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The Politics of Mourning
Nonfiction by Rafael Lemus
Translated from Spanish by
"Acapulco, September 18 [2010]. Two unidentified men, decapitated in the town of Coyuca de Catalán. Heads thrown into a soft-drink bottling plant from two moving vehicles. One has its eyes masked with gray industrial adhesive tape. The bodies have not been identified." "Juárez, Chihuahua, December 27 [2010]. On Jarudo and Sierra Candelaria streets, in the community of Jarudo, two young students were riddled with holes and charred by Molotov cocktails in the red Silverado pickup in which they were travelling. The first, aged 18, was a student at the Colegio de Bachilleres, and the second a student on the Physical Education course at Chihuahua University; their names as yet unknown." "Aguascalientes, Aguascalientes. February 19 [2011]. A man was found dead, his throat slit, on the state's Highway 77 East." "Acapulco, Guerrero, March 7 [2011]. Police discover three heads in plastic bags in the tunnel connecting the port with the outskirts of the city. A message was found bearing the announcement that the acts had been perpetrated in reprisal for a murder carried out during an attempted kidnapping." "Chihuahua, April 26 [2011]. Two young women were shot dead in the Barrio Azul community. The victims' names have not been released."[1]
To begin like that, by laying out a few crimes, recalling a few deaths, might be seen as suspect: an overly sensationalist start, an early bit of emotional blackmail. But this is precisely our subject, men and women murdered in Mexico from December 2006 to date, and what is to be done about it: there's just no way we can talk about this subject and simultaneously dodge the eschatological and affective aspects that go along with it. How many deaths are we talking about, exactly? According to official figures released by President Felipe Calderón on January 12, 2011 it's 34,612—that is, 34,612 homicides related to illegal drug trafficking and the federal government's fight against organized crime. By today, at the start of June 2011, this figure has already been exceeded and must have surpassed forty thousand homicides—and counting. What do we know about these crimes? What we do know, or at least have known for five months, thanks to the extraordinary investigation carried out by Fernando Escalante Gonzalbo (in his report "Homicides 2008–2009: Death Is Granted Permission," Nexos, January 2011), is that violence in Mexico has increased dramatically over the last three and a half years. What we do know is that after two decades of a systematic downward trend, the national homicide rate shot up by fifty percent in 2008 and a further fifty percent in 2009. What we do know is that in 2008 there were 5,207 executions, another 6,587 in 2009, and that in the last year alone there were 15,237 homicides recorded that were linked to organized crime. It is also quite clear that violence rose in every state in the republic (excepting only one: Yucatán), and that the greatest increases took place precisely in those zones where the famous "military operations" were implemented. The most brutal example of all this is, of course, Ciudad Juárez: in 2007—the year that saw the start of the military operation in the area—there was a rate of 14.4 homicides per hundred thousand inhabitants; three years later this had already reached 108.5 homicides per hundred thousand inhabitants, the highest rate of any city in the world. What do we know about those killed? Considerably less, and not all of it reliable. According to the Secretariat of Public Security, 2,076 municipal, federal, and state police were assassinated in Mexico between December 2006 and August of last year[2]. According to the National Commission on Human Rights, between January 2006 and March 2011, 8,898 unidentified bodies were buried in the country and 5,397 people were reported missing[3]. According to one news report, which has by now been superseded, during the Calderón administration 647 dead bodies were discovered in 156 secret graves[4]. According to other figures, sprinkled here and there in newspapers and on Web sites, something like fifty percent of people who are riddled by hails of gunfire, in face-to-face confrontations and settlings of scores, are never identified, and at least twelve thousand bodies that were never identified have been buried in mass graves up and down the country over a period of four and a half years. Though to call them bodies suggests there's more to them than there often is; rather: heads, trunks, arms, legs, feet, decomposed or charred, bullet-ridden or mutilated, from which is hung a little tag with the initials NN—no name. No name. This is the most visible product of these four and a half years of fighting against organized crime: a vast, shapeless heap of dead bodies in which the corpses of drug barons and soldiers and hit men and policemen lie side by side, all jumbled up together, with mayors and kidnappees and kidnappers and dealers and migrants and coyotes (smugglers of migrants) and peasants and workers and journalists and civilians, thousands of them nameless and buried in mass graves, without any ceremony or any mourning. This is the image that for some time has been occupying and saturating public debate in Mexico: an undefined, unspeakable heap of corpses, so large and heavy that it distorts space and pulls every conversation toward it. It's at this point that the eyes and the voices of countless public figures have ended up coming together: with all the reasons that provided support to the federal campaign against drug-trafficking now left behind, a growing number of writers and academics and journalists and bloggers and tweeters have ended up focusing their attention on the effects of that campaign—that is, on the dead. How many are there? Who are they? How can they be explained? It is, indeed, no exaggeration to say that today, at the heart of Mexico's public arena, there's a heated dispute underway: a dispute over these dead—whether to deny them or to name them, to stigmatize or martyr them, to silence them or give them meaning. The dead are there, in their thousands, mute and powerless, relatively anonymous, and there is no shortage of social actors who are fighting to appropriate them and to integrate them somehow or other into their different ideological discourses.
It is often said that the federal government does not have a strategy—a clear, robust, sustainable strategy—for fighting organized crime. Only very occasionally does anyone add that they do make use of a handful of very obvious communications tactics in order to try and minimize the consequences of this fight. At first, when the facts about the increase in violence had not yet managed to sneak their way into public opinion, the maneuver consisted simply in denying the increase, attributing it to an alleged media illusion. Calderón himself, along with the heads of the different government ministries and those in charge of the security services, insisted that the number of crimes had not increased, that the only thing that had increased was the amount of attention the media were paying them, and they even reprimanded the press and television for publicizing crimes that were not more regular but merely more spectacular than they had previously been. Later on, when evidence had begun to demonstrate that homicides were indeed increasing, and even now, when we have confirmation that they have skyrocketed, the government insisted, and insists, on localizing the problem: they accept that violence has flared up, but—they add—only in certain places. For example, Alejandro Poiré, the sinister technical secretary of the Council of National Security, stated: "70 percent of homicides took place in 85 of the country's municipalities."[5] He gives itemized detail: 36 percent of them occurred in only four municipalities—figures with which he wants to demonstrate that "the violence that embodies this conflict is not widespread across the whole country," and that it would appear to be a little local issue: something to do with local councils and municipal representatives and unions. Since it's also not all that easy to hide violence, the government chooses less and less to deny it or localize it, and more and more to ascribe it almost exclusively to the drug cartels. In the official rhetoric, violence does exist: it's a violence perpetrated by gangs of drug traffickers on other gangs of drug traffickers. A cause exists, too: the realigning of power between these gangs. The confrontations and executions have multiplied, so the argument goes, because the government campaign has been effective, and that with the capture or elimination of certain drug barons, power vacuums have been created within the cartels which the hit men are using bullets to fill. That is to say, the increase in crime is a demonstration that the government is winning the war against criminal gangs. That is not the only absurdity: logic is also twisted to indicate the culpability of drug traffickers without any recognition of the culpability of the State itself. Or to put it another way: they hide the fact that the number of homicides—which are doubtless committed, unjustifiably and inexcusably, by the criminal gangs—only soared when the State undertook a disorganized, improvised crusade against them, and most of all in those places where it was most in operation. At this point it hardly even matters any more whether or not the crusade was necessary. Four and a half years after the start of this campaign it's obvious that the government is directly responsible for the escalation in violence, and that it is also their responsibility to put a stop to it and return things to the way they used to be. The federal government's policy concerning the approximately forty thousand dead is no less irresponsible. They state, almost mechanically: the victims are not victims but murderers, the dead were members of criminal gangs and they have been executed by other criminal gangs. The National Security Council specifies: eighty-nine of every hundred deaths were linked to drug trafficking. Only very occasionally do they specify what sort of drug traffickers they were: whether they were drug barons and hit men or peasants growing marijuana or migrants who were "picked up" and forced to carry a package from one place to another. Only very occasionally do they offer proof to demonstrate the murder victim's links to drug trafficking: apparently the mere fact of the crime having taken place within an "execution context" is proof enough that the victim "was a member of organized crime" (the sinister Poiré, again). There are thousands of occasions when the dead are not altogether convincingly identified—sometimes because the bodies are so decomposed and dismembered that there is no way to identify them, sometimes because it's easier to brand as a narco a dead man who doesn't have so much as a name with which to defend himself. One by one, the government's strategies have been losing credibility and effectiveness. The theory of media illusion? Nowadays there's a lot of information to hand that demonstrates that the increase in homicides is no fiction, it's no sham. The argument that violence is contained within a small number of places? It's unsustainable, now that the conflict has spilled beyond the north of the country and infected zones which had previously been so peaceful, such as Colima and cities that, in spite of everything, had managed to retain something of the standing of a holiday oasis—Cuernavaca and Acapulco. The idea that practically all the violence is a product of the rivalry between criminal gangs? Though this is partly correct, it is inadequate to explain the complexity of violence in Mexico (there is more than just narco-violence—social violence, economic violence, racial violence, gender violence), nor to understand the brutal collective massacres carried out against civilians. May 2010, Taxco, Guerrero: 55 bodies in the ventilation shaft of a mine. August 2010, San Fernando, Tamaulipas: 72 corpses in a hidden burial pit, all of them Latin American migrants, all of them executed with "kill shots." November 2010, Acapulco, Guerrero: 20 tourists from Michoacán state, previously reported missing, all of them with signs of having been tortured. March 2011, San Fernando, Tamaulipas: another hidden burial pit, 183 bodies, almost all of them badly beaten, passengers on commercial buses kidnapped on their way from one city to another. April 2011, Durango, Durango: dozens of hidden burial pits, bodies found almost daily, 228 bodies to date. How is it possible to explain this, all this, by means of the propositions that the government is offering? These crimes and many others, perhaps less grotesque but nonetheless perpetrated against men and women on the very fringes of the drugs trade, have ended up delegitimizing the final official argument: that almost ninety percent of the victims were members of criminal gangs.
One case in particular, which was decisive in public debate, put a dent in this argument forever: the episode in which Calderón hurried to classify as pandilleros—gang members—fifteen adolescents murdered on January 31, 2010, in Villas de Salvárcar, Juárez. When it was discovered that the young people were students and had absolutely no connection to any gang, it became clear that the category of pandillero—just like those ideas of narco, complicity, execution and settling of scores are just that: categories that the federal government assigns to actions and bodies, sometimes rigorously and sometimes irresponsibly. In other words, it showed that government practice consists less of identifying the dead than attributing a certain category to them, and that this attribution is, it can be, doubtful or simply erroneous. Which brings us, then, back to the beginning: to this shapeless, muddled heap of forty thousand barely identified dead bodies.
It's quite clear that the federal government could have acted differently. Rather than turning their noses up at the dead, and stigmatizing them, they could have appropriated thousands of them and taken advantage of them for use in their campaign against the drug trade. Appropriating and taking advantage are not happy phrases to apply to the dead, it's true, but what they describe are in fact fairly common practice and outside the country. Governments often use the dead, turning them into martyrs for a cause, laying the blame for them on the enemy, employing them as a "free pass" and a banner for certain policies. In this case, the Calderón administration could have made an effort to identify the innocent victims of the conflict and recognize them as martyrs of the campaign against the narcos. But in order to do this, to integrate the victims into a story, they first need to have a story and the federal government has no such thing. Four and a half years after it started up, the crusade against the drug cartels is still not attached to a convincing narrative; forty thousand deaths later, the authorities still haven't completely dispelled the suspicion that they launched the campaign without any prior planning, anxious about economic expectations and the shadow of illegitimacy hovering over them, without having supplied themselves in advance with any screenplay, without anticipating the motivations for the action, the roles played by each of the characters, the unfolding of the whole enterprise. Not that long ago, Calderón was still pondering whether the military offensive he had ordered was or was not a war: he said it wasn't, and the following day a number of journalists pointed out to him that he himself had said that it was. It's a question of the federal government not only having refused to recognize and keep vigil for the victims: they have also obstructed the mourning of others. Rather like the character of Creon whose edict to the city enjoins "that none shall entomb him or mourn, but leave unwept, unsepulchred," Calderón has pledged to dispel any possibility for collective mourning. It isn't only that he has not (as has happened so often elsewhere) declared a day of national mourning; it's that for some time now—as evidenced by his first reaction to the marches that followed the killing of Juan Francisco Sicilia—he takes any public displays of mourning to be a betrayal of the State, as proof of a moral complicity with the drug trade. In order to discourage such practices, to obstruct the marking of a public mourning, the government operates as has been described: they disqualify the dead a priori. At the same time it gives an account of these dead mechanically, in technical, heavily bureaucratic language, as though by doing so they might neutralize the political and affective charge of these dead bodies and discourage their citizens' feelings of empathy toward them. What could be a better example of this than the ill-fated "Database of homicides presumed to be linked to organized crime," which the federal government launched in January 2011 and which a month later had its name changed to "Database of deaths resulting from presumed criminal rivalries." There, in that cybernetic mass grave, the dead are not registered by name, nor even with a tag to suggest that they were once human beings; the dead are lodged in one of three categories: "violent executions," "confrontations," or "acts of aggression against authority."
According to Judith Butler, "What follows […] from prohibitions on avowing grief in public is an effective mandate in favor of a generalized melancholia"[6]. It is fair to suppose that Freud—or at least the Freud of Mourning and Melancholia—would have agreed with her. In this paper of 1915 Freud found that both states, mourning and melancholia, have a common origin, the loss of someone or something loved, and that in principle they share the same symptoms: a "loss of interest in the outside world, […] loss of capacity to adopt any new object of love […], turning away from any activity that is not connected with thoughts of [the deceased]." The difference, he pointed out, is that the person in a state of mourning knows what he has lost, whereas someone experiencing melancholia "cannot see clearly what it is that has been lost" and suffers "an impoverishment of his ego on a grand scale." In melancholia the suffering is diffuse, pathological, and only undermines the subject's self-esteem; in mourning, in contrast, what is suffered is a concrete loss and the suffering fulfills a function: "each single of the memories and expectations in which the libido is bound to the object [the love object—the person who has died] is brought up and hypercathected, and detachment of the libido is accomplished in respect of it." That is, "when the work of mourning is completed, the ego becomes free and uninhibited again."[7]
And yet: is it possible to talk about the Mexican case as a state of generalized melancholia? Is it possible to say that this huge, imprecise heap of dead bodies and the lack of public mourning has ended up plunging the country's citizenry into a state of melancholic rumination? Is it possible to back up this argument with the repeated op-eds that refer to the pessimism of Mexican society, and with those statistical studies that detect—or think they detect—high rates of depression and listlessness among Mexicans? I don't know whether it's possible to speak in these terms ("citizenry," "Mexicans") and I'm afraid that using this sort of psychological category, melancholia, ends up rarefying a problem that is eminently social and political. On the other hand I am quite sure that it is possible and reasonable to speak of trauma. It is possible to follow Roland Barthes in pointing out that "trauma is a suspension of language, a blocking of meaning": a shock-image-experience "about which there is nothing to say"[8]. It is easy to discern the role of trauma in the suffering of Mexican civil society since the end of 2006: as a traumatic experience, as a fact that stuns into a state of astonishment and strikes dumb, which evades the usual narratives of signification, resistant both to the official victorious discourse and to the victimist accounts of its citizens. It's relatively easy to see this feeling of stunned astonishment here and there, on blogs and in the papers, in the repeated jeremiads of the one or the desperate metaphors used by the other to try to understand the scale of what has occurred. That if all the dead bodies were lined up end to end the chain would stretch from Zócalo Square in Mexico City to the city of Toluca. That if a minute's silence were to be held for each of the dead it would be necessary to keep quiet for twenty-seven days. That if the bodies were piled up by the Angel de la Independencia victory column, that if forty thousand letters were sent to the presidential residence at Los Pinos, that if, etc. Such a feeling of alarm, the same disturbance that follows trauma, was visible until recently in the Mexican intellectual arena. To begin with, the escalation in violence did not come accompanied by an escalation in public debate. Rather the contrary: as the conflict intensified and the numbers of the dead began to accumulate, cultural production surrounding the drug trade seemed to maintain the same old inertia—little novels on the drug trade, reportage on the drug barons, more or less precise criticism of this or that detail of the government offensive. Even now, four and a half years on, there is no essay that tries to explain the conflict altogether, there is no novel that seeks to represent "the violence," no speech that risks assimilating those disparate forty thousand unclassifiable corpses to its heart. And that's fine: stories, great stories, tend to appease—and it isn't a matter of that here. It's a matter of overcoming the trauma without concealing the wound. It's a matter of passing from melancholia over to mourning, not in order to allow the people to get through it, to throw earth over the dead, but to abandon that state of stunned astonishment and retrieve the agency that has been lost: to leave the state of shock, to adopt a critical posture. This impossible mourning that Derrida wrote about, which helps us to carry the dead within ourselves while at the same time being reminded that the dead person was always someone else, is always someone else. This lucid, tense mourning experienced and described, again, by Barthes: "Mourning: not a crushing oppression, a blockage (which would suppose a 'filling'), but a painful availability: I am vigilant, expectant, awaiting the onset of a 'sense of life'."[9]
"And then"—writes Judith Butler—"there is something else that one cannot 'get over', one cannot 'work through', which is the deliberate act of violence against a collectivity, humans who have been rendered anonymous for violence and whose death recapitulates an anonymity for memory. Such violence cannot be 'thought', constitutes an assault on thinking, negates thinking in the mode of recollection and recovery. But what then emerges in the place of thought? Or what new thought emerges? It is not as if thinking ceases, but after such an internal break, it continues, and that continuation is founded and structured by that break, carries the break with it as the signature of its history. We might say, in Benjaminian fashion, that thought emerges from the ruins, as the ruins, of this decimation. It does not constitute its reversal or recuperation, its animated afterlife. [. . .] What results is a melancholic agency who cannot know its history as the past, cannot capture its history through chronology, and does not know who it is except as the survival, the persistence of a certain unavowability that haunts the present."[10]
It might be possible to track, in more or less detail, the growing cracks in this state of astonishment, the progressive overcoming of this trauma in the Mexican literary arena. In order to do this, it would be necessary to go, sooner or later, beyond conventional media—books, newspapers, magazines—and deal with the growing critical activity carried out by writers on blogs, Twitter and social networking sites, support mechanisms that (unlike the others) make it possible to follow events in real time and establish immediate positions, without the mediation of a publisher or the burden of "literary" production. It would be necessary, too, to go beyond the obvious intellectual groups and find emerging writers from both within and outside Mexico (Lolita Bosch and Jorge Harmodio, for example) who have been promoting initiatives that have tended to dispel the astonishment of the literary arena. Consider at least three projects set up on the Internet, all three of them launched or carried out during 2010, all three supported by writers and journalists. The first, which in some respects was the catalyst for the other two, is the group blog Our Apparent Surrender—a platform created and animated by the Catalan-Mexican writer Lolita Bosch, where a number of literary texts on violence (essays, poems, stories, articles) are reproduced that have been published in various other places, an archive in a permanent state of construction which, as it creates a critical corpus, generates debate within it and launches new texts.
The second is the Web site 72 Migrants—a "virtual altar" to the 72 Latin American migrants murdered in Tamaulipas in August 2010—devised by the Mexican journalist Alma Guillermoprieto and made up of funerary texts by 72 writers, one for each of those killed. The third is the collective blog Fewer Days Here—a daily inventory of the victims of violence in Mexico, an archive which from the time of its establishment, on September 12, 2010, to date, contains more than ten thousand entries like this: "The charred remains of a man were reported found shortly after ten in the morning this past Monday, when a scavenger stumbled across them in the Moctezuma community of the Xalapa Territorial Reservation." It's clear that these projects—and the last two especially—are implementing a strategy that is precisely the opposite of the government's. Faced with an imprecise heap of dead bodies: clarifying, recognizing, naming. Faced with victims: mourning. Nowadays it's no longer necessary to gather evidence to demonstrate that the trauma is beginning to dissipate. Nowadays the sense of stunned astonishment has been definitively overcome in the Mexican literary arena.
Just one event, the killing of Juan Francisco Sicilia, the son of poet Javier Sicilia, and of six others on March 28, 2011, in Cuernavaca, Morelos, managed to shake up the literary world and put right in its center, once and for all, the subject of the war against the drug trade. The death of young Sicilia was followed by statements signed by a number of writers, all of them more or less questioning the state campaign against the drug trade, and the most intense debates within the Mexican intellectual arena since the 2006 presidential elections, whether on the legalization of drug use, or on the effectiveness of the marches, among those who still support the official strategy and those who demand a rethinking or even a complete cessation of the offensive. One way or another, the dilemma that for two or three years silenced the large part of Mexican intelligentsia—is it Calderón or is it the traffickers?—has been dismantled and what seems to have been established in its place is another formulation, which is obviously more suited to critical debate: it is the fault of the traffickers, it is the responsibility of the government. More important still: the death of Juan Francisco Sicilia inspired the most numerous displays of public mourning since the conflict began. On Wednesday, April 6 more than thirty-five thousand people marched in Cuernavaca, with Javier Sicilia at their head, and tens of thousands of others were protesting simultaneously in thirty-eight cities around the country and a few abroad. The Cuernavaca march, half funeral procession, half political protest, which involved both people with candles and people with placards, set out from a place that is more or less neutral, the Monument of the Dove of Peace, and paused at two obviously political sites—a military zone and the Legislative Congress—before ending up at the city's central square, opposite the Government Palace. At each of the three stops, Sicilia—a devout Catholic and self-confessed leftist, a combination that makes each group as uncomfortable as the other—read different texts, all three of them quite singular hybrids of a funeral oration and a political pamphlet. It all culminated that same night, and in a decidedly combative fashion, when Sicilia issued the governor an ultimatum—either solve his son's murder before April 13, or resign—and announced that he and others would camp out in the main square of Cuernavaca until one or the other had happened. It might seem imprecise to use the word mourning to describe such a public, political demonstration as this was, or as that which took place in early May, a march from Cuernavaca to Mexico City and a massive rally in the capital's Zócalo Square. That is the view of those who, prior to April 6, demanded that the marches should not be politicized and who, from that day on, lamented the fact that mourning—which for them was a private and religious matter—should have degenerated into politics. But mourning does not degenerate into politics: mourning is politics. How to recall the dead? Which dead? Who is to recall them? In what space is this to happen? When? Finding answers to any of these questions implies the adoption of a polemical position, most especially in times of war or generalized violence. Institutions, bureaucracies, hierarchies, laws, codes: all these are set in motion when someone mourns for a person who has died. The mere fact of recalling is already a political act: the person recalling resists the passing of the past, reconstructing in a biased way what has happened and bringing into a present a ghost that is ready to be given meaning. The idea that it is impossible to mourn and simultaneously be politically active is therefore just a trap: another invitation to melancholia.
Maybe it is because the origin of these demonstrations was the killing of seven people, or perhaps because at their head marched a father who had just lost his son, but only very few people have ventured openly to censure the movement, and many others have been obliged to hide their reservations, or their outright hostility, behind a couple of feeble moral criticisms. First, that the movement does not adequately condemn drug trafficking, and instead of railing against the cartels, it pins responsibility on the government. Second, that in lamenting the deaths of forty thousand people the movement is ignoring the fact that in doing so it is crying not only for the victims but also for the thousands of murderers who have been executed. The first criticism scarcely needs to be refuted: do you really want the demonstrators to choose as their interlocutors the cartels rather than the elected authorities? Do you really think citizens should be demanding public safety from criminals rather than from those who govern them? As far as I'm aware Calderón is president of the country, and it's up to his government to ensure a peaceful, secure civil life. As long as this remains the case, and violence continues to devastate the land, there is nothing more sensible and democratic than going out onto the streets to shout and criticize and jeer and condemn and make demands of Calderón's government.
It is true, on the other hand, that nowadays it isn't possible to mourn for all the victims of violence in Mexico, identified and unidentified without, in the process, ending up sitting vigil for thousands of murderers. Yes, in an ideal situation it would be best to know the identities and stories of those who have died, to distinguish between victims and murderers and then proceed accordingly. But this, evidently, is not an ideal situation, and here the victims and the murderers lie side by side in the same graves. In this situation a citizen, unable to retrieve the bodies and identify them for himself, ultimately has two options: either he does nothing and allows the trauma to become normalized, or he performs a general, collective mourning of the dead, accepting that in the process he will be including thousands of criminals. At one extreme, there is that sense of astonishment: waiting and watching as they pile up the dead—how many of them? And on the other, the decision to act—an action that is polemical but is after all an action, at least: running the risk of including murderers in his mourning on condition that he can recover his power of agency and go out into the streets and voice his complaints to the government and bewail the destiny of thousands of beings who have been tortured, disappeared, murdered. Isn't it evident that one option leads to melancholia and that the other, while morally disputable, fires up whoever chooses it and contributes toward activating a civic life that is being depressed, almost destroyed, by the climate of violence?
Ultimately it's this that is the most beneficial about the movement led by Javier Sicilia: and a movement is exactly what it is. At this precise moment, as I write, a column of hundreds of people, with Sicilia at their head, the Convoy for Peace, is making its way along a Durango highway, heading toward Saltillo, having just left Cuernavaca and stopped at five of the country's cities. We should hope that on its way the convoy will grow and receive the support of different groups—then it will be possible to criticize them, its contradictory makeup, the Pancho Villas, the perredistas, too (these are the militants from Mexico's Party of the Democratic Revolution). There is no doubt that, as the days go by and the procession approaches its final destination, Ciudad Juárez, the movement will fire off new statements, new texts—then there will be things to say about them: about the poetic tone, as well as the ambiguity of the imagery, as well as Sicilia's Messianism. It's fine like that: we must pay attention to whatever happens along the way, and criticize it, if we want; rather this than to go on pretending that this movement is a purely spiritual one, and therefore scarcely possible to criticize, and that it does not damage interests or create new ones or contribute toward reconfiguring public debate. In any case, what is most important is not what happens along the journey, but the journey itself: the fact that right now hundreds of people are making their way along a Durango highway and that just by doing this they are widening the horizons of public life and breaking the oppressive dichotomy of our times (either it's Calderón or it's the traffickers) to introduce new social actors onto the scene—next of kin, poets, the fathers of the disappeared, citizens prepared to give the dead some meaning.
A march might not seem much, and some people must be fed up with them by now. But what is undoubtedly true is that the marches called by Sicilia have brought something new, a breath of oxygen, into the country's political life, and have had major consequences. Three or four months ago, nobody was marching to question the official campaign against the drug trade and these highways were things to be rushed across, fearfully. Three or four months ago, Mexican intellectuals—with a few isolated exceptions—sat petrified in their cubicles and their libraries, and now a poet is marching at the head of a multitude—does poetry embody something now? Three or four months ago, a feeling of generalized unease and disturbance was depressing almost all of civil society, and now this same feeling is propelling tens of thousands of people out onto the streets and organizing groups of citizens. This isn't all that much? Of course, containing the violence requires more than just a march, and no demonstration will be able, alone, to provoke what this country most needs: profound structural changes, a radical redistribution of resources. But it's important to be candid: there is something important happening right now—and it's thanks to a father who refuses to allow his son to be dragged into nothingness.
An earlier version of this text was read (in Spanish) on April 29, 2011, at a symposium held at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York.
[1] All these have been taken from the website: menosdiasaqui.blogspot.com
[2] "Five presumed members of 'La Linea' held" – El Economista, 13th August 2010.
[3] "Missing, more than 5000 people since 2006: CNDH" – El Economista, 2nd April, 2011.
[4] "156 Graves Found in Five Years" – Reforma, 19th April, 2011.
[5] "Homicides and the violence of organized crime," Nexos, February 2011.
[6] Precarious life: the powers of mourning and violence, London and New York, Verso, 2004, p. 37.
[7] Sigmund Freud, from vol. XIV of the Standard Edition, The Hogarth Press, tr. James Strachey, 1957.
[8] Roland Barthes, "The Photographic Message," tr. Stephen Heath – in Image-Music-Text, Fontana, 1977.
[9] Roland Barthes, Mourning Diary; tr. Richard Howard; Notting Hill Editions, 2011, p.80.
[10] "Afterword: After loss, what then?," in Loss: the politics of mourning, eds. David L. Eng and David Kazanjian, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2003, p. 468.
Read more from the March 2012 issue
Fiction by Pedro Zarraluki
Fiction by Ángela Pradelli
The "I Ching" and the Man of Papers
Fiction by Guillermo Martínez
Rafael Lemus
Rafael Lemus was born in Mexico City in 1977. Narrator, essayist and literary critic, he is the author of the short story collection Informe (Tusquets, 2008, short stories) and the essay collection Contra la vida activa (Tumbona, 2009, essay). He was the founder and literary editor of Cuaderno Salmón and the assistant editor of Letras Libres. He lives in New York.
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Home ▸ Radio ▸ Successful Farming Radio
Soil Conditioning Index
Jodi Henke
SF-Show01-2019-July10.mp3
Is your operation moving in the right direction in terms of soil health? An analysis called the Soil Conditioning Index can give you a peek into the future.
Kevin Kuhn is a resource conservationist with the Natural Resources Conservation Service. He says this is a tool that predicts the consequences of cropping systems and tillage practices on soil organic matter. It analyzes three factors.
"It looks at a biomass component, so, that's really looking at how much carbon are we putting back into the soil. It looks at field operations," says Kuhn. "When we think about organic matter breakdown, it's affected by the temperature, moisture, oxygen, and field operations affects that oxygen. When we till that soil it oxidizes it, and it reduces that organic matter in that soil. And then the third factor it looks at is erosion."
He says a computer system will generate the soil conditioning index number which ranges from a positive-one to a negative-one. A negative value means organic matter levels are predicted to decline under that production system. If the value is positive, organic matter levels are predicted to increase.
The results are shared with the landowner and they'll discuss ways to improve the score.
"The first one is long-term no-till. When we can get a long-term no-till system in place, that's going to decrease our soil loss, it's going to increase our infiltration, increase our soil structure. We're not going to be aerating that soil so we're going to keep the soil in place."
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Find out how we gather information on wildlife collisions and use it to reduce collisions and protect wildlife.
Collision information sources
We gather information from three sources to ensure we have as complete a collision inventory as possible.
Collision reports
Local and State Patrol officers submit to us when there's a human injury or fatality, or property damage exceeding $1,000. On average, we receive 1,500 reports each year, with 167 human injuries and one human fatality. However, based on the number of deer and elk carcasses removed from state highways by WSDOT maintenance staff and citizens, we know that the number of collisions is much higher.
Carcass removal by our maintenance staff
We've tracked the number of deer and elk carcasses removed by our agency since the mid-1970s. These numbers suggest that a minimum of 5,000 collisions with deer and 200 collisions with elk occur each year.
Citizen salvage records
Since July 1, 2016, it's been legal for citizens to salvage road-killed deer and elk, provided they obtain an online permit within 24 hours of removing the animal. We obtains these records periodically from the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife. In the first year of legal salvage, citizens reported the removal of 652 deer and 127 elk from Washington highways.
By combining this data we get a good sense of where collisions are occurring. We use that information to develop proposals to reduce or eliminate the problem.
Concern about collisions with wildlife
We work to reduce the severity and frequency of collisions on state highways to the extent that is reasonable. We strive to identify locations with high wildlife/vehicle collision rates. These locations may indicate areas where highways cross significant wildlife-use areas, such as deer or elk wintering areas or migration routes. We consider these areas when managing the highway system. Collisions with wildlife can also reduce wildlife populations, of special concern for rare or sensitive species.
Areas with high road kill numbers
High numbers of wildlife/vehicle collisions frequently occur in areas where large numbers of deer and elk are present directly adjacent to high-traffic-volume highway segments. Areas with some of the state's highest wildlife/vehicle collision rates are:
State highways in the Spokane area, particularly north of Spokane, where the highways intersect with white-tailed deer wintering grounds.
Southeastern Washington, where state route 124 and U.S. 12 follow the Touchet River Valley, an area with an abundance of white-tailed deer.
State highways in the Methow and Okanogan River Valleys – host one of the state's most prolific mule deer herds, consistently have high numbers of animals killed in collisions each year.
Wenatchee vicinity – abundant mule deer population results in high deer collision rates on the busy highways both north and west of the city.
U.S. 97 – there are high deer/vehicle collision areas just north of Goldendale.
I-90 Easton/Cle Elum vicinity & Ryegrass vicinity west of Vantage – highest number of elk/vehicle collisions on the east side.
Widely distributed throughout state with high rates on Whidbey Island, along State Route 20 and State Route 525.
High numbers where highways intersect the Cascade Mountains such as the Packwood-Randle vicinity, east of Sedro Woolley and on Interstate 90 near North Bend.
Highways close to Willapa Bay – high localized rates involving elk.
Animals most often involved in vehicle collisions
Because of property damage and human injury, most reported wildlife/vehicle collisions are with deer and elk. Each year there are a few collisions with other large mammals such as moose, bighorn sheep, cougar and black bear.
The more commonly killed smaller species are raccoons, coyotes, squirrels, rabbits, opossums, frogs, salamanders and snakes.
Reducing the risk of collisions with wandering animals on highways
WSDOT uses tactics such as wildlife fencing, crossings, and median barriers to encourage animals to stay off highways.
Habitat connectivity is how well animals can move across landscape. Busy roads can create barriers to animal movements. They need to move from place to place for food, protective cover and in response to seasonal conditions.
Most animals can cross a road with low traffic volumes without a problem. However, these roads tend to be in rural areas where more animals live. This means animals cross more often which results in more vehicle collisions than on roads with high traffic. As traffic volume goes up, a vehicle is more likely to hit and kill an animal trying to cross. Eventually, animals mainly avoid a busy road and become isolated from animals on the other side of the road.
To encourage animals to stay off highways, we use specialized fencing, crossings, and median barriers. We monitor some culverts and bridges to determine the effectiveness and understand how animals use these structures. View this video to see a variety of animals using these structures.
How we help protect wildlife
We worked with the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife and other stakeholders on a statewide habitat connectivity assessment that identified areas where wildlife require movement across highways.
In addition to this planning work, WSDOT is incorporating wildlife protection measures in its projects. One example is the Interstate 90 Hyak to Easton project, which is under construction and includes a number of wildlife crossing structures as well as wildlife fencing.
Other examples around the state include:
Wildlife crossing underpass on SR 240 that provides access to habitat in the vicinity of McNary National Wildlife Refuge.
Bridge near Monroe, on SR 522, which was built with an increased span to accommodate wildlife crossings.
Bridge and fencing at Butler Creek on U.S. 97.
Wildlife fence on U.S. 97.
Wildlife fencing
An effective method for reducing the risk of wildlife collisions is to use 8-foot high wildlife fencing to prevent animals from entering the highway. WSDOT has installed wildlife fencing in a few key areas, such as along Interstate 90 east of Cle Elum and U.S. 97 alternate route north of Wenatchee. However, fencing is expensive to install and maintain and cannot be used everywhere. Providing safe crossing opportunities like bridges or large culverts can also reduce the number of animals crossing on the pavement, thereby reducing the potential for collisions.
Highly motivated wildlife will find their way around the ends of fenced highway segments, especially if there are no built-in crossing structures. However, combining fencing with suitable crossing structures (wildlife over- or under-passes), reduces the tendency for animals to run around the end of the fences. They learn to use these crossing structures to pass safely to the other side of the road.
We use fences to keep large animals off the highways. Studies show they reduce collisions between vehicles and large animals (mainly elk, deer, and moose) by 80 to 99 percent.
Gaps in fencing at intersecting side roads and on- and off-ramps are places where animals can gain access to the highway. To prevent deer and elk from entering the highway, we commonly use "wildlife guards" at these locations.
Wildlife crossings
While fences keep animals off highways, they also serve as barriers to important resources for the survival and successful procreation. Combining fences with crossing structures either over or under the highway surface provide opportunities for animals to move past highways safely.
WSDOT designed a path under the new Casey Ponds bridge on US 12 to provide safe passage for small animals under the busy highway. Grading and planting produced a more naturalistic setting. The safe passage opportunity at Casey Ponds will improve as plants grow and increase cover around the bridge.
WSDOT replaced the fish passage barrier on US 97, north of Goldendale, with a structure large enough to accommodate both the stream and a variety of animals. This project has significantly reduced the number of deer-vehicle collisions in one of the state's worst problem spots. Correcting fish passage barriers, like the one featured in these before and after photos, is also an opportunity to provide better conditions for all wildlife to pass safely under highways.
Technology or devices considered to reduce roadkill
We have evaluated a number of different technologies for reducing road kill. These included deer reflectors, a laser detection system and signs. Signs are the most commonly used tool to warn motorists of the possibility of wildlife on the highway. WSDOT installs signs in areas with documented high numbers of deer or elk/vehicle collisions. Flashing signs, or signs with regularly updated messages, are more likely to be noticed and they tend to reduce deer or elk/vehicle collisions more effectively than regular signs. Unfortunately, most of these have not proven to be effective. The only method still in use is the animal activated warning signs used to notify motorists when the elk are near U.S. 101 in Sequim.
In place since 2000, this system relies on radio telemetry collars placed on elk to trigger a flashing elk crossing sign. While the system has reduced the number of elk/vehicle collisions, it has several drawbacks including the need to place radio collars on the elk, and false warnings triggered when the elk are near the receiver, but not necessarily crossing the road.
Median barriers
Median barriers are vital to preventing head on collisions. On highways with lower traffic volumes, wildlife benefit from highway designs that allow easy crossings. We use median barriers designed with a cutout in the base to allow small animals to get past them easily. The cable barrier is another good option we use to allow the safe crossing of animals, as they can see past the barrier and are more likely to go around the cables.
Speed limits in known animal crossing areas
While lowered speed limits may help reduce the number of wildlife/vehicle collisions, it is difficult to get drivers to comply with the lowered limits. If drivers feel that the lowered speed limit is unreasonable, then they are likely to engage in passing, tailgating and speeding, which can increase the severity and frequency of collisions.
Removing dead animals from the highway
Our maintenance crews remove animal carcasses that are a potential hazard or distraction from state highways. In many areas, this work occurs exclusively on weekdays.
In most areas, we bury carcasses at designated disposal sites, often borrow pits. Citizens may salvage freshly killed animals, this practice becoming legal in most areas of the state on July 1, 2016. In a few areas of the state, where abundant road kill is a chronic problem, we take the carcasses to a permitted composting facility.
Wildlife carcass removal database
This database stores data about wildlife carcasses (primarily deer and elk) removed from state highways by WSDOT maintenance crews and by citizens under the deer and elk salvage law. These data help with project planning and identifying wildlife collision problem areas.
Carcass removal data is available upon request.
Federal law protects transportation agencies from liability associated with the collection of data needed to improve the safety of highways. This includes wildlife collision data. Requestors of carcass removal data will be asked to review information on the legal issues and limitations of these data prior to having their request filled.
These data help identify the most important locations for fencing and crossing structures to reduce wildlife mortalities and improve highway safety. The statewide habitat connectivity analysis provides additional information to identify important wildlife movement corridors where animals are crossing highways successfully and collisions avoided.
Map of deer and elk collision problem areas in Washington state.
See An Analysis of Deer- and Elk-Vehicle Collision Sites along State Highways in Washington State for an example of research using carcass removal data.
The carcass removal data are not a complete record of collisions.
Animals sometimes survive a collision or expire outside of the road right-of-way.
Other agencies (like the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife) may pick up carcasses and not report them to WSDOT. Sometimes, citizens salvage deer or elk and fail to submit an online report.
The accuracy of collision locations varies. Maintenance staff are encouraged to report locations to the nearest tenth of a mile but locations can be rounded to the nearest half or whole milepost.
Glen Kalisz
Habitat Connectivity Biologist
Glen.Kalisz@wsdot.wa.gov
Sections in Protecting the environment


Ghana has signed a$18million credit agreement with the Exim Bank of India to provide machinery for Ghana's agricultural sector and increase access to potable water in Yendi in the Northern Region.
Of the amount, $150million would be injected into the Agricultural Mechanization Services Centres (AMSECs) project while $30million would go into the rehabilitation of Yendi Water Systems.
The credit facility comes with an interest rate of 1.50 per cent, a 20 year- repayment plan in addition to a five-year moratorium.
The agreement was signed in Accra on Friday by the Minister of Finance, Mr Ken Ofori-Atta and Mr Push peshTyagi, a representative of the Exim Bank. It was witnessed by Mr Birender Singh Yadav, High Commissioner of India.
He explained that at least one AMSEC would be set up in each district to provide timely access to agricultural machinery and mechanized services to farming households who could not afford their own machinery.
Cottage industries and small factories, he said, would be set up for processing rice,maize and cassava, in addition to cottage machine shops for fabricating small-scale farm tools and equipment.
With the credit coming at a time the country is pursuing the Ghana beyond Aid agenda, he said the country would continue to welcome development aid within a new form of arrangement in which assistance would be targeted and aligned with national growth and economic priorities.
He said that the bilateral trade between Ghana and India was showing favourable trends,as in 2017, exports to India increased in value from $1.5 billion in 2016 to $2.7 billion while imports in 2017 was $633.3million.
Mr Tyagi, Exim Bank representative, recounted the cordial relation that existed between Ghana and the bank and hoped that the credit would be used in a manner that would benefit Ghanaian.


Eloise Ogden/MDN Target Lodging's workforce lodging occupancy is ramping up along with the oil-field activity in the Bakken in North Dakota. These pumping units are in southwest North Dakota.
The use of Target Lodging's workforce lodging in the Bakken is on the rise, a company official said.
"We've seen a significant increase in occupancy over the last two quarters. In fact, at several of our lodges we are at or very near full capacity," Troy Schrenk, chief commercial officer for Target Lodging in The Woodlands, Texas, told the Minot Daily News on Friday.
The last two quarters refers to the fourth quarter of 2017 and the first quarter of 2018, according to Schrenk.
"Overall, the level of activity in the last two quarters has picked up significantly in terms of manpower in the area," Schrenk added. He said companies working in the oil field have added more crews and equipment.
Target Lodging, considered the largest provider in the U.S., was known as Target Logistics until the name was changed recently.
In North Dakota some of Target's workforce lodges were closed down primarily due to projects being completed, Schrenk said.
Today, he said Target Lodging owns and operates five lodges in North Dakota with a total of approximately 1,850 beds.
– Williams County Lodge near Williston.
– Watford City Lodge at Watford City.
– Judson Lodge, west of Williston.
– Stanley Lodge at Stanley.
– Dunn County Lodge, eight miles north of Dickinson.
Bear Paw Lodge in Williston is a Target Lodging facility but is not open, Schrenk said. He said the facility may be converted at some time to a hotel-style/type lodge.
The Tioga Lodge at Tioga also is not operating, according to Schrenk. He said approximately half of the facility was moved to another region.
In southwest North Dakota plans are being made for Target Lodging to provide housing for the Davis Refinery project at Belfield.
On Monday, Meridian Energy Group, Inc., a developer of oil-refining facilities, signed a letter of intent with Target Lodging as the workforce housing provider for the refinery. Meridian will be contracting for workforce housing needs at Target's Dunn County Lodge near Dickinson in support of the workforce that will be constructing and then operating the initial phase of the refinery.
"I think it's looking definitely encouraging for the Williston Basin and Bakken region as a whole," Schrenk said. He said any time companies are adding or creating jobs it bodes well for the local economy as well. "It's not back to full recovery but we're encouraged and optimistic with some of the level of activity seen," he said.
He added that one of the changes in the oil field helping with the increased activity is pipelines have been built and this gives the ability to shippers to get their product to market without price reductions.
Target Lodging also has the Cheecham Lodge south of Fort McMurray in the Canadian Oil Sands in Alberta and a number of lodging facilities in New Mexico and Texas in the Permian Basin.


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Старое Бря́нцево — деревня в Калининском районе Тверской области. Относится к Заволжскому сельскому поселению.

Расположена к северо-западу от Твери, сразу за городской чертой. В деревне — платформа Брянцево на участке Тверь — Лихославль главного хода Октябрьской железной дороги. За железной дорогой — деревня Новое Брянцево, к югу — Комсомольская роща на территории Заволжского района Твери. До посёлка Заволжский — 2 км.

В 1997 году — 52 хозяйства, 96 жителей. В 2002 году — 91 житель. В деревне 3 улицы, старая и две новых — Полевая и Тверская.

История
В Списке населённых мест 1859 года значится казённая деревня Брянцево (9 вёрст от Твери, 12 дворов, 92 жителя).
Во второй половине XIX — начале XX века Брянцево (Старое Брянцево) относилось к Пречисто-Борскому приходу Васильевской волости Тверского уезда. В конце XIX за железной дорогой возникла новая деревня, названная Новое Брянцево.
В 1940 году в Новокаликинский сельсовет Калининского района Калининской области входят деревни Старое Брянцево (18 дворов) и Новое Брянцево (8 дворов).

Примечания

Ссылки
 Православные Храмы Тверской Земли

Населённые пункты Калининского района (Тверская область)

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horizontally at the top of the window.
Please check back with other members from the usability team.
- The "Status" column in unclear. Which information does it show ?
x means: either one of the two conditions or both are not in place.
horizontal scrolling which is really, really nasty.
So we decided to use icons.


Boston is a wonderful vacation destination four seasons a year. Just outside the downtown area of Boston you can find a few sandy beaches to sink your toes into. In 1896, Revere Beach located 4 miles from downtown Boston, became the first public beach in the country. It is now a National Historic Landmark. To cool off in the summer or take a leisurely New England fall stroll on one of Boston's beaches, browse the list below, or click on the map to search beaches in another Massachusetts region.
Tell us about your favorite Boston beach or swimming hole by contacting us. Learn more about advertising in MALiving.com.


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In search of the sand lizard at Freshfield Dune Heath in Sefton
PUBLISHED: 00:00 07 May 2019
Molly Toal
A male sand lizard on the lookout (Picture: Steve Davis)
not Archant
We go in search of one of our rarest reptiles, a creature that would look more at home on a Caribbean beach. Lancashire Wildlife Trust's Molly Toal investigates
Freshfield Dune Heath Nature Reserve is a sea of purple heather in late summer (Picture: Alan Wright)
If you walk through Freshfield Dune Heath in Sefton, you'll find red squirrels scampering through the woodland, goldcrests flitting through branches and heather and gorse blooming in the dune heath. This stunning eight hectare nature reserve, owned by The Lancashire Wildlife Trust, accounts for nine per cent of the UK's overall lowland dune heath habitat, making it a very rare site.
Its conservation is of real importance, as a huge variety of plants, mammals, birds, invertebrates and reptiles have made themselves at home here – including one of the north west's rarest inhabitants, the sand lizard. They are beautiful animals, much stockier than common lizards and able to grow to 20cm long. Both males and females have varied rows of brown blotches running from the tip of the head down along their back but, aside from this feature, they are simple to tell apart. The female is a pleasant sandy-brown colour, making her well camouflaged among the dunes and heathland. In contrast, the male sand lizard has beautiful green flanks which are incredibly bright and noticeable during the lizards' breeding season from late April to May. So distinctive are these male lizards that they look as if they should belong in a tropical climate rather than the sandy soils of the Sefton coast.
In June and July, the female sand lizard lays eggs in loose sand in a sunny location.
The parents do not incubate the eggs themselves, relying on the warmth of the ground and the sun. The baby lizards hatch after a month or two.
Newly hatched lizards are independent from early on (Picture: Alan Wright)
Sand lizards are not particularly hands-on parents so the young are independent from early on.
As cold-blooded creatures, they rely on the morning sun to raise their internal body temperature and stimulate their metabolism. They are active during the daytime from April until October, after which they hibernate. At night, they dig a little burrow in sandy soil to sleep. The entrance is usually concealed in the undergrowth and turns sharply after just a few centimetres so that, once inside, the lizard is completely hidden. The best time to see them is in the early morning, basking on exposed sand or rocks; they won't be fully warmed up so will be sluggish and less likely to run. It's also best to tread lightly, as reptiles are sensitive to vibrations.
Sand lizards are carnivores and prey on invertebrates like grasshoppers, spiders and even bees. They have excellent eyesight and powerful tongues that allow them to grab their food without getting a nip or sting in retaliation. However, they are vulnerable to larger predators such as birds of prey, cats and foxes, especially when they are in a lethargic state.
Unfortunately, the biggest danger is from the loss of wild spaces like Freshfield Dune Heath that offer open, undisturbed sand dunes and lowland heathland habitats in which they live. Habitat destruction, whether through heath fires or clearance for housing developments, has caused numbers to plummet and the species is now confined to only a few sites across the UK. Thankfully, reintroduction programmes have helped to restore sand lizards to some of their former ranges – including at Freshfield Dune Heath. With help from Amphibian and Reptile Conservation, The Lancashire Wildlife Trust were able to reintroduce them to the nature reserve in 2010 and 2011. Captive-bred lizards were released to join up with the existing population further along the Sefton coast. Nearly ten years on, conservation work by our dedicated staff and volunteers, alongside support from our members, has helped the lizards to survive.
Some of the young sand lizards prior to release at Freshfield Dune Heath (Picture: Alan Wright)
Next time you head out for a walk in nature why not visit Freshfield Dune Heath and see if you can spot any sand lizards for yourself?
For more information about nature reserves managed by the Trust visit www.lancswt.org.uk/nature-reserves.


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In N.H., when temperatures drop, fires tied to heating equipment tend to spike. Here's how to stay safe.
New Hampshire Public Radio | By Casey McDermott
Published January 11, 2022 at 11:48 AM EST
NHPR
In 2015, fire departments from across the North Country used this abandoned farmhouse in Bethlehem as a venue for firefighting training exercises.
Heating equipment is a leading cause of fires in New Hampshire, according to state data. Winter months tend to be especially dangerous.
With a cold snap settling in, state fire authorities are urging people to check up on their home's fire safety prevention measures.
"When we do have fatal fires in New Hampshire, more often than not, we find that there's a lack of a working smoke alarm in the home," New Hampshire State Fire Marshal Sean Toomey said.
He said testing those devices regularly — at least once a month — is one of the most important ways to avoid fire fatalities.
"I think I'm as guilty as anyone else," Toomey said. "I need to remind myself, even as state fire marshal, to make sure I check them in my own home periodically."
New Hampshire's fire code requires smoke alarms in all single- and multi-family residential properties, regardless of when the home was constructed. State law also requires all rental housing to have working fire alarms. All rental housing is also required to have working fire alarms and functioning heating equipment, capable of keeping the livable parts of the rental unit at an average temperature of at least 65 degrees Fahrenheit.
If you're a renter who's worried that your home doesn't meet these standards, here's some advice on what to do.
If you live in a rental property and you're having trouble ensuring your smoke alarms are installed properly, Toomey said you can reach out to your local fire department for help.
Working alarms are only part of staying safe, though. Here are some other steps to protect your home against fires, according to state and federal authorities:
Be careful with space heaters. Make sure you only use these devices as directed, and keep them at least 3 feet away from anything that could catch fire — like clothing, bedding or curtains. When you leave the room or go to sleep, make sure to turn the device off.
The same goes for fireplaces and wood stoves. The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) says a wood stove should be kept at least 3 feet from anything flammable. They also say any ashes should be stored in a metal container kept outside and at least 10 feet away from your home, and a fireplace or stove should always be extinguished when you go to sleep or leave your home.
Use power cords with caution. Never plug a space heater into an extension cord, and limit each electrical outlet to only one heating appliance at a time.
Have an escape plan. Make sure you know how to exit your home in an emergency and make sure that path is clear. Ideally, Toomey said you should have at least two possible exits, whether through a door or a window.
Keep it clean. State officials advise having your heating system and vents inspected and cleaned each year.
Don't forget to vent. Carbon monoxide poisoning kills hundreds of people each year. According to Johns Hopkins Medicine, most of those exposures occur in the winter and often in connection with poorly vented space heaters. They advise "only us[ing] fuel-burning space heaters in well-ventilated areas," and avoid using portable heaters in tents, campers or other enclosed spaces. The Consumer Product Safety Commission has more resources on how to use portable heaters safely here.
According to the New Hampshire Union Leader, fires killed at least 13 people across the state last year — up from eight the year before. In November, An electrical fire at a Manchester apartment building killed one woman and sent a local firefighter to the hospital.
In December, a local woman was found dead inside a camper where fire officials reportedly "found several propane tanks that were feeding the fire," though it was unclear whether those caused the incident.
Other recent incidents across the country have underscored the urgency of residential fire safety prevention.
On Jan. 5, Philadelphia's "deadliest single fire in at least a century" claimed the lives of at least 12 people, including eight children. As reported by WHYY, the rowhouse where the fire occurred was operated by the city's public housing authority and "had battery-powered smoke alarms, no sprinkler system, and no fire escape."
Just a few days later, a fire believed to be caused by a defective space heater — in a building where tenants complained about inadequate heating — killed at least 17 people in the Bronx.
NH NewsFire Safety
Casey McDermott
Casey McDermott is an online reporter covering politics, policy, and New Hampshire news. She also works on digital reporting projects for NHPR's newsroom.
See stories by Casey McDermott


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Hilarious Obit Written For Hamilton Co. Man
posted by Crystal - Feb 21, 2018
Jon David "Pappy" Francis made his last wildly inappropriate comment Feb. 7, 2018. He was born May 3, 1960, to Phyllis Lancaster and Dave Francis ("the happiest day of our life", Phyllis would always say).
Mr. Francis' employment history was as fun-filled, wild and erratic as his personality and his dancing. He was a bartender, gigolo, fish-cleaner and housemaid (only for Camille); but for the past 16 years he loved nothing more than working alongside his biggest fan (his dad) and building the landscape empire that is Noblesville Lawncare. He had two basic philosophies regarding work: "it pays for the racin'" and "why would you want to work all year long?" He mastered both.
Although he lived a less-than-average life span, Mr. Francis, and Mrs. Francis did not live an average life. He traveled with his wife when and where he wanted, told wildly inappropriate jokes and stories every chance he had, was a snappy dresser (if by "snappy" you mean tie-dye), a courageous dancer, and loved nothing more than fishing, as he was a Master Baiter. Mr. Francis learned what he wanted to learn, fixed what he wanted to fix and loved who he wanted to love. And he ate a LOT of weird stuff. A LOT.
He is survived by his amazing wife of 21 years, the overly devoted Camille "Mimi" Keys-Francis; as well as his sidekick Jan Mace, his other "girlfriend," Jenna K., and his much-loved Maggie. Additionally he leaves behind his daughter Colleen and attention-stealing step-kids, Heather, Brandi and Cortney; his dear mother, Phyllis Lancaster, and loving step-mother Dorothy "Pug" Francis; his younger, not-as-good-looking brother Kevin and favorite little sister Joni, his brother-from-another-mother and best friend Joey; and much-loved nephew and nieces Anthony, Kiersten and Madysen. A variety of spoiled-rotten grandchildren and great-grandchildren complete the list of those left to embellish and celebrate his memory, and will now have Mimi all to themselves.
Cremation will take place at Camille's expense and convenience, and his ashes will be kept around as long as they match the décor.
A Celebration of Life memorial service is scheduled for 1:30 p.m. to 6 p.m. Sunday, Feb. 11 at The Noblesville Moose Lodge, 950 Field Drive, Noblesville. (It really starts at 2 p.m., but we want to make sure Camille isn't late!).Please come prepared with your favorite story of Pappy. Dancing welcome.


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EXPLORE THE SALTON SEA
The Creation Flood
Mullet Island
Salton Sea Test Base
North Shore Yacht Club
Hypersalinity
Sonny Bono Salton Sea National Wildlife Refuge
Microsalton
The New River
Salton Sea Beach
Slab City
Salton Buttes
SALTON SEA 101
Originally from St. Petersburg, Dr. Victoria Matey and her late husband, Dr. Boris Kuperman were part of the biology research faculty at San Diego State University's Center for Inland Waters. The couple specialized in the study of ecological parasitology of fish, crustaceans and mollusks, biomonitoring of water quality as well as fish diseases, pathology and other biological studies related to fish.
I first came across their work during my first semester working as an assistant professor at SDSU in 2001. After viewing a display of their Salton Sea research project in the biology building's hallway, I decided to contact them to learn more.
At our first meeting I was warmly received by the two of them. They shared with me their stunning collection of scanning microscope images revealing parasite infestations of tilapia and other aquatic species found at the sea. I shared my own project with them and we discussed the Salton, comparing it with the Aral Sea—an environmental disaster they were all too familiar with. It was fascinating to hear their comments and concerns for the area after having witnessed such similar ecological devastation in the former Soviet Union. On one particular occasion I visited their office only to find campus construction workers tearing a hole through their office ceiling. I inquired if the Kupermans thought there might be asbestos up above. With a wink, Victoria commented, "it doesn't matter—we're from Russia!"
During 1997 to 1999, the Kupermans carried out parasitological monitoring at the Sea at four locations: Varner Harbor, Bombay Beach, Red Hill and Salton City. Several fish species, including young tilapia (Oreochromis mossambicus) were found infected with ectoparasites. The parasites were limited to three protozoan species, Amyloodinium ocellatum (Dinoflagellida), Ambiphrya ameiuri (Peritricha), Cryptobia branchialis (Bodonida: Kinetoplastida), and metazoans, the monogeneans Gyrodactylus olsoni and G. imperialis. [1] Their Salton Sea study demonstrated how high parasite loads caused severe damage to respiratory organs (such as gills and skin) that, in turn, could lead to depressed respiration and osmoregulation. When combined with other environmental factors the parasite infestations caused fish suffocation and death, primarily affecting the juvenile fish populations.
When viewing these microscopic images it is hard to not see incredible beauty in the strange forms. Victoria is especially aware of the aesthetic quality of the tiny creatures she photographs and talks in detail of the beauty found in the images. Her scientific research is greatly informed by aesthetics and she sees no conflict with this approach.
I regret to say that on August 10, 2002 Dr. Boris Kuperman passed away. His wife, Dr. Victoria Matey, continued with their research studies until she retired from SDSU. Although I did not know Boris well, I must say that I was quite taken by his generosity and kindness.
[1] Victoria Matey and Boris Kuperman, "Massive infestation by
Amyloodinium ocellatum (Dinoflagellida) of fish in a highly saline lake, Salton Sea, California, USA," Diseases of Aquatic Organisms, 39 (1999): 65-73.
Home | POI Map | Project Statement | Credits
Ambiphrya ameiuri infestation. Click image for more photos.
All content © Kim Stringfellow 2000-2013. All rights reserved.


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text:
– miasto w Japonii, w prefekturze Kagoshima, na wyspie Kiusiu i kilku przybrzeżnych wysepkach.

Historia
Miasto Satsumasendai powstało 12 października 2004 roku w wyniku połączenia miasta Sendai, miasteczek Hiwaki, Iriki, Kedōin oraz Tōgō, a także wiosek Kamikoshiki, Kashima, Sato i Shimokoshiki (z powiatu Satsuma).

Populacja
Zmiany w populacji terenu miasta w latach 1950–2015:

Przypisy

Linki zewnętrzne
 Oficjalna strona miasta

Miasta w prefekturze Kagoshima


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OsaintGroup has all kinds of chicken feather cleaning machines, good service and excellent cost performance. Welcome domestic and overseas customers to visit and order!


Pouso da Luiza is located in Tiradentes, 2 km from Tiradentes Bus Station. Popular points of interest around the property include Largo das Forras and Tiradentes Serra Club. Local points of interest like Aymores Field and Yves Alves Cultural Center are reachable within 2.2 km and 2.2 km, respectively. All guest rooms in the guest house are fitted with a TV. Featuring a private bathroom, rooms at Pouso da Luiza also boast free WiFi. A buffet breakfast is available daily at the accommodation. Rosario Church is 2.3 km from Pouso da Luiza, while Church of Saint Anthony is 2.5 km from the property.


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text:
Q: Eclipse stopped working with Ubuntu upgrade to 14.04 Two days ago I upgraded to the latest Ubuntu 14.04. Everything was working fine, until I tried to open Eclipse that I use for Java development. It shows the loading window but the program never loads. I started Eclipse from command line:
eclipse -consolelog

I receive the following output:

!SESSION 2014-04-27 17:57:42.917
  ----------------------------------------------- eclipse.buildId=debbuild java.version=1.7.0_51 java.vendor=Oracle
  Corporation BootLoader constants: OS=linux, ARCH=x86, WS=gtk, NL=en_US
  Command-line arguments:  -os linux -ws gtk -arch x86 -consolelog
!ENTRY org.eclipse.ui 4 0 2014-04-27 17:57:49.167 !MESSAGE Unable to
  create editor ID org.eclipse.jdt.ui.CompilationUnitEditor: No editor
  descriptor for id org.eclipse.jdt.ui.CompilationUnitEditor !STACK 1
  org.eclipse.ui.PartInitException: No editor descriptor for id
  org.eclipse.jdt.ui.CompilationUnitEditor  at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorReference.createPartHelper(EditorReference.java:601)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorReference.createPart(EditorReference.java:465)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.WorkbenchPartReference.getPart(WorkbenchPartReference.java:595)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorAreaHelper.setVisibleEditor(EditorAreaHelper.java:271)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorManager.setVisibleEditor(EditorManager.java:1459)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorManager$5.runWithException(EditorManager.java:972)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.StartupThreading$StartupRunnable.run(StartupThreading.java:31)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.RunnableLock.run(RunnableLock.java:35)   at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Synchronizer.runAsyncMessages(Synchronizer.java:135)
    at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.runAsyncMessages(Display.java:3537)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.readAndDispatch(Display.java:3189)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.application.WorkbenchAdvisor.openWindows(WorkbenchAdvisor.java:803)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench$33.runWithException(Workbench.java:1600)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.StartupThreading$StartupRunnable.run(StartupThreading.java:31)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.RunnableLock.run(RunnableLock.java:35)   at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Synchronizer.runAsyncMessages(Synchronizer.java:135)
    at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.runAsyncMessages(Display.java:3537)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.readAndDispatch(Display.java:3189)
    at org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench.runUI(Workbench.java:2609)     at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench.access$4(Workbench.java:2499)   at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench$7.run(Workbench.java:679)   at
  org.eclipse.core.databinding.observable.Realm.runWithDefault(Realm.java:332)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench.createAndRunWorkbench(Workbench.java:668)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.PlatformUI.createAndRunWorkbench(PlatformUI.java:149)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.ide.application.IDEApplication.start(IDEApplication.java:124)
    at
  org.eclipse.equinox.internal.app.EclipseAppHandle.run(EclipseAppHandle.java:196)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.internal.adaptor.EclipseAppLauncher.runApplication(EclipseAppLauncher.java:110)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.internal.adaptor.EclipseAppLauncher.start(EclipseAppLauncher.java:79)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.adaptor.EclipseStarter.run(EclipseStarter.java:353)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.adaptor.EclipseStarter.run(EclipseStarter.java:180)
    at sun.reflect.NativeMethodAccessorImpl.invoke0(Native Method)  at
  sun.reflect.NativeMethodAccessorImpl.invoke(NativeMethodAccessorImpl.java:57)
    at
  sun.reflect.DelegatingMethodAccessorImpl.invoke(DelegatingMethodAccessorImpl.java:43)
    at java.lang.reflect.Method.invoke(Method.java:606)     at
  org.eclipse.equinox.launcher.Main.invokeFramework(Main.java:629)  at
  org.eclipse.equinox.launcher.Main.basicRun(Main.java:584)     at
  org.eclipse.equinox.launcher.Main.run(Main.java:1438) !SUBENTRY 1
  org.eclipse.ui 4 0 2014-04-27 17:57:49.174 !MESSAGE No editor
  descriptor for id org.eclipse.jdt.ui.CompilationUnitEditor
!ENTRY org.eclipse.ui 2 2 2014-04-27 17:57:49.416 !MESSAGE Ignored
  attempt to add saveable that was already registered !STACK 0
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.AssertionFailedException: unknown saveable:
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.DefaultSaveable@13b2f29 from part:
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.ErrorEditorPart@13b2f29   at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.SaveablesList.logWarning(SaveablesList.java:187)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.SaveablesList.addModel(SaveablesList.java:116)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.SaveablesList.addModels(SaveablesList.java:289)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.SaveablesList.postOpen(SaveablesList.java:695)
    at org.eclipse.ui.internal.PartList.partOpened(PartList.java:234)   at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.PartList.access$0(PartList.java:210)  at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.PartList$1.propertyChanged(PartList.java:40)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.WorkbenchPartReference.fireInternalPropertyChange(WorkbenchPartReference.java:375)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.WorkbenchPartReference.getPart(WorkbenchPartReference.java:610)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorAreaHelper.setVisibleEditor(EditorAreaHelper.java:271)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorManager.setVisibleEditor(EditorManager.java:1459)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.EditorManager$5.runWithException(EditorManager.java:972)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.StartupThreading$StartupRunnable.run(StartupThreading.java:31)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.RunnableLock.run(RunnableLock.java:35)   at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Synchronizer.runAsyncMessages(Synchronizer.java:135)
    at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.runAsyncMessages(Display.java:3537)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.readAndDispatch(Display.java:3189)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.application.WorkbenchAdvisor.openWindows(WorkbenchAdvisor.java:803)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench$33.runWithException(Workbench.java:1600)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.StartupThreading$StartupRunnable.run(StartupThreading.java:31)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.RunnableLock.run(RunnableLock.java:35)   at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Synchronizer.runAsyncMessages(Synchronizer.java:135)
    at
  org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.runAsyncMessages(Display.java:3537)
    at org.eclipse.swt.widgets.Display.readAndDispatch(Display.java:3189)
    at org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench.runUI(Workbench.java:2609)     at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench.access$4(Workbench.java:2499)   at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench$7.run(Workbench.java:679)   at
  org.eclipse.core.databinding.observable.Realm.runWithDefault(Realm.java:332)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.Workbench.createAndRunWorkbench(Workbench.java:668)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.PlatformUI.createAndRunWorkbench(PlatformUI.java:149)
    at
  org.eclipse.ui.internal.ide.application.IDEApplication.start(IDEApplication.java:124)
    at
  org.eclipse.equinox.internal.app.EclipseAppHandle.run(EclipseAppHandle.java:196)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.internal.adaptor.EclipseAppLauncher.runApplication(EclipseAppLauncher.java:110)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.internal.adaptor.EclipseAppLauncher.start(EclipseAppLauncher.java:79)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.adaptor.EclipseStarter.run(EclipseStarter.java:353)
    at
  org.eclipse.core.runtime.adaptor.EclipseStarter.run(EclipseStarter.java:180)
    at sun.reflect.NativeMethodAccessorImpl.invoke0(Native Method)  at
  sun.reflect.NativeMethodAccessorImpl.invoke(NativeMethodAccessorImpl.java:57)
    at
  sun.reflect.DelegatingMethodAccessorImpl.invoke(DelegatingMethodAccessorImpl.java:43)
    at java.lang.reflect.Method.invoke(Method.java:606)     at
  org.eclipse.equinox.launcher.Main.invokeFramework(Main.java:629)  at
  org.eclipse.equinox.launcher.Main.basicRun(Main.java:584)     at
  org.eclipse.equinox.launcher.Main.run(Main.java:1438)
!ENTRY org.eclipse.ui 4 4 2014-04-27 17:57:49.586 !MESSAGE Could not
  create view: 'org.eclipse.jdt.ui.JavadocView'.
!ENTRY org.eclipse.ui 4 4 2014-04-27 17:57:49.589 !MESSAGE Could not
  create view: 'org.eclipse.jdt.ui.SourceView'.
!ENTRY org.eclipse.ui 2 2 2014-04-27 17:57:49.851 !MESSAGE Perspective
  Java has been made into a local copy

The past two days I was searching the internet and the farthest I could reach was; deleting the "workspace" folder makes Eclipse starts but without any projects, plugins or settings.
Any idea how to resolve this issue?
Thanks in advance.

A: Answer taken from comments

Eclipse was installed from repository, I resolved the problem by
  re-installing a newer version of Eclipse from their official website
  and reconfigured my workspace!

A: A workaround for your problem is just moving the "~/.eclipse" to another folder.
So:

*

*Close Eclipse

*Open "Terminal"

*Type the following command:
 mv ~/.eclipse somewhereYouWant

When I got this problem, I just:
 mv ~/.eclipse home/paladini/Downloads

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Begin rehabilitation immediately by taking proper care of your injured pet or your pet that has had surgery . Timing is key to the best recovery. Whenever you or your pet are injured, beginning proper movement as soon as possible is very important to recovery.
Timing of activity and recovery are especially important in the sporting pet world (dogs, horses, etc.), where workout programs and drills are designed for competition training and injury recovery.
Learning how and when to do particular activities with your pet after injury or surgery is all part of rehabilitation. From going outside to potty (for a dog) to climbing the indoor kitty tree to running wildly and free; all in the right timing will make you and your pet's lives easier.
The care you give when you and your pet are together and how you care for them when you are not with them is all a part of rehabilitation.
The information on this website will help you to begin rehabilitation and work on doing the best rehab you are able, because your pet deserves it!