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Russia Invades Ukraine: A Principled Response
President's Desk
Nikolas K. Gvosdev
Carnegie Council Senior Fellow, U.S. Global Engagement Initiative (USGE); U.S. Naval War College
Joel H. Rosenthal
President, Carnegie Council
Carnegie Council President Joel H. Rosenthal shares his latest insights and analysis, translating ethics, analyzing democracy, and examining our increasingly interconnected world.
Full Event Video: Russia Invades Ukraine: A Principled Response
YouTube: NATO's Values & the Invasion of Ukraine, with Nikolas Gvosdev
YouTube: The Impact of Sanctions on Russia, with Nikolas Gvosdev
Russia's invasion of Ukraine raises several ethical questions: Why did diplomacy fail? What does the invasion mean for the principle of sovereignty? Are sanctions an appropriate and effective response, and what principles should guide their implementation? Carnegie Council President Joel Rosenthal and Senior Fellow Nikolas Gvosdev discuss the ramifications of Putin's decision and the ethical principles at stake in the current crisis.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: Greetings, and thanks for joining us. Welcome to our conversation on "Russia Invades Ukraine: A Principled Response." Our guest today is not really a guest, he is a member of the Carnegie Council family, Nick Gvosdev. Nick is joining us from his home in Newport, Rhode Island.
Nice to see you, Nick.
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Hi, Joel.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: Thanks for being here.
Many of you will recognize Nick as a Carnegie Council senior fellow and director of our U.S. Global Engagement Program. Nick is also a professor of national security affairs at the U.S. Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island, and he is also the editor of the journal Orbis: FPRI's Journal of World Affairs, published by the Foreign Policy Research Institute.
For all of you in attendance today, a reminder that you can submit questions for Nick and for me via the chat function. We want to make this as conversational and as lively as possible, so I am going to encourage you now to use the chat and to join us with your questions or comments.
Nick, there is a lot of great journalism and political analysis happening in real time right now. I am sure many people are probably multitasking and watching CNN or the newsfeed of their choice while they're watching us.
I want to use our time together to talk about something a little bit different: to try to add some value to all of this journalism and analysis, to think about the principles that are at stake in this really important news event. As our title suggests, we want to be thinking about a principled response to what we're all seeing in the news.
Just to start the conversation, the first principle that comes to mind for me is the principle of sovereignty, it is really the basis of the international system as we know it today. Russia has invaded the sovereign country of Ukraine. Can you give us some context as to Russia's justification for violating this principle and how its arguments have been received? I guess the bottom-line question is: Are they trying to rewrite the rule book in some way?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Those are all good questions, Joel.
Let me just start by saying that Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014, and so in some ways this is a continuation of a process that has been going on now for nearly eight years. The justifications I think are important for us to look at, in the sense that Russia has attempted to justify what it did in 2014 and what it is doing today with invocation to what would be in the Western tradition the "just war" tradition. In the Orthodox world, there is what is known as the "justifiable war" tradition. We saw Patriarch Kirill of the Russian Orthodox Church a few days ago make reference to the need to "combat evil," as he put it. The Russian government attempted to create a narrative that it needed to violate the sovereignty of Ukraine again because genocide was taking place, because you have an illegitimate government taken over by extremists, and, of course, the Russians, and the Kremlin in particular, cite this theme of what they call "denazification."
Of course, as we know from all of the sources, none of this was happening. There is no genocide going on. People may not like actions of the Ukrainian government, but it's pretty much of a stretch to say that a Ukrainian president who comes from Jewish ancestry somehow is a member of the National Socialist Party. In that sense, all of this effort to try to gin up a responsibility to protect, that if Russia didn't act now there would be grave humanitarian crises, doesn't hold water, but it is important that the Kremlin attempted to create the narrative to try to provide what they would see as an ethical justification.
There is also another consideration that you have raised—and this is connected to sovereignty—and this is coming back to principles that we would derive from Hans Morgenthau about: "Does a country have a right to violate the sovereignty of another country if it believes that there is an imminent threat?"
Again, something that the Kremlin has set forward as a narrative is that Ukraine was moving closer to Western countries, it was moving closer to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the United States, that, even if it didn't join NATO, Ukraine would be hosting Western military bases and missiles on Russia's borders, and this was an unacceptable threat to Russia, and Russia had to act.
In that sense, again, even though Ukraine has been talking with NATO and there has been training and equipping again, there is no evidence that there was an imminent threat that required a violation of Ukrainian territory by military force. It would be like saying the United States would decide to preempt the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 by invading Cuba in 1957. If there had been a threat developing along these lines down the road, we might be having a different discussion, but to say in 2022 that Ukraine was taking steps which were of existential danger to the Russian Federation and that Russia had to respond, again this is a prima facie case that doesn't hold water. Having said that, I would argue that none of the ethical justifications for Russian action exist.
What about responses? You did highlight a key thing: collective security. This is a principle of the international order, that the attack on the sovereignty of one state is a threat to every state. So, even if you're not in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, everyone is a member of the United Nations, and the United Nations takes as its cornerstone that preserving the territorial integrity and sovereignty of every state is the starting point. So I think that responding to Russian actions is certainly ethical.
The question I think we have been debating—we debated it prior to the Russian invasion and we are debating it now—is: What are the principled responses, what are the ethical responses? We have established a duty to respond to assist Ukraine, but the debate is now: What are the ethical steps and what are the considerations both with regard to Ukraine itself but also with regard to how does this affect the peace and stability of the world as a whole?
JOEL ROSENTHAL: That's great. Thank you for that, Nick.
This leads to the next question. We will get to responses, but first I want to talk a little bit more about the nature of the conflict. This is about self-determination, it's about the right of the Ukrainian people to have their democracy and their own process of self-determination.
NATO has traditionally been an alliance based on values. To what extent do you think what we're looking at is a conflict of values, where you have a sovereign country which wants to self-determine and has its own process of democracy, and then you have this challenge from essentially an authoritarian state? Does that factor into the way you're viewing the conflict?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: It factors in at several levels. You brought up the question of self-determination. This is also something we saw in the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s, which is the right of self-determination from an imperial center—in one case in former Yugoslavia and in the other case the right of Ukraine for sovereignty from the Soviet Union— and then the question of the rights of people within boundaries to self-determination or not.
Again, part of the Kremlin's justification for this is that the Ukrainian government is not allowing the rights of ethnic Russians to cultural and linguistic self-determination and that this is supposed to provide that Russia has a right to protect.
I think one of the things we may look at in the future when we look back at the era of the early 2000s is: Did we think through some of the doctrines we proclaimed as we have seen how Russia has used them, both with self-determination, right to protect, and other things of that sort?
Again, the question is: Is it is up to the people of Ukraine to make these determinations? They do not have a dependent relationship on Russia, they are not part of Russia in the sense that Russia has some right or obligation to make judgment calls for Ukraine.
The question about NATO that you bring in again I also would caution, in that we have talked a lot in recent decades about NATO as an "alliance of values," but really it got its start as a very coldly realist collective security organization to withstand the Soviet threat to Europe. At the time NATO was created and throughout much of its Cold War history, not all of its members were democracies, or they were democracies more in name than in practice—I am thinking primarily of some of the Southern European members of NATO during this time. After the Cold War ended, I think we had this discourse of NATO as an alliance of democracies.
But I think now we are having the question again of NATO as defending values or defending members. This is why the question of Ukraine's membership in NATO has been contentious, not just for Russia but for existing NATO members, who then have to weigh the ethical choice of: Do we extend protection to Ukraine as a member of NATO on the basis of shared values and, therefore, we take onto ourselves the burdens and risks of potentially fighting a war?
This is why the initial bid to try to bring Ukraine into NATO in 2008 at the Bucharest Summit really foundered, because you had a number of states saying: "We certainly sympathize with Ukraine, but we're not willing to make the commitment to treat an attack on Ukraine as an armed attack on us and, therefore, to respond."
That has to do again with some ethical choices, which is: To whom do you owe your primary ethical duties? Do you owe it to a global community, humanity as a whole, or do you owe it to your specific nation-state?
We have seen this, by the way, also with some of the sanctions that have been imposed on Russia, which noticeably have exempted the energy trade, because certainly people are willing to impose costs on Russia, but there has been hesitation about assuming some of the costs domestically. Again, there are some who say that's not ethical and that we should have imposed a full range of sanctions on Russia, but then, you also have policymakers who say, "We have ethical duties to our own populations, and we're trying to balance our obligation to respond to the Russian invasion of Ukraine with what we see as our ethical obligations to our own citizens."
JOEL ROSENTHAL: Just to get us up-to-date now, I understand that there were representatives meeting at the Belarus-Ukraine border this morning for diplomacy. As a Carnegie organization, we have always privileged or emphasized diplomacy as a means to avoid conflict.
This is a two-part question, Nick: Why did diplomacy fail and why did we end up in a military conflict, and what do you think the prospects are now for some kind of, if not diplomatic settlement, cessation of hostilities?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: These are really from the ethicists' perspective complicated issues because, on the one hand, you can say the supreme ethical duty is to protect life and anything that you do to make sure that people don't get killed has to be your guiding light. You have competing ethical duties that say surrendering sovereignty, surrendering self-determination, and giving in to demands that are made under the threat of force, that there are ethical questions involved there as well. Statesmen, politicians, political leaders, and military leaders all have to balance these competing ethical obligations.
I don't have access yet to any sense of how the talks went, but, given what has happened in the last 24 hours in terms of the fighting in Ukraine—where we have begun to see a shift away from attempts to seize centers and to try to win over local populations, to where we are now seeing more attacks which are much more destructive—one could foresee, in a sense, a Russian delegation saying to the Ukrainians, "We have held back, but if you don't concede on certain points, we're going to increase the level of destructiveness."
Does a Ukrainian delegation say, "To safeguard life and property we're willing to make diplomatic concessions to end the fighting," or do we say, "What you're demanding of us is so injurious to our national sovereignty that we are willing to accept losses in order to defend these principles?"
My understanding is that the talks deadlocked, partly because the Russian and Ukrainian positions are very far apart. Russia is making demands about recognizing the annexation of Crimea, demilitarization of Ukraine. Ukraine has asked, if I understood the reports correctly, not only for a cessation of hostilities but that the Russians should evacuate not only the Donbas but Crimea itself. Under those conditions, there is not going to be a diplomatic compromise and the fighting will continue.
But yes, that does hit the question: At what point does diplomacy say that there are compromises? Isn't it the old adage that "a good diplomatic arrangement is one where no one leaves satisfied?"—everyone has had to give something up. But, on the other hand, are there principles at stake for Ukraine that at this point even taking losses in the battlefield is preferable to conceding? That is the ethical tightrope that Ukrainians are walking.
Russian politicians also are walking ethical tightropes. Obviously, sanctions are going to have a real impact on the Russian population, but, as we are seeing from some of the protest movements and concern in Russia, there is an ethical concern that this is a fratricidal conflict, that Russians should not be engaged in combat in Ukraine, that they should not be killing Ukrainians—whether they are Russian-speaking Ukrainians, Ukrainians who view themselves as Russians, or Ukrainians who view Ukraine as a completely separate country and culture from Russia—no matter what, there are some Russians raising the point that it is unethical to be doing this, and for what reasons?
Again, we will see how this plays out: the combination of economic sanctions and sanctions being placed on Russia, which are designed to cause pain for Russians, and whether or not this ethical argument about the immorality of the conflict, no matter what the Patriarch may say about it, certainly a number of Russians do not view this as an ethical action on the part of the Russian state.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: Nick, I have one tactical question about the diplomacy: Are there any third parties that have any standing that can help in the mediation, or are these just direct talks between the parties?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Right now they're direct talks, and the fact that they were happening suggests that both sides were still not closing down the door for diplomacy. At some point as this conflict continues, it may take an outside mediator.
We've had two countries that have offered themselves in the run-up to the conflict. We had France offering to mediate and we had Turkey offering to mediate. Azerbaijan has proposed Baku as a neutral meeting place. Now there is talk about whether China—which of course has a close partnership with Russia but let's also not forget important economic ties to Ukraine—perhaps brokering talks.
But again, really what it is going to come down to is that someone is going to have to give for diplomacy to work. That give did not occur prior to the start of fighting, both what the Ukrainians were offering and what the Russians were offering or demanding. Putin, for whatever reasons, decided that he would reject diplomacy and choose the use of force. Now the question is: Are there partners outside of Russia with whom Putin would be responsive to a mediation effort? I don't think we're there yet.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: We have a few questions. You can probably see them in the chat, and I can let you field them as you wish. Go from bottom to top in terms of how we got here in the first place.
I know it has been much debated in the foreign policy analysis community about who bears responsibility, the whole question about NATO enlargement and expansion as being provocative. I am just curious how you come down on that one.
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Let me just put a neutral analyst's hat on with the question of NATO and Russia and say this is what we describe as the classic security dilemma: I take steps so that I feel secure, and I take those steps and you feel insecure, so you take steps to feel secure, and now I feel insecure. This is the problem of Eastern European history: Eastern European states surrounded by more powerful states, imperial states, feel insecure unless they themselves have a powerful alliance to join, but, once they are part of that alliance, countries that aren't feel insecure, so they take steps.
Could we have headed this off in this 1990s or the 2000s with better statecraft? I think, yes we could have, but that ship sailed in 1997 and 2004 and in 2008.
But again, it is also a reminder, I think, for people that these conflicts don't just happen overnight and that steps that are taken—some people may be saying, "Well, this is ancient history"—to say that "Yes, decisions that were made in the 1990s are playing themselves out." You have some people describing what's happening in Ukraine today as the "last battle of the Cold War," which everyone assumed was over in 1991. Well, maybe it isn't.
In that sense about responsibility—should NATO have not, should Russia have done something differently—is to recognize that this was a security dilemma, and I think at various points both Western governments and then the Russian government chose to ignore that these dilemmas were real.
But it also brings another question which is coming through, which is the reality that Russia is a nuclear power. Even with China's arsenal being smaller, Russia really is the only country that poses an immediate existential threat to the existence of the United States itself, therefore, that does have to weigh as part a prudential response.
We have all accepted the ethical obligation that we have to respond, we have to assist Ukraine, but how we assist Ukraine has to be balanced against the ethical and just simply strategic consequences of dealing with a power that has this nuclear capability and which has threatened that under certain circumstances it would be prepared to use it if it felt its own existence was now threatened or in danger, and that has to be a calculation both from an ethical as well as from a strategic point of view.
I concur with those who are more cautious on this. I don't think it's ever a good idea to roll the dice on policy actions when nuclear weapons are in play—for example, direct confrontation of Russia in Ukraine, whether it's military on the ground or aircraft—just as for Russia the nuclear threat really is something that they are not going to continue to brandish. As responses from the West are less existentially threatening to Russia itself, it becomes harder to make the case that you are willing to use nuclear weapons—for example, to say we are going to use nuclear weapons to respond to sanctions I think is a bit more of a stretch.
But we have to be careful about the risk of a nuclear escalation if there is a direct military clash. If that means we are more cautious than some people are calling for—"Why aren't we doing more?"—the nuclear question is an existential question not just for countries but for the planet as a whole. There does have to be that ethical consideration.
We know that even a few nuclear detonations would have environmental impacts. Look at the concern about fighting around the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone and increases in radiation that were detected because of the movement of tanks and other vehicles through the Exclusion Zone. There was a direct correlation between tanks coming through and dust in the air—not at any kind of lethal levels, not at anything that really poses a threat, but, again, that is a reminder of the care, the prudence—Joel, as you keep hearing me use the word "prudence," hearken back to Morgenthau: The North Star of the statesman always has to be prudence—not emotionalism, but prudence—and we do have to be careful.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: Right.
The challenge here though, Nick, seems to be the need for a strong response to show resolve and, on the other hand, there is an imperative to avoid escalation, and it seems like that is really what needs to be balanced right now. It is not just on the nuclear side, but it is just incremental.
Two things on my mind in terms of the potential for escalation.
One is fairly likely, I would think, which would be as the Russian forces have been bogged down, the temptation to escalate and to begin to move away from protection of civilians and noncombatants and to move away from the just war principles of distinction, discrimination, and proportionality, and so I would think there is a fairly high likelihood that the Russian military will escalate. Are you concerned in that way?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Yes, I think that is something we have to be concerned about precisely because, as you said, as you get bogged down, the temptation to escalate military force—by the way, this is not something that is unique to Russians, we have seen this in many places over the last number of years. Obviously, the United States did this in Vietnam with Operation Linebacker. When we felt we were getting bogged down, we thought, Well, if we do massive bombing raids on North Vietnam to escalate—and some of these encounters that have been filmed of Ukrainians berating Russian soldiers, yelling at them, "Get Out! Why are you here?" and the relatively restrained reaction of Russians.
Again, not to denigrate anyone else, including the armed forces of our own country, we have seen where encounters between American forces and civil populations in Iraq and Afghanistan could get out of hand, particularly in the heat of the insurgencies there. That is a possibility—a grandmother yelling at Russian troops and they sheepishly accepting her anger four days ago could become something very different as this crisis escalates. How that will play out and how it will also play out back in Russia is going to be very interesting to see.
The question came in—we always have this perpetual thing about the impact of sanctions and the responsibility, that ordinary people suffer the most but they are being made to suffer for the activities of a government, and usually the argument is that the government doesn't reflect them and it's not what they would want to do.
Ethically that also raises some interesting questions. For example, this was an argument raised against the sanctions against Serbia and Yugoslavia in the 1990s: "Well, the regime isn't touched and it's only the ordinary people who suffer," and we saw this with regard to sanctions on Iraq in the 1990s.
In the case of Russia, I think that we do have to look at a back-and-forth, which is that Russia is not a totalitarian dictatorship, it's an authoritarian state with some degree of, at least if not popular approbation, where the population has essentially conceded in a more apathetic way to let the government do these things, but they are doing them in the name of the Russian people. So the question is: At what point do the Russians in Russia have agency? We have seen with protests that some are saying, "Not in our name. Even if we can't change government policy, we want to show by protesting that this is not taking place in our name."
But it is difficult to disaggregate the impact of sanctions. Can we assure that they only fall on the heads of the guilty and that the innocent are spared? Again, it's hard to differentiate that.
Joel, we talked at another point about not wanting to impact ordinary Russian students to be able to continue to come and study in the West, in the United States and Great Britain, except the problem is that that sentiment is mixed with the fact that the children of the Russian elite study in the West. Are you going to have a sanction that says, "If your family makes more than X amount of money a year, you're sanctioned and you can't study in the West, but if you come from a family that is not of the business elite, you are allowed in." We grapple with this.
We had this period in time when we had this illusion of what we called "smart sanctions," that we could just target a small group of what we would define as "guilty" people and we could leave the rest of the country untouched, and, as we have discovered from eight years of smart sanctions on different members of the Russian elite, that didn't produce changes in Russia's policy towards Ukraine.
It is a reverse question to the Russian military deciding to inflict general suffering on the civil population of Ukraine because they are bogged down. The reflection of that is: Are these unprecedented sanctions on Russia going to inflict harm on the general population, and again, is this a means to an end, that you are trying to end a conflict or change international behavior?
Leaders have to walk these ethical tightropes, and I think sometimes we have to give them a little more credit that they are aware that these tightropes exist and that they're not always going to get it right.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: I know, Nick, you have been somewhat skeptical of the whole idea of compellence, the idea that sanctions can actually compel a country to do something. Is that still your position now, that while they may have some utility, it is unrealistic to expect changed behavior?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: I think we have to be very cautious in ascribing what sanctions can do. Part of this again, Joel, comes back another ethical question. All of these ethical questions interconnect.
For many years, the bargain in the United States has been: The American people support American intervention abroad as long as the costs don't fall on them. This is why we've always had this emphasis on no casualties, we don't put boots on the ground, we like drone technology because it seems to give us a way to deliver a punch without putting American lives at risk.
Sanctions, I think, were oversold to Americans as: "See, this is a way for us to 'do something' in the world but without it really touching you. We're not going to ask you to really have to sacrifice." I think we created these unrealistic expectations that imposing sanctions somehow automatically leads to results.
In this case, because of the nature of sanctions, because the sanctions are really going to have a long-term impact on Russia, it may cause a reevaluation of the cost-benefit analysis of continuing along this path in Ukraine in the longer term. Will it help stop the war in the next 48-to-72 hours?—no, it won't—but there is the possibility that the sanctions as they are now being imposed may not compel, but they may cause a reevaluation that would lead to a different outcome.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: Back now to this theme of escalation, because I think it's something that everybody is concerned about, what are the steps that you would suggest that we think about in terms of a principled response to move toward deescalation in some way? Do you have any thoughts about that? One of the comments is that we are actually providing more weapons to the Ukrainians, which is certainly not a de-escalation on the other hand? How do you weigh those competing objectives?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Do you escalate first in order to create conditions for a settlement? I think that's a good question. I think the thinking now is strengthening Ukraine's ability to hold off Russian forces creates conditions for diplomacy to work down the road, maybe in the coming weeks, if Russia looks and says, "We're not going to succeed in what we set out to do" and the costs are rising, there is that.
The first issue is: What is it that will get people to the table to talk, to begin negotiations, is strengthening Ukraine's defensive capacities part of that, even though it would seem counterintuitive if you want a war to stop?
Again, the German shift on this is pronounced. A week ago, Joel, the German chancellor was echoing that same argument, "Sending more weapons never helps, more weapons only makes the situation more violent and doesn't lead to resolution," and, a week later, you have Chancellor Scholz in the Bundestag essentially saying the complete opposite, "Ukraine needs more defensive articles precisely in order to get to a settlement."
Longer term, we are going to have all the parties—Russia, Ukraine, to the extent that NATO countries and others, China perhaps—all have a stake in how this is resolved, and then we are going to have to go back to questions about pursuing maximalist agendas versus are there compromises that can work if that gets people to a stable settlement.
But I think right now what we are seeing is that Ukraine doesn't trust—for good reason, as we have noted several times at Carnegie Council in the past about the Budapest Memorandum—guarantees that don't carry with them automatic penalties. The United States and Great Britain made commitments to Ukraine in the Budapest Memorandum that they weren't prepared to enforce, and then they got out of it by saying, "Well, it was just a memorandum, it's not a treaty, it's not binding." Russia, of course, also threw away the Budapest Memorandum on its part.
So you might have a Ukraine that says: "Look, we're not going to feel secure until we're in NATO. We want that guarantee."
Then you may have a Russia that says: "We will never feel secure with Ukraine in NATO, and therefore we will move things forward. We will continue."
Then the question comes: Is it just simply going to be a battle until one side essentially cries "uncle"—either the Ukrainians back away and say, "We will accept some degree of neutrality," and the Russians accept it, or that Russia is so battered by sanctions and by its losses in Ukraine that it loses the ability to exercise any sort of veto over Ukraine's movement into NATO?
Which then leads to another long-term question. One of the things when we discuss ethics and foreign policy is that we have to look at the ethics of the moment but we also have to look at the ethics long term. We have talked about in the past these two competing ethics: the ethics you owe to your own citizens and the ethics you owe to humans as a whole, and the ethics of the short term and the ethics of the long term.
If the end result of this crisis is to move Russia so close to China that it emboldens China to start taking very dangerous steps on the world stage, because China will have secured Russia's golden treasury of resources and China essentially now is invulnerable to resource disruption, does this encourage China to be more aggressive?
Joel, this comes to a question I think people are alluding to, which is: How do wars end? There are four ways in which wars end, and they all have ethical implications.
One is the one that is the most emotionally satisfying to most people, which is a surrender on the deck of a U.S. battleship in Tokyo Harbor; complete capitulation, the losing side signs away—that's one way wars end.
As we have seen from U.S. efforts in Libya, Afghanistan, and Syria, one way is that you just simply walk away. The conflict may not be over, but you simply say, "We're done, we're finished," and you walk away.
There is the way in which wars end that we saw after the Napoleonic Wars, which is where you had an aggressor country in Napoleonic France that was defeated, but the decision was that eliminating it completely as a great power was not useful and eliminating it completely from having influence was not going to be useful, so the reintegration of France into the Congress of Europe way in which a war ends.
Or you have the last model, which is how the United States—we've already had this question about honest brokers—the Dayton model. At the Dayton Accords, the Bosnian state was the invaded party, the Bosnian Serbs and to a lesser extent the Bosnian Croats were the aggressors and were certainly backed by Serbia in the case of the Bosnian Serbs, they were summoned to Dayton. The United States helped to gain an agreement, which no one liked and which the Bosnians as the invaded were not happy with all the outcomes, and yet, for all of its flaws, we have not had another person die in Bosnia as a result of the resumption of fighting. So there is the Dayton model, which is that some outside power summons the parties and negotiates some of it and imposes a settlement.
How this is going to play out I don't know. I don't know whether or not the United States would want to try to do a Dayton Accord or whether or not Russia would accept a Dayton-style accord. The Russians, of course, always want the Napoleonic model. I don't know that they would necessarily get it. I don't know that we are going to get the end of World War II model.
The real risk is the walking-away model—not necessarily that the active fighting ends, and then, as we saw in other places, people lose interest and the whole task of post-conflict reconstruction is kind of left on the wayside, and then you have perpetual problems that percolate from there moving forward.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: I see there is a question here from our colleague Tatiana Serafin about Putin as being the principal decision-maker. Do you foresee any scenario where he is not the decision-maker and there might be some competing center of gravity in Russia?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: It's a great question, and again it comes back to the Napoleonic model. If Putin is deposed or gets sick—and there is some speculation that his health is not robust—let's say he's replaced, but he's replaced by more of the same, he's replaced by the existing Russian establishment, they might try to stop the conflict or broker something, but I doubt that Ukraine would necessarily want to make concessions to them or that the West would make concessions to them.
If it's a regime change—and "regime change" is not simply a leader changes but you actually have a completely different group coming into control of the Russian state—that might be something different. The problem there is that you have Russians as well as people from across the former Soviet Union who remember a lot of grandiose promises after 1991 about what the United States and Western Europe were going to do to transform the countries of the region, and they might say, "Well, we don't trust those assurances."
I think part of it is depending on what sort of leadership change you would have in Russia. I can see where you would have one group that would more or less say, "Well, the Ukraine war didn't work out, but we still have the same designs on Ukraine that Putin did;" one group that says, "The Ukraine thing didn't work out, so we'll pull back and maybe we'll revisit this in a couple of years;" and then one group that could come in and say, "Look, we want to fundamentally restructure how Russia is governed and how Russia relates to its neighbors, starting with Ukraine." That last option is the one where I think we in the West would have to think very hard about being creative and about putting in the resources and attention needed to sustain that transition.
Keep in mind too that this is essentially Ukraine's third, and now perhaps its fourth, attempt to reorient itself—1991, 2004, 2014 with the Revolution of Dignity—and at each point Westerners were great with flags and ties, and then they kind of lost interest.
I just saw today President Zelenskyy is asking the European Union—and I see there is a question about the European Union as well—"We want an expedited pathway to European Union membership, when this is done. We want to know, not a vague promise; we want an expedited path," and that will be a real challenge. Is the European Union willing to do the heavy work that is going to be needed to bring Ukraine in?
Tied to that is, could you have an arrangement where Ukraine comes into the European Union but, like other EU members that are not NATO members, it has a different set of security relationships? That potentially could be a way forward. But keep in mind that the Russian reaction to Maidan started not because of NATO but because of the European Union, the prospect of Ukraine in the European Union was the trigger, not Ukraine joining NATO.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: I just have a couple more questions, again getting to the principled response.
I think it's important in this conversation to talk a little bit about the humanitarian disaster that we're looking at. You may know the figures, Nick, about numbers of refugees that will be leaving Ukraine. What is your sense of the capacity to deal with the humanitarian crisis?
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: I think that there is a capacity there. What's interesting is that countries in Europe that have less capacity are the ones that are doing most of the receiving. So we've had Moldova, which next to Ukraine is one of the poorest countries in Europe, facilitating people coming through, Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland. Poland is saying, for example, "Look, we are going to give a number of benefits"—I saw a thing on social media of Ukrainian citizens showing that they are getting free train accommodations to be able to get from the border either to join relatives or to find locations.
It is interesting. Again, this also has to do with ethical questions about circles. I do want to bring this up because I think it's important. In Hungary, which a number of years ago was not very keen on refugees coming in from the Middle East, it was part of what fueled Viktor Orbán's rise in the polls; on the other hand, it feels more of a connection to Ukrainians and says, "We need to help them." So this idea of the ethical circles—my sense of duty ("Who do I owe duties to, my own citizens, my own people?")—there is a sense that Ukrainian refugees in Eastern Europe are going to be seen by people as "These are our own and we want to help them," in a way that we did see some issues in 2015 or 2016 having to deal with refugees coming from the Middle East or Africa. But again, that has to go back to this sense of "Where do your ethical obligations lie?" and I think you are seeing Eastern Europeans willing to help and to make sure that people can get to safe havens.
My understanding is that about 150,000 people, last time I checked—obviously more people may head out—and if the Russians escalate and start using serious-style tactics in Ukraine, certainly people will need to leave just for survival. It would be crazy to tell people to shelter in place if you start having the kinds of strikes that the Russians, Iranians, and the Syrian government delivered against Aleppo, for example—so, yes, that will raise the question.
We now come back to another issue as well, which is that Europeans will have to then accept "We have obligations and we have to be willing to make some sacrifices to help refugees."
And then the other great question moving forward as this conflict continues is: Are Europeans willing to pay more of a price in terms of their own personal energy consumption? One of the odd things of this conflict is you have two countries at war with each other—I know no one "goes to war" anymore because the UN Charter technically outlaws it, so no one declares war—but Russia and Ukraine are at war, Russia has invaded, and yet Russian energy continues to transit Ukraine to European consumers, who pay for it through the unsanctioned payment mechanisms, and then, ironically, Russia is still depositing transit fees into Ukrainian accounts. It's a real crazy situation there. But the question would be: In order to prevent Russia from getting any of that income, would Europeans be prepared to accept, for example, energy rationing in the short term?
So far the answer is no, and that again gives you a sense of the limits of ethical obligation in terms of what people may or may not be willing to bear.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: We're coming towards the end of our time. Nick, maybe you could share with the people who are viewing some of the things you're looking at right now. We talked just before we got together here about how you're viewing the news as a consumer of this real-time information. Maybe you could share some of your experiences, what you're looking at now and what you're thinking about as things are happening so quickly.
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: I think, first and foremost, it's easy to be deluged by information and not to necessarily know the provenance of the information or where it's coming from.
Social media makes it very easy to forward information that is innocuously inaccurate or deliberately inaccurate. It's easy for rumors to spread. We saw, for example, that apparently the mayor of Kiev had his Instagram cloned that made it seem like he was saying that "the city is surrounded and we're doomed," and that got a lot of play. People were tweeting it around and sending it around.
We always come back to this, and certainly on The Doorstep podcast that we do for the Council with myself and my co-host Tatiana Serafin we always encourage people to be informed consumers of news and to verify before just sending something on, particularly if a story really seems to validate your priors or you would love it to be true so you'll just assume that it is, to be careful about consuming.
And know where you're getting your information from. I was noting to you before we went live fascinating work that is being done by people who, when they get these dashcam videos of things that are happening in Ukraine, meticulously verify topographical features, using open-source satellite data, looking through social media and news accounts, and trying to make sure that if they see something that says, "This is something that happened"—dramatic footage—before they post it they can make sure that it is true and is not repurposed footage.
In every conflict now, we see where sometimes news departments that are strapped for cash or want to cut corners say, "Well, this is what happened, but we have a nice piece of footage from Gaza which would work here," so that gets sent out, or something from the Georgia war of 2008 and it gets posted, and this is what can fuel distrust in the accuracy of media. When these things come out that it's not accurate—and this of course has been part of Russian operations, which is not to necessarily convince you that their line is true but that you can't trust anything.
Again, for the audience, as you're following this, as you're sharing news, take that extra step before you hit "retweet" to make sure that you are confident or that you have had it verified that this is a piece of accurate information.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: That's great. I know you will be following some of these issues in The Doorstep, so I would encourage all our viewers to tune in.
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Our plan for The Doorstep this week is to feature a discussion about the invasion of Ukraine, and that should be live by the end of the week.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: That's great.
This might be a good place to conclude. Nick, I want to thank you for joining us on short notice, and thank all the viewers for your great questions on the chat. This will get posted on the Carnegie Council website, so people can go back to refer to it, and I am sure we will have more conversations to follow.
Thanks, Nick.
NIKOLAS GVOSDEV: Thank you.
JOEL ROSENTHAL: And thank you all for joining us. We will see you online at the Carnegie Council website and on social media. Thanks.
View full transcript
JUN 9, 2021 • Podcast
Illiberal Democracy on the Rise: Examining Brazil, Hungary, & India
The post-World War II liberal order faces unprecedented upheaval as countries and their leaders retreat from globalism, embrace nationalism, and attack democratic norms. Whether it'...
SEP 9, 2021 • Podcast
Twenty Years Since 9/11: Grey Wars, American Values, & the Future of National Security
In the 20 years since the 9/11 attacks, national security decisions have tested the values of American democracy. This panel, hosted by Carnegie Council President Joel Rosenthal, ...
AUG 23, 2021 • Article
The Ethics of Exit from Afghanistan
Carnegie Council President Joel H. Rosenthal discusses the post-9/11 evolution from counterterrorism to counterinsurgency and analyzes the ethics surrounding the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. ...

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Adaptation and migration of a population between patches
Dynamical analysis in growth models: Blumberg's equation
May 2013, 18(3): 769-782. doi: 10.3934/dcdsb.2013.18.769
Multiple steady states in a mathematical model for interactions between T cells and macrophages
Alan D. Rendall 1,
Max-Planck-Institut für Gravitationsphysik, Albert-Einstein-Institut, Am Mühlenberg 1, 14476 Potsdam, Germany
Received August 2011 Revised November 2012 Published December 2012
The aim of this paper is to prove results about the existence and stability of multiple steady states in a system of ordinary differential equations introduced by R. Lev Bar-Or [5] to model the interactions between T cells and macrophages. Previous results showed that for certain values of the parameters these equations have three stationary solutions, two of which are stable. Here it is shown that there are values of the parameters for which the number of stationary solutions is at least seven and the number of stable stationary solutions at least four. This requires approaches different to those used in existing work on this subject. In addition, a rather explicit characterization is obtained of regions of parameter space for which the system has a given number of stationary solutions.
Keywords: Dynamical systems, qualitative behaviour, immunology..
Mathematics Subject Classification: Primary: 92C37; Secondary: 37N2.
Citation: Alan D. Rendall. Multiple steady states in a mathematical model for interactions between T cells and macrophages. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - B, 2013, 18 (3) : 769-782. doi: 10.3934/dcdsb.2013.18.769
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Zaki Chbani, Hassan Riahi. Existence and asymptotic behaviour for solutions of dynamical equilibrium systems. Evolution Equations & Control Theory, 2014, 3 (1) : 1-14. doi: 10.3934/eect.2014.3.1
Dorothy Bollman, Omar Colón-Reyes. Determining steady state behaviour of discrete monomial dynamical systems. Advances in Mathematics of Communications, 2017, 11 (2) : 283-287. doi: 10.3934/amc.2017019
Aicha Balhag, Zaki Chbani, Hassan Riahi. Existence and continuous-discrete asymptotic behaviour for Tikhonov-like dynamical equilibrium systems. Evolution Equations & Control Theory, 2018, 7 (3) : 373-401. doi: 10.3934/eect.2018019
Jianfeng Feng, Mariya Shcherbina, Brunello Tirozzi. Dynamical behaviour of a large complex system. Communications on Pure & Applied Analysis, 2008, 7 (2) : 249-265. doi: 10.3934/cpaa.2008.7.249
Igor Chueshov, Björn Schmalfuss. Qualitative behavior of a class of stochastic parabolic PDEs with dynamical boundary conditions. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2007, 18 (2&3) : 315-338. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2007.18.315
Eduardo Ibarguen-Mondragon, Lourdes Esteva, Leslie Chávez-Galán. A mathematical model for cellular immunology of tuberculosis. Mathematical Biosciences & Engineering, 2011, 8 (4) : 973-986. doi: 10.3934/mbe.2011.8.973
Neville J. Ford, Stewart J. Norton. Predicting changes in dynamical behaviour in solutions to stochastic delay differential equations. Communications on Pure & Applied Analysis, 2006, 5 (2) : 367-382. doi: 10.3934/cpaa.2006.5.367
El Houcein El Abdalaoui, Sylvain Bonnot, Ali Messaoudi, Olivier Sester. On the Fibonacci complex dynamical systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2016, 36 (5) : 2449-2471. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2016.36.2449
Lianfa He, Hongwen Zheng, Yujun Zhu. Shadowing in random dynamical systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2005, 12 (2) : 355-362. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2005.12.355
Fritz Colonius, Marco Spadini. Fundamental semigroups for dynamical systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2006, 14 (3) : 447-463. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2006.14.447
John Erik Fornæss. Sustainable dynamical systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2003, 9 (6) : 1361-1386. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2003.9.1361
Vieri Benci, C. Bonanno, Stefano Galatolo, G. Menconi, M. Virgilio. Dynamical systems and computable information. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - B, 2004, 4 (4) : 935-960. doi: 10.3934/dcdsb.2004.4.935
Josiney A. Souza, Tiago A. Pacifico, Hélio V. M. Tozatti. A note on parallelizable dynamical systems. Electronic Research Announcements, 2017, 24: 64-67. doi: 10.3934/era.2017.24.007
Mădălina Roxana Buneci. Morphisms of discrete dynamical systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2011, 29 (1) : 91-107. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2011.29.91
Philippe Marie, Jérôme Rousseau. Recurrence for random dynamical systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2011, 30 (1) : 1-16. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2011.30.1
Tobias Wichtrey. Harmonic limits of dynamical systems. Conference Publications, 2011, 2011 (Special) : 1432-1439. doi: 10.3934/proc.2011.2011.1432
Shohel Ahmed, Abdul Alim, Sumaiya Rahman. A controlled treatment strategy applied to HIV immunology model. Numerical Algebra, Control & Optimization, 2018, 8 (3) : 299-314. doi: 10.3934/naco.2018019
Yejuan Wang, Chengkui Zhong, Shengfan Zhou. Pullback attractors of nonautonomous dynamical systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2006, 16 (3) : 587-614. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2006.16.587
Alexander Sakhnovich. Dynamical canonical systems and their explicit solutions. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2017, 37 (3) : 1679-1689. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2017069
Jérôme Rousseau, Paulo Varandas, Yun Zhao. Entropy formulas for dynamical systems with mistakes. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2012, 32 (12) : 4391-4407. doi: 10.3934/dcds.2012.32.4391
Alan D. Rendall


text:
Q: Unexpected character '' Error when Compiling My company is using 3rd party WPF control called syntaxEditor from Actipro
I'm trying to save from the control using saveFileDialog
       public void saveascommand()
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        Microsoft.Win32.SaveFileDialog dlgs = new Microsoft.Win32.SaveFileDialog();
        dlgs.FileName = "Document"; // Default file name
        dlgs.DefaultExt = ".text"; // Default file extension
        dlgs.Filter = "C# (.cs)|*.cs|VB.NET (.vb)|*.vb|HTML (.html)|*.html|JavaScript (.js)|*.js|XML (.xml)|*.xml|XAML (.xaml)|*.xaml|SQL (.sql)|*.sql"; // Filter files by extension
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            using (StreamWriter sw = File.AppendText(dlgs.FileName))
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                syntaxEditor.Document.SaveFile(dlgs.FileName, LineTerminator.CarriageReturnNewline);//The code from ActiPro Documentation
                filename = System.IO.Path.GetFileName(dlgs.FileName);
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                savedfirsttime = true;
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when compiling, I get this error CS1056

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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text:
Tesla developing new model to meet requirements of its Chinese customers
Citroën launches new Brand Signature for its electrified vehicles
Autonomous shuttle Olli deployed in Turin, Italy
Audi invests around €100 million in charging infrastructure at own sites
FCA in discussion with iPhone manufacturer Foxconn to manufacture EVs in China
Future Transportation
Toyota's new LQ Concept wants to build an emotional bond with Its driver
11th October 2019 Alex 0 Comments
Toyota Motor Corporation announced the "LQ", a concept vehicle that leverages advanced technology to build an emotional bond between car and driver. The next generation of the Toyota "Concept-i", a concept vehicle first exhibited at the 2017 Consumer Electronics Show, LQ is equipped with automated driving capabilities and "Yui," a powerful artificial intelligence-powered interactive agent designed to learn from the driver and deliver a personalized mobility experience.
"In the past, our love for cars was built on their ability to take us to distant places and enable our adventures," said LQ development leader Daisuke Ido. "Advanced technology gives us the power to match customer lifestyles with new opportunities for excitement and engagement. With the LQ, we are proud to propose a vehicle that can deliver a personalised experience, meet each driver's unique mobility needs, and build an even stronger bond between car and driver."
As a mobility company, Toyota believes that when people are free to move, anything is possible. This vision is built on an understanding that mobility goes beyond physical transportation to include the human need to be moved and engaged emotionally.
LQ follows this philosophy under a core development theme of "Learn, Grow, Love". Yui and LQ's automated driving technology, both developed in partnership with Toyota Research Institute (TRI), combine to create a unique mobility experience that builds the relationship between vehicle and driver by learning from and responding to individual preferences and needs. The name expresses Toyota's hope that this approach will "cue" the development of future vehicles that enhance the relationship between car and driver.
LQ features an on-board artificial intelligence agent named "Yui" that provides a personalised mobility experience based on the driver's emotional state and alertness. In order to ensure safety and comfort, the AI can engage with the driver using interactive voice communications, in-seat functions designed to increase alertness or reduce stress, in-vehicle illumination, air conditioning, fragrances and other human-machine interactions (HMI). Yui can also select and play music based on the driving environment and provide real-time information on topics of interest to the driver.
In addition to research conducted at TRI, Toyota received support from other companies in the development and implementation of Yui. JTB Corporation provided facility information and driving routes suitable to meet customer preferences. AWA Co., Ltd. offered streaming music suitable for vehicle driving routes and customer preferences while NTT DoCoMo, Inc. provided a high-speed and stable communication environment by installing a 5G base station at the test drive base. Going forward, Toyota will continue to work on further expanding Yui's implementation through integration with other products such as smartphones.
The LQ is equipped with an SAE Level 4 equivalent automated driving function. Also on-board is an Automated Valet Parking System which has been jointly developed with Panasonic Corporation. This system eliminates the need to search for parking spaces by automatically driving between a drop-off spot and an assigned parking space in nearby parking lot, improving accessibility for those with mobility limitations including seniors, people with physical disabilities, pregnant women, customers with infants, and anyone who has difficulty parking. The system also maximizes space in the parking lot by reducing clearance between adjacent vehicles to 20 centimeters.
Automated parking uses an on-vehicle system that identifies the current position of the vehicle using multiple cameras, sonar and radar, 2D road mapping, cameras installed in the parking lot and a control centre. Vehicle sensors and parking lot cameras also monitor for other vehicles and pedestrians on the automated driving route, automatically stopping the vehicle when another vehicle or a pedestrian is detected.
LQ's Augmented Reality Head's Up Display (AR-HUD) uses Augmented Reality (AR) to expand the information display area of the Head's Up Display (HUD), supporting safe driving by reducing driver eye movement. Driving information such as lane warnings, road signs, and route guidance can be displayed in a three-dimensional and easy-to-understand manner over the scenery seen through the windshield. The system helps keep the driver's eyes on the road thanks to a large screen display (equivalent to 230 inches) that has a depth of 7 m to 41 m ahead of the vehicle.
LQ's advanced seating system jointly developed with Toyota Boshoku Corporation consists of multiple inflatable air bladders embedded into the seat with an in-seat air conditioning system to help keep the driver awake or relaxed depending on the driving situation. When the system recognises that the driver is tired, it inflates the air bladder in the seat back to support an upright sitting posture and directs cool air from the ventilation system located in the seat. When conditions allow the driver to relax, such as in automated driving mode, the air bladder in the seat back gradually inflates and contracts to encourage abdominal breathing.
LQ uses the roof and floor mat areas as an intuitive communications platform to share information between the vehicle and passengers. Embedded lighting displays different colours to indicate automated or manual driving mode, and lights up different foot wells to indicate which passenger Yui is addressing. LQ can also communicate information such as road surface conditions to people inside and outside of the vehicle using the Digital Micromirror Device (DMD) installed in its headlights. The system can activate one million tiny embedded mirrors to project complex figures on the road ahead.
A first for Toyota, LQ's dashboard and meters are displayed using organic LEDs (OLEDs). The advanced instrument panel design wraps around the driver while ensuring high visibility.
Air purification coating jointly developed with Aisin Chemical Co., Ltd. and Cataler Corporation features a newly developed catalyst coating that decomposes ozone into oxygen on the radiator fan, allowing ozone near the ground surface, a cause of photochemical smog, to be decomposed as the vehicle moves. Toyota has measured the effect of the coating as purifying about 60 percent of ozone contained in 1,000 liters of air over the course of an hour drive. Toyota expects this technology to help clean harmful emissions like ozone from the air during drives and is considering the coating for use in commercial vehicles in the future.
The LQ cabin is designed with a futuristic, forward-projecting silhouette that puts Yui at the centre of the instrument panel, with lines that flow from the inside of the vehicle out across its exterior. The minimalist interior is smooth and sleek, with key elements like air conditioner vents hidden behind invisible registers. The 3D-printed centre console is reinforced using the design technique of topology optimisation, which provides optimal strength and supports an advanced vehicle interior with fewer support structures visible to the driver. The exterior doors feature glass that seamlessly connects with the interior of the vehicle, creating an integrated, elegant design.
LQ will be on public display at the "Future Expo", a special exhibition of the 2019 Tokyo Motor Show from October 24 to November 4. In addition, Toyota today announced "Toyota Yui Project Tours 2020", a public test-drive event scheduled to run from June to September 2020. The public will have the opportunity to register for a chance to be selected to experience the LQ and the "Yui" AI.
← Vodafone Idea and Kia partner to deploy UVO Connected Car services
Groupe PSA reaffirms UK Electrification Strategy at Automotive EV Conference in Coventry →
Waymo begins testing its autonomous vehicles in Florida
21st August 2019 Alex 0
Optimus Ride launches New York State's first commercial Self-Driving Vehicle System
7th August 2019 Alex 0
Pony.ai receives licence to test self-driving cars in Beijing
5th July 2018 Alex 0
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Arkman Engineers have extensive knowledge in all areas of Facilities, Processes and Project Management. As is well understood, safety is a key activity for all companies engaged in these activities.
Arkman has developed special protocols for all aspects of Project Safety. Particular attention has been focused on construction safety in recent years and Arkman has frequently acted as Project Supervisor for the Design Process (PSDP) in a range of different sectors. We have developed a validation process to ensure that the PSDP role is carried out in accordance with the legislation and in the most practical way possible.
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The Board of Regents is pleased to present a KUDOS award to Dan Kenny, a software developer within the Department of Information Technology Services at the University of Nebraska at Omaha. Dan is a resident data expert for UNO, a trusted advisor and innovative thinker, whose knowledge of business processes and reporting is unparalleled.
Chancellor Gold; Karen Kenny, wife; Regent Phares; Dan Kenny, recipient; Bret Blackman, Associate Vice President of IT; Mark Askren, Vice President of IT; President Bounds; Jesse Clark, Director of Application and Development Services.
The last year has been one of great change for ITS through the OneIT initiative, and Dan has handled this change pragmatically and with great professionalism.
He will often spend time on the weekends ensuring database systems are updated and available. Recently, Dan has helped build integrations for the Canvas LMS, Courseleaf class scheduling, the data analytics environment and Degree Audit systems. Currently, Dan is helping to identify working efficiencies through software development.
Dan is a very talented programmer, but what makes him great at his job is the trust he has built with his fellow employees, and his ability to communicate complex technical matters to staff and stakeholders. He meets regularly with campus representatives from the Nebraska Student Information System to ensure that degree audits are relevant and easily understood by UNO students.
Dan has "kept the lights on" and the "trains on time" for more than 17 years at UNO. He has a wealth of knowledge pertaining to the various campus systems and the data integrations that are required to keep them going.
Dan is joined today by his wife Karen, along with Mark Askren, Vice President of IT, Bret Blackman, Associate Vice President of IT and Jesse Clark, Director of Application and Development Services – ITS.
Please join me in thanking Dan for his commitment to UNO.


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Custom built home with side entrance to garage. Impressive foyer leads to 2 story great room. A lot of natural light throughout the home. Formal dining room opens to foyer. Cheery bright kitchen with double ovens and very large island. Main level master suite has access to deck area. Upper level has 3 large bedrooms and 1 1/2 baths. The lower level has a family room with wet bar and storage. There is a large 10x28 deck for outdoor living. Many customs features for the home owner to enjoy.


We are going to move to a new building, which means we are leaving the beautiful Bushuis/Oostindisch Huis in the Center of Amsterdam. Once we arrive there, probably in September (although there are some protests), we will all have to work on so-called flexplekken, meaning that we won't have an own office any more. That's why all of us got a laptop. I chose the MacBook Air: For my own research, I would probably be best off with a Linux machine, but for teaching and for collaboration with others, I need some programs (like SPSS or Office) that wouldn't run (well) on Linux. And you never know if the IT department again implements a new VPN or something that is not compatible. So for me, MacOS was the best compromise between a "mainstream" computer and being able to run some UNIX-like software.
While teaching courses like Big Data and Automated Content Analysis, I realized that I often assume that some software just is installed on everyone's computer, which of course is not true (Last week again, I realized that normal people don't have a c-compiler an thus cannot install everything from source…). So I decided that this time, I'll take notes and write down which programs I installed to turn my brand new computer into something I can work with. Of course, it is sometimes highly subjective which programs one prefers, but maybe this lists hints you to something you can use. And otherwise, I'll just use it for looking things up next time I have to set up a laptop ;-).
But now, in the order in which I installed everything.
The developer tools by Apple. I installed them via the App Store. I don't really use them directly, but I install a lot of packages from sources, so I need things like a C compiler and the like. This means that you also need the XCode command-line tools. They can be installed by typing sudo xcode-select –install in the Terminal. Don't forget to sign the license, otherwise you won't be able to use the tools. You can do so with sudo xcodebuild -license.
Even if you think you don't need this, as you are not a programmer, you might be wrong. Some really useful programs I'll describe below can be installed with not too much effort, but might require a C compiler for installation – one of the ingredients of XCode.This is also why it is the first thing I installed.
I use dropbox.com intensively to sync my data and to share data with colleagues.
NLTK and pattern are packages vor natural language processing, twitter allows to access the Twitter API.
For teaching, I am kind of forced to use SPSS as statistics program, and for some research projects, I use STATA, but I want I try to do more and more with R and RStudio (for idealistic reasons [because it's free, and scientific software should be free], but also because you can to some cool stuff with it).
I sometimes use LaTeX to make slides. What I like about it is that it takes me less times than messing around with Powerpoint. And especially for some of my courses, it is really useful that I can use things like line numbering to display source code (using the lstlisting environment). TexShop is pretty OK for making them. (But nevertheless, I use Apple Keynote or Microsoft Powerpoint as well). I actually don't use LaTeX it for writing articles, as in my field, many journals and virtually all collaborators work with Microsoft Office.
My choice for manipulating images is gimp. It offers many of the function that all-mighty Adobe Photoshop offers. It might be a bit less intuitive and some things are missing, but for most tasks it's just fine. And, of course, it is open source and free.
Can you imagine working today without Skype? I actually cannot recall when I called an international collaborator via the Phone the last time, but I do so regularly on Skype. Even my parents only call me on Skype.
Definitely not my favorite program and some things drive me crazy (like the fact that Excel for Mac completely messes up UTF-8 encoded csv-files), but I'm kind of forced to use it, as everyone is using it, so I installed from a UvA software repository.
Also from the UvA repository. As I work a lot with PDF files, it's pretty cool to have the Pro version.
From the UvA repository. Alerted me already several times about viruses on students' pen drives.
I have to connect to a lot of different services using protocols like FTP, Webdav, SSH, … – for example to get access to data on a virtual sever I am running for data collection purposes. Cyberduck is a good client.
Nobody wants to have Safari as only browser, right?
The tool for downloading stuff, mirroring whole website and the like. MacOS comes with curl, which is kind of similar, but as I use wget on Linux servers as well, I wanted it on my laptop, too. And my students use it as well. Luckily, I already installed XCode (see above), so I can easily install wget from source (explanation here).
You might wonder why this is necessary. The thing is that it was shipped with earlier versions of MacOS, but it's not any more – however, Gephi (see next point) doesn't run without it. You get Java 6 for MacOS directly from Apple.
1. Download it and run it one time. Close it again.
1. Right-click on the Gephi app and choose "Toon pakketinhoud" (probably something like "Show package content" in the English version).
2. Within the package content, open Ressources/etc/gephi.conf in an editor.
3. It somewhere says 512 (for the amount of memory allocated). Change it to a higher amount.
I use Mendely for organizing my literature. There where some people who stopped using it after it was taken over by Elsevier, but for me, it still is the best solution, as it also allows me to read the PDF's of the articles on my iPad.
Some people love Evernote for taking notes, I'm still not so sure, as I very often just put plain-text files with notes in my dropbox, which works fine. But I'm kind of using it, although not as systematically as I should to really make sense.
Teamviewer is not only great for logging on to your Desktop computer at the Office (which I, admittedly, will note have much longer) when you are sitting somewhere in the sun, but also great for helping parents with computer problems. Just work on another computer as if you were sitting in front of it.
I'm still at the beginning, but I try to share more and more code on github, so I need git to upload stuff.
Like gimp is an open-source alternative to Photoshop, scribus is something you can use instead of InDesign. It is much less powerful, but I still great for making conference posters – or fake newspaper articles as stimulus material for experiments. Get it here.
The last (and, maybe, most important!) program: Spotify!
Of course, you cannot work without music. I have a spotify-account for that.
Update: You might also want to have a look at the choices other people made.


Andrew Peterson is a busy man. On top of writing the fantastic Wingfeather Saga novels (with the fourth and final book out this past spring), recording and touring, he is also a well documented family man and host to a successful annual Christmas tour. With After All These Years, Peterson has stopped to take a breath and offer up a retrospective of his work over the last 14 years or so.
It's a fascinating thing to hear an artist mature, and over the course of the twenty songs on Years, you can hear Peterson refine his sound sonically. But his lyrics have always been older than his years would let on. Early works "Nothing To Say," "After The Last Tear Falls" and "The Silence Of God" show Peterson as a young man with a lot of weight on his heart and soul. All three songs are re-recorded here; as are many of his earlier songs on Years, but the heavy themes have more in common with the writers Philip Yancey and C.S. Lewis than most fare offered up by Peterson's musical peers.
Peterson's fantasy bent is best shown in "The Far Country" and "The Reckoning," two songs that reach for the world beyond this one, the one beyond this 'far country' that is not our home. Both songs up the tempo and sonics from Peterson's early, folky work, and feel weighty in the way that Rich Mullins songs did. Consider this couplet from "Far Country:" "I can see in the strip malls and the phone calls / the flaming swords of Eden / in the fast cash and the news flash / and the horn blast of war / in the sin-fraught cities of the dying and the dead / like steel-wrought graveyards where the wicked never rest / to the high and lonely mountain in the groaning wilderness / we ache for what is lost / and wait for the holy God." The poetic depth of Peterson's lyrics are some of the finest in Christian music.
But it was on Light For The Lost Boy, Peterson's previous album (#5 on JFH's end of the year best album list that year) that the heft of the lyrics were matched with a near-perfect sonic pallet. "Don't You Want To Thank Someone" is a near-nine-minute epic that echoes along on a shadowy guitar figure and finds Peterson musing on the wonders and perils of life, and the gracious God that unites it all; "Don't you ever wonder why / in spite of all that's wrong here / there's still so much that goes so right / and beauty abounds? / 'Cause sometimes when you walk outside / the air is full of song here / the thunder rolls and the baby sighs / and the rain comes down." Peterson's lyrics here echo the book of Ecclesiastes and its question of "what is it all for?" To unite such deep themes and soaring music is a hallmark of Peterson's work.
The new songs offered up for this collection take a decidedly lighter approach. Peterson muses about how some things never change in "After All These Years," and sings a heartfelt ode to his hometown of Nashville in "Everybody's Got A Song." In "To All The Poets," Peterson thanks his heroes for "taking their sorrow and using it to light the world / so I could know that I'm not alone." There are many that could thank Andrew Peterson for doing the same thing for them, and After All These Years is a fine, fine document of a poet's journey through the wild wilderness of this life to that far distant shore He is calling us to.
Andrew Peterson's 15-year career has built an impressive legacy: eight albums, a series of fantasy novels, a beloved annual Christmas tour, and the founding of a successful online arts community and conference. And with that history in mind, After All These Years: A Collection, is a perfect way to celebrate. This isn't a label-made "greatest hits" album in the traditional sense, but rather a celebration of what's gone before and a sort of love letter to his dedicated fans. Containing four brand new songs, eight re-recorded classics, and a number of fan favorites, there's bound to be something for longtime listeners and newcomers alike.
"All These Years," one of the new songs, opens the album with a confession: "Well after all these years I would've thought that all my fears were laid to rest / But I still get scared..." Peterson's disarming honesty and lyrical poetry have long endeared him to his fans, and those traits are on full display here, reflecting on how far he's come. Two other new songs are a tribute to the artists who have impacted his life ("To All the Poets") and the city of Nashville ("Everybody's Got a Song").
Re-recorded versions of older songs reveal another dimension to his earliest work, whether in giving "After the Last Tear Falls" a stirring pop vibe or slowing "Isn't It Love" down to a more reflective pace. In many ways, these new versions actually improve on the originals. Peterson's voice and musical style have matured over the years, but the songs themselves have aged well enough to sound brand new with their updated treatment. The remaining playlist samples widely from his catalog, including fan favorites like "Don't You Want to Thank Someone," "The Silence of God," and a powerful live take on "High Noon."


text:
Le Nâtya-shâstra (du sanskrit : nâtya, « drame », et, shâstra, « traité ») est une œuvre encyclopédique de l'hindouisme, antique, donnant les bases du théâtre indien. Il se considère comme le cinquième Veda.

Ce texte composé par Bharata Muni entre 200 av. è. c. et 200 è. c., expose les codifications pour le théâtre, le jeu dramatique, la poésie, la danse, le chant et la musique. Le Nâtya-shâstra, divisé en trente-huit adhyâya, ou chapitres, donne toutes les données de la représentation. Il décrit l'édifice idéal, les règles de prosodie et de diction, les types de personnages, la représentation des sentiments et les mouvements de chaque membre. Soixante-sept mudrās (positionnement des mains), et trente-six mouvements d'yeux y sont décrits précisément. Il formule la théorie esthétique du Rasa et des bhavas et reste toujours aujourd'hui l'ouvrage de base de toute création scénique en Inde.

Abhinavagupta en a fait un célèbre commentaire au  sous le titre .

Références

Voir aussi

Bibliographie

Articles connexes
 Musique indienne
 Danses classiques de l'Inde
 Devadâsi
 Jarjara
 Mani Madhava Cakyar

Lien externe
 Bhāratīya-nātya-cāstram, traité de Bharata Muni sur le théâtre, texte sanskrit, édition critique avec une introduction, les variantes tirées de quatre manuscrits, une table analytique et des notes, Joanny Grosset (1898), Internet Archive

Théâtre indien
Danse en Inde
Musique indienne
Texte de l'hindouisme
Littérature indienne en langue sanskrite
Théâtre traditionnel

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Every single time I launch JMP 12 on my desktop, An Addin by the name "JMP Distribution and probability calculator" opens up along with Tip of the day window. How can I stop the Addin from NOT opening up when JMP launches?
Re: An Addin Opens everytime I launch JMP 12?
disable with the checkbox. Or Unregister, but you'll need the add-in file to get it back.


Ships tomorrow if you order in the next 23 hours 37 minutes.
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Pounds are dropping and inches are melting away quick. During the first 10 days of Advocare 24-day Challenge I went through some rough times with the changes in my diet. Eating every 3 hours on my schedule was a challenge. I can't always put my work on hold to eat and I usually forget to eat all day. This diet made me pay closer attention to meal timing. After a few days of forcing myself to eat my stomach did a great job of reminding me to eat. I wasn't really hungry, I just felt like I needed to eat. Day 5 was the first day I was actually hungry. After talking to a coach and looking up day 5 on the web, I found out that eating a little more protein would help relieve my hunger. Days 6-10 were easy. My reward was so worth everything. I was 12 lbs lighter and I had lost 16.5 inches overall.
Days 11-15 have been a little tougher. The burn days are not easy for me because I love eating fruit. Sticking to just vegetables and proteins all day limited the type of foods I would eat to satisfy the diet demands. I finally discovered egg and veggie muffins and all my woes disappeared. My wife, Lisa, has been searching the internet for lots of different recipes for us to try and this has definitely been helpful. We have tried different meals almost everyday. This keeps things exciting for dinner. The only bad thing is the cooking takes more time when you are trying to cook healthy and follow a recipe for the first time.
The Advocare products have been awesome. I really like the chocolate shakes for breakfast. I also tried Chocolate Peanut Butter and it was excellent too. The shake fills me up and satisfy my sweet tooth. Another great product is the Spark drink. In the morning I drink the Orange Spark for my energy kick. Spark works way better than coffee. I am also taking all the supplements Advocare suggests. I really don't know how much all the supplements do for me but I think they are working because I am definitely losing the weight and inches. It is day 15 for me and I am now 20 lbs lighter and feeling fantastic!


He's a hitman, but he's not a man, he's a monkey. So what is he? That's right – Hit-Monkey. After a few issues in Deadpool's comic, he now gets his own.
Your First Look At Hit-Monkey #1!
Marvel is proud to present your first look at Hit-Monkey #1, from the red-hot creative team behind the world's deadliest simian, Daniel Way and Dalibor Talijic! He's taken on Spider-Man and Deadpool (and won), but how did one monkey become the world's deadliest assassin? At long last, the story fans have been clamoring for is here! Find out how Hit-Monkey came to don his trademark suit and tie and how he became an assassin without equal, in this all new limited series. Fans cant miss the chance to get in on the ground floor with Hit-Monkey #1!


The MigVapor TRAP pod system is a bit more versatile than your ordinary nic salts ecig. This tiny device is not only compatible with standard e-liquids, but it also works with thinner or thicker oils. It's easy to use, easy to carry around and very stealthy. The pods are refillable and battery life is well above the category average.
MigVapor didn't invest too much in the TRAP's packaging, but despite this, the device doesn't look cheap. It's packed in a thin cardboard box with a plastic blister inside. With the kit you get the battery, two empty pods, the charger as well as a manual.
We would have loved to see the device in more colors like blue, red or white, but unfortunately it's available only in black. Maybe it's something they plan on releasing in the near future.
The TRAP looks very similar to a SMOK Infinix. The pods slide in from the top and it's very easy to tell when they make a good connection. There's an LED notification light on the pod ecig which blinks when you take a puff and a charge port towards the end.
The battery activates upon draw and offers a few good hours of moderate vaping. Unfortunately there's no clear indicator about the total amperage but, based on experience, we think it's around 280 – 350mAh. It will get you through a full day at the office without problems especially if you're using high concentration nic salts. You can easily recharge the vape by plugging it in your laptop's USB slot.
Vapor production and flavor are really good, especially when using 60/40 VG/PG juices. The company recommends 50/50 for best results, however if you don't take very long puffs and don't chain vape you can easily get away with 60/40.
MigVapor TRAP pods have a capacity of 2.0ml and they are suitable mostly for e-liquids. They are easy to refill once you take off the top cap and we recommend 50/50 or 60/40 nicotine salts juices with concentrations of 35 – 50mg. MigVapor states that the pods can be refilled up to 5 times, but we already reached the 8th full cartridge and still didn't notice any changes in flavor or vapor production.
In the case of oils however, we got a couple of dry hits when using thicker solutions. We don't know if the pod was faulty or our oil wasn't compatible with the device. We will update this review once our pack of spare coils arrives and we get to test them thoroughly.
The MigVapor TRAP ecig is well-made pod style vaporizer that's perfect for nicotine salts e-liquids. It's also compatible with oils – however this is something we couldn't put to the test. Vapor production and flavor are very good and battery life is more than reasonable. The only downside is the price per pod, at $12.95 per 2-pack.
Another thing worth mentioning is that MigVapor offers a bundle deal for their 30ml nic salts juice bottles each time you purchase the starter kit. For just one dollar they also include the e-liquid and you can choose from tobacco, menthol, mango or berries. Nicotine concentration is 50mg for all these e-juices.


Oris, please elaborate about the Idea of IIAIDC's, which intends to merge a lot of people. How is it different from other projects? In what ways is it better as you state?
Well, the distinctive part, which sets IIAIDC's aside from other spiritual development centers and other types of self-improvement group practices - is the presence of Intellectual and Sensual Constituents in it, in particular - a positive Sensual Constituent, which is implemented through the principles of Altruism.
Additionally, within the fundamental information of IIAIDC's lies a high-frequency Knowledge of Iissiidiology, which I derive and constantly deepen and supplement through the Intuitive Path of Deep Meditation practice. Iissiidiology – is a Knowledge, which actually allows providing and rationalizing the answers to virtually any questions.This Knowledge provides a strong basis for creating of own life not at the level of various impulsive and unconscious decisions and choices, but rather at the levels of Higher Intuition, which in turn based on the conscious display of Highly intellectual Altruism, coupled with Highly sensuous Intellect. The essence of such choices is embedded in a fact, that the human community – current human Space-Time Continuum groups - is characterized by the combination of two key factors: the simultaneous display of higher sensuousness and higher intelligence, mentioned above.
Why is that important? This is due to the type of the Synthesis schema, manifested on psycho-mental levels, which is the humankind's primary distinguishable characteristic. Consequently, all the actions, corresponding to the frequencies of the primary human Synthesis schema, human self-improvement paradigm and the general Self-Consciousness improvement process, find favorable forms and modes of expression on the physical levels (in terms of biological health state) as well as on the mental level, facilitating of rapid self-improvement through the development of higher Intuition.
Intuition and its development method - is the second important differentiating factor, distinguishing IIAIDC's from all other individual spiritual and physical improvement centers. Iissiidiological Knowledge, obtained by means of Deep Meditation, is Itself depicted in an Intuitive mode, which in turn initiates the states of higher Intuition, designed to facilitate the profound comprehension of the revealed material. This process requires not only the application of abstract thinking, but an Understanding of a meaning, which is virtually impossible to convey, and which is beyond the capacity of transmission of certain thoughts, imagery and thought-forms through the use of words.
The most important factor here, is that the words that enclose this Knowledge, are just a basis, a starting point for the subsequent travel of the Thought along completely incomprehensible ways of neural circuits in the brain, that allow us to understand an inexplicable something, lying far beyond our current levels of cognition. The constant practice in the study of Iissiidiology allows any individual to cultivate the ability of an Intuitive Reasoning and an Intuitive Sensuousness, thus increasing the capacity of their Meditation practice and generally their ability to communicate with the surrounding reality.
The third factor that differentiates IIAIDC's from other centers is the essence itself that is cultivated on the basis of this Knowledge and the basis of diverse self-development. Due to the fact that a comprehensive Iissiidiology stimulates the comprehensive interest in physics, quantum mechanics, genetics, sociology, psychology and other fields of study, there is a powerful inclination tendency into precisely these areas of Intellectual development, and, along with a sensuous practices that develop higher Sensitivity and Positivism, initiate a powerful effect of culturing Intellectually-Altruistic relationships within individual Self-Consciousness.
What sets the IIAIDC's apart from all other trends and practices – is the simultaneous cultivation of Openness, Honesty and Initiative, which, when are converted to Responsibility, become the normal form of Human Existence, the normal form of relations between individuals in the community. When these types of relationships are practiced on a regular basis, this process provides a stupendous self-development effect. The Ultimate Purpose of our manifestation in the given physical worlds in these rather primitive biological forms implies the task of comprehension of a compound trinity of the Intuitive Intelligence, Altruism and Unity, all of which together define our Single Unified Wholeness, dispersed throughout a multitude of various structural constituents of the Same Unified Collective Intelligence, which we perceive as "the humankind". And due to the exorbitant diversity of the "humankind" types, we must determine certain traits that suit us to a greater extent.
There are various types and quality levels of the "humankind". Certain human communities are of a very advanced levels, they create their higher quality Realities and exist within the limits of very high quality Worlds, there are also average quality Realities of the human existence, and, of cause, there are primitive types of humanity, which create the primitive types of Realities and exists there as well.
So, it is essential to determine which community is best for you and with which one of your Configurations you want to identity. Absolutely Everything already exists; all we have to do – is to choose what we want. The very possibility of creating anything is absent, due to the fact, that Absolutely Everything has already been created. This is the information, minutely depicting the essence of Creation (or at least part of it, since I still continue working on it), you are welcome to explore and study it, which will facilitate the understanding of how to use non-aggressive methods to achieve the improvement of your Existence.
The fact that we remain in these destructive Worlds (Space-Time Continuums) suggests that firstly, we still possess a multitude of certain substandard – non-human – Perceptions, which restrain and inhibit our development.
And the second reason why we are still exist in this group of destructive Continuums has to do with the fact, that if someone has chosen to Serve other people and beings, he or she should be able to carry on this noble mission not only in the established social order scenarios, where it is relatively easy and comforting. but specifically in these realities, where people need to be awakened from the millennia of hibernation by means of infusing their Consciousness with Knowledge, which is inherent to the True Human Space-Time Continuum existence. That is because previously no other system of Knowledge has brought a deliverance from wars to the humankind.


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