Review (CRR). The mapping that emerged allows health care and public health organizations to use CRR results not only to gauge their cyber resilience, but to examine their current baseline with respect to the HIPAA Security Rule and the NIST Cybersecurity Framework (CSF). Both the CRR and HIPAA Security Rule have been mapped to the NIST CSF. The authors used these mappings and their extensive experience with CRRs to propose the mapping found in this technical note. The mappings between the CRR practices and the HIPAA Security Rule are intended to be informative and do not imply or guarantee compliance with any laws or regulations. The proposed mapping shows that the CRR provides complete coverage of the HIPAA Security Rule. As a result, organizations that must adhere to the HIPAA Security Rule can use the CRR to indicate their compliance with the Security Rule.
Cite This Report
Porter, Greg; Trevors, Matthew; & Vrtis, Robert. A Mapping of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the Cyber Resilience Review (CRR). CMU/SEI-2018-TN-001. Software Engineering Institute, Carnegie Mellon University. 2018. http://resources.sei.cmu.edu/library/asset-view.cfm?AssetID=516836
Porter. Greg, Trevors. Matthew, and Vrtis. Robert, "A Mapping of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the Cyber Resilience Review (CRR)," Software Engineering Institute, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Technical Note CMU/SEI-2018-TN-001, 2018. http://resources.sei.cmu.edu/library/asset-view.cfm?AssetID=516836
Porter, Greg., Trevors, Matthew., & Vrtis, Robert. (2018). A Mapping of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the Cyber Resilience Review (CRR) (CMU/SEI-2018-TN-001). Retrieved January 17, 2020, from the Software Engineering Institute, Carnegie Mellon University website: http://resources.sei.cmu.edu/library/asset-view.cfm?AssetID=516836
Greg Porter, Matthew Trevors, & Robert Vrtis. A Mapping of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the Cyber Resilience Review (CRR) (CMU/SEI-2018-TN-001). Pittsburgh, PA: Software Engineering Institute, Carnegie Mellon University, 2018. http://resources.sei.cmu.edu/library/asset-view.cfm?AssetID=516836
Porter, Greg., Trevors, Matthew., & Vrtis, Robert. 2018. A Mapping of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the Cyber Resilience Review (CRR) (Technical Report CMU/SEI-2018-TN-001). Pittsburgh: Software Engineering Institute, Carnegie Mellon University. http://resources.sei.cmu.edu/library/asset-view.cfm?AssetID=516836
@techreport{PorterAMapping2018,
title={A Mapping of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Security Rule to the Cyber Resilience Review (CRR)},
author={Greg Porter and Matthew Trevors and Robert Vrtis},
number={CMU/SEI-2018-TN-001},
institution={Software Engineering Institute, Carnegie Mellon University},
address={Pittsburgh, PA},
url={http://resources.sei.cmu.edu/library/asset-view.cfm?AssetID=516836} }
Ask a question about this Technical Note


text:
« The New Orleans Hornets' Place in the Current NBA Landscape
Hornets Sign Brian Roberts »
Home / Blog / The 2012 Hornets Offseason from a Salary Cap Perspective
The 2012 Hornets Offseason from a Salary Cap Perspective
By: Jason Calmes
Let's take a look back at the offseason moves (so far).
Dell Demps likes to make trades.
Dell Demps really likes to make trades.
Not only does he make trades, but he makes trades so he can make trades.
He makes two or more somethings out of one nothing, while most General Managers just swap nothings, or get something for nothing at best. Typically, the likes of this are restricted to quantum mechanics, philosophy, and tabloid journalism. Sticking with the former for context, some of the somethings fall into black holes while the other somethings make something completely different shine that most thought would not (a quantum mechanic will recognize this process). Practitioners of all three can learn a thing or two from Dell's refutation of ex nihilo nihil fit.
This offseason, Hornets fans were treated to a late night double feature picture show of this latter variety of trades. They left some Hornets fans scratching the big V on their heads at each of the times, but the faithful were rewarded in short order when the last trade in each series hit the wires.
Like all presents, these seeming gifts from other teams are fruits of seeds sewn in the past. We draw a line in the sand on one glorious day, with the sun shining brightly in and on New Orleans, completely distracting from the gathering storm, currently steered by, but soon poised to change, the trade winds in the NBA.
Lottery Night
Beyond the obvious excitement of winning the 2012 NBA Draft Lottery, this night clearly defined the centerpiece of this team for next several years and defined the salaries the Hornets would pay to their first round draft picks. The scale salary for those picks counts against at team's salary as soon as the pick is made. So, draft night chewed up some cap room.
It was worth it.
Besides the committed salaries and the first round draft picks salaries, the team also had numerous cap holds to deal with, including the one associated with restricted free agent Eric Gordon. His $9,577,960 cap hold had to be maintained in order to keep him as a restricted free agent. Taking into account other cap holds and exceptions, the Hornets were well over the cap. If they were not planning on signing free agents to large deals or making unbalanced trades, this cap hold did not really affect their flexibility. That is business as usual when living life as a team over the cap.
They could renounce the rights to all of their Bird players, except Gordon, to get $5,229,036 in room to offer to a single player, an amount comparable to their Mid-Level exception, or $7,223,452 in room for a trade into cap space, counting the $100,000 overage allowed per the CBA. So keep the rights, use the MLE, move along.
Okafor and Ariza
In the first move of the Hornets' offseason, Dell traded Emeka Okafor ($13,490,000) and Trevor Ariza ($7,258,960) to the Wizards for Rashard Lewis' untradeable contract ($22,699,551), which they had ironically received in trade from Orlando. I don't think that contract was untradeable, for the record. Neither does Joe.
This deal was close to an even match on salary, with the Hornets taking on $1,950,591 in this deal. Lewis, however, has not been performing up to his contract to say the least. Thus, this seemingly left the Hornets paying more for less talent.
Seemingly.
Rashard Lewis' contract was not fully guaranteed. The Hornets waived him, paying him the mere sum of $13,765,000. When Lewis signed his veteran minimum deal with the Heat, an additional $294,993 was removed from this figure as "set-off," leaving the cap hit at $13,470,007.
This is a whole lot of money to pay a man to play for another team when you could be paying people to play for you. It can certainly be argued that Emeka and Trevor are not worth $20,948,760. But are they worth the $7,278,953 difference? Certainly.
So why do this?
There are a couple of reasons.
One reason is the future salary due to Emeka and Trevor that was avoided by trading for the expiring and non-fully-guaranteed contract of Rashard. The savings in 2013-2014: $22,214,780.
Another is cap space this year. Real cap space. Not the cap space that really just equals the owner paying less for less wins but with no additional flexibility. Real cap space is a valuable thing, as will be demonstrated in the following sequence.
Before we get to that, let's look at this cap space `purchase' from another angle.
Prior to trading Ariza and Okafor, the Hornets had $20,748,960 in committed costs in those players for this season and $22,214,780 for next, for a total of $42,963,740. In order to improve this situation, the Hornets made the Lewis trade, but what were their other options?
Trading one or both of them for a second round pick, even conditional, could have been an option. Given that an effectively expiring Wesley Johnson had to be sent with a first round pick to be moved, these scenarios should be discounted, however likely they may have seemed at the time. It could be countered that the Johnson trade does not apply since Minnesota was in a clear mode of dumping salary. That would be silly, however, since that is clearly the function of the proposed moves. One point, LaRusso.
Either player could have had the Amnesty provision used on them. Using it on Ariza results in less room than the Lewis deal, so we ignore this. Using the provision on Okafor creates more room this year (by $6,211,047), but less room next year (by $7,727,280), all for an additional $29,493,733 compared to the Lewis move, less any amount Okafor would get on the Amnesty waiver wire.
The argument could be made that Dell could use that space this year to work some magic to move Ariza, lowering the additional costs by $14,986,240 if it is done this offseason, but there was a risk that this could not be done, leaving Benson would have been for most of Okafor's $29,977,500 no matter what. As fans, we can disregard the costs to the owner, but Dell has to at least consider this when presenting options.
In the case of the Lewis trade, the dead salary is limited to this year, and that dead salary yields $2.19 in cap space per dead dollar, taking both seasons into account. The Amnesty option runs at about $0.65 on the dollar, with a small improvement if Okafor is picked up. If Ariza could be dumped for a pick this offseason, the efficiency rises to $1.54 on the dollar.
Looking at these options, Dell made the move that made efficient use of the resources available to him, gave extensive cap room this offseason, and still allowed an extensive overhaul of the roster, as we shall see now . . .
Following the Lewis trade and waive, the Hornets had $11,560,781 to offer to a single player, and $13,081,953 in room to work a trade into cap space, overage included. They took advantage of the latter, trading Gustavo Ayon ($1,500,000) for restricted free agent Ryan Anderson in a sign-and-trade ($8,700,000 year one, $8,500,000 average over four years).
This trade clearly fails to meet the guidelines of the Traded Player exception, as the Hornets took in well over the allowed $100,000 more than 150% of outgoing salary. This was allowed because the Hornets acquired Anderson using cap space.
The beauty of life under the cap.
This concludes the first Act in the trade play. Grab some popcorn. The next Act is a doozy.
Following the Ryan Anderson trade, the Hornets traded Jarrett Jack and his expiring $5,400,000 salary to Golden State. The manner of reporting made it seem like a throw-in at the last minute, and it very well may have been. In the deal, Jack went to Golden State; Edin Bavcic's rights come to New Orleans though he never will to get a basketball check; and Darrell Finesse Watkins, his fantastic middle name, and his nonguaranteed minimum deal went to Philadelphia, where he was waived days later.
This deal added $5,400,000 in cap space, sending out the only remaining player eligible for the Amnesty provision, receiving only the rights to a player who will likely never play in the NBA. Thus, it has the appearance of a pure salary dump couched in the trappings of freeing up minutes for younger players.
Watkins seems to have been added to the deal since Philly was looking for a center. Once they acquired Kwame Brown, they cut Watkins. Him being traded from the Hornets means he can not return to the team until the 2013-2014 season.
Following the Jack trade, Hornets fans were on the lookout for the next move, especially after seeing how the Ryan Anderson trade came about. The next move, however, failed to satisfy, as it was for the retiring Brad Miller at the mere price of $848,000 wrapped in a $5,104,000 clothing, with the difference being nonguaranteed.
Minnesota was willing to send these picks out since they were clearing salary for Andre Kirilenko and comrade.
Second round draft picks were also shuffled in this exchange, so, on its face, this deal appears to be a purchase of second round picks, with the additional bonus of maybe being able to use Miller's salary in trade. Since he was acquired into cap space, his salary could be aggregated in a trade, just as that of the recently sent Jack.
So the net of these two moves is a potential salary dump and the acquisition of second round picks, with short-term cap space increase of $296,000, leaving them with $4,656,781 to offer to a single free agent, $6,177,593 to use for trades into cap space.
The picks are not listed here since they return home later (likely). No sense in confusing this stuff more than it already is.
In the meantime, Eric Gordon signed the Phoenix offer sheet for a maximum deal, and the offer was matched by the Hornets. When this happened, Eric's $9,577,960 cap hold was replaced by his first year salary of $13,668,750. This reduced the Hornets' cap room to $565,991 to offer to a free agent and $2,086,803 to use for trades into cap space. This is not materially different from operating at the cap in terms of which parts of the player market can be accessed.
Any trades or signings prior to this point would not have threatened the ability to match since the Hornets had maintained his cap hold, allowing him to be signed into a Bird exception. Rather, $4,090,790 in cap space evaporated.
Robin Lopez and Hakim Warrick
Days after the above let the air out of Hornets fans' balloons, news broke that the Hornets were acquiring Robin Lopez and Hakim Warrick. In the deal, Minnesota acquired the second round picks they sent to New Orleans in the Brad Miller deal, Phoenix acquired a first round pick, Wesley Johnson, Brad Miller, and Jerome Dyson on his nonguaranteed deal.
This three-team trade was held up for a bit on an interpretation of the rule about a team acquiring cash. The $3,100,000 maximum had been reached by Phoenix in the Steve Nash deal. The pick to be sent to Phoenix that was originally agreed upon had the potential to turn into cash, and this was interpreted as a violation of the maximum. The deal was made legal by Minnesota and Phoenix removing such potential in a way that was acceptable to all parties.
In this deal, Minnesota cleared even more salary at the expense of a first round pick, Phoenix essentially paid cash (directly and in Miller's dead salary) for a first round pick and swapped one underperforming player they were less interested in for one with more potential to fit into their rotation.
From the Hornets' perspective, the net of these deals is that the Hornets lost Jack, and nonguaranteed players while gaining Lopez and Warrick. The deal would not have worked for the other teams without Miller being traded to the Hornets earlier since Phoenix wanted to lose Warrick since they were acquiring Johnson, and Minnesota was not interested in getting Warrick back since they were looking for cap space. Miller was acquired into space created by the Jack trade, so these three deals are inextricably tied.
The beauty of this deal-train lies in the foresight and planning, the flexibility created by the use of cap space even after it had been lost, and the creation and use of leverage with the players. The deal created a window that limited the first-year salary of Lopez, for instance.
Additionally, the lack of interest in Lopez combined with the fact that best offer available to him was the qualifying offer from Phoenix seems to have led to a deal for Lopez that is only guaranteed in the first year, preserving cap space for next offseason should that be the preferable option. Lopez's deal's $4,899,293 first-year salary is the maximum allowed under the trade with the Dyson throw-in, given that Warrick would be eating poboys next season. Without this addition, the first year salary would have been below Lopez's qualifying offer. Offering more money this year with the chance to get picked up with the maximum allowed raises likely enticed Lopez into agreeing to the sign-and-trade.
Warrick's deal is nonguaranteed next season. Thus, the expiring Jack was replaced by players who may be more useful who can be expiring or not, whichever is deemed more advantageous. Options. Not contract options. Real Options. In case you didn't notice, Dell's deadliness increases exponentially with options.
Dyson remains with the team and can not return to the Hornets until the 2013-2014 season even if waived.
Current Picture
After adding Roger Mason using a Minimum Player Salary exception, the team goes to 11 players with guaranteed salary, with and Darius Miller and Lance Thomas pushing the roster to 12 and a nonguaranteed assuming Miller gets the minimum deal for 2 years, which seems to be standard.
The team can fill out the roster with more Minimum Player Salary exceptions or using the Room exception worth $2,575,000. Either exception can be used to sign players to one-year or two-year deals. The Room exception can be split among players, but it can not be combined with other exceptions.
So, what you see is what you get: A young team with some talent, some risks, some growing to do, little continuity, a new house that is still `settling', and an effective salary cap of $44,573,993 due to the Rashard Lewis trade, or the Ariza and Okafor deals, depending on your perspective.
This team will show flashes of greatness and should show steady improvement, but it will be weighed down by the past if nothing else.
The chains will come off next offseason, and just in time. The NBA will be undergo a CBA aftershock with new rules coming into play next offseason, and the Hornets will have a great deal of flexibility going forward.
Assuming the Hornets do not commit salary to any players beyond this season except for Darius Miller on a minimum deal, which is a big assumption, the Hornets can essentially dial in the cap room they desire based on the market and the level of play this year.
Speaking of the assumptions, the following assume the cap remains unchanged for next season, which is unlikely. Rather than project, this season's cap will be assumed. In many cases, a "rising tide" effect will nullify the importance of the changes. The stickier points will be noted. Other assumptions include me not screwing up and having selected the appropriate data from the following sites: Hoopsworld, HoopsHype, ShamSports.
Lastly, the effects of the Hornets draft picks are ignored since the number of picks could change and there is a range of possible values. Since the point of the following is to look at cap space, any nuisance draft picks can be dealt away in all likelihood if there is a good reason for the team to send one out.
If they retain all players with options, they will enter the offseason with 11 players and $5,736,884 to offer to a single free agent and $6,327,064 in room to take players in trade. This is not very much room at all, but if they are happy with the roster, then why should they make moves? Still, this is unlikely.
If they give up Warrick and Henry, they will enter the offseason with 9 players and $11,957,893 in room for a single free agent or $13,428,433 to take players in trade. These numbers will be close to a maximum deal for players with less tenure. Giving up another player can make room to seal the deal. This will be sensitive to salary cap changes.
If they give up all nonguaranteed salary, they will enter the offseason with 5 players on the roster and $22,516,724 to offer to a single free agent or $25,947,984 to take players in trade. This is an amount that will make the Hornets capable of offering a max deal to any NBA player. Note well that a player can be offered 105% of their previous salary even if that amount exceeds the calculated so-called maximum salary.
These are clearly not the only routes that can be taken, but they represent the reasonable extremes and mid-case based on today's data. These projections are, again, predicated with a number of assumptions. These assumptions will gain some definition as the season progresses, with the team options for next season needing to be picked up this October.
We'll keep an eye on things.
Dell DempsFeatureJason Calmessalary cap
Marching through March
Living at the Deadline
The Two Step
It's Time
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text:
IGP BANS USE OF UNAPPROVED UNIFORMS, OUTFITS, ON ROUTINE OPERATIONS
• Orders Provost, IGP Monitoring Unit to Ensure Strict Enforcement
The Inspector-General of Police, IGP Usman Alkali Baba, psc (+), NPM, fdc, has expressed dismay at the flagrant violation of the approved Nigeria Police Force dress code by officers on patrol and guard, stop and search, and other routine police operations; who have formed the habit of wearing t-shirts and face caps with "Special Forces", "Commando", "Gallant MOPOL", "SCORPION", and other inscriptions while on duty. Premised on this, the IGP has ordered an immediate ban on such unapproved apparels.
The IGP has described as unacceptable, the use of unapproved apparels noting that uniforms, which is a means of identification, has been abused by these officers who engage in improper dressing. He equally decries the fear this unwholesome practice creates in the minds of innocent Nigerians. The IGP therefore ordered that henceforth, all police officers detailed for patrol, stop and search, check point, and other routine operational duties must be in approved uniforms for easy identification.
Consequently, the IGP has ordered that all Police disciplinary units particularly the Force Provost Marshal, the IGP X-Squad and Monitoring Unit to ensure the strict enforcement of the directive with severe sanctions for erring officers. The IGP has equally warned that all supervisory officers would be held vicariously liable in the event that personnel under their command violate this order.
The Inspector-General of Police has assured well-meaning members of the public that the Force leadership is committed to promoting strategic police reforms geared at sanitizing operational engagements, and bequeathing to the nation a professional policing system as required.
CSP OLUMUYIWA ADEJOBI, mnipr, mipra
Ag. FORCE PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER
FORCE HEADQUARTERS
NURTW CRISIS: LAGOS ASSEMBLY ASSURES SITUATION IS UNDER CONTROL
New Olubadan Comes into Office Better Prepared than Any Monarch, Says VP Osinbajo


*Monday to Friday 8.30am–8pm, Saturday 9am–5pm and Sunday 10am–4pm Thank you for your co-operation.
B&Q thanks you for your co-operation.
B&Q has identified a potential safety risk with the Cooke & Lewis mirrors listed below.
B&Q has decided to recall these products as in some circumstances the safety backing may be ineffective or missing. This may result in the mirror detaching from the fixings and falling. Additionally the shelves supplied are not toughened glass. Both these concerns present a risk of cuts should the glass break. For products with lights this could result in live wires becoming exposed presenting a risk of electric shock.
If you have purchased one of these products please stop using it immediately and return to your nearest store for a full refund.
IMPORTANT! Cata has identified that the following products carry a risk of finger entrapment in the vent at the bottom of the unit and, additionally, the internal edges may be sharp and cause injury. It is possible that children or pets could become entrapped in the vent.
IMPORTANT! B&Q has identified that the following products might have a manufacturing defect. This defect could cause the door frame to become loose or detach causing the door panels including the mirror to fall from the frame possibly leading to injury.
If you have purchased one or more of these products please be mindful of this risk by checking that the panels are secured firmly in place before use. During use, please do not pull the frame, hold both sides of the door frame firmly while pushing to slide the doors open. Please do not allow children to operate these doors.
The products were on sale between September 2017 and March 2018.
This image is for illustration, door panels may vary in size, shape and colour.
IMPORTANT! These products are Christmas tree hanging decorations. Please keep these decorations out of reach of small children.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that small parts on these decorations can be removed and may, when removed, present a choking hazard.
IMPORTANT - B&Q would like to draw all customers' attention to a vital safety feature of this ladder, in order to avoid risk of serious injury.
The products were on sale between 25 July 2016 and 5 September 2017.
Always ensure that the bottom stabiliser bar is fitted correctly before any use.
If your ladder does not have the stabiliser bar available, do not use it. Please call our helpline to order the replacement parts.
This product was on sale between 25 July 2016 and 5 September 2017.
B&Q has identified the omission of an important section of the assembly instructions for this ladder relating to the blue locking bars and the bottom stabiliser bar (summarised in the illustrations on the right).
Ensure the bottom stabiliser bar is fitted correctly before any use.
Insert the blue locking bars into the corresponding holes and tighten as detailed in the revised manual available from the website below.
Failure to follow this set up could result in collapse of the ladder and possible serious injury.
If your ladder does not have the blue locking bars or the bottom stabiliser bar, do not use it.
Please call our helpline to order the replacement parts.
IMPORTANT! B&Q would like to advise all customers to take care when handling this product during installation, replacing bulbs or for cleaning.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that the decorative rings surrounding the bulb holder may have sharp edges.
The products were on sale between August 2017 and November 2017.
All other lights sold by B&Q are unaffected.
Model: DL 18A. Product barcode number: 3663602910930.
Offered for sale between August 2016 and March 2017.
B&Q has identified a potential safety issue with this electrical heating product, whereby a very small number of samples have shown excessive heat build-up in the plug, leading to scorching or deformation of the plug itself.
Model: D030Y01. Product barcode number: 3663602911098.
IMPORTANT - B&Q has identified that in some circumstances there is a risk of falling shades from the light fittings listed below, potentially causing injury.
These images below are illustrative only. Models may vary in shape, size and number of bulbs. If you have a fitting with similar shades please check the list above the images.
The products affected were offered for sale between February 2004 and March 2017.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention the lamp shade rings on some models of the below ranges of lights may fracture, permitting the shade to fall from the fitting and present a risk of injury.
If you have purchased one of these products which uses the cast shade ring pictured below, please remove the shade and ring immediately on any affected light fittings using the original tool supplied, ensuring lights are cool first. If you require a replacement fitting tool to do so, please contact our helpline number below. Please avoid the potential fall zone until you are able to remove the lampshades.
Shades with this cast metal ring must be removed.
If your light has this steel ring it is safe to use.
Please find instructions below. Once the shade rings and shades have been removed ceiling light fittings are safe to continue using as normal. Other wall or table lights must not be used with shades removed, due to accessibility of hot bulbs. If you have any difficulties removing the shades or identifying the rings contact the helpline below.
Please contact our helpline to provide your details and B&Q will send you a replacement ring fitting kit.
B&Q has identified a potential risk of injury when using this product where the motor can fail and fragments could be ejected through the casing vents.
Offered for sale between January 2015 and September 2016.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that there is a risk of injury from the use of this hedge trimmer.
B&Q has identified a potential risk of injury when using the chairs supplied with this set, as the rear chair leg joint can fracture under load pressure.
Angelina wooden 2 seater bistro table and chairs.
Offered for sale between February 2016 and August 2016.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that there is a risk of injury from the use of the chairs supplied with this set.
Please note that only the chairs detailed in this notice are at risk. All other bistro sets and wooden chairs sold by B&Q are unaffected.
If you have purchased this product you should stop using the chairs immediately and return them to your local store where a refund to the value of the bistro set will be given.
Mountfield & Mac Allister petrol lawnmowers offered for sale from February 2016.
B&Q has identified an issue with the free 100ml bottle of fuel stabiliser that may have been included in the carton of the above products.
The bottle does not have a child-resistant safety cap or tactile warning for the visually impaired and the contents could potentially be hazardous to health if consumed or ingested accidentally.
The lawnmower itself and also the fuel stabiliser are both safe to use as intended.
THIS NOTICE ONLY RELATES TO THE FACT THE BOTTLE HAS A CAP WHICH IS NOT CHILD-RESISTANT AND LACKS THE TACTILE WARNING.
If you have one of these bottles please secure it out of the reach of children, in a safe place until ready to use.
Please note that other lawnmower products sold by B&Q are unaffected. Alternatively, if you are concerned, then please return the bottle to any of our stores and we will happily dispose of it safely for you.
We apologise for any inconvenience caused and thank you for your cooperation. A copy of safety notice can be viewed here.
The manufacturer has informed B&Q of a potential safety concern and issued a safety notice. Click here to view the notice.
The manufacturer has identified a potential safety concern with these tumble dryers, where in some rare cases excess fluff can come into contact with the heating element and present a fire risk. The manufacturer has advised that owners must unplug and not use the appliance until it has been modified.
B&Q has identified the omission of an important section of the assembly instructions for this product.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that the instruction manual accompanying the following table saw is missing an important section relating to fitting of the blade safety guard.
If you have purchased one of these products you should STOP USING IT IMMEDIATELY** and contact the helpline UK: 0300 303 4482/ROI: 1800 946 327*.*.
offered for sale between April 2014 and July 2015.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that in some installations the surface of the product may split or crack leading to structural failure.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY PRODUCTS DETAILED IN THIS NOTICE ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER DECKING PRODUCTS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED. NO OTHER TIMCO PRODUCTS SOLD BY B&Q ARE AFFECTED.
B&Q HAS IDENTIFIED A POTENTIAL SAFETY ISSUE WITH A RANGE OF SHOWER SCREENS.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that in some installations, hairline fractures have appeared in the plastic hinge brackets. This could potentially release the screen from the mounting bracket resulting in personal injury.
Please note that action is only required for the hinge brackets of the screens and not the other products in the package.
We will arrange to send you replacement metal hinge brackets.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that in some instances the product poses a potential fire safety risk.
B&Q has identified a potential safety issue with the 3 Pin USB Power Adapter (barcode: 5060023963923) purchased between August and October 2013.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCT PICTURED ABOVE IS AT RISK. ALL OTHER CORELECTRICS PRODUCTS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
Threesixty Innovation Ltf have identified a component defect within the production of its USB Power Adapter manufactured in August 2013.
Failure of this component causes a risk of reduced electrical insulation when in use, resulting in a potential electric shock and fire hazard.
If you have purchased one of these products between August and October 2013, then PLEASE STOP USING IT IMMEDIATELY and return it to your local store where a full purchase price refund will be given.
UK: + 44 (0) 800 612 9533 ROI: 1800 932277 (Monday to Friday 9.00am to 5.00pm).
Bamboo Blinds offered for sale from October 2010 until October 2013.
Roman Blinds offered for sale from April 2012 until October 2013.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCTS PICTURED ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER BLINDS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that the break cord safety device on some blinds may not operate correctly. This device is particularly important where young children have access to the blind.
If you have purchased one of these products between the above dates, then please stop using it immediately and contact the helpline + 44 (0) 800 389 0419 or return it to your local store where a full purchase price refund will be given.
If you would like more information to help identify if your product is affected please call our helpline: For UK residents: + 44 (0) 800 389 0419 For ROI residents: 1800 946 327 (Monday to Friday 8.30am to 8.00pm, Saturday 9.00am to 5.00pm).
Window blinds are safe to use, but make sure you follow manufacturer's instructions and secure all cords.
B&Q have identified a potential safety issue with the B&Q Airforce 2000W convection heater ND20-7AJ (Bar code: 05164837) offered for sale between November 2007 and 19th January 2008.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCT PICTURED IS AT RISK. ALL OTHER CONVECTION HEATERS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
Electrolux have informed B&Q of a potential safety issue with Electrolux, Zanussi-Electrolux, Tricity Bendix single built in ovens offered for sale between March 2007 and May 2008.
These products are not being recalled, however consumers are advised to contact the dedicated hotline on 0800 707 6258 or email safetynotice@electrolux.co.uk to organise a free-of-charge visit by a service engineer.
In the event of a food fire whilst grilling, there is a small risk that it could transfer to components above the grill section. The risk is extremely small, and it can be eliminated by ensuring any cooking is conducted with the oven door closed. We also recommend that you do not leave the appliance unattended when grilling.
In the unlikely event of a fire occurring, it is normally contained within the appliance. However, it may in worst case, cause damage external to the appliance itself.
How many incidents have been logged with this fault?
Only 0.06% of 67000 appliances sold. Only 0.04% of these have been fires outside of the appliance.
Can the customer still use their grill?
Yes, however customers must ensure that they use the grilling function with the door closed, in line with the manufacturer's instructions.
Can I still grill if I close my oven door? Yes, if the appliance is used in line with the manufacturer's instructions of conducting all cooking functions with the oven door closed, it is safe to use.
They should contact the dedicated Hotline on 0800 707 6258 or email safetynotice@electrolux.co.uk to organise a free-of-charge visit by our Service Engineer.
Owners of the Electrolux, Zanussi-Electrolux and Tricity Bendix and single built in ovens must ensure that when they are using the grilling function, the oven door is CLOSED, in line with the manufacturer's instructions. Do NOT try to repair it yourself.
B&Q have identified a potential safety issue with the Portland wall lantern mains outdoor LED light offered for sale between February 2008 and February 2010.
It has been brought to our attention that water may get into the light and accumulate in the bottom glass section. If you have purchased this product PLEASE STOP USING THE LIGHT IMMEDIATELY and contact the Customer Services Helpline number for further information.
B&Q have identified a potential safety issue with the B&Q Mains Indoor 50 Marble Lights (Clear Colour Bar code: 05215805 Green Colour Bar code: 05215812 Red Colour Bar code: 05215829) offered for sale between 5th October 2009 and 5th November 2009.
PLEASE NOTE ONLY THE PRODUCTS PICTURED ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER CHRISTMAS LIGHTS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures, it has been brought to our attention that an inconsistent manufacturing defect makes the Indoor 50 Marble Lights unsafe for use.
If you have purchased these products since 5th October 2009 PLEASE STOP USING THEM IMMEDIATELY and return them to your local B&Q store where a full refund will be given.
If you would like more information to help identify if your product is affected please call our CUSTOMER SERVICES HELPLINE 0800 389 0419 (Monday to Friday 8.30am to 8.00pm, Saturday 9.00am to 5.00pm).
B&Q apologise for any inconvenience caused and thank you for your co-operation.
Blooma Moon Chair in assorted colours.
B&Q have identified a potential safety issue with Blooma Moon Chair in assorted colours offered for sale between March 2011 and May 2011.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCT PICTURED ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER GARDEN FURNITURE SOLD BY B&Q IS UNAFFECTED.
Blooma Moon Chair barcode: 05292387 in red, green and polka dot.
Despite rigorous checking it has been brought to B&Q's attention that small numbers of these chairs are failing in use and generating a higher than acceptable level of returns amongst our valued customers.
If you have purchased any of these products between the above dates, then PLEASE STOP USING THEM IMMEDIATELY and urgently contact the helpline 0800 389 0419 or return it to your local store where a full purchase price refund will be given.
If you would like more information to help identify if your product is affected please call our helpline on 0800 389 0419 (Monday to Friday 8.30am to 8.00pm, Saturday 9.00am to 5.00pm). B&Q plc apologise for any inconvenience caused and thank you for your co-operation.
Blooma Picnic Chair in assorted colours.
B&Q have identified a potential safety issue with Blooma Picnic Chair in assorted colours offered for sale between March 2011 and May 2011.
Blooma Picnic Chair barcode: 05292547 in Green, Red and Fun Stripe.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCTS PICTURED ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER GARDEN FURNITURE SOLD BY B&Q IS UNAFFECTED.
Fortress rust converter gel 750ml barcode: 04024477.
B&Q has identified safety issues with the packaging of Fortress rust converter gel 750ml offered for sale between February 2011 and May 2011.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCT PICTURED BELOW IS AT RISK. ALL OTHER RUST CONVERTER PRODUCTS AND FORTRESS PRODUCTS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
Despite our rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to our attention that a build-up of pressure inside the can may result in the lid flying-off unexpectedly whilst being stored or during opening.
If you have purchased this product between the above dates, then PLEASE STOP USING IMMEDIATELY and urgently contact the helpline 0800 389 0419 to arrange collection and disposal of your product and for us to provide you with a refund.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCTS PICTURED ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER PANEL RADIATORS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
If you would like more information please call our Customer Services Helpline on (UK) 0800 3890419 (Monday to Friday 8.30am to 8.00pm, Saturday 9.00am to 5.00pm) B&Q plc apologise for any inconvenience caused and thank you for your cooperation.
B&Q has identified a potential safety issue with the Verve 52cm Heated Propagator (barcode: 04084723, model: 08644BQ) offered for sale between December 2011 and March 2012.
Model shown is Verve 52cm Heated Propagator (barcode: 04084723, model: 08644BQ).
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THIS PRODUCT PICTURED AND THE VERVE 42CM HEATED PROPOGATOR ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER PROPAGATION EQUIPMENT SOLD BY B&Q IS UNAFFECTED.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that, in a small number of instances, this may overheat when in use.
If you have purchased any of these products from B&Q since December 2011 PLEASE STOP USING IT IMMEDIATELY and return the product to your local B&Q store where a full purchase price refund will be given.
B&Q has identified a potential safety issue with the Tennessee ceiling fan (barcode: 05320288) offered for sale between June 2011 and August 2012.
PLEASE NOTE THAT ONLY THE PRODUCT PICTURED BELOW IS AT RISK. ALL OTHER CEILING FANS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures it has been brought to B&Q's attention that a potential hazard exists from the spinning blades.
If you have purchased one of these products between the above dates, then PLEASE STOP USING IT IMMEDIATELY and urgently contact the helpline + 44 (0) 800 389 0419 or return it to your local store where a full purchase price refund will be given.
If you would like more information to help identify if your product is affected please call our helpline + 44 (0) 800 389 0419 (Monday to Friday 8.30am to 8.00pm, Saturday 9.00am to 5.00pm).
White Knight Condenser Tumble Dryers.
It has come to our attention that a purchased connector component has been supplied to us which is not to our specification and that this component has been fitted to a number of White Knight Condenser dryers built in 2010. We believe that the use of this connector can potentially lead to overheating of the appliance and if left unresolved could create a potential fire hazard over time. We wish to identify the location of all potentially affected dryers and replace them free of charge in order to eliminate the risk.
How to check if your dryer is affected.
We are trying to identify the location of these machines in order to remove the potential risk associated with this connector. First, please check if you have one of the models listed above, and if so, please check whether your appliance has a serial number from the following list of potentially affected batches (the model and serial number can where the door meets the machine).
plus 070800, 070954, 070865, 072013, 070864 and 070738.
What to do if your dryer is affected.
2 and 3 Section Aluminium Loft Ladders.
B&Q has identified a potential safety issue with the Aluminium 3 Section Loft Ladder (barcode 1044294) and Aluminium 2 Section Loft Ladder (barcode 1044287) offered for sale from August 2011 onwards.
PLEASE NOTE ONLY THE PRODUCTS PICTURED ARE AT RISK. ALL OTHER LOFT LADDERS SOLD BY B&Q ARE UNAFFECTED.
Despite rigorous quality control procedures, it has been brought to our attention that there has been a component failure during use in a small number of these aluminium loft ladders which makes them unsafe for use.
If you have purchased one or more of these products during or since August 2011 PLEASE STOP USING THEM IMMEDIATELY and return them to your local B&Q store where a full refund will be given.
If you would like more information please call our CUSTOMER SERVICES HELPLINE 0800 389 0419 (Monday to Friday 8.30am to 8.00pm, Saturday 9.00am to 5.00pm).
B&Q plc apologises for any inconvenience caused and thanks you for your co-operation.