text:
Breaking the Russia-Ukraine Stalemate
DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2018-16-2-51-66
Сергей Куделя
How Russia and Ukraine Can Reach an Agreement
Сергей Куделя - доцент департамента политических наук Бейлорского университета (США).
April/June 2018
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Россия-Украина Украина элита власть Крым Россия Украинский кризис США территориальная целостность дипломатия стратегии геополитика НАТО безопасность экономика
This paper examines Russian-Ukrainian relations of the past four years in the context of the present political regime in Ukraine and the interests of its ruling elite. It focuses on the fundamental changes in the Ukrainian leadership's foreign policy strategy and points to long-term risks associated with Kiev's hopes that Western patronage will help strengthen its security. In conclusion, the author considers three scenarios for the development of the Ukrainian state in the coming decade and analyzes their possible consequences for Russian-Ukrainian relations.
Key words: Political regime, internal fragmentation, nationalist narrative, nation-building, scenarios for development, Russia-Ukranian relations.
The revolutionary events of the winter of 2014 came as a jolt to the Ukrainian political class, yet they did not change the established rules of the Ukrainian politics. Today, Ukraine is still ruled by elites that acquired their capital and political weight during the first decade of Ukraine's independence. Their distinctive features are the absence of value and ideological frameworks, the attitude to the state as the main source of enrichment, the desire to monopolize state power, and the perception of society solely as an object of manipulation. In many ways, the fragmentation of the state and the economic collapse of 2014 was the result of a protracted intra-elite confrontation, which also involved a certain part of society. This conflict was actively fueled from the outside and made it impossible to create a stable state model that would embrace diverse intra-Ukrainian preferences. Kiev's swaying from the West to Russia only aggravated the regional polarization, strengthened the influence of external players and culminated in sweeping protests.
The former elites retained their positions in power after the revolution largely due to considerable resource asymmetry between them and new political players. This imbalance will likely allow them to dominate during the next electoral cycle. However, it promises to be the last cycle for the political generation of the 1990s. By 2030, Ukraine's image will be formed mainly by those who came into politics in the current decade. Their political views were primarily shaped by the loss of some of Ukraine's territories as a result of outside aggression and by the fueling of a military conflict inside the country. Therefore, their main goal will be to restore Ukraine within the 1991 borders or, at least, neutralize external and internal threats to its integrity. Ways that will be chosen to accomplish these tasks will determine a new format for Russian-Ukrainian relations and the future state system in Ukraine. In this article, I analyze changes that have taken place in Ukraine's domestic and foreign policies in the past four years and possible scenarios for the development of Russian-Ukrainian relations in the next decade. I also suggest ways to resolve the conflict between the two countries, and principles on which they could build long-term good-neighborly relations. Today, this development seems unrealistic, yet both parties already now can take steps to create prerequisites for a long-term restoration of bilateral relations on a fundamentally new basis.
METAMORPHOSES OF THE HYBRID REGIME
Ever since it was formed, the Ukrainian political regime has been in the "gray zone" where formal democratic procedures and competition for power coexist with authoritarian control over political processes and frequent violations of basic civil liberties by the government (Hale, 2015). Until recently, significant differences in regional preferences, high mobilization potential of part of society, and diversification of resources among financial and political groups were the main obstacle to eliminating political competition (D'Anieri, 2011; Way, 2015). Attempts by previous Ukrainian presidents to consolidate their authoritarian rule led to open opposition from the counter-elite and to active social resistance (Kudelia, 2014). So, constant internal instability and increased vulnerability to external interference was the price Ukraine paid for preserving its democratic institutions.
While earlier such costs seemed acceptable, in a protracted military conflict, traditional ways to counter authoritarianism lose their attractiveness. This has created favorable conditions for spreading authoritarian practices. Over the past four years, Ukraine has seen systemic violations of the freedom of speech and assembly, deprivation of civil rights, restriction of political competition, and politically motivated selective justice. Another common practice is the unpunished use by security agencies of extrajudicial violence against political suspects, especially those suspected of collaborating with separatists or Russian special services (UN OHCHR, 2014-2018). The persecution of Mikhail Saakashvili has shown that the fight against the "fifth column" is also used to crack down on the most outspoken political opponents.
All these violations are widely covered in reports of international organizations, yet they are little criticized by Western states (Human Rights Watch, 2018). While earlier, during the time of Leonid Kuchma and Victor Yanukovich, similar actions served as the ground for freezing relations with Ukraine, now Pyotr Poroshenko is using authoritarian practices without any serious reputational losses. This may entail further degradation of political institutions in the country and new attempts to achieve public consent primarily through coercive leverage. In these conditions, elections may finally lose their importance as the only real way for society to control the government. If this helps the incumbent president stay in power for another term, it will also significantly increase his personal risks when that term expires.
Another deviation from the practices of the previous two decades is the introduction of an ethnocentric humanitarian policy in Ukraine. This policy includes the introduction of language quotas in the media, restrictions on the sale of Russian books, and discriminatory innovations in secondary education aimed, according to the Venice Commission, mainly against the Russian minority (Human Rights Watch, 2018). The new politics of memory is based solely on the nationalist narrative, codified in law after the adoption of "decommunization laws." This narrative presents as heroes only those who fought for an independent Ukrainian state, and the entire historical process is subordinated to the logic of "national liberation." In this approach, there is no place not only for other ethnic groups but also for millions of Ukrainians who did not embrace the nationalist ideology and who defended the future of Ukraine as part of other state entities. The government, which imposes its exclusive interpretation of Ukrainian history, has also introduced, for the first time ever, criminal responsibility for public disagreement with the official dogma. The criminalization of negative remarks about the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) denies society the possibility of conducting an open dialogue and expanding their knowledge about one of the most tragic and controversial periods in its history (Marples, 2015).
The nativism of the Ukrainian government in the humanitarian sphere where advantages are given to the "original" population is directly linked with the authoritarian turn in political development. Democratic protests in the post-Soviet space were successful only when the opposition convinced the public that the authorities presented a threat to nation-building (Way, 2015). Poroshenko's ethnocentrism, which he had never displayed before he came to power, is to help him prevent mass protest mobilization under the slogan "The authorities have betrayed our national interests." Although anti-corruption slogans have become even more relevant during his tenure as president, they are not enough to organize a mass protest movement. At the same time, the government's cultural policy is also intended to divide society and foster distrust and enmity between different opposition groups. The result is an aggravation of internal conflicts and inter-ethnic intolerance and reduced opportunities for a peaceful settlement of the armed conflict in Donbass. This, in turn, may increase tensions in relations between Kiev and Moscow.
EXTERNAL CHALLENGES TO UKRAINE
Ever since Ukraine became independent, its government has viewed the Russian Federation as the main source of military threat and sought a balance in international security guarantees. Back in 1992, President Leonid Kravchuk asked the U.S. administration to provide Ukraine with guarantees that would be as strong as those provided for by Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty in exchange for Kiev's giving up its nuclear weapons (Pifer, 2017). However, the watered-down text of the Budapest Memorandum of 1993 denied Kiev any chance to count on military support from the West in case of foreign aggression. Therefore, all Ukrainian presidents viewed efforts to maintain Ukraine's military and political cooperation with the alliance as the only available way to neutralize external threats. Meanwhile, Russia remained the key economic partner of Ukraine and the main source of rent for its financial and political groups. Ukraine's multi-vector policy was thus a way to gain maximum economic dividends from relations with Russia and, at the same time, minimize costs to national security, stemming from these relations (D'Anieri, 1999).
The overnight annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by the Russian Federation vividly showed the shortsightedness of this strategy. On the one hand, it allowed Russia to co-opt a significant part of the Ukrainian elite and use it to influence public attitudes about the EU and NATO. On the other hand, it did not create any essential levers for ensuring Ukraine's security, except for a largely declarative partnership with the North Atlantic Alliance and token military assistance from the United States. The Barack Obama administration declined to directly interfere in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in 2014 or even supply armaments to Ukraine, which was a bitter eye-opener for many pro-Western Ukrainian politicians. At the same time, the active assistance to separatists in Donbass turned Russia from a potential threat into a direct military enemy. And whereas the annexation of Crimea could be a sign of Russia's limited territorial claims, the covert participation of the Russian military in the hostilities on the side of "militias" and Russia's support for the unrecognized "republics" pose more fundamental challenges to the Ukrainian state.
The first challenge is the continuing internal fragmentation of Ukraine and the weakening of state monopoly on violence by paramilitary organizations. Another challenge is the militarization of the Ukrainian economy, which only creates new sources of rent for security agencies and prevents intensive economic development. Further concentration of state resources in the defense sector means higher poverty, lower education and health standards, and a brain drain. The third challenge is posed by the final emasculation of democratic institutions in Ukraine, the elimination of pluralism and the establishment of a harsher form of authoritarian rule.
The threat of disintegration of the Ukrainian state remains a priority challenge to the Ukrainian government and its Western partners. That is why the United States and the European Union imposed the bulk of their sanctions against Russia only with the beginning of active military operations in Donbass. Simultaneously, Washington began to use financial levers to set priorities for reforms conducted by the new Ukrainian government and even name candidates for government posts. At the same time, the American assistance to the Ukrainian security sector has reached a scale that is unprecedented for Ukraine. In all, since 2014, the U.S. has provided Ukraine with military assistance worth about $1 billion. This assistance included the training of the Ukrainian military and supplies of modern communication and surveillance equipment (Morelli, 2017). This is more than Ukraine had received in the previous two decades. The recent decision of the Donald Trump administration to sell lethal weapons to Kiev shows that the U.S. continues to play the role of the main security donor for Ukraine. Also, Washington's stepped-up mediation efforts to resolve the conflict in Donbass increase its role in the diplomatic process, formerly dominated by Germany and France.
CONTROVERSIES IN KIEV'S RUSSIA POLICY
Ukraine's new strategy towards Russia includes five interrelated components. The first component is pressure on Moscow through Western sanctions. One of the main tools for that is making Western allies uncertain about Moscow's military and political goals, especially with regard to the Baltic and Central European countries. The second component is Ukraine's demonstrative withdrawal from the Russian cultural and information space to weaken the Kremlin's influence on the public opinion in Ukraine. The third component is the decision to forgo direct energy supplies from Russia and thus limit the Kremlin's ability to engage in geopolitical blackmail and bribe the Ukrainian political elite. The fourth component is the freezing of bilateral political dialogue and the holding of summit meetings only with Western allies where mainly the restoration of Ukraine's territorial integrity is discussed. The fifth component is efforts to discredit Russia as an aggressor state in the international arena and undermine its reputation through international legal actions, information campaigns and civil actions.
What are the ultimate goals of this strategy? First of all, it is to increase the Kremlin's costs for its further interference in Ukraine's affairs to a level where it will be more advantageous for Russia to respect its territorial integrity. Another goal is to demonstrate the unlikelihood of a partition or liquidation of the Ukrainian state, which is under Western patronage. This should render irrational any attempt to undermine the Ukrainian state.
However, President Poroshenko's statement that NATO membership is a "guiding star" for Ukraine increases the level of long-term threats to Russia stemming from an independent Ukraine. Thus he cancels out his own attempts to make the Kremlin reconsider benefits from further military intervention in Donbass. Even American scholars point to the strategic inconsistency of this policy and say that a neutral status for Ukraine would reduce tensions over the Ukrainian issue along the West-East axis (O'Hanlon, 2017). And yet, the incumbent Ukrainian government views the policy of joining the alliance as having no alternative.
So, Ukraine will remain strategically vulnerable in relations with Russia, which cannot be fixed by Western military instructors or American arms supplies. At the same time, prospects for settling the conflict in Donbass are becoming dependent on the state of Russian-American relations, which have already entered a "second Cold War" (Blackwill and Gordon, 2018). This is evidenced by the Pentagon's new defense strategy which defines "long-term, strategic competition" with Russia and China as the central challenge to U.S. prosperity and security (Department of Defense, 2018). As a result, Ukraine may become a hostage to a major geopolitical confrontation, in which it will have to play the unenviable role of an "eternal victim." Support for this policy will lead to a final breakup in relations with Moscow and perpetuation of unresolved territorial conflicts, with Ukraine having to be content with informal Western patronage without firm security guarantees.
These developments may have catastrophic consequences for long-term bilateral relations and the whole of the region. The main risk comes from a gradual expansion of the military conflict zone beyond Donbass and further destabilization in various sections of the Russian-Ukrainian border. This escalation will finally turn Ukraine into a territory of proxy war between Russia and the United States and a source of instability in the region. Ukraine will also lose the chance to achieve sustainable economic development, which will make it the poorest country in Europe and its prospects for joining the European Union in the next decade still less likely.
At the same time, maintaining the smoldering conflict with the large neighboring state meets the interests of the ruling elite in Ukraine. It is used as an excuse for economic backwardness, limited civil liberties and the persecution of political opponents. The continuing conflict also allows the authorities to exclude a large part of Ukrainian citizens, strongly opposed to the incumbent regime, from the electoral process. For society, the price of the ongoing confrontation is measured not only in lost lives but also in higher internal intolerance, the degradation of social spheres, the growth of crime rates and the outflow of human capital abroad. This situation requires a search for a model of stable peaceful coexistence between the two states.
PRINCIPLES OF NEW DETENTE
Although there are no prerequisites yet for the restoration of Russian-Ukrainian relations, contours of a new détente policy between Kiev and Moscow can be outlined already now. This policy should rest on five basic principles that should ensure stability of the bilateral relations.
The first principle is recognition of common security interests of the two countries and renunciation of the use of force to solve bilateral problems. This will help avoid any actions that may infringe upon or undermine the security of the other party, and work to build mutual trust. The asymmetry of the military potential between Ukraine and Russia means that Ukraine can inflict substantial damage to Russia's interests only through a military alliance with third countries. That is why Kiev's statements about its desire to join NATO exacerbate the security dilemma between the two countries and prevent a peaceful settlement of the conflict in Donbass. Obviously, the goal of restoring trust with Moscow requires Ukraine to declare itself a permanently neutral state, while remaining committed to the goal of joining the EU, like Sweden or Austria. At the same time, a revision by Kiev of its Euro-Atlantic aspirations is impossible while Russia maintains its military presence on part of Ukrainian territory. This means that the settlement of their relations in the security sphere will require one-time mutual concessions, to be encoded in multilateral agreements.
The second principle is renunciation of the use of trade and economic ties for political purposes. Further integration of Ukraine into the EU economic space promises new benefits also to Russian companies in the Ukrainian market. It will create favorable conditions not only for sales but also for investment, exchanges of advanced technologies and economic partnership with Ukrainian and European companies. However, Russian producers will no longer have economic hegemony in Ukraine and will have to compete for Ukrainian consumers on an equal footing with companies from other countries. Also, they should abandon attempts to exert political pressure or finance individual parties and public organizations. Russia should also recognize the absence of Ukraine in Eurasian integration projects as a given and work for mutually advantageous economic rapprochement with Ukraine, while respecting its pro-European choice.
The third principle is free access to the information, cultural and educational space of the two countries, free cross-border movement of people, and safeguards for the rights of religious communities affiliated with the mother churches in Russia or Ukraine. Further manifestations of discriminatory practices in the humanitarian policies of the two states would invariably revive conflicts which will violate the strategic stability of bilateral relations. Kiev will have to return to an inclusive policy that respects the cultural rights and educational needs of the Russian minority and many other Russian-speaking people in Ukraine. Equal respect for the identity and historical distinctness of regional communities on the part of the central government is a must for maintaining peace in Donbass. Although these goals are now hard to achieve, progress in resolving security issues will facilitate a revision by Kiev of its ethnocentric policy and help resume cooperation in humanitarian spheres.
The fourth principle is pluralism in matters of historical memory and desire for reconciliation over the most contentious issues in the common history of the two peoples. This concerns not only events of the past centuries but also modern history, primarily the revolutionary protests in Kiev, the annexation of Crimea and the armed conflict in Donbass. A new politics of memory will succeed only if the authorities stop limiting public discussions of historical issues or trying to impose their narrative on regions and ethnic groups with different historical experiences as the "only correct" one. Symbolic moves by politicians and public figures of the two countries towards reconciliation and mutual forgiveness will be particularly important for interstate relations. However, as the difficult Ukrainian-Polish historical dialogue has shown, a search for mutual understanding after centuries of confrontation is always a long and painful process. Yet, even accepting the inevitability of differences in views on certain events in history may be enough for these differences not to be an obstacle to a common future.
Finally, the fifth principle is depersonalization of cooperation through the creation of permanent institutional mechanisms for interaction both at the state level (through a special ministry or special commissions) and at public and regional levels. Such a dialogue should help establish trust, resolve outstanding conflicts and quickly respond to the emergence of contentious issues between the two countries. The creation of communication platforms with broad public representation will help depoliticize relations, end their dependence on certain personalities in the leadership of the two countries and limit the influence of spoilers on both sides.
SCENARIOS FOR UKRAINE
Obviously, the unresolved conflict in Donbass and the territorial dispute over Crimea are the main obstacles to the restoration of bilateral relations. The situation is exacerbated by a growing disagreement between the two countries over broader geostrategic issues, particularly ways to ensure their security. In the absence of early progress on these issues, there may emerge new obstacles, which will be much harder to overcome.
One such obstacle may be a further authoritarian reversal of the political regime in Ukraine, especially if radical nationalists from among ultra-right groups come to power. Although their electoral support remains low, the leaders of these parties enjoy the patronage of senior government officials and freely form a wide network of paramilitary groups across the country. Their gradual merger with law enforcement agencies will help stop street protests in case elections are cancelled or rigged. Already now, they are trying to impose on society a new nationalist agenda under the slogan of establishing "Ukrainian order." Even if the West weakens its support for Ukraine, a growth of nationalist sentiments in the country will invariably result in the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The creation of a nationalist-authoritarian regime in Ukraine will pose new major risks for the Kremlin. In particular, it will provoke the Kremlin into open military actions against Ukraine, which may result in new sanctions, significant economic losses, more active military intervention by the U.S., and political destabilization in Russia.
Another scenario presupposes the preservation of a hybrid regime in which political pluralism is supported by the struggle among oligarchic groups, while democratic institutions primarily serve as a screen for rent-sharing among the elites. This type of regime best met the Kremlin's interests for two decades of Ukraine's independence. It allowed Moscow to use internal conflicts in Ukraine and corrupt Ukrainian politicians to promote its own interests. In the new conditions, however, the larger part of the Ukrainian elite has reoriented itself towards the West, while the reduction of bilateral economic ties leaves little room for corrupt deals. As anti-Russian rhetoric has become the only way for the ruling elite to retain power, the hybrid regime will only exacerbate the existing antagonisms and prevent a peaceful settlement of the conflict.
Under a third scenario, the ruling elite will be deposed and the country will switch to a parliamentary system, with the consolidation of key democratic institutions. This transformation will help eliminate the system in which "the winner takes it all" and then becomes the dominant player for the whole of his tenure, and build a consocial model for the distribution of executive and legislative power among political forces representing the interests of various ethnic and cultural groups and regions. Some powers of the central government will be delegated to regional communities, which will receive exclusive competencies in the economic and humanitarian fields. This model is an acceptable alternative to "federalization," which many people in Ukraine view as a threat of the country's further disintegration. It will help balance preferences of different groups of voters in Ukraine and involve them in public administration at all levels. This model will also create an institutional basis for re-integrating Donbass on equal terms with other regions and will open up opportunities for broader agreements between Moscow and Kiev.
THE FIRST STEPS TOWARDS AGREEMENT
Ukrainian society has in the past four years viewed Russia's policy vis-à-vis Ukraine as the implementation of the "limited sovereignty" doctrine which denies it the right to decide its own destiny. This view has told on Ukrainians' attitude towards Russia (Center for Insights in Survey Research, 2017). At the end of 2017, only 18 percent of Ukrainians were ready to admit that they had warm feelings towards Russia. Simultaneously, the average person in Russia firmly associated Ukraine with hostile American influence. in December 2017, almost a third of respondents in Russia (29 percent) described Ukraine as an enemy and placed it second after the United States among enemy states (Levada Center, 2018). Such public sentiments are fueled by official propaganda of the two countries and create a very negative background for any attempts to start Russian-Ukrainian reconciliation. Many Western politicians, too, are interested in stirring antagonisms, as they view Ukraine as an important bridgehead for containing "revisionist" Russia. Therefore, they will keep encouraging pro-Euro-Atlantic rhetoric among Kiev politicians, even though Ukraine's chances for NATO or EU membership are dim.
In these conditions, the initiative for resuming a meaningful dialogue can come only from Moscow. The first signs of its readiness for that will be changes in the information policy of the state-run media, which now seek to discredit the Ukrainian state and set one part of Ukrainian society against another. One way for Russia to show its goodwill is to release about fifty Ukrainian prisoners who were convicted for political reasons. This may help reach a compromise on the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force and the establishment of provisional international control over territories controlled by separatists.
With the beginning of the settlement of the conflict in Donbass, both states should expand the negotiation agenda. The negotiations should be aimed at finding a formula for ensuring mutual security and reaching accord on the principles of building long-term relations. Although a quick solution to the problem of the status of Crimea is unlikely, the parties could use the Anglo-Irish agreement of 1985 as an example of how they could begin the settlement of bilateral relations, while putting off a final decision on the disputed territorial issues. This tactic would facilitate the parties' search for a compromise. Specifically, Russia could stop the persecution of Crimean Tatar activists, while Ukraine could pardon some prisoners convicted for "separatism." To build up mutual trust, the parties can create mechanisms for the mutual monitoring of the observance of human rights in Crimea and Donbass. The negotiation process should go hand in hand with cooperation between the two countries in restoring the economic and social infrastructure of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. To add more legitimacy to the negotiations, they could involve members of major political forces represented in parliament. Obviously, the key issue after the conclusion of a new Russian-Ukrainian treaty will be guarantees for its implementation. To strengthen these guarantees, the treaty should be approved in parallel referendums to be held in the two countries, and its main principles should be encoded in their constitutions.
The aforementioned steps towards reconciliation and rapprochement will take many years and will apparently succeed only after a new generation replaces the current ruling elites in the two countries. However, this factor does not make decisions of present politicians less significant or crucial. In the long run, it is these decisions that can lay the foundation for agreement or, on the contrary, make the Russian-Ukrainian conflict still harder to resolve.
Blackwill, R. and Gordon, P.H., 2018. Containing Russia: How to respond to Moscow's intervention in U.S. democracy and growing geopolitical challenge. Council on Foreign Relations. Council Special Report No. 80, January.
Center for Insights in Survey Research, 2017. Public opinion survey of residents of Ukraine, November 15 – December 14, 2017. Available at: http://www.iri.org/sites/default/files/2018-1-30_ukraine_poll_presentation.pdf
D'Anieri, P., 1999. Economic interdependence in Ukrainian-Russian relations. New York: SUNY Press.
D'Anieri, P., 2011. Structural constraints in Ukrainian politics. East European Politics and Societies, 25(1), pp. 28–46. Department of Defense, 2018. Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America: Sharpening the American military's competitive edge. Available at: https://www.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/2018-National-Defense-Strategy-Summary.pdf
European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission), 2017. Opinion on the Provisions of the Law on Education of 5 September 2017 which concern the use of the state language and minority and other languages in education. Opinion, No. 902/2017, 11 December.
Hale, H., 2015. Patronal politics: Eurasian regime dynamics in comparative perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Human Rights Watch, 2018. World Report, Ukraine. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/ukraine
Kudelia, S., 2014. The House that Yanukovych built. Journal of Democracy, 25(3), pp.19–34.
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Marples, D., 2015. Open letter from scholars and experts on Ukraine regarding the so-called 'Anti-Communist Law'. Krytyka, April. Available at: https://krytyka.com/en/articles/open-letter-scholars-and-experts-ukraine-re-so-called-anti-communist-law
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Morelli, V.L. 2017. Ukraine: Current Issues and U.S. Policy. Congressional Research Service, January 3. Available at: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33460.pdf
O'Hanlon, M., 2017. Beyond NATO: A new security architecture for Eastern Europe. Washington: Brookings Institution Press.
Pifer S., 2017. The eagle and the trident: U.S.–Ukraine relations in turbulent times. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.
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Way, L., 2015. Pluralism by default: Weak autocrats and the rise of competitive politics. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
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An officer of the Royal St. Christopher and Nevis Police Force is current nursing a stab wound after an alteration ensued between him an a resident of Butlers Village Nevis yesterday (August 15).
The Observer understands that the officer is a Dominica national.
The Observer understands that on Sunday the Butler's resident who goes by the name "Evans" enters into a church inButlers and began a fight with the pastor. A compliant was made and the police began their search for the young man.
The young man was found on Monday afternoon in Butlers. It is unclear what happened to cause the altercation between the young man and the officer but the officer was left stabbed and taken to the Alexandra Hospital where he is currently nursing his wounds. The Butlers resident was taken into police custody.


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Home / English Language
Brian Kemp silent on allowing voters to decide on official English
Opinion October 16, 2018 , by General Manager
Pro-English voters should ask questions
By: D.A. King
A December 2015 Rosetta Stone poll showed that a bipartisan 76% of Georgians support making English Georgia's constitutional official language. The idea is English as official, not "English only" as goes the portrayal by dishonest opponents.
Policy differences for candidates in the race for Georgia governor may not extend to allowing Georgia voters to decide if the state constitution should be amended to make English the official language of government.
According to an AJC report last week, Democrat candidate Stacey Abrams promised to oppose constitutional official English in the General Assembly as governor and boasted of fighting against allowing voters to answer a ballot question when she was in the legislature.
We thought it surprising that the AJC did not include a quote or position from Republican gubernatorial candidate Brian Kemp on the voter-popular issue, so Wednesday, October 3, this writer sent a policy question and request for a quote to the Kemp campaign.
Brian Kemp – photo, Facebook
"Do you support allowing Georgia voters to decide on a ballot question that would amend the state constitution to make English the official language of Georgia government and which would end current practice of offering the written road rules portion of the DDS drivers license exam in (eleven) foreign languages?
If so, will you use the power of the governor's office to promote that cause for the 2020 election?"
We have not received a response from candidate Kemp. Curious voters should ask him.
All concerned should be aware that Georgia has a 1996 statute in place that makes English the official language, but also says officials can ignore that directive:
"State agencies, counties, municipal corporations, and political subdivisions of this state are authorized to use or to print official documents and forms in languages other than the official language, at the discretion of their governing authorities."
The concept of allowing voters to have a voice on the matter is quite popular in the Georgia senate. Introduced by state Senator Josh McKoon, in 2016 SR 675 passed the Georgia senate with every Republican member voting "YEA," But it was not allowed a vote on the House floor.
McKoon's Resolution created a ballot question voters would have considered that year which read:
"Shall the Constitution of Georgia be amended so as to provide that English is the official language of the State of Georgia?"
All persons desiring to vote in favor of ratifying the proposed amendment shall vote "Yes."
All persons desiring to vote against ratifying the proposed amendment shall vote "No."
If such amendment shall be ratified as provided in said Paragraph of the Constitution, it shall become a part of the Constitution of this state."
Most conservatives would like to have the chance to answer that question in November, 2020.
Readers who are not closely involved in Gold Dome politics are likely asking why they have not already been permitted to vote on making official English part of the state constitution. It helps to know that the Georgia Chamber of Commerce and the Metro Atlanta Chamber of Commerce are vehemently opposed to that idea.
It may also help to know that in metro-Atlanta's DeKalb School District alone, administrators are dealing with students from 180 different countries who speak 140 different languages.
Without a constitutional mandate that English is the official language of government, readers can make their own predictions on how long it is before the angry marches in the streets begin with the demand that government in Georgia accommodate every imaginable language with the cry that "diversity is our strength."
It seems like something a Republican candidate for Georgia governor would comment on. Comprende?
D.A. King of Marietta is president of the Georgia-based Dustin Inman Society.
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Atlanta's DeKalb School District Brian Kemp D.A. King of Marietta Democrats English Language Georgia Georgia Chamber of Commerce Georgia Governor Georgia-based Dustin Inman Society Metro Atlanta Chamber of Commerce Senator Josh McKoon. Republicans Stacey Abrams

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Energy is one of the major drivers of a growing economy like India and is an essential building block of economic development. In an effort to meet the demands of a developing nation, the Indian energy sector has witnessed a rapid growth. Areas like the resource exploration and exploitation, capacity additions, and energy sector reforms have been revolutionized.
However, resource augmentation and growth in energy supply have failed to meet the ever increasing demands exerted by the multiplying population, rapid urbanization and progressing economy. Hence, serious energy shortages continue to plague India, forcing it to rely heavily on imports.
Planning Commission has noted that primary commercial energy demand has grown at the rate of six per cent between 1981 and 2001. Commercial primary energy consumption in India has grown by about 700% n the last four decades. The current per capita commercial primary energy consumption in India is about 350 kgoe/ year which is well below that of developed countries. Driven by the rising population, expanding economy and a quest for improved quality of life, energy usage in India is expected to rise to around 450 kgoe/ year in 2010. It is estimated that the total primary energy consumption is expected to about 412 MTOE (million tonnes oil equivalent) and 554 MTOE in the terminal years of the Tenth and Eleventh Plans, respectively (Planning Commission).
Energy intensity is an indicator to show how efficiently energy is used in the economy. The energy intensity of India is over twice that of the matured economies, which are represented by the OECD (Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development) member countries. India's energy intensity is also much higher than the emerging economies—the Asian countries, which include the ASEAN member countries as well as China. However, since 1999, India's energy intensity has been decreasing and is expected to continue to decrease.
The indicator of energy–GDP (gross domestic product) elasticity, that is, the ratio of growth rate of energy to the growth rate GDP, captures both the structure of the economy as well as the efficiency. The energy–GDP elasticity during 1953–2001 has been above unity. However, the elasticity for primary commercial energy consumption for 1991–2000 was less than unity (Planning Commission). This could be attributed to several factors, some of them being demographic shifts from rural to urban areas, structural economic changes towards lesser energy industry, impressive growth of services, improvement in efficiency of energy use, and inter-fuel substitution.
With a targeted GDP growth rate of 7 to 8 percent, and an estimated energy elasticity of 0.80, the energy requirements of India are expected to grow at 5.6- 6.4 percent per annum over the next few years. This implies a four-fold increase in India's energy requirement over the next 25 years and India faces significant challenges to meet this.
Comprehending that the dependence on energy is expected to increase further to achieve the targeted GDP growth rate of 8% during the Tenth Five-year Plan, the Government of India has granted high priority to the energy sector. The total outlay on energy in the Tenth Five-year Plan has been projected to be 4.03 trillion rupees at 2001/ 02 prices, which is 26.7% of the total outlay. An increase of 84.2% is projected over the Ninth Five-year Plan in terms of the total plan outlay on energy sector. The Government of India in the mid-term review of the Tenth Plan recognized the fact that under-performance of the energy sector can be a major constraint in delivering a growth rate of 8% GDP during the plan period. It has, therefore, called for acceleration of the reforms process and adoption of an integrated energy policy.
In the recent years, India's energy consumption has been increasing at one of the fastest rates in the world due to population growth and economic development. Primary commercial energy demand grew at the rate of six per cent between 1981 and 2001 (Planning Commission). India ranks fifth in the world in terms of primary energy consumption, accounting for about 3.5% of the world commercial energy demand in the year 2003. Despite the overall increase in energy demand, per capita energy consumption in India is still very low compared to other developing countries.
India is well-endowed with both exhaustible and renewable energy resources. Coal, oil, and natural gas are the three primary commercial energy sources. India's energy policy, till the end of the 1980s, was mainly based on availability of indigenous resources. Coal was by far the largest source of energy. India is, however, poorly endowed with oil assets and has to depend on crude imports to meet a major share of its needs (around 70 percent). India's primary energy mix has been changing over a period of time.
Despite increasing dependency on commercial fuels, a sizeable quantum of energy requirements (40% of total energy requirement), especially in the rural household sector, is met by non-commercial and traditional energy sources, which include fuelwood, crop residue, biomass and animal waste, including human and draught animal power. The usage of such sources of energy is estimated at around 155 mtoe per annum. However, other forms of commercial energy of a much higher quality and efficiency are steadily replacing the traditional energy resources being consumed in the rural sector.
Coal is the most important & abundant fossil fuel in India and accounts for 55% of India's energy need. India's industrial heritage was built upon indigenous coal, largely mined in the eastern and the central regions of the country. Thirty per cent of commercial energy requirements are met by petroleum products, nearly 7.5 per cent by natural gas and 3.5 per cent by primary electricity.
Resource augmentation and growth in energy supply has not kept pace with increasing demand and, therefore, India continues to face serious energy shortages. This has led to increased reliance on imports to meet the energy demand.
India faces coal shortage of 24 MT . Production of petroleum reserves has been stretched from 5.7 MT during 1970/ 71 to 110 MT in 2003/ 04. Natural gas demand too has been steadily growing at the rate of about 6.5% during the last 10 years.
India now ranks third amongst the coal producing countries in the world. Being the most abundant fossil fuel in India till date, it continues to be one of the most important sources for meeting the domestic energy needs and accounts for 55% of the country's total energy supplies.The development of core infrastructure sectors like power, steel, and cement are dependent on coal.
Through sustained increase in investment, production of coal increased from about 70 MT (million tonnes) in early 1970s to 382 MT in 2004/ 05. Most of the coal production in India comes from open pit mines contributing to over 81% of the total production while underground mining accounts for rest of the national output. Despite this increase in production, the existing demand exceeds the supply. India faces coal shortage of 24 MT. This shortage is likely to be met through imports mainly by steel, power, and cement sector. India exports insignificant quantity of coal to the neighbouring countries. The traditional buyers of Indian coal are Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal.
Access to affordable and reliable electricity is critical to a country's growth and prosperity. India has made significant progress towards the augmentation of its power infrastructure. In absolute terms, the installed power capacity has increased from only 1713 MW (megawatts) as on 31 December 1950 to 118419 MW as on March 2005. The all India gross electricity generation, excluding that from the captive generating plants, was 5107 GWh (gigawatt-hours) in 1950 and increased to 565 102 GWh in 2003/ 04.
Energy requirement increased from 390 BkWh (billion kilowatt-hours) during 1995/ 96 to 591 BkWh (energy) by the year 2004 /05, and peak demand increased from 61 GW (gigawatts) to 88 GW over the same time period. India experienced energy shortage of 7.3% and peak shortage of 11.7% during 2003/ 04. Though, the growth in electricity consumption over the past decade has been slower than the GDP's growth, this increase could be due to high growth of the service sector and efficient use of electricity.
Per capita electricity consumption rose from merely 15.6 kWh (kilowatt-hours) in 1950 to 592 kWh in 2003/ 04. However, it is a matter of concern that per capita consumption of electricity is among the lowest in the world. Moreover, poor quality of power supply and frequent power cuts and shortages impose a heavy burden on India's fast-growing trade and industry.
The latest estimates indicate that India has around 0.4% of the world's proven reserves of crude oil. The production of crude oil in India has increased from 6.82 MT in 1970/ 71 to 33.38 MT in 2003/ 04 (MoPNG). The production of natural gas increased from 1.4 BCM (billion cubic metres) to 31.96 BCM during the same period. The quantity of crude oil imported increased from 11.66 MT during 1970/ 71 to 81 MT by 2003/ 04.
Besides, imports of other petroleum products increased from 1 MT to 7.3 MT during the same period. The exports of petroleum products went up from around 0.5 MT during 1970/ 71 to 14 MT by 2003/ 04. The refining capacity, as on 1 April 2004, was 125.97 MTPA (million tonnes per annum). The production of petroleum products increased from 5.7 MT during 1970/ 71 to 110 MT in 2003/ 04.
India's consumption of natural gas has risen faster than any other fuel in the recent years. Natural gas demand has been growing at the rate of about 6.5% during the last 10 years. Industries such as power generation, fertilizer, and petrochemical production are shifting towards natural gas. India's natural gas consumption has been met entirely through domestic production in the past. However, in the last 4-5 years, there has been a huge unmet demand of natural gas in India, mainly required for the core sectors of the economy.
To bridge this gap, apart from encouraging domestic production, the import of LNG (liquefied natural gas) is being considered as one of the possible solutions for India's expected gas shortages. Several LNG terminals have been planned in the country. Two LNG terminals have already been commissioned: (1) Petronet LNG Terminal of 5 MTPA (million tonnes per annum) at Dahej, and (2) LNG import terminal at Hazira. In addition, an in-principle agreement has been reached with Iran for import of 5 MTPA of LNG.
Renewable energy sources offer viable option to address the energy security concerns of a country. Today, India has one of the highest potentials for the effective use of renewable energy. India is the world's fifth largest producer of wind power after Denmark, Germany, Spain, and the USA. There is a significant potential in India for generation of power from renewable energy sources— wind, small hydro, biomass, and solar energy. The country has an estimated SHP (small-hydro power) potential of about 15000 MW. Installed combined electricity generation capacity of hydro and wind has increased from 19194 MW in 1991/ 92 to 31995 MW in 2003/ 04, with a compound growth rate of 4.35% during this period. Other renewable energy technologies, including solar photovoltaic, solar thermal, small hydro, and biomass power are also spreading. Greater reliance on renewable energy sources offers enormous economic, social, and environmental benefits.
The potential for power production from captive and field-based biomass resources, using technologies for distributed power generation, is currently assessed at 19500 MW including 3500 MW of exportable surplus power from bagasse-based cogeneration in sugar mills.
Increasing pressure of population and increasing use of energy in different sectors of the economy is an area of concern for India. With a targeted GDP growth rate of 8% during the Tenth Five-year Plan, the energy demand is expected to grow at 5.2%. Driven by the rising population, expanding economy, and a quest for improved quality of life, the total primary energy consumption is expected to be about 412 MTOE (million tonnes oil equivalent) and 554 MTOE in the terminal years of the Tenth and Eleventh Plans, respectively (Planning Commission 1999).
The International Energy Outlook 2005 (EIA 2005b) projects India's gas consumption to grow at an average annual rate of 5.1%, thereby reaching 2.8 trillion cubic feet by 2025 with the share of electric power sector being of 71% by that time. Coal consumption is expected to increase to 315 MT over the forecast period. In India, slightly less than 60% of the projected growth in coal consumption is attributed to the increased demand of coal in the electricity sector while the industrial sector accounts for most of the remaining increase. The use of coal for electricity generation in India is expected to increase by 2.2% per annum during 2002–25, thus requiring an additional 59 000 MW of coal-fired capacity. Oil demand in India is expected to increase by 3.5% per annum during the same time.
It is quite apparent that coal will continue to be the predominant form of energy in future. However, imports of petroleum and gas would continue to increase substantially in absolute terms, involving a large energy import bill. There is, therefore, an urgent need to conserve energy and reduce energy requirements by demand-side management and by adopting more efficient technologies in all sectors.
Increasing pressure of population and increasing use of energy in agriculture, industry and the domestic and public sectors is an area of concern. At the same time, the need to meet energy demand has created huge capital requirements needed for setting up power plants, pipelines, ports, terminals, railway tracks to move fuel etc.
As India continues to grow at the rate of 7-8 percent, energy security has become a core focus. In the recent years, the government has rightly recognized the energy security concerns of the nation and more importance is being placed on energy independence. On the eve of the 59th Independence Day (on 14 August 2005), the President of India emphasized that energy independence has to be the nation's first and highest priority, and India must be determined to achieve this within the next 25 years.
Renewable energy sources offer viable option to address the energy security concerns of a country. Today, India has one of the highest potentials for the effective use of renewable energy. There is a significant potential in India for generation of power from renewable energy sources—wind, small hydro, biomass, and solar energy.
Other renewable energy technologies, including solar photovoltaic, solar thermal, small hydro, and biomass power are also spreading. Greater reliance on renewable energy sources offers enormous economic, social, and environmental benefits.
• The Government would need to increasingly enter into alliances and partnerships with key nations in Asia, Africa, Latin America, etc. to diversify the energy supply base and improve long term supply security.
• Currently, different energy segments are viewed independently from a policy and regulatory perspective. The importance of cross linkages between different energy segments is now being appreciated and the importance of developing an integrated energy policy to meet the common objective of energy security is recognized.
• At an operational level, commensurate investment would be required in developing infrastructure viz. rail, road, port and power transmission which are critical for efficiency in the energy value chain.
Looking at the subject in totality, the Government has developed a comprehensive planning framework through the Indian Hydrocarbon Vision 2025 that provides a detailed road map for Indian hydrocarbon industry to enhance the country's Energy Security.
It is evident that one of the principal focus of the Indian Hydrocarbon Vision is to draw private investments through structural and pricing adjustments in specific energy sub sectors.
Private participation in the form of financial, technological and managerial are needed to meet the challenging growth targets. This would also bring in right competition and efficiencies, needed in the sector. Recognizing this, the GOI has allowed private participation in Oil and Gas exploration and production, coal mining (albeit for captive use) and in hydro power and renewable energy. NELP for oil and gas allows 100 percent foreign equity investment and is liberal in allowing self-marketing by the investors.
To sustain continued private participation, a number of important steps have to be taken further.
There is a need to evolve a clear policy framework for the energy sector. Clarity is required in matters related to pricing of energy, the target market structure, cross-border investments and imports and exports of energy products. In India, clarity is beginning to emerge in some of these areas and debates have been initiated in others.
An independent regulator is required for the energy sector to determine prices in the first instance and once competition develops to ensure that there is a level playing field for all. Today there is much inefficiency in energy sector pricing due to the monopolistic market structure. Prices are either self determined by the monopoly companies or in some cases inappropriately priced according to import parity prices. There has been adequate debate on this issue and it appears that sooner than later India will have full fledged regulators for the energy sector.
Well functioning energy markets are important to attract investments and bring efficiency in the sector. Currently, there is limited market activity (examples are an internet portal based trading for a limited quantity in case of coal and auctioning in case of gas for limited quantities). Markets will be facilitated and effective when there are many players and there is an organized marketplace for energy products.
Besides, the Indian Government is also seriously exploring the nuclear option to meet its energy needs and it is looking at co-operation in this area with the nuclear suppliers' group countries.
Investments in ports, railways, pipelines and power transmission are urgently needed to attract energy sector investments in the first place and to enable efficient energy choices. Today, the capacities of these infrastructures are fully stressed and there is much inefficiency. Recognizing this, the Government has announced policies to involve private participation and India is witnessing private investment in ports, pipelines and power transmission. Even in case of railways, the Government has recently announced a policy decision to open container transportation to private sector on a common-carrier principle using the existing railroads.
The taxes and duties levied on energy products are lopsided leading to inefficient energy choices. Taxes on petroleum products such as aviation fuel for example are among the highest in the world while railway passenger tariffs are highly subsidized. Likewise, there are high subsidies for household cooking fuels such as kerosene and Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) and even electricity for domestic consumption. The need for cost reflective pricing is being increasingly recognized as exemplified by the recent Rangarajan Committee Report, the Roadmap for LPG price rationalization by the Government as well as the recent notification of the power tariff policy of the Government.
The Government needs to create a policy framework that provides incentives for energy efficiency. This could for example mean providing incentives in urban areas for mass transport systems, and promoting R&D in energy efficiency. The environment should encourage energy efficiency companies to come up and operate profitably. Awareness has been steadily increasing and policy makers are now thinking on how this can be achieved.
In parallel, India is also emerging as a significantly active market in terms of Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects being conceptualized and registered with the Executive Board (EB). The growing awareness of the CDM benefits would make this an important area for investments in the Indian energy sector. CDM should also give the necessary fillip for energy efficiency measures in India.
The Government of India is recognizing the importance of private sector participation, and independent regulation in the energy sector. The future holds a lot of opportunities for international and domestic private participation.


Thinking outside the box, you must be kidding, everything you said, the echo show has been doing for 2 years now.
"This is from a source with no reputable history." Therefore, instead of combating bad journalism, you're just going to pass that information along.
This channel used to provide decent content. It's just turned into producing as much content as possible regardless of validity. You're starting to put your bank account before your audience.
Wonder if the HomePod2 will be able to play from UZclip, SoundCloud...etc. There should be HomePod minis too for the other rooms in your house if you wanted more than one.


I was able to work on a fun project this week which inspired me to finally finish up the kitchen clip art that I had laying around from when I illustrated a recipe book for my mom for last Christmas (see parts of it here.) I love how it turned out! Find it in the store.
Since some people were having problems with the downloads from Mediafire, I have added a link to download the Hello freebies from Dropbox. You can do so HERE.


In this article, we have collected 17 new best Responsive websites themes of 22nd November 2014. This themes are well-designed and have lots of great features.
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Item Reviewed: 17 New Best Responsive Themes (22 Nov 2014) 9 out of 10 based on 10 ratings. 9 user reviews.


Cost is $20.00 per person-All proceeds go towards military veterans and their families in need of assistance along with a portion of the funds raised to Camp Maple Leaf.
Free – MFRC bandanas to first 50 Riders Registered.
ALL REGISTERED MOTORCYCLE RIDERS FOR THIS EVENT WILL DEPART THOMBOYS AT 11:15 HRS FOR A BEAUTIFUL 2 ½ HOUR SCENIC RIDE LEAD BY THE CANADIAN VETERAN FREEDOM RIDERS, WITH A 30 MINUTE STOPOVER AT Tim Horton's in WIARTON .
Check out the following websites for more information along with the attached flyer and photos.


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Alcibio Mesquita Nunes (Cruz Alta, 9 de janeiro de 1957), conhecido como Bibo Nunes, é um comunicador e político brasileiro filiado ao Partido Liberal (PL). Atualmente exerce seu primeiro mandato de deputado federal pelo Rio Grande do Sul, tendo sido eleito pelo extinto Partido Social Liberal (PSL). Até abril de 2021, Bibo apresentou alinhamento de 99% com o governo Bolsonaro nas votações da Câmara dos Deputados.

Vida e carreira
Natural de Cruz Alta, no interior do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Bibo Nunes é filho de Antonio Carlos Gomes Nunes e de Elza Mesquita Nunes.

Começou sua carreira como jornalista em 1976, na Rádio Cruz Alta. Em 1979, foi apresentador e repórter na RBS TV Cruz Alta e no ano seguinte, se tornou correspondente do jornal Zero Hora. Em 1982, Bibo mudou-se para Porto Alegre, onde fez parte da equipe do telejornal Meio-Dia: A Hora Local, na TV Bandeirantes Rio Grande do Sul.  Em 1984, Bibo Nunes também estreou como locutor na rádio Universal FM.

Meios de comunicação
Em 1991, Bibo Nunes assumiu o cargo de presidente da Fundação Piratini, gestora das emissoras de rádio e televisão públicas do Rio Grande do Sul, sendo presidente da TVE RS e diretor da FM Cultura, durante o governo de Alceu Collares. A sua administração à frente da Fundação Piratini foi polêmica e modernizadora. Ao mesmo tempo em que a TVE aumentou a programação local e instalou retransmissoras em todo o estado, Bibo foi acusado de utilizar a emissora para propaganda pessoal.

Em 1998, Bibo Nunes estreou o programa Bibo Show no Canal 20 (atual Bah TV). Posteriormente, o nome do programa foi renomeado para Bibo Nunes Show e passou pela Ulbra TV e pela TV Urbana.

Bibo Nunes é casado e pai de dois filhos: Antônio Carlos e Camila Nunes. É torcedor do Sport Club Internacional.

Recebeu o título de cidadão honorário de Porto Alegre, concedido pelo vereador Pedro Américo Leal (PP), em 2004 e o Troféu Câmara de Porto Alegre, concedido por Alceu Brasinha (PTB), em 2009.

Deputado federal
Foi candidato a deputado federal pelo Partido Social Democrático (PSD) em 2014, e a vereador de Porto Alegre pelo Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB, hoje MDB), em 2016, não sendo eleito em nenhuma das vezes. Em 2018, Bibo Nunes candidatou-se novamente ao cargo de deputado federal pelo Partido Social Liberal (PSL), sendo eleito com 1,57% do eleitorado (91.664 votos). Nas eleições gerais no Brasil em 2022 foi candidato a reeleição como deputado federal, mas não foi eleito e recebeu 15 mil votos a menos em relação ao pleito de 2018. Porém, com a impugnação da candidatura de Marlon Santos, Nunes assumirá seu lugar para uma segunda legislatura na Câmara Federal.

Em seu mandato na câmara, Bibo cronologicamente votou a favor da MP 867 (que segundo ambientalistas alteraria o Código Florestal anistiando desmatadores); contra criminalizar responsáveis por rompimento de barragens; a favor da PEC da Reforma da Previdência e contra excluir os professores nas regras da mesma; a favor da MP da Liberdade Econômica; contra Alteração no Fundo Eleitoral; contra aumento do Fundo Partidário; a favor de cobrança de bagagem por companhias aéreas; contra incluir políticas LGBTs na pasta de Direitos Humanos; a favor do PL 3723 que regulamenta a prática de atiradores e caçadores; a favor do "Pacote Anti-crime" de Sergio Moro; a favor do Novo Marco Legal do Saneamento; contra redução do Fundo Eleitoral; a favor da suspensão do mandato do deputado Wilson Santiago (PTB/PB), acusado de corrupção; contra ajuda financeira aos estados durante a pandemia de COVID-19 (primeiro texto); a favor do Contrato Verde e Amarelo; a favor da MP 910 (conhecida como MP da Grilagem); a favor da flexibilização de regras trabalhistas durante a pandemia; a favor do congelamento do salário dos servidores; a favor da anistia da dívida das igrejas; a favor da convocação de uma Convenção Interamericana contra o Racismo; duas vezes a favor de destinar verbas do novo FUNDEB para escolas ligadas às igrejas; a favor da autonomia do Banco Central; contra a manutenção da prisão do deputado bolsonarista Daniel Silveira (PSL/RJ); a favor da validação da PEC da Imunidade Parlamentar; a favor da PEC Emergencial (que trata do retorno do auxílio emergencial por mais três meses e com valor mais baixo); a favor que empresas possam comprar vacinas da COVID-19 sem doar ao SUS; a favor de classificar a educação como "serviço essencial" (possibilitando o retorno das aulas presenciais durante a pandemia); a favor de acabar com o Licenciamento Ambiental para diversas atividades e a favor da privatização da Eletrobras.

Notabilizou-se por ser um dos maiores aliados do presidente Jair Bolsonaro na Câmera dos Deputados e nas redes sociais. Fez parte da comitiva de parlamentares do PSL que viajou à China para conhecer o sistema de reconhecimento facial. Posteriormente, Bibo Nunes foi autor de um projeto de lei que visa tornar a tecnologia obrigatória em todos os espaços públicos. A proposta de Bibo Nunes foi criticada pela organização Human Rights Watch, que a considerou como uma forma de vigilância em massa que abre espaço para abusos e uma tecnologia que levanta sérias dúvidas sobre sua confiabilidade e potencial para discriminação de minorias.

Controvérsias

Defesa pelo fim do isolamento social durante a Pandemia de COVID-19
Durante a pandemia do COVID-19 no Brasil, Bibo Nunes foi um dos defensores do fim do isolamento social, afirmando em um debate que "Este vírus acelera a morte de quem está pra morrer. No mundo inteiro, quem morre são idosos, pessoas que já estão sendo encaminhadas para a morte. Não quer dizer que estou a favor da morte, porque todos vão morrer. Inclusive eu e vocês. Então, aceitar a morte é algo natural, e não tem o porquê de fazer o isolamento total que quebra a economia".

Recomendação de desaprovação das contas
A área técnica do Tribunal Regional Eleitoral recomendou que as contas de campanha de Bibo Nunes fossem desaprovadas, pois foi constatado que, ao se candidatar para deputado federal, recebeu uma única doação feita por um estrangeiro, o que é ilegal pela legislação eleitoral brasileira. O doador, chamado Juan Antonio Bruno Perroni, é um uruguaio não-naturalizado que é empresário da indústria fumageira e foi condenado em duas instâncias pela Justiça Federal por falsificar selos de controle de IPI de embalagens de cigarro.

Notícia falsa envolvendo o STF
No dia 15 de janeiro de 2021, com o agravamento da pandemia de COVID-19 em Manaus, José Luiz Datena concedeu espaço em seu programa de televisão ao presidente Jair Bolsonaro. O presidente repetiu diversas vezes que o STF o impediu de combater a pandemia de COVID-19, o que é mentira. Devido a repercussão das declarações, o próprio STF desmentiu o presidente em uma nota. Segundo o levantamento do Aos Fatos, a notícia falsa de Bolsonaro reproduzida no programa foi posteriormente disseminada em redes sociais por dois deputados para tentar tirar a culpa do presidente Jair Bolsonaro pela situação de Manaus e transferir para o STF. São eles: Bibo Nunes (PSL-RS) e Marco Feliciano (Republicanos-SP).

Gastos com jantares, outdoors e carros de luxo
Em 2019, Bibo Nunes causou polêmica ao usar verba parlamentar para pagar refeições durante o Carnaval, quando não havia expediente na Câmara. No ano seguinte, ele foi o parlamentar gaúcho que teve maior aumento de despesas na comparação com o ano anterior. Além disso, usou verba parlamentar para pagar um jantar numa churrascaria em Porto Alegre em comemoração à vitória de Sebastião Melo na eleição municipal. Em entrevista ao jornal Zero Hora, ele criticou a economia de recursos públicos:

Em 2021, Bibo Nunes envolvou-se em outra polêmica ao gastar quarenta mil reais de verba parlamentar para instalar outdoors de autopromoção no Rio Grande do Sul. No mesmo ano, ele gerou repercussão nacional ao gastar em torno de sessenta mil reais mensais de dinheiro público para aluguel de carros de luxo na empresa de um assessor especial de Jair Bolsonaro. Ele afirmou que sempre andou nesse tipo de carro e que não "abaixaria o seu estilo de vida":

Sugestão de queimar estudantes vivos
Em uma transmissão ao vivo nas redes sociais em 9 de outubro de 2022, Bibo Nunes sugeriu queimar estudantes da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (UFSM) que se manifestaram contra o corte de verbas promovido pelo Governo Federal contra as instituições de ensino superior. Na ocasião, o deputado disse que o ato deveria ser realizado aos moldes das cenas retratadas no filme Tropa de Elite, em que pessoas foram queimada vivas enquanto estavam presas dentro de pneus. Bibo disse que os estudantes "são a vergonha, a escória do mundo", que eles "têm que viver no lixo, no esgoto" porque "não produzem nada", "são uns coitados, uns miseráveis". As declarações foram criticadas, para além do respectivo conteúdo, pois se direcionavam a moradores da cidade de Santa Maria, onde se localiza a UFSM, que enfrentou a tragédia do incêndio que matou dezenas de pessoas na boate Kiss.

Desempenho eleitoral

Ligações externas

 Bibo Nunes no YouTube

Naturais de Cruz Alta (Rio Grande do Sul)
Apresentadores de televisão do Rio Grande do Sul
Deputados federais do Brasil pelo Rio Grande do Sul
Membros do Partido Social Liberal
Membros do Partido Social Democrático (2011) do Rio Grande do Sul
Membros do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira
Membros do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (1980)
Membros do Patriota (Brasil)
Vereadores de Cruz Alta (Rio Grande do Sul)
Membros do Partido Liberal (2006)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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South Thoresby is a village and civil parish in the East Lindsey district of Lincolnshire, England. It is situated  north-east from Horncastle and  south-east from Louth. Its population was 128 in 2011.

The village is the site of the studio where Arctic Monkeys recorded their debut album Whatever People Say I Am, That's What I'm Not (2006).

Geography
South Thoresby is about  east from the A16 in the Lincolnshire Wolds. The civil parish extends much further to the south, over the A16 and to include the hamlets of Calceby (a former medieval village) and Driby, extending southwards to Langton by Spilsby. To the south-west is Haugh. It lies close to the northern boundary with Aby with Greenfield.

Community

The parish council administers Swaby, South Thoresby, and Haugh, although these are separate civil parishes.

South Thoresby church is dedicated to Saint Andrew, and dates from 1738. It was restored in 1872. It replaced an earlier church, which was abandoned by 1735.

The local public house is the Vine Inn, which was originally built in 1508. The present building appears to date from the 18th century.

Within the parish is Singleton Birch, a chalk quarry.

Nature reserve

The South Thoresby Warren nature reserve opened in 2007, and was officially declared a Local Nature Reserve in 2008.  Birds seen there include the yellowhammer, bullfinches, great tits and buzzards. Plants there include the common spotted orchid, the Yorkshire fog, the common mouse-ear, the bristly ox-tongue, the silverweed, the self-heal and the common centaury.

References

External links

 "South Thoresby", Genuki. Retrieved 26 May 2012
 "South Thoresby", Lincolnshirewolds.info. Retrieved 26 May 2012
 Singleton Birch quarry

Villages in Lincolnshire
Civil parishes in Lincolnshire
East Lindsey District
Local Nature Reserves in Lincolnshire


Add a safe tint to you natural lashes that lasts 2-3 weeks. Great for those with lighter colored lashes.
Eyelash extensions are individual, synthetic lashes that are applied one by one to your natural eyelashes. Lash extensions give instant length, thickness and curl without the daily hassle of mascara. Your eyes will be instantly lifted and more noticeable. When applied properly, lash extensions look completely natural and real even close up. The process is completely painless and damage free.
How it's done: when you come in for an apt. you want to make sure you're lashes are clean and fresh (make up free). The lash tech then gently tapes down the bottom lashes. (so they don't join the top ones!) Your lashes are then primed and the application begins! I separate each lash individually and place a thin extension on top of your natural lash with a medical-grade lash adhesive.
Classic Lashes (also known as 'individual eyelash extensions') have been around for years now. Classics were the first original method of a single false lash being placed onto a single natural lash. We aim for a flawless natural look is to have every single natural lash attached to a false lash in order to achieve a fuller, longer look. The process of classic lashes takes anywhere between 1.5 – 2 hours.
*Please note: Volume is an advanced technique that only the experienced and highly skilled lash artist can offer. Sadly, there are a lot of technicians offering this treatment, but they are not correctly trained and are using incorrect techniques, or overloading the natural lashes with classic lashes and presenting it as volume lashes, this can cause damage.
Volume is perfect for the client who desires a more glamorous and thicker looking set than can be achieved with classic lashes. Volume is also an excellent option for an older client with sparse natural lashes, where extra coverage and a soft fluffy look is desired.
Is an advanced technique that only the experienced and highly skilled lash artist can offer. Sadly, there are a lot of technicians offering this treatment, but they are not correctly trained and are using incorrect techniques, or overloading the natural lashes with classic lashes and presenting it as volume lashes, this can cause damage.
We do not use pre-made fans, each fan is handmade and customized for the clients lash needs. The fans we use are made with ultra-fine extensions, that are hand created at the time of application by the lash artist. The lash artist skillfully creates bouquets of eyelash extensions that are then placed onto the natural lash in a fanned effect, to create extra fluff, coverage and fullness than cannot be created with classic extensions. Although we use multiple extensions, the fan is still placed onto one individually isolated natural lash in a method that encases the natural lash, and results in great retention with zero damage. 3 hours.
This is for new clients (someone who has seen another artist) This is a longer application time which allows more lashes and get your set fuller or pick through lashes that were done incorrectly. Up to 1 hour, 30min.
We ask that you arrive to your appointment with clean lashes, this allows the lash artist to have more time devoted to applying as many lashes as possible during your appointment. If you're coming straight from work with makeup on etc. we can provide you with make-up remover if you arrive a few minutes before your scheduled appointment time.
This single act can cause the most damage and can result in poor growth of your natural lash. If your lash extensions are causing discomfort, let us know! This could be an allergic reaction, as you can develop one at anytime with your course of wearing lash extensions, or improper application of your lash extensions. Lashes should never feel like they are poking you!
Oils break the glue bond from your eyelash extension to your natural lash. If the glue bond is weak, you'll lose lashes! With this in mind, choose oil free facial cleansers and lotions. Gel, cream, and pencil eyeliners are a big no no. Only use felt or pen tipped liners!! Be sure to check the ingredients on the back, as oil is contained in other ingredients, such as glycerin. It's also good to avoid touching your lashes since we naturally produce oils in our body. Some people have more oily skin then others so it's crucial to follow aftercare to keep the adhesive strong!
Gym goers/runners/etc! The salt in our sweat [as well as our tears] breaks down the adhesive just like oils do. After your workout/tear session cleanse those lashes to prevent premature shedding! Humidity is not our lashes' friend either; so saunas are a no-go. As far as vacationing, the elevation in humidity will play a role in your retention, plan on scheduling your fill when you get back!
Brushing your lashes on a daily basis can be one of the easiest ways to make sure your lashes last. By brushing daily, you not only ensure that your lashes look their best, but it stimulates new lash growth. Try to only brush them once or twice a day.
Natural oils, debris, dead skin cells, all of these will get trapped in your lash line and affect your retention. If you do neglect cleaning your lashes, it can very likely lead to some gross outcomes.
HOW DO YOU WASH YOUR LASHES?
An extension safe foam cleanser and a fluffy soft eyeshadow brush will be your best friend. ONLY use outward/downward motions and rinse very very well. NEVER BRUSH YOUR LASHES WET. Pat them dry with a soft paper towel (never use cotton balls or Q-tips) and then brush when dry. Another great way to dry them is to use a blow dryer on cool, keeping at arms length away.
If you feel like you need to swipe just a little bit to get you to your next fill.... you are waiting too long in between your fills! If you put mascara on volume lashes it will clump majorly.
Try not to sleep on your face. This can make your lashes fall out! So let's keep the lashes on your face, not your pillow. Even side sleepers can make those beautiful outer lashes fall off sooner than later. Get a satin/silk pillowcase or a sleeping mask for lash wearers (we do sell).
Don't get too close to anything with a lot of heat (campfires, steam rooms, ovens, taking the lid off of a pot, and even in rare cases, hair dryers that are going full blast). Volume lashes are especially susceptible to being singed since they are much thinner.
Once your lashes are exposed to this kind of heat, there's no amount of combing or magic that's going to fix it. You will have to get a removal and new set!


OpenShot Video Editor 2.1 recently released, is a free, open-source video editor that allows you to take videos, photos, and music files and create a movie you have always dreamed of. You can easily add sub-titles, transitions, and effects, and then export your film to DVD, YouTube, Vimeo, Xbox 360, and many other formats. OpenShot Video Editor 2.1 changelog Misc Improvements Custom Profile Support Improved 1.


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Having an active Corporate Social Responsibility role is our way of giving something back; to our employees, our community and the wider environment. A successful business should be more than the strength of the bottom line; for us it's about making a positive difference in our locality and the wider world and by helping those who find themselves in less fortunate circumstances. It's not all one way though; by getting involved through many different projects we can ensure a dynamic learning environment, making Resonate a rewarding and stimulating place to work, and this is reflected in the service we offer our clients.
Alison takes an active role in supporting local and national charities through her roles as a Non-Executive Director and Trustee for two charities; the Well Project, based in Normanton, in West Yorkshire, and the Support Adoption For Pets, a charity based in the North West of England, which offers sanctuary to homeless pets and supports animal charities across the UK.
Alison is a Non-Executive Director and Trustee of two charities, the Well Project and the Support Adoption for Pets.
The Well Project is a community centred charity based in Normanton, West Yorkshire. It works across the whole community by providing positive activities for all ages at its two buildings situated in different areas in the town. The project hosts a variety of events including youth clubs, OAP friendly groups, coffee mornings and walking groups as well as offering counselling spaces, and budgeting and debt guidance.
The Well Project was started over seven years ago. Concerned about the anti-social behaviour of young people from across the town volunteers went out onto the streets to engage with young people, who were hanging around on the streets with nothing to do and nowhere to go. The project has come a long way since the early days when volunteers worked from the back of a minibus.
The purchase and renovation of a derelict building gave the project a permanent base and enabled it to offer an expanded programme of activities for the wider community. Since then the project has opened a second community space, The Well @ Haw Hill Park, which houses the Trussell Trust food bank and clothing bank.
The Support Adoption for Pets is a registered charity based in the North West of England, near Manchester, but which also has national reach. Established in 2006 the charity gives abandoned and homeless small animals a second chance at happiness. It provides a safe haven for rabbits, guinea pigs, hamsters, gerbils, rats, chinchillas and in some cases reptiles, until a new home can be found. In addition to the 372 pet re-homing centres the charity is also the UK's number one grant giving animal charity, supporting over 1,000 animal charities across the UK.
Through the public's generous help Support Adoption for Pets can offer a lifeline to hundreds of re-homing centres every year and provide sanctuary for unwanted pets, who find themselves homeless through no fault of their own. Support is offered in many different ways; through charity partnering, reallocation of damaged stock, grant application and enabling rescue centres to upload their details onto the charity's rescue directory to highlight pets in their care looking for a new home. The charity also runs various fundraising events throughout the year.
Staff Training as Dementia Friends
Here at Resonate we are training to become Dementia Friends and Dementia Friends Champions to help make a real difference in the wider community. Dementia is caused when the brain is damaged by a disease, such as Alzheimer's disease, or through a series of strokes. The symptoms of this degenerative condition can include memory loss and difficulties with thinking, problem solving or language.
It's important that as many people as possible have an understanding of dementia and what it's like to live with it. Through this greater understanding we can all have a positive impact on those living with dementia; that's why we're training to become Dementia Friends and Dementia Friends Champions.
A Dementia Friend learns a little bit more about what it's like to live with dementia and then puts this understanding into action. There are many ways to help, such as telling friends and family about Dementia Friends and increasing awareness of the condition, visiting someone you know with dementia or getting involved in campaigns to help improve the lives of people living with dementia. Every little action helps to make a difference.
Dementia Friends Champions are volunteers who encourage others to make a positive difference to people living with dementia in the community. This can be done by providing information on the personal impact of dementia and the different ways to help.
With greater understanding we can all make a difference by being more patient when dealing with people. This can make life pleasanter for everyone but it can make a huge difference for someone living with dementia.
Members of staff are keen to put all this learning to good use and that's why every year every member of staff volunteers at a local community project for a day. By getting out of the office and into the community we can help those who live in less fortunate circumstances. We know business is not all about the bottom line; it's about people too. Volunteering in the community helps us to remain focused on the important issues; and it's great fun too.
To help increase our understanding of what it's like to live with dementia and the positive impact we can have on a personal level we also volunteer in a local care home to help support people living with dementia. Treating everyone as a valued individual is our core ethos and these volunteering roles help us to remember the importance of each individual person.
Our Charities of the Year
This year we are supporting Cancer Research and Children in Need through a variety of fundraising events and activities. We are working to help these two very important charities.
Cancer Research funds 4,000 scientists, doctors and nurses in the UK. It funds all levels of research including drug discovery, basic cell biology, clinical trials, public health and biomarker research, as well as helping to inform government decisions related to cancer and research through the development of evidence-based policy.
Research has helped to improve the cancer survival rate, which in the 1970s was only a quarter but it now half those diagnosed with cancer. The charity's aim is to bring forward the day when all cancers are cured.
Children in Need is the BBC's UK corporate charity. Ever since the first Christmas Day Appeal in 1927 and the first televised appeal in 1955 Children in Need has caught the public's imagination. So far the charity has raised £740 million and has made a real difference to the lives of children across the UK helping to ensure they are safe, happy and secure and given a chance to reach their full potential.
These two charities make a real difference to the lives of millions of people and we are proud to play our part in helping to support these great causes.
Watch this space for details of our fundraising activities.
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Does anyone have any experience using the Compu-boards(Measurement Computing) PCMCIA GPIB card with VEE? Someone previously mentioned using a National Instruments card successfully.
Any comments on which one is better?


text:
2017 marching band show "Amour" announced
Riddhi Andurkar
In 2014, the Marching Redhawks show was titled "The Gift." In 2015, it was "No One Shall Sleep." In 2016, "Red." But next year's season will bring a new style of music for the musicians in the 2017 Marching Redhawks.
"The working title for this year's show is called 'Amour,' the French derivative of love," Brandon Estes, head director of the Marching Redhawks, said. "It tells a love story using contrasting music that gives contrasting moods. A love story is not always puppies and rainbows and flowers. With any good love story, there's always conflict; there's always some calm before the storm. Things are happy, then things usually go dark or sad and usually on the back end we come out and things are great again."
Junior drum major Maria Rottersman has been participating in the Marching Redhawks since the 2014 season.
"[Amour] features selections from Palovtsian Dances 3 and 8 from 'Prince Igor' by Borodin, 'La vie en rose' by Edith Piaf and 'Time to Say Goodbye' by Sartori," Rottersman said. "This is a special show for me. The title of our show reflects the passion I feel for this band."
Junior Rashmi Kumar, who is a flute section leader for the 2017 season, is also looking forward to the new challenges that this show will bring.
"During orientation, I heard a pretty crazy-sounding woodwind feature," Kumar said. "I think it'll be quite the fun challenge to work on it myself and work with the other flutes to make it as flawless as possible. We've done it in the past and we can definitely do it again, hopefully even better this year."
There are high school marching bands that are known for playing a certain genre of music, but Central's Marching Redhawks get to explore a variety of music styles each season.
"You might find a school that typically does a jazz show or a classical music show," Estes said. "We do something different every year. We want to give a them different experience each year. We want them to have new musical journeys."
There are a few factors that co-directors Dan Romano and Estes must take into consideration when brainstorming and then deciding the show for the next season. They must think of a show that is suitable for the students, challenging but not too challenging and one that the audience will enjoy.
According to Estes, the current enrollment for the 2017 season is slightly above 100 participants.
"Before I joined [the Marching Redhawks], I didn't have a lot of interest and didn't plan on continuing for more than a year," Rottersman said. "But when I got to know my peers in band, I knew this was my home. I am so grateful that now, three years later, I am still a part of this organization, and that Emily [Gray] and I get to serve the band as co-drum majors."
Kumar agrees with Rottersman and says that being a part of the Marching Redhawks has been a really special experience.
"Some of my most favorite memories have been with the Marching Redhawks," Kumar said. "Marching band is so much more than just marching down the streets during parades. All our efforts go into creating a show that we are all proud of in the end and will remember forever.
Estes, along with the design team and the music arrangers, is working hard to make this show a success.
"Each show is unique, which means different challenges or different opportunities for growth or learning that the students get," Estes said. "I don't know exactly what I'm hoping to get out of it other than the students to have an enjoyable show and have something they can walk away from feeling positive and rewarding about."
Riddhi Andurkar, Managing Editor, Features Columnist
Riddhi Andurkar is a senior and it is her second year on the Central Times Editorial Board. She is the Managing Editor and Features Columnist. Outside of school, Riddhi enjoys reading and she loves music. She has been pursuing three forms of music from a young age. Riddhi loves science and loves to write. She plans to pursue science journalism in the future.
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Most of the country's low rainfall areas are prone to seasonal droughts resulting in serious water supply problems for both humans and animals.
Participants at a national workshop on sustainable smallholder irrigation development organised by the Food and Agriculture Organisation – Smallholder Irrigation Support Programme (FAO — SIP) in conjunction with the Irrigation Working Group recently, say sand abstraction can help promote the growth of irrigation as an instrument to fight hunger and poverty.
Ricky Forster, a sand abstraction expert told participants at this FAO workshop which was held in Harare recently that about 10 000 hectares of land in Matabeleland South alone could be put under irrigation if efforts are made to harness the potential of sand abstraction in this drought prone province alone.
"Without Government involvement, most irrigation schemes cannot be sustainable," he told experts at this meeting.
Palentini also said there was greater scope to promote centre pivots and hose reel irrigation systems in the country as seen in successful pilot schemes at the Valley Irrigation Scheme in Kezi and others at Mugore.
The experts together with smallholder farmers who attended the meeting discussed extensively strategies that could improve production and productivity while at the same time increasing farmers' resilience and coping mechanisms to climate change effects.
Irrigation farming is vital, especially in dry regions where there are more failed crops. This calls for greater support for the local community's livelihood.
The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) in partnership with the Ministry of Agriculture, Mechanisation and Irrigation Development have rehabilitated a number of irrigation schemes after years of neglect.
Despite the numerous challenges encountered, this augurs well with the country's National Agriculture Policy Framework and the drive to make Zimbabwe a middle- income economy by 2030.