A Chinese vessel at Johnson South Reef, which is being turned into an island, AP Photo.
In May 2015 China presented its new Military Strategy white paper. The white paper, which appeared at a time of heightened tensions over land reclamations in the South China Sea, has triggered much debate and discussion. How should the strategy be interpreted, and how should policy makers respond to it? Does it demonstrate China's expansionist and revisionist intentions? And does more need to be done to contain China's rise as a super power? In this contribution to the debate I briefly summarize China's new military strategy and reflect on it in the light of two diverging interpretations. I first argue that the strategy needs to be understood in terms of a deterrence logic that indicates the emergence of a security dilemma in the Asia-Pacific. I then offer a reverse interpretation that sees China's military strategy as a move toward transparency and building trust and confidence. I conclude with some optimistic thoughts about how these two contradicting logics play into each other.
Admiral Samuel J. Locklear, CDR USPACOM and Director General of the Institute for Defense Strategy, Lt Gen Nguyen Chien in Hanoi, Dec. 10, 2013. U.S. Army photo.
China's new military strategy is a very analytical document. It describes, analyses, and explains China's perspective on international security, and it provides a frank and honest assessment of the threats and challenges the country faces. This includes "'Taiwan independence' separatist forces," as well as the U.S. "'rebalancing' strategy," and its "military presence and its military alliances in this region." China is particularly worried that some "external countries" – most likely the U.S. "are … busy meddling in the South China Sea affairs" and that a "tiny few maintain constant close-in air and sea surveillance and reconnaissance against China." The strategy also refers to the dispute in the South and East China Sea – though it does not say so explicitly – when it notes that "some of China's offshore neighbors take provocative actions and reinforce their military presence on China's reefs and islands that they have illegally occupied." China thus has to protect its "territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests." Hence, the strategy argues the "traditional mentality that land outweighs sea must be abandoned," and "great importance has to be attached to managing the seas and oceans." China, it claims, will become a "maritime power" and "develop a modern maritime military force structure." China intends to strengthen its navy, which "will gradually shift its focus … to the combination of 'offshore waters defense' with 'open seas protection.'" The "preparation for military struggle," in particular maritime military struggle, is central to China's new military strategy.
Yet in the strategy China also claims that it does not have offensive military ambitions and will avoid armed confrontation and escalation. Its military philosophy is based on the idea of active defense, which holds that China "will not attack unless we [China] are attacked." China will try to prevent crisis and, most importantly, "strike a balance between rights protection and stability maintenance." The strategy also says that China supports collective security and embraces Confidence Building Mechanisms. Notably, China intends to deepen "military relations with the U.S. armed forces" to reflect the "new model of major-country relations" between the two states.
China's new military strategy is to some degree ambiguous if not contradictory. It announces an ambitious military modernization program to protect its expanding interests while at the same time emphasizing its peaceful intention. This leaves room for interpretation. So how should one understand China's military strategy? And how should the international community, in particular the U.S. and regional states, respond to it?
One way to interpret China's military strategy is to look at what it says about the country's military intentions and ambitions. From this perspective, China's military modernization program appears threatening. It signals China's long-term determination to dominate the Asia-Pacific and to use its expanding military capabilities to further narrow national security objectives. The strategy suggests that China will not accept Taiwan's independence, will not abstain from its claims in the South China Sea, and will try to limit U.S. influence and military operations in the region. From this perspective, China is a threat that needs to be deterred. The U.S. in particular needs to do more to reassure its allies, to contain China, and to strengthen its predominant position in the Asia-Pacific.
This interpretation has significant implications for the regional security environment. It would eventually create a security dilemma, a situation in which, according to the eminent political scientist Robert Jervis, "the means by which a state tries to increase its security decreases the security of others." It is easy to see how this would work. China feels its position is insecure, and it modernizes its military to deter potential aggressors. East Asian states and the U.S., on the other hand, feel threatened by China's military build-up and behavior in the South China Sea, and they therefore strengthen their military capabilities to counter potential Chinese aggressions. Hence, even though neither side might want to risk conflict, their behavior increases exactly that risk. This dynamic reinforces rivalries, triggers intense security competition, and increases the likelihood of a confrontation between the world's major military powers.
It is important to note that the security dilemma is not a fantasy or a distant future; its contours are already clearly visible, not only in China's new military strategy and ongoing military modernization program, but also in the U.S. rebalance to Asia. Indeed, current U.S. defense debates are no longer about whether or not China needs to be deterred militarily; instead, analysts are already discussing specific military deterrence strategies (e.g., the Air-Sea Battle Concept, now renamed the Joint Concept for Access and Maneuver in the Global Commons). According to the new U.S. Seapower Strategy, 60 percent of U.S. Navy ships and aircraft will soon be deployed in the Indo-Asia-Pacific. Put differently, the Asia-Pacific security dilemma is an emerging reality, and China's new military strategy further reinforces this trend.
U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, left, and China's Minister of National Defense Gen. Liang Guanglie in Beijing, AP Photo.
Military openness and transparency create trust and confidence among adversaries. They enables a better understanding of what each side wants, why they do the things they do, and how they might behave in the future. A military strategy hence also contributes to dialogue and mutual engagement. It allows actors to identify disagreements, develop joint interests, and reach common ground. Military dialogue does not resolve political conflicts, such as the islands disputes in the South China Sea, but it creates opportunities to avoid military escalation and to manage the security competition that such unresolved disputes produce.
This is exactly what China has done with the publication of its new military strategy. Hence, from this perspective China's military strategy does not reinforce the emerging Asia-Pacific security dilemma; rather, it is part of a pragmatic coping mechanisms aimed at managing this dilemma and de-escalating tensions in the region.
In this piece I have offered two interpretations of China's new military strategy. I have argued that China's military strategy contributes to a deterrence-based logic, and that it also de-escalates security competition. These two interpretations are certainly contradictory, but they are not mutually exclusive. China's military strategy reflects a pragmatic double-strategy through which states seek to balance their security interests. On the one hand, China finds it necessary to deter potential adversaries militarily. On the other hand, however, it also relies on a peaceful international environment based on cooperative security arrangements. Yet whether the Asia-Pacific will manage to keep this balance is unclear. Regional disputes and conflicts are yet to be resolved, military expansion and modernization continue, and the emerging security order remains fragile. Are more efforts needed to manage the security dilemma and to ensure that security competition remains peaceful? This is exactly the question that stakeholders need to discuss jointly and as part of a sustained dialogue aimed at keeping peace and security in the face of increased geopolitical tensions and security competition in the region.
Jan Stockbruegger is a Research Assistant at Cardiff University and a graduate student in Political Science at Brown University. He is the lead editor of piracy-studies.org, a research and resource forum for maritime security studies. Jan can be contacted at stockbrueggerj@cardiff.ac.uk. The views expressed in this article are his own.
This week the British Defence Secretary, Philip Hammond, announced a £1.1billion contract to build nuclear reactors for the next generation of British submarines that will replace the current Vanguard-class SSBNs. Though he stopped short of saying that this guaranteed Britain would renew Trident, with a formal decision due to be made in 2016, it is a clear step further in that direction, despite the divisiveness of the issue within both the government and national politics. The Conservatives' coalition partners, the Liberal Democrats, are openly against renewal on cost grounds and are investigating alternative deterrent options. The Scottish National Party are ideologically opposed to the idea of weapons of mass destruction being present within Scotland, with the current Trident fleet based in Faslane, and with no alternative locations in England at present without huge financial and environmental expense. The issue is even more politically charged with a referendum on Scottish independence scheduled for 2014, where a yes vote would potentially torpedo Britain's 'independent' nuclear deterrent. That is an issue in itself, with the missiles in essence leased from the United States.
How will HMS Vanguard's successor deter Somali piracy?
Britain's ability to construct nuclear submarines is at least being safeguarded with this investment, which as my last post suggested was one of the tough choices the government had to make, and what industries it prioritsed in the national strategic interest. On the flip-side, who loses out? The Royal Navy is overwhelmingly in favour of Trident's renewal, as the service would be indespensable to the missile's deployment. But with tensions rising over the Falklands, the recent fishing dispute with Spain in Gibraltar, Somali piracy, and humanitarian atrocities being committed in Syria, surely what the RN needs right now is more surface ships. The Vanguards and their successors can't help Britain with these current flashpoints, while the vessels that could make a difference, destroyers and frigates, have been cut down to just nineteen. There are forms of deterrence other than the nuclear kind, and a more visible naval presence in the world's trouble spots could provide that, preventing problems from escalating to a point where intervention becomes a whole lot more costly, both financially and to human lives.
Dr Daniel Owen Spence is Lecturer in Imperial and International History at Sheffield Hallam University, United Kingdom, and publishes on nineteen and twentieth century maritime history.


Heavy Engineering Corporation Limited or "HECL" is a Public Sector Undertaking in Ranchi, Jharkhand India. HECL was established in the year 1958 as one of the largest Integrated Engineering Complex in India.
Applicants who have completed 8th, 10th pass/ ITI or equivalent from a recognized Institute for HEC Recruitment 2018.
Eligible & Interested candidates can download the notification from the Official website page at www.hecltd.com HEC Recruitment 2018.


Man does not live on porridge alone!
Now even more of tasty, healthy and nutritious oil "Majola" in new 10 liters volume. Buy with advantageous!
Schoolchildren from Lviv city will take a course on healthy eating under the support of TM "Majola"


text:
Comedy's Test of Time
I love a lot of old things. I like listening to Jack Benny, I watch old Danny Kaye movies, I think black and white comedy is the funniest. Uncle Miltie makes me laugh so hard I cry. I'm basically set for comedy in the wrong era, but that's okay.
The problem with it is that the comedy I like can be offensive. Take Zorro: The Gay Blade for example. I recently had a gift cert for DVDs on Amazon, so I grabbed that one along with La Cage Aux Folles and The Birdcage. I'm sure you picked up on the theme there, I needed some more gay comedy in my life. But the problem with all three movies, even the modern one, is that they can be terribly offensive to people. They're campy, they're racist, they make brutal use of sterotypes and I find them absolutely hilarious.
I describe Zorro: The Gay Blade as follows: Don Diego de la Vega finds out that his father was the great Zorro, but has died. Don Diego takes up the mantle of Zorro only to break his leg and calls on his identical twin brother to help play Zorro … Bunny Wigglesworth.
We have the limp-wristed gay stereotype, exacerbated by the fact that Bunny is in the British Navy, which is bad enough, but then we add in the fact that George Hamilton is playing Zorro. Spanish he ain't. He plays Don Diego with a heavy accent (there's a whole thing about how he says 'people' so thickly, Lauren Hutton's character is confused) and Bunny with a prissy British one. It's not at all what one might call sensitive. And yet when I watch it, I find it hilarious in part because of those things.
Part of the point humor is to make us laugh at ourselves and give us the moment of self-reflection that requires. We laugh at Jack Benny being cheap, and knowing Jack was Jewish in real life may make it funnier. But Jack never played it that way. It wasn't ever Jack-the-Jew was cheap, it was that Jack-the-character was cheap. Jack made us laugh at cheap people because we all knew people like that who thought too much about things that don't really matter. The hilarity of the byplay between Fibber McGee and Molly wasn't just because they were living up to Irish stereotypes, but because they were people we knew and could have been anything.
Older works are always products of their times. They reflect the way we were and show us how we got to be where we are. Older comedy is often hard to stomach because you look at Holiday Inn and see Bing Crosby in blackface and, even though I think it's mostly a better movie than White Christmas, the latter remains popular because it's less offensive culturally. The movies have the same, basic, concept, but one is more palatable. That's all.
It does make it harder sometimes for me to enjoy old comedy. I feel bad at laughing at things that are situationally comedic to the time. I worry how people will interpret me getting a giggle fit at Milton Berle in a dress, or how they'll take it when I guffaw at Jack Benny wearing Don Wilson's pants when they're many sizes too big. Does enjoying that make me insensitive or worse?
I choose to think it does not. The simple fact that I'm aware these things aren't socially acceptable anymore doesn't detract from my ability to derive enjoyment from them. It's like Cards Against Humanity. I have people I love but would never play that game with, simply because it's too offensive to them. Similarly, I have movies and TV shows I watch and enjoy that I don't share with just anyone, because I know they would immediately go to the worst possible place and be horribly offended.
Nothing we like is perfect. Nothing we like is safe to be enjoyed by all. Nothing we like will entertain all. Nothing we like will be 'correct' to all.
We're all different and that's okay. It does mean some of you won't know everything about me. And that too is just as it should be.
ethics, humor, movies
A $450 Watch Is Expensive But Not Overpriced
Wearing the Activité

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Washington Redskins: Time for a Name Change?
In two readings and a media analysis exercise, students examine the campaign to change the Washington Redskins' name and to end the use of stereotypical depictions of Native Americans in U.S. sports.
To the Teacher:
The movement to change the name of the Washington Redskins football team is gaining ground. In May 2014, 50 United States senators co-signed letters to NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell urging him to change the name of the Washington Redskins football team. And in June, the United States Patent and Trademark Office canceled the trademark registrations for the team, ruling that the name is "disparaging to Native Americans." These actions come after many years of advocacy by the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) and its #NotYourMascot campaign to change the name of this D.C. team.
This lesson examines the campaign to change the Washington Redskins' name and to end the use of stereotypical depictions of Native Americans in U.S. sports. It consists of two readings and a media analysis exercise. The first reading examines how advocates for changing the Redskins' team name have been gaining ground. The second reading looks at the broader history of how Native American culture has been appropriated and misappropriated by the wider U.S. culture, and how anti-racist campaigners have challenged stereotypical depictions. Questions for discussion follow each reading.
Following the readings, a media analysis exercise asks students to critically evaluate an advocacy video and to think about how they might construct their own media campaign.
Student Reading 1:
The "Not Your Mascot" Campaign
The movement to change the name of the Washington, D.C., Redskins football team is gaining ground. In May 2014, 50 United States senators co-signed letters to NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell urging him to change the name of the Washington Redskins football team. For many years, the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) and its #NotYourMascot campaign has advocated and organized for changing the name of the team.
The letter that most of the 50 senators signed was posted on the website of Senator Maria Cantwell. It argued that "racism and bigotry have no place in professional sports." It went on to say:
It's time for the NFL to endorse a name change for the Washington, D.C. football team...
Professional sports have tremendous power to influence American society and strengthen our communities. From Jesse Owens to Jackie Robinson to Billie Jean King, athletes have often been a driving force for equality and diversity in our nation.
Now is the time for the NFL to act. The Washington, D.C. football team is on the wrong side of history. What message does it send to punish slurs against African Americans while endorsing slurs against Native Americans?
This is a matter of tribal sovereignty—and Indian Country has spoken clearly on this issue. To this point, we have heard from every nation Tribal organization, including the National Congress of American Indians, United South and Eastern Tribes, and the Affiliated Tribes of Northwest Indians. These organizations represent more than 2 million Native Americans across the country and more than 300 Tribes with government-to-government relationships with the United States. These organizations have passed resolutions in support of a name change as they find the Washington, D.C. football team name to be racially offensive...
At the heart of sovereignty for tribes is their identity. Tribes have worked for generations to preserve the right to speak their languages and perform their sacred ceremonies... Yet every Sunday during football season, the Washington, D.C. football team mocks their culture.
The NFL can no longer ignore this and perpetuate the use of this name as anything but what it is: a racial slur. We urge the NFL to formally support and push for a name change for the Washington football team.
A month later, on June 18, 2014, the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office canceled the trademark registrations for the Washington Redskins, ruling that the name is "disparaging to Native Americans." As Think Progress reporter Travis Waldron explained:
The U.S. PTO's Trademark Trial and Appeal Board issued a ruling in the case, brought against the team by plaintiff Amanda Blackhorse, Wednesday morning.
"We decide, based on the evidence properly before us, that these registrations must be cancelled because they were disparaging to Native Americans at the respective times they were registered," the board wrote in its opinion...
"The Trademark Trial and Appeal Board agreed with our clients that the team's name and trademarks disparage Native Americans. The Board ruled that the Trademark Office should never have registered these trademarks in the first place," Jesse Witten, the plaintiffs' lead attorney, said in a press release. "We presented a wide variety of evidence - including dictionary definitions and other reference works, newspaper clippings, movie clips, scholarly articles, expert linguist testimony, and evidence of the historic opposition by Native American groups - to demonstrate that the word 'redskin' is an ethnic slur." ...
The team will almost certainly appeal the case, and it will be able to keep its trademark protection during appeal. Losing the trademark would not force the team to change its name, but it would allow anyone who wanted to use "Redskins" on merchandise or through other means to do so, which could cost the team—and, because of the NFL's revenue-sharing model, other NFL teams—"every imaginable loss you can think of," as the team's lawyers argued in the original case. For that reason, the trademark has long been thought of by opponents of the team's name as the easiest avenue to changing it.
In response to the May letters from the senators, Redskins' President Bruce Allen argued that his team's name was "respectful" toward Native Americans. He cited the team's 81-year tradition and noted that some Native Americans do not find the team name offensive. Redskins' owner Daniel Snyder further vowed that he would never change the team name.
Native American activists who disagree with Allen and Snyder argue that the team's name and mascot image are outdated and racist caricatures of their heritage. As Native American writer Simon Moya-Smith wrote in an opinion piece for CNN on May 19, 2014:
As social media and the web continue to grow exponentially, so too do the voice and face of Native America. The National Congress of American Indians has just launched yet another campaign to put our faces and those of our allies in the public eye.
NCAI's hashtag, #ProudToBe, is a video and photo campaign that uses the web and demonstrates that we are more than a costume. We are more than a mascot. In fact, the second half of the campaign against the dehumanization of Native Americans in the form of sports mascots is aptly called "#NotYourMascot." And many of this nation's leaders have joined in the growing chorus of conscientious objectors who see Indian mascots for what they are: racist.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, Sen. Maria Cantwell, and Washington, D.C., Councilman David Grosso have each been photographed holding signs that read "#ProudToBe Standing With #NotYourMascot." And, according to the folks at the National Congress of American Indians, more photos continue to stream in.
Grosso, who's a Washington Redskins season ticket holder, recently told me he predicts the team name will, in fact, be abolished in the next five years.
"Ultimately we're going to have to right this wrong," he said. "The word 'redskins' has never been used in a positive way. It's been a racist and a derogatory term since forever."
Sen. Reid told me: "The degrading team name inflicts pain on Native American populations. The name is going to change; it's only a question of when. The NFL and Dan Snyder have to realize they are on the losing side of history."
Several days ago, I was asked: "Why are you picking on the Redskins? What about the Cleveland Indians or the Atlanta Braves?"
First, the term "redskins" is a pejorative, a racial slur... The term "Indian" isn't a racial slur, even though it's incorrect; and neither are the terms "brave" or "warrior."
But that's missing the point.
When the status of a Native American is demoted to that of a caricature, we are objectified and diminished as a people. We become entertainment, not fellow citizens. How are you supposed to take me seriously if all you see is the stereotypical image of the Hollywood or sports mascot Indian?
Like Moya-Smith, many supporters of the name change argue that it is an unavoidable reality, reflecting modern views on race and representation. They believe that opponents are fighting against the tide of history, and they hope that the change comes sooner rather than later.
For Discussion:
Do students have any questions about the reading? How might they be answered?
What arguments do advocates of changing the Washington Redskins' team name make in support of their position?
What reasons did the team's president, Bruce Allen, give for maintaining the current team name?
Which of these arguments do you find most compelling?.
How might the recent decision from the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office affect this debate?
"Playing Indian" in American History
The effort to change the Washington Redskins' team name is part of a much wider struggle to challenge stereotypical depictions of Native Americans in U.S. culture. The idea of naming sports teams after Native Americans is part of a long tradition of "playing Indian" that has appeared throughout American history, from the Boston Tea Party to Wild West shows and beyond. As author Carol Spindel writes in an August 9, 2005 article for Inside Higher Ed:
When Americans flocked to Wild West shows, they believed they were seeing the last vestiges of a dying [Native American] culture. It was true that Native populations were declining. But this idea, that American Indians would disappear like dinosaurs, became so embedded in American mythology that even today many non-Native Americans are startled to encounter a flesh and blood Native person. Boy Scouts were told it was their patriotic duty to learn Indian songs and dances lest they be lost forever. Thrilled by the Wild West performances, college boys and Boy Scouts emulated the showbiz Indians when they created Indian sports mascots, many of which date from the 1920s.
Over time, people have increasingly challenged nicknames that have been misappropriated from Native American culture. In recent years several K-12 schools across the country, as well as colleges, including the University of South Dakota and the University of Illinois, have stopped using Native American mascots. As an April article on CNN.com noted, "There used to be more than 3,000 teams with Native American names and mascots. That's down to about 900 now."
Many of those who defend using names like the "Redskins" have no desire to be hurtful or racist. Most are just proud of their city and team. They may have grown up going to their team's games, and have positive associations with the name.
Nevertheless, advocates and scholars alike note the real negative consequences of stereotyping Native Americans. As assistant director of the Maryland Institute for Technology in the Humanities Jennifer Guiliano writes in an August 20, 2013, article for The Society Pages:
In case studies, [sociologist Stephanie] Fryberg reveals that, regardless of the conditions of their creations and use (that is, whether it's the Haskell University mascot, which was created by Indians, or another mascot created and used by a predominantly white university), representations of Indian mascots lead Native participants to express depressed self-esteem, among other psychological costs. At the University of North Dakota, where the team was called the "Fighting Sioux" until a 2012 state vote, Gonzalez showed that Native students were "more likely targets of racial prejudice and potential discrimination," and LaRoque found that daily exposure to the "Fighting Sioux" logo led Native students to have higher levels of negative affect and psychological distress. Why, you might ask, aren't the schools happy to simply change their team name to something more benign, like Minnesota's "Golden Gophers" or Houston's "Oilers"?
The ongoing battle against racist stereotypes does not only concern professional sport franchises such as the Washington Redskins and the Atlanta Braves. The debate about team names is also underway at many schools and universities, where the residue from past traditions of "playing Indian" still remains. Students organizing against such names have contributed to growing public awareness about this issue.
According to the reading, what was one motivation for early instances of "playing Indian"? What did "Indianess" signify during earlier periods in U.S. history?
Do you believe the eventual elimination of Native American mascots is inevitable? Why or why not?
What might be effective ways to educate those who use hurtful racial stereotypes, often without intending to be hurtful?
Media Analysis:
#ProudToBe Video
The National Congress of American Indians' ongoing efforts to change Native American mascots include the #ProudToBe campaign. Show students this 2-minute video, which presents the core message of this campaign: http://youtu.be/mR-tbOxlhvE
Then ask students to break into small groups to consider each of the questions below. Give students 3 minutes to discuss each question.
How would you describe the central message of this video? What are its creators attempting to convey?
Are all the words and images used to describe Native Americans in the video positive ones? Are there any negative or controversial aspects of Native American communities that are also reflected in the video? Why might the creators have chosen to include some of these?
The video mentions a number of celebrities or popular sports figures from the past that many people might not have known possess Native American ancestry. What do you think is the purpose of including these individuals?
The video does not specifically mention the mascot controversy, nor does it name specific sports teams. Instead, the video alludes indirectly to this controversy with an image of the Washington Redskins helmet at the end. Do you think this approach made the video more or less effective? What might have been an alternative strategy that the video could have employed to make its point? What would have been the advantages or disadvantages of such an alternative strategy?
Reconvene the whole class and ask volunteers to respond to these questions:
What struck you most about the video?
Do you think it was effective? Why or why not?
Optional Activity:
Make your own media campaign
Video is just one way of engaging with the media. An advocacy campaign might also use posters , print advertisements, bumper stickers, press releases, or music. Invite students to create their own media campaign around this issue. This might involve thinking of slogans, video ideas, images, and strategies for reaching a wide audience.
Research assistance provided by Yessenia Gutierrez.
Indigenous Peoples Month Resources
November is Indigenous Peoples Month (also known as Native American Heritage Month), an opportunity to learn about indigenous peoples' history, culture, and perspectives.
Creating a Class Land Acknowledgment Statement
Students learn about the growing effort to acknowledge the Indigenous people whose lands we inhabit - and create their own land acknowledgment statement.
Adriana Guzman
Indigenous Peoples' Defense of Water - and Life
This lesson allows students to deepen their understanding of an aspect of Indigenous peoples' relationship with the earth. Students engage with two short films about peoples' resistance to the privatization and loss of access to clean drinking water.


Overview: Lobelia Cardinalis 'Dwarf' is a new aquatic plant that is gaining quite a bit of popularity thanks to its deep purple leaves in its emersed growth. Lobelia Cardinalis 'Dwarf' is both beautiful emersed or submerged which is great for different types of aquariums.
Reproduction: Propagation is done by cutting and replanting side shoots.


TIME: Friday, July 22, 2016, 9:30 a.m.
Vertical tunnel diode arrays made from multiwall carbon nanotubes (MWCNTs) have shown recent promise for developing a practical optical rectenna, which is a device to convert electromagnetic waves at optical frequencies to direct current. Realizing an optical rectenna requires an antenna to be coupled to a diode that operates on the order of PHz (switching speed on the order of fs). Previously, we have demonstrated an optical rectenna device by engineering MWCNT-insulator-metal (MWCNT-I-M) tunnel diodes at the tips of vertically aligned MWCNT arrays, which act collectively as the antenna. However, the high electrical resistance of the MWCNT-I-M diode resulted in poor impedance matching between diode and antenna, which limited the rectified power. Here, we address this issue of impedance mismatch through a series of experiments designed to elucidate contributions to the total electrical resistance of the device. Different combinations of metals, and metal and insulator thicknesses were tested for reduced contact resistance, while maintaining a working diode. Another development towards reducing resistance was to open MWCNT tips using oxygen plasma, which exposed multiple walls for bonding rather than just outer wall of closed tip CNTs. These developments were combined to reduce zero-bias resistance of MWCNT-I-M diode arrays to as low as 100 Ωcm2, which is 75 times lower than in our previous report.


Contagious diseases revolve not only around patients, medical practitioners and policy makers but rather concerns every citizen of the city. Thus we are bringing in Playback Theatre—a platform for the public to share their stories. There will be seven shows in total performed by Encounter Playback Theatre and Let Go Playback throughout the exhibition period.


text:
La cerimonia di premiazione della 29ª edizione dei David di Donatello si è svolta il 16 giugno 1984 al Teatro dell'Opera di Roma.

Vincitori

Miglior film
 Ballando ballando, regia di Ettore Scola (ex aequo)
 E la nave va, regia di Federico Fellini (ex aequo)
 Mi manda Picone, regia di Nanni Loy

Miglior regista
 Ettore Scola - Ballando ballando
 Federico Fellini - E la nave va
 Nanni Loy - Mi manda Picone

Miglior regista esordiente
 Roberto Russo - Flirt
 Giacomo Battiato - I Paladini: Storia d'armi e d'amori
 Francesca Marciano e Stefania Casini - Lontano da dove

Migliore sceneggiatura
 Federico Fellini e Tonino Guerra - E la nave va
 Nanni Loy e Elvio Porta - Mi manda Picone
 Ruggero Maccari, Jean-Claude Penchenat, Furio Scarpelli e Ettore Scola - Ballando ballando
 Nanni Moretti e Sandro Petraglia - Bianca

Migliore produttore
 Gianni Minervini - Mi manda Picone
 Franco Cristaldi - E la nave va
 Mohammed Lakhdar-Hamina e Giorgio Silvagni - Ballando ballando

Migliore attrice protagonista
 Lina Sastri - Mi manda Picone
 Laura Morante - Bianca
 Monica Vitti - Flirt

Migliore attore protagonista
 Giancarlo Giannini - Mi manda Picone
 Nanni Moretti - Bianca
 Francesco Nuti - Son contento

Migliore attrice non protagonista
 Elena Fabrizi - Acqua e sapone
 Stefania Casini - Lontano da dove
 Rossana Di Lorenzo - Ballando ballando
 Anna Longhi - Il tassinaro

Migliore attore non protagonista
 Carlo Giuffré - Son contento
 Aldo Giuffré - Mi manda Picone
 Stefano Satta Flores - Cento giorni a Palermo

Migliore direttore della fotografia
 Giuseppe Rotunno - E la nave va
 Ricardo Aronovich - Ballando ballando
 Dante Spinotti - I Paladini: Storia d'armi e d'amori

Migliore musicista
 Armando Trovajoli e Vladimir Cosma - Ballando ballando
 Gianfranco Plenizio - E la nave va
 Francesco De Gregori - Flirt

Migliore scenografo
 Dante Ferretti - E la nave va
 Luciano Ricceri - Ballando ballando
 Elena Ricci Poccetto - Mi manda Picone

Migliore costumista
 Nanà Cecchi - I Paladini: Storia d'armi e d'amori
 Ezio Altieri - Ballando ballando
 Maurizio Millenotti - E la nave va

Migliore montatore
 Raimondo Crociani - Ballando ballando
 Franco Fraticelli - Mi manda Picone
 Ruggero Mastroianni - E la nave va

Miglior regista straniero
 Ingmar Bergman - Fanny e Alexander (Fanny och Alexander)
 Woody Allen - Zelig
 Andrzej Wajda - Danton

Migliore sceneggiatura straniera
 Ingmar Bergman - Fanny e Alexander (Fanny och Alexander)
 Clayton Frohman e Ron Shelton - Sotto tiro (Under Fire)
 Woody Allen - Zelig

Miglior produttore straniero
 Jonathan Taplin - Sotto tiro (Under Fire)
 Barbra Streisand - Yentl
 Cinematograph ab per the Swedish Film Institute, The Swedish Television STV 1, Gaumont, Personal Film e Tobis Filmkunst - Fanny e Alexander (Fanny och Alexander)
 Robert Greenhut - Zelig

Migliore attrice straniera
 Shirley MacLaine - Voglia di tenerezza (Terms of Endearment)
Debra Winger - Voglia di tenerezza (Terms of Endearment)
Meryl Streep - La scelta di Sophie (Sophie's Choice)

Miglior attore straniero
 Woody Allen - Zelig (Zelig)
 Michael Caine  - Il console onorario (Honorary Consul)
 Robert Duvall - Tender Mercies - Un tenero ringraziamento (Tender Mercies)
 Gérard Depardieu - Danton

Miglior film straniero
 Fanny e Alexander (Fanny och Alexander), regia di Ingmar Bergman
 Voglia di tenerezza (Terms of Endearment), regia di James L. Brooks
 Zelig, regia di Woody Allen

Premio Alitalia
 Ettore Scola - Ballando ballando

David Luchino Visconti
 Federico Fellini

David René Clair
 Sergio Leone

Targa Speciale (a coloro che hanno ricevuto più David di Donatello)
 Vittorio Gassman
 Sophia Loren
 Nino Manfredi
 Mariangela Melato
 Alberto Sordi
 Monica Vitti

David speciale
 Titanus

Collegamenti esterni

Cinema nel 1984
 1984

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Deposition Author(s): Barthelmes, K., Reynolds, A.M., Peisach, E., Jonker, H.R.A., DeNunzio, N.J., Allen, K.N., Imperiali, B., Schwalbe, H.
Barthelmes, K., Reynolds, A.M., Peisach, E., Jonker, H.R., DeNunzio, N.J., Allen, K.N., Imperiali, B., Schwalbe, H.
Lanthanide-binding tags (LBTs) are valuable tools for investigation of protein structure, function, and dynamics by NMR spectroscopy, X-ray crystallography, and luminescence studies. We have inserted LBTs into three different loop positions (denoted L, R, and S) of the model protein interleukin-1β (IL1β) and varied the length of the spacer between the LBT and the protein (denoted 1−3). Luminescence studies demonstrate that all nine constructs bind Tb3+ tightly in the low nanomolar range. No significant change in the fusion protein occurs from insertion of the LBT, as shown by two X-ray crystallographic structures of the IL1β-S1 and IL1β-L3 constructs and for the remaining constructs by comparing the 1H−15N heteronuclear single-quantum coherence NMR spectra with that of the wild-type IL1β. Additionally, binding of LBT-loop IL1β proteins to their native binding partner in vitro remains unaltered. X-ray crystallographic phasing was successful using only the signal from the bound lanthanide. Large residual dipolar couplings (RDCs) could be determined by NMR spectroscopy for all LBT-loop constructs and revealed that the LBT-2 series were rigidly incorporated into the interleukin-1β structure. The paramagnetic NMR spectra of loop-LBT mutant IL1β-R2 were assigned and the Δχ tensor components were calculated on the basis of RDCs and pseudocontact shifts. A structural model of the IL1β-R2 construct was calculated using the paramagnetic restraints. The current data provide support that encodable LBTs serve as versatile biophysical tags when inserted into loop regions of proteins of known structure or predicted via homology modeling.
Institute for Organic Chemistry and Chemical Biology, Center for Biomolecular Magnetic Resonance, Johann Wolfgang Goethe-University of Frankfurt, Max-von-Laue-Strasse 7, 60438 Frankfurt, Germany.


text:
Thales Celebrates Delivery of First New Class of Vessels to Canadian Coast Guard under National Shipbuilding Strategy
October 13, 2020 09:30 ET | Source: Thales Canada Inc Thales Canada Inc
Seaspan Shipyards has successfully delivered CCGS John Cabot, the third Offshore Fisheries Science Vessel (OFSV), under Canada's National Shipbuilding Strategy.
Thales is a Tier 1 partner to Seaspan Shipyards as the Electronic Systems Integrator for the construction of the OFSVs for the Canadian Coast Guard.
OTTAWA, Oct. 13, 2020 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Thales celebrates the delivery of CCGS John Cabot, the third Offshore Fisheries Science Vessel (OFSV) delivered to the Canadian Coast Guard under the Government of Canada's National Shipbuilding Strategy (NSS).
The three new OFSVs, the first class of large vessels built under the NSS, are serving as the primary platform for Canada's Fisheries and Oceans scientists to conduct important research activities. In addition, the OFSVs have the capability to support search and rescue and environmental response operations.
Thales played a key role in constructing the new OFSVs in support of the Canadian Coast Guard's mandate. As Seaspan Shipyard's Electronic Systems Integrator (ESI) for these vessels, Thales is responsible for the design, development and installation of the integrated bridge and navigation, internal and external communication, and science mission systems.
"Thales is proud to have played an important role in the successful delivery of the CCGS John Cabot and all three of the Canadian Coast Guard's new Offshore Fisheries Science Vessels. With unparalleled expertise in innovative systems integration, we are committed to continuing our work with Seaspan Shipyards under the NSS and supporting innovation within Canada's domestic shipbuilding industry at-large."
Mark Halinaty, President and CEO, Thales Canada
In 2016, Seaspan Shipyards contracted Thales as the ESI for the three Offshore Fisheries Science Vessels, two new Joint Support Ships and one Offshore Oceanographic Science Vessel. Under the NSS, Thales has generated significant economic impact to Canada, working with more than 70 suppliers across eight provinces from coast-to-coast, with investments totaling more than $70M CAD.
About Thales Canada
A Canadian leader in research and technology, Thales Canada combines over 50 years of experience with the talent of more than 2,500 skilled people located coast-to-coast. With revenues of over $800 million, Thales Canada offers leading capabilities in the defence, urban rail, civil aviation, digital identity and security sectors, meeting the most complex needs and requirements of its customers across all operating environments.
About Thales
Thales (Euronext Paris: HO) is a global technology leader shaping the world of tomorrow today. The Group provides solutions, services and products to customers in the aeronautics, space, transport, digital identity and security, and defence markets. With 83,000 employees in 68 countries, Thales generated sales of €19 billion in 2019 (on a pro forma basis including Gemalto over 12 months).
Thales is investing in particular in digital innovations — connectivity, Big Data, artificial intelligence and cybersecurity — technologies that support businesses, organisations and governments in their decisive moments.
Samara Ben-Reuven
Thales Canada Media Relations
samara.ben-reuven@ca.thalesgroup.com PLEASE VISIT
Thales Group
Thales Canada
Defence innovation business Government Military economy Current Affairs Canada Procurement Science management city COVID-19
https://www.thalesgroup.com/en/americas/canada


Deborah L. Goodman, 65, of Wheatland, died Aug. 5, 2014, at Aurora Lakeland Medical Center.
A memorial service will be held on Monday, Aug. 11, at 5 p.m. at the Haase-Lockwood and Associates Funeral Home and Crematory of Twin Lakes. The family will receive friends from 4 p.m. until the time of services. Well-wishers can sign her online guestbook at Haaselockwoodfhs.com.


A robust and rustic obelisk in the middle of the market square dedicated to the 2nd Viscount de Vesci.
Detached three-bay two-storey gable-fronted former town hall, designed by William Caldbeck and built alongside his bank constructed at the same time for the National Bank.
Bank branch designed for the National Bank by William Caldbeck, alongside his townhall. Now a branch of the Bank of Ireland.
Originally designed by John Semple in 1825, only the western end with his trademark austerity survives.


It's good to be prudent and wise in finances because you'll be able to pay for your basic necessities and still save some of your earnings. Mothers should be the ones who can handle family budget better than any others because they know how much money goes to food, medicines, clothes, education, recreation, education and more. They plan meals, choose accessories for the house; buy clothes for the kids and many other things which just prove that they are the right person to handle money. But sometimes no matter how good you are in budgeting you cannot stop inflation which affects some of budgetary allocation for food and other things. In my last job I often heard my office mates asking help from lending organization like payday loans online riga to let them borrow money when the salary was not sure to arrive on time. Sometimes the need for money is urgent due to some unexpected things that come as a surprise.
When these emergencies come to you and you don't have enough money you will immediately realized that you actually need some kind of payday loans online polo that can save your day with online application, fast and quick processing and 24 hours delivery to your account. Isn't it sweet to know a company that will answer your immediate need for money? Well it's really good as you don't have to leave your house or your work because you can search for the few requirements to submit and you can apply online. For those who fear that they can't be attended because of bad credit record then it's your time to be relieved of that fear and try to apply again.
Payday loans are short term loan given to survive the days before the next payday. It's usually from $50 to $1000 and since it's a short term loan only it should be paid in about two weeks' time with corresponding finance charge interest. The regular loans would have to be applied on bank and you get the check from the bank but with payday loans online dive you can fill an application online, fax needed documents to prove that you have the qualifications required and wait for the processing which usually takes within 24 hours only. Just about one day after that you'll receive your money through direct deposit on your checking account. Your payment for the loan will be withdrawn from the checking account they have deposited your loan. That's easy and fast and just perfect for your emergency needs for cash.


Two games that won't cost you a cent.
"This arcade classic is now enhanced with improved graphics and deeper gameplay features such as power ups (Fire, Acid, Splitting, and Grenade Balls), unique brick types (Exploding, Mystery, x4, and Metal bricks), and Boost Control! The faster your ball goes, the more points you'll get!"
"A young lumberjack named Ritchie was taking his lunch one day, when all of a sudden, a nasty wild boar popped out from behind a tree, and stole his lunchbox and axe! Determined to recover his belongings, Ritchie set out on a journey through the forest to find the swine thief."


text:
Rihanna declared world's richest female musician
Updated June 5, 2019, 9:04 a.m. | By AFP
Singer, makeup entrepreneur, lingerie designer and now the first black woman to head a top luxury fashion house -- Rihanna has racked up a $600 million fortune to become the world's richest female musician, Forbes said Tuesday.
Instagram / @badgirlriri
The 31-year-old -- born Robyn Rihanna Fenty in Barbados -- has amassed wealth exceeding that of Madonna ($570 million), Celine Dion ($450 million) and Beyonce ($400 million), whose husband Jay-Z was just named the world's first billionaire rap star.
Rihanna's ranking puts into fresh perspective one of her signature lyrics -- "work, work, work, work, work," which opened her 2016 dancehall smash "Work."
Since bursting onto the scene in 2003, she has spun her triumphs in music into entrepreneurial gold, launching her makeup brand Fenty Beauty -- co-owned by French luxury giant LVMH -- in September 2017 online and with Sephora.
The line found success not least thanks to Rihanna's fame both on and offline, with some $570 million in revenue last year after just 15 months of business.
She makes the majority of her money from touring and musical releases, according to Forbes, but also co-owns her Savage X Fenty lingerie line.
ALSO READ: Empire State of Mind: Jay-Z becomes hip-hop's first billionaire
In May, Rihanna launched a groundbreaking partnership with LVMH to launch a luxury fashion brand based in Paris that will make ready-to-wear clothes, shoes and accessories.
A new large-scale luxury label -- especially one led by a black woman -- is a huge development in the fashion world, with Rihanna's line Fenty sitting alongside legacy brands like Dior, Louis Vuitton, Fendi and Givenchy at the conglomerate headed by Bernard Arnault.
"I just want to see things from my perspective. I'm a young black woman who loves and embraces all of the young people's ideas and energies -- I'm so about that," she told AFP in Paris recently.
"It is about turning all of that into something luxurious for this fashion house."
The singer's explosive rise to music mega-star and global fashion icon did not come without tribulations, including her father's bids to profit off her name and a highly publicized domestic violence case that saw her then-boyfriend Chris Brown charged in 2009 with assaulting her.
In addition to her venture into luxury fashion, Rihanna has hinted at dropping a new reggae album this year.
"I never thought I'd make this much money, so a number is not going to stop me from working," she told The New York Times' T Magazine in May.
"Money is happening along the way, but I'm working out of what I love to do, what I'm passionate about."


text: Q: What is the newest version of Netbeans that works with Java 2 (j2sdk1.4.2_19) My company is using WebToGo for managing our Service Requests.  I had written a program to extract a list of our service requests in a more faster, more user-friendly way than is otherwise available.  But it used the JDBC-ODBC bridge, which went bye-bye.  So my program stopped working.  I need to send my program out to multiple users, so was looking for a solution that would be easy to implement (trying to get everyone to copy the bridge from JAVA 7 to JAVA 8 would be a big no-no with my IT department).  After digging, I found that WebToGo is still using JAVA 2 (j2sdk1.4.2_19), so there is where I need to go.  But My Netbeans (8.2) wont let me go to a platform that old.  Does anyone know what the latest version of Netbeans would be that would work with j2sdk1.4.2_19?  I dont see it in the documentation and would prefer to avoid downloading and installing all of them until I found the one that works

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Lars Ravn Gallery
Lars Ravn is a Danish Artist who has decorated the head quarters of the Hans Christian Andersen 2005 Foundation in Odense. The paintings are sponsored by Ny Carlberg Fonden.
Lars Ravn was born in Aalborg in 1959 and now lives and works in Copenhagen.
Please check his own website for more information at http://www.larsravn.dk/. H.C. Andersen Hans Christian Andersen HCA HCA2005 - H.C. Andersen Life & Work - H.C. Andersen Education - H.C. Andersen HCA2005 Foundation - H.C. Andersen Visitdenmark - H.C. Andersen
"Of course, this picture illustrates how the Hans Christian Andersen 2005 project is supposed to dust off Hans Christian Andersen. At the same time, I want to say something about our contemporary relationship with Hans Christian Andersen as a person. Simply by depicting his head as a bust and his body as the corpus of his work (the text on the book spines says "The Fairy Tale of My Life" in mirror writing). Moreover, I want to show something of Hans Christian Andersen's phobia about the body by reducing him to an observer of sexuality, which appears in the form of a pair of provocative female legs. That sexuality is depicted as female has something to do with me, not Hans Christian Andersen. I would not myself be able emotionally to illustrate the sexual with a pair of male legs, but the gender of the legs as such is also irrelevant for the overall statement of the picture."
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text:
Louis Auguste Blanqui 1832
Speech before the Society of the Friends of the People
Source: Louis Auguste Blanqui, écrits sur la révolution, Oeuvres completes, Tome 1. Editions Galilée, paris, 1977;
Translated: for marxists.org by Mitchell Abidor;
CopyLeft: Creative Commons (Attribute & ShareAlike) marxists.org 2007.
The fact shouldn't be hidden that there is a war to the death between the classes that compose the nation. This truth recognized, the truly national party, the ones patriots should rally to, is the party of the masses.
Until now there have been three interests in France: that of the so-called upper classes, that of the middle or bourgeois class, and finally that of the people. I place the people last because they were always the last and because I count on an imminent application of the Gospel maxim that "the last shall be first."
In 1814 and 1815 the bourgeois class, tired of Napoleon not because of despotism (it cares little for liberty, which in its eyes it isn't worth a pound of good cinnamon or a nice fat bill), but because the blood of the people being exhausted, the war was beginning to take its children from it and, even more, because it harmed its tranquility and hindered commerce. The bourgeois class then received the foreign soldiers as liberators and the Bourbons as God's envoys. They were the ones who opened the gates of Paris, who treated the soldiers of Waterloo as brigands, and who encouraged the bloody reaction of 1815.
Louis XVIII rewarded them with the Charter. This Charter established the upper classes as an aristocracy and gave the bourgeois the Chamber of Deputies, called the democratic chamber. With this the émigrés, the nobles, the big landowners who were fanatical partisans of the Bourbons, and the middle class who accepted them from self-interest found themselves the masters in equal part of the government. The people were pushed to the side. Bereft of leaders, demoralized by foreign invasion, having lost faith in liberty, they remained silent and submitted to the yoke while remaining on their guard. You know the consistent support the bourgeois class gave the Restoration until 1825. It loaned its hand to the massacres of 1815 and 1816, to the scaffolds of Borie and Berton, to the war in Spain, to the arrival of Villèle and the changes in the electoral law; until 1827 it regularly sent majorities given over to those in power.
In the period 1825-1827 Charles X, seeing that he was succeeding at everything and believing himself strong enough without the bourgeois, wanted to proceed to their exclusion, as was done with the people in 1815. He took a daring step towards the Ancien Régime and declared war on the middle class by proclaiming the exclusive dominance of the nobility and clergy under the banner of Jesuitism. The bourgeoisie is by essence anti-spiritual: it detests churches, and believes only in double entry bookkeeping. The priests irritated them: they had consented to share with the upper classes in oppressing the people, but seeing its turn arrive as well, full of resentment and jealousy against the high aristocracy, it rallied to that minority of the middle class that had combated the Bourbons since 1815 and that it had sacrificed up till then. It was then that a war of newspapers and elections began, carried out with so much steadfastness and fury. But the bourgeois fought in the name of the Charter and nothing but the Charter, and in fact the Charter assured their power. Faithfully executed, it gave them supremacy within the state. Legality was invented to represent this interest of the bourgeoisie's and to serve as its flag. The legal order became a kind of divinity before which constitutional opponents burned their daily incense. This struggle was carried out from 1825 -1830, ever more favorably to the bourgeois, who rapidly gained ground and who, masters of the Chamber of Deputies, soon threatened the government with complete defeat.
What were the people doing in the midst of this conflict? Nothing. They remained a silent spectator to the quarrel, and everyone knows that its interests didn't count in the debates of its oppressors. To be sure, the bourgeois cared little about them and their cause, which were looked on as having been lost fifteen years before. You recall that the papers most devoted to the constitutionals regularly repeated that the people had submitted their resignation to their representatives, the only organs of France. It wasn't only the government that considered the masses as indifferent to the debate: the middle classes detested them perhaps even more, and they surely counted on being the only ones to pluck the fruits of victory. That victory didn't go further than the Charter. Charles X and the Charter with an all-powerful bourgeoisie, this was the goal of the constitutionals. Yes, but the people understood the question differently. The people mocked the Charter in execrating the Bourbons. Seeing its masters argue among themselves it spied out in silence the moment to leap onto the battlefield and bring the parties into agreement.
When the classes arrived at such a point that the government no longer had any resource than coups d'état, and that that threat of a coup d'état was suspended over the heads of the bourgeois, then they were gripped with fear! Who doesn't recall the regrets and terrors of the 221 after the order of dissolution that answered their famous address? Charles X spoke of his firm resolve to resort to force, and the bourgeoisie blanched. Already most of them loudly disapproved the 221 for having allowed themselves to be carried away by revolutionary excesses. The most daring placed their hope in the refusal of a tax that would have been paid and in the support of tribunals, almost all of who would gladly have filled the office of summary political courts. If the royalists demonstrated so much confidence and resolution, if their adversaries showed so much fear and uncertainty, it's that both regarded the people as having resigned themselves and expected to find them neutral in the battle. And so on one hand the government depended on the nobility, the clergy and the big landowners, and on the other was the middle class which, after five years of warming up in a war of words, was ready to come to blows with the people, silent for fifteen years and believed resigned.
It was in these conditions that the combat was engaged. The ordinances were issued and the police smashed the newspaper presses. I won't speak of our joy, citizens, we who are shaking the yoke and who are finally witnessing the reawakening of the popular lion that had slept for so long. July 26 was the most beautiful day of our life. But the bourgeois! Never has a political crisis offered a spectacle of such frightful, such profound consternation. Pale, frantic they heard the first shots as the first discharge of a picket that was to shoot them down one by one. You all remember the conduct of the deputies on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday. They used what presence of mind and faculties fear left to them to ward off, to halt the combat. Preoccupied with their own cowardice, they were unready to foresee popular victory and were already trembling beneath Charles X's knife. But on Thursday the scene changed. The people were the victors. And then another terror seized them, more profound and oppressive. Farewell dreams of the Charter, of legality, of constitutional royalty, of the exclusive domination of the bourgeoisie! The powerless ghost that was Charles X faded away. In the midst of the debris, of flames and smoke, the people appeared standing on the corpse of royalty, standing like a giant, the tricolor flag in hand. They were struck with stupor. It was then that they regretted that the National Guard didn't exist July 26, that they condemned the lack of foresight and the folly of Charles X, who had smashed the anchor of his own salvation. It is too late for regrets! You can see that during these days, when the people were so grand, the bourgeois were tied up between two fears, that of Charles X in the first place, and then that of the workers. A noble and glorious role for these proud warriors who float their high plumes at parades on the Champ de Mars.
But citizens: how is it that so sudden and fearsome a revelation of the force of the masses remained sterile? By what fatality did that revolution made by the people alone, and that should have marked the end of the exclusive reign of the bourgeoisie as well as the success of popular interests and might, have no other results than the establishing of the despotism of the middle class, aggravating the poverty of the workers and peasants, and plunging France a bit further into the mud? Alas, the people, like the other old man, knew how to win, but not how to profit from its victory. The fault is not all their own. The combat was so brief that its natural leaders, those who would have led the way to victory, didn't have the time to distinguish themselves from the crowd. They necessarily rallied to the leaders who had figured at the head of the bourgeoisie in the parliamentary struggle against the Bourbons. What is more, they were grateful to the middle classes for their little five year war against their enemies, and you have seen what benevolence, I would almost say what feeling of deference they showed towards those men in suits they met on the streets after the battle. That cry of "Long Live the Charter!" which was so perfidiously abused was nothing but a rallying cry for proving its alliance with these men. Did they already feel, as if by instinct, that they had just played a nasty trick on the bourgeoisie and, in the generosity of the victor, did they want to make advances and offer peace and friendship to their future adversaries? Whatever the case, the masses hadn't formally expressed any positive political will. What acted on them, what had thrown them into the public square, was the hatred of the Bourbons, the firm resolution to overthrow them. There was both Bonapartism and the Republic in the wishes they formed for the government that was to issue from the barricades.
You know how the people, in its confidence in the chiefs they'd accepted and which their ancient hostility to Charles X made them consider them as equally implacable enemies of the entire Bourbon family, retired from the public squares once the battle was finished. At that point the bourgeois came out of their cellars and threw themselves in their thousands onto the streets, which the departure of the combatants had left free. There is no one who doesn't remember with what amazing suddenness the scene changed on the streets of Paris, like at a theatre; the way suits replaced work jackets, in the blink of an eye, as if a fairy wand had made some disappear and others spring up. This was because the bullets were no longer flying. It was no longer a question of receiving blows, but of gathering up loot. To each his role: the men of the workshops disappeared, the men who work behind the counter appeared.
It was then that the wretches who had been given victory as a deposit, after having attempted to place Charles X back on his throne, feeling that their lives were at risk and lacking the courage to brave the dangers of such a treason, stopped at a less perilous treason. A Bourbon was proclaimed king. Under the direction of agents paid with royal gold 10-15,000 bourgeois put in place in the courts of the new palace saluted the master for a few days with their cries of enthusiasm. As for the people, since they have no dividends and lack the means to stroll beneath the windows of palaces, they were in the workshops. But they weren't accomplices in this unworthy usurpation that would not have occurred had they found men capable of guiding their angry and vengeful blows. Betrayed by their chiefs, abandoned by the schools, they remained silent and on their guard, as in 1815. I'll cite you as an example a coachman who drove me last Saturday. After having told me of the part he played in the combats of the three days he added: " On the way to the Chamber I encountered the procession of deputies headed towards the Hotel de Ville. I followed them to see what they'd do. Then I saw Lafayette appear on the balcony with Louis-Philippe and say, 'Frenchmen, here is your King.' Sir, when I heard that word it was as if I'd been stabbed. I was blinded; I went on my way." That man is the people.
This then was the situation of the parties immediately following the July Revolution. The upper class was crushed; the middle class, which hid itself during the combat and disapproved it, demonstrating as much cleverness as it did prudence, snatched the fruits of victory that were won despite them. The people, who did everything, remained a zero, as before. But a terrible act has been accomplished: like a thunderbolt, the people had suddenly entered the political scene that they took by assault, and though more or less chased from it at the same instant, they nevertheless acted with mastery. They withdrew their resignation. It will henceforth be between them and the middle class that bitter war will be carried out. It's no longer between the upper classes and the bourgeois: in order to better resist, the latter will need to call their former enemies to their assistance. In fact, for a long time the bourgeoisie has not hidden its hatred of the people.
If we examine the conduct of the government there is in its policies, the same march, the same progression of hatred and violence as among the bourgeoisie, whose interests and passions it represents.
When the bricks of the barricades were still piled up in the streets all that was spoken of was the program of the Hotel de Ville, of republican institutions; handshakes, popular proclamations, the grand words of liberty, independence, and national glory were bandied about. And then, when those in power had at their disposal an organized military force, pretensions mounted; all the laws, all the ordinances of the Restoration were invoked and applied. Later, the prosecution of the press, the persecutions of the men of July, the people beaten and tracked down with bayonet blows, taxes increased and collected with a rigor unheard of under the Restoration: this entire apparatus of tyranny revealed the governments hatreds and fears. But it felt that the people felt that same hatred for them, and not judging itself strong enough with the support of the bourgeoisie alone it sought to rally the upper classes to its cause in order that, established on this dual base, it would be in a state to more successfully resist the threatened invasion of the proletarians. It is to this maneuver to conciliate the aristocracy that we should attach the system it has developed in the past eighteen months. This is the key to its policy. And this upper class is almost entirely composed of royalists. In order to bring them along it was thus necessary to as nearly as possible approach the Restoration, to follow its meanderings, to continue them. And this is what was done. Nothing was changed except the name of the king. The people's sovereignty was denied, trod upon. The court wore mourning attire for foreign princes, legitimacy was copied in all regards. Royalists were maintained in their places, and all those who had to leave in the first onrush of the revolution found more lucrative positions; the magistracy was preserved in such a way that the whole administration is in the hands of men devoted to the Bourbons. What is more, a part of this upper class, the most rotten part of it, that which above all wants gold and pleasures, deigned to promise its protection to public order. But the other part, the one I'll call the least rotted in order not to say " honorable," that which has self-respect and faith in its opinions, which worships its flag and its old memories, these people reject with disgust the caresses of the middle way. They have behind them the largest part of the populations of the south and the west, all those peasants of the Vendée and Brittany who, having remained foreign to the movement of civilization, preserve an ardent faith in Catholicism, and with reason confound in their devotions Catholicism with legitimacy, for these are two things that have lived and must die together.
Do you think that these simple and believing men are open to the seductions of bankers? No, citizens! For the people, whether if in their ignorance they are enflamed with religious fanaticism or if, more enlightened, they allow themselves to be carried away by enthusiasm for liberty, the people are ever great and generous; they don't obey low monetary interests but the nobler passions of the soul, the aspirations of elevated morality. But however delicately and deferentially we might handle Brittany and the Vendée, they are still ready to rise at the cry of "God and King" and threaten the government with their Catholic and royal armies, which the first shock will smash. And that's not all: that faction of the upper classes that attached itself to the middle way will abandon it at the first moment. All they promised was to not work to overthrow them. As for devotion, you know it's possible to have it towards coupon clippers. Even more, I'd say that the greatest part of the bourgeois, who are pressing, gathering around the government from hatred of the people who they fear, from fright at war, which they have a horror of for they think it'll take their écus from them, these bourgeois barely care for the current order; they feel it to be powerless to protect them. Let the white flag [of the Royalists] come along that would guarantee them the oppression of the people and material security and they'd be ready to sacrifice their former political pretensions, for they bitterly regret having, through pride, sapped the power of the Bourbons and prepared their fall. They would abdicate their part of power to the hands of the aristocracy, willingly trading tranquility for servitude.
For the government of Louis-Philippe hardly reassures them. It can copy the Restoration all it wants, persecute patriots, set itself to erasing the stain of insurrection it is soiled with in the eyes of the adorers of public order. The memory of those three terrible days pursues them, dominates them. Eighteen months of successful war against the people were unable to counter-balance one sole popular victory. The battlefield is still theirs and that already old victory is suspended over power's head like the sword of Damocles. All are looking to see if the thread is not soon going to break.
Citizens, two principles share France, that of legitimacy and that of popular sovereignty. The first is the ancient organization of the past. This is the framework society lived in for 1400 years, and that some want to preserve by instinct of self-preservation, and others because they fear that the framework won't be able to be promptly replaced and anarchy will follow its dissolution. The principle of popular sovereignty rallies all men of the future, the masses who, tired of being exploited, seek to smash the framework that suffocates them. There is no third flag, no middle term. The middle road is foolishness, a bastard government that wants to give itself airs of legitimacy that one can only laugh at. And so the royalists, who perfectly understand this situation, profit from the tact and indulgence of those in power who seek to bring them over to them so as to more actively work at their destruction. Their many newspapers demonstrate daily that the only possible order is legitimacy, that the middle road is powerless to constitute the country, that apart from legitimacy there is only revolution and once the first has been left behind, there is only the second.
What will then happen? The upper classes are waiting for the moment to raise the white flag. In the middle class the great majority, composed of those men who have no other homeland than their counter or their cash box, who would gladly become Russian, Prussian, or English to earn two liards on a piece of cloth or 1/4 % additional profit on discount, will without fail line themselves up behind the white flag. The very name of war and popular sovereignty makes them tremble. The minority of that class, made up of intellectual professions and the small number of bourgeois who love the tricolor flag, the symbol of France's independence and freedom, will take the side of popular sovereignty.
What is more, the moment of disaster is rapidly approaching. You see that the Chamber of Peers, the magistracy, and most civil servants are openly conspiring for the return of Henri V, mocking the middle road. Legitimist gazettes no longer hide either the hopes or the projects of the counter-revolution. The royalists in Paris and the provinces are gathering their forces, organizing the Vendée and Brittany, and are proudly planting their banner. They are openly saying that the bourgeoisie is with them, and they aren't wrong. They are only waiting for a signal from foreign lands to raise the white banner, for in foreign countries they would be crushed by the people. They know this and we are counting on their being crushed, even with foreign support.
You can be assured Citizens that they will not want for this support. This is the place to take a look at our relations with the European powers. It should be noted, in fact, that the external situation has developed in parallel with the political march of the government internally. External shame has grown in the exact same proportion as bourgeois despotism and the poverty of the masses internally.
At the first sound of our revolution the kings lost their heads, and the electric spark of insurrection having rapidly set Belgium, Poland, and Italy aflame, they sincerely thought their last day had arrived. How could it be imagined that the revolution didn't mean a revolution, that the expulsion of the Bourbons didn't mean the expulsion of the Bourbons, that the overturning of the Restoration would be a new edition of the Restoration? Not even the maddest of individuals could believe this. The cabinets saw in the three days the awakening of the French people and the beginning of its vengeance against the oppressors of nations. Nations judged in the same way as cabinets. But for our friends and enemies it was soon obvious that France had fallen into the hands of cowardly merchants who asked only to traffic in its independence and to sell its glory and liberty at the best price possible. While the kings awaited our declaration of war they received begging letters in which the French government implored pardon for its errors. The new master excused himself for having participated against his will in the revolt. He protested his innocence and his hatred for the revolution that he promised to tame, to punish, to wipe out if his good friends the kings promised him their protection, a small place in the Holy Alliance whose faithful servant he would become.
The foreign cabinets understood that the people weren't complicit in this treason and that it wouldn't delay in rendering justice. Their decision was taken: exterminate the insurrections that had broken out in Europe, and when everything returns to order unite their forces against France and come strangle in Paris itself the revolution and the revolutionary agent. This plan was followed with an admirable consistency and skill. They couldn't go too fast, because the people of July, still full of their recent triumph, would have been too alert to a too direct threat and would have forced its government's hand. In any event, it was necessary to grant time to the middle way to stifle enthusiasm, discourage patriots and instill mistrust and discord in the nation. They also couldn't go too slowly, for the masses could have grown tired of the servitude and poverty that weighed on it internally and for a second time smash the yoke before the foreigners were in shape.
All of these shoals were avoided. The Austrians invaded Italy. The bourgeois who govern us said "Good!" and bowed before Austria. The Russians exterminated Poland. Our government cried "Very good!" and prostrated itself before Russia. During this time the London conference amused the onlookers with its protocols aimed at assuring the independence of Belgium, for a Restoration in Belgium would have opened France's eyes and it would have been in a position to defend its work. The kings are now taking a forward step. They don't want an independent Belgium: it's a Dutch restoration they want to impose on it. The three courts of the north, confronted with the massacre, refuse to ratify the famous treaty that cost the conference sixteen months of labor.
And now will the middle way respond with a declaration of war on this insolent aggression. War! Good God! The word makes the bourgeois turn pale. Listen to them! War means bankruptcy, war means the Republic! War can only be supported with the blood of the people; the bourgeoisie doesn't involve itself in this. Their interests, their passions have to be appealed to in the name of liberty, of the fatherland's independence. The country must be put back into their hands, which alone can save it. It would be a hundred times better to see the Russians in Paris than to unleash the passions of the multitude. At least the Russians are friends of order; they reestablished order in Warsaw... These are calculations and the language of the middle way.
The Royalists will keep themselves at the ready, and next spring the Russians, on crossing the border, will find their lodgings prepared for them as far as Paris. For you can be sure that when the time comes the bourgeoisie will not resolve to make war. Its terror will have been increased by all the fear that will be inspired in it by the anger of a people betrayed and sold out, and you'll see the merchants brandish the white rosette and receive the enemy as a liberator, for the Cossacks frighten them less than the mob in work jackets.
Blanqui Archive


Get all the benefits of having your own Network Operations Center, without having to invest in to one. Our NOC has been designed to work as an extension of your IT infrastructure and our expert engineers can be your first level incident management team.
Do not have the right tools or the dedicated and trained man-power to keep an eye round-the-clock on the monitoring alerts? Require technical experts monitoring your server's availability, network traffic, disk space, server services? Need to reduce downtime for your servers and network devices?
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Ownership and personalised touch. We own everything around which we provide our services. We own our company, we own the technology and most importantly we own up to our mistakes (if we make them). Integrity and honesty are our prime fundamentals and we live by them.


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OUR VERTICALS
Careers at One Contact
Become One of Our Most Valued Assets.
Current Career Postings:
Candidates will contribute to our organizations success by bringing their exceptional customer service experience to our customers.
Support customer calls with their inquiries
Update customer information in system as required.
Remain calm and focused on meeting customers' needs in confrontational situations
Candidate must be committed, self-motivated, and able to work effectively with minimal supervision and direction.
Excellent decision making and multitasking skills
Attention to detail and comfortable working in a fast paced environment
Proficiency using Microsoft Office applications, particularly Excel
High energy with a positive attitude and a team player
Experience and/or qualification within the financial sector, bank or a leasing company is desirable
Employee Benefits:
Great growth opportunities
Professional, fast-paced and challenging work environment
Conveniently located close to public transit
Must be available to work shifts Monday to Sunday between 8:00am to 12:00am
At One Contact Inc., we are committed to fostering an inclusive and accessible environment, where all employees and clients are valued, respected and supported. We are committed to providing accommodations. If you require an accommodation, we will work with you to meet your needs.
Qualified candidates should forward their resume to jobs@onecontactinc.ca
Attention: Recruiter. Reference Call Centre Agent Position in the subject line.
We wish to thank all applicants for their interest in applying for this position, however, only candidates selected for interviews will be contacted.
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text:
Q: Error while executing Substring Function in SQL Server When I execute this query in SSMS
 SELECT SUBSTRING(NAME, 1, LEN(NAME) - 4)
 FROM sys.tables

I get an error:

Invalid length parameter passed to the LEFT or SUBSTRING function.

But when I execute this query here:
 SELECT SUBSTRING(NAME, 1, LEN(NAME) - 4)
 FROM sys.tables
 WHERE NAME LIKE '%_OLD'

I get the output. What is the reason for the failure of first query?

A: The reason is that your script fails is that some of the tables has a length of fewer than 4 characters. The third parameter of SUBSTRING cannot be negative.
Here is a workaround:
SELECT
  REVERSE(STUFF(REVERSE(NAME), 1,4,''))
FROM
  Sys.tables

The script reverse the text, removes the first 4 characters and reverse the rest again.

A: Note that the last parameter of the SUBSTRING function must be a positive value.
You probably have some tables with names shorter than 5 characters.
Try to execute this to see the minimum length of names in your table:
SELECT MIN(LEN(Name)) AS MinLength
FROM Sys.tables

A: If length parameter is not a valid length i.e a negative one. you get this error.

length:
  Is a positive integer or bigint expression that specifies how
  many characters of the expression will be returned. If length is
  negative, an error is generated and the statement is terminated. If
  the sum of start and length is greater than the number of characters
  in expression, the whole value expression beginning at start is
  returned

E.g:
SELECT SUBSTRING('any string',1, -1)

It gives error:

Invalid length parameter passed to the substring function.

LIKE '%_OLD' wont give error as the Min length of it will be 4, so Min value of LEN(NAME)-4 would be 0 or positive.


List and geographic position of Benin valuable species in gregarious stands of the protected forest reserve of Wari-Maro, Center Benin.
The data in this occurrence resource has been published as a Darwin Core Archive (DwC-A), which is a standardized format for sharing biodiversity data as a set of one or more data tables. The core data table contains 412 records.
This resource has been registered with GBIF, and assigned the following GBIF UUID: 2dc27203-bf58-4477-9c8d-19c4953e1f3b. Direction Générale des Eaux, Forêts et Chasse publishes this resource, and is itself registered in GBIF as a data publisher endorsed by GBIF Benin.
Reforestation is one of the most important actions that can contribute to climate change mitigation. The development of the Project "10 million souls and 10 million trees" since 2012 is an expression of the political will to give a prominent place to reforestation. Indigenous species are prioritized in this policy due to their strong resilience and ability to adapt to changing ecosystems and climate change. Thus, this project "Strengthening the sustainable conservation of phytogenetics resources by biodiversity data mobilizing in the forest reserve of southern and center of Benin" will pursue the action of one of our previous projects entitled "Identification and Mapping of seedling plots for high quality seeds production within native stands in several forest reserve in south and center of Benin" by taking supports into it background and valorize it outcomes (meta biodiversity database). So It will help to valorize the collected data from the several seedling plots of value native species within the stands after extending the experimentation field to the whole southern and center of Benin. The database regarding the occurrence of the threatened value and native species lists will be updated, validated and published on GBIF website. Published actions as article, information meeting, poster and others type of publication and communication. That will fit with national priority of building meta-biodiversity database from performed studies to guide decision making for sustainable development.Reforestation is one of the most important actions that can contribute to climate change mitigation. The development of the Project "10 million souls and 10 million trees" since 2012 is an expression of the political will to give a prominent place to reforestation. Indigenous species are prioritized in this policy due to their strong resilience and ability to adapt to changing ecosystems and climate change. Thus, this project "Strengthening the sustainable conservation of phytogenetics resources by biodiversity data mobilizing in the forest reserve of southern and center of Benin" will pursue the action of one of our previous projects entitled "Identification and Mapping of seedling plots for high quality seeds production within native stands in several forest reserve in south and center of Benin" by taking supports into it background and valorize it outcomes (meta biodiversity database). So It will help to valorize the collected data from the several seedling plots of value native species within the stands after extending the experimentation field to the whole southern and center of Benin. The database regarding the occurrence of the threatened value and native species lists will be updated, validated and published on GBIF website. Published actions as article, information meeting, poster and others type of publication and communication. That will fit with national priority of building meta-biodiversity database from performed studies to guide decision making for sustainable development.


text:
Dear President-Elect Biden: Don't Settle for Small Ball—Change the Game
By David Clunie | December 23, 2020
We did it, America! We elected Joe Biden and Kamala Harris as President and Vice President and saved our country from descending into tyranny. Despite how momentous that victory is, there is another big win at stake over the next four years, and we need to keep our eyes on the ball to bring it to fruition. President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Harris have the chance to raise the bar to unforeseen heights and shatter various ceilings by appointing and hiring more Black leaders than any other administration in this country's history—by a long shot.
The President-elect's selection of Janet Yellen to be the first woman to lead the Treasury, Wally Adeyemo to be the first Black Treasury Deputy Secretary, Cecilia Rouse to be the first Black Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors, and Neera Tanden to be the first woman of color to lead the Office of Management and Budget sent a clear message. These longtime public servants were selected to drive an innovative economic recovery that is more inclusive of all Americans than any federal government initiatives of the past. But this isn't enough to meet the moment.
2020 has been an unprecedented year in many ways—from the global coronavirus pandemic to the economic crisis that is devastating communities across the country to a long-overdue reckoning on systemic racism that has shocked many American people and institutions into unprecedented levels of action to proactively combat systemic racism. There is a recognition that we need to fundamentally change our approach to dismantling the inherently unequal institutions that have divided America based on race throughout our country's existence.
President-elect Biden made a great start by selecting Kamala Harris to be the first woman, first Black, and first Asian Vice President in American history. More people of color have been elected to public office this year than ever before. Americans voted in record numbers when our democracy and all that it represents was on the brink of collapse, and importantly, 90% of Black voters supported Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.
A New York Times exit poll showed that racial inequality ranked number two among the issues that mattered most to voters in this year's presidential election—behind the economy at number one and ahead of coronavirus at number three. Our votes sent a clear message. Americans want to see Joe Biden appoint people who look like us—all of us—who will focus on the protection and engagement of people and communities of color just as they do every American. They want public servants willing to do the hard work necessary to not only get our economy back on track; but to make it fundamentally more inclusive and resilient, which will require radical changes to the status quo.
We need Joe Biden to appoint and hire more senior Black leaders who know firsthand how to create a new standard for equity in our democracy. As one example, President-elect Biden can significantly change the sad fact that none of the federal economic agencies or financial regulators have ever been led by a Black appointee, including the Federal Reserve, the Treasury Department, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, the National Economic Council, and until the recent appointment of Cecilia Rouse, the Council of Economic Advisors.
Imminently qualified individuals should be considered for the remaining appointments because they not only get "it," but their collective experience translates into a unique set of skills that enable them to fix "it" in a way the federal government has never done before. There are too many talented Black candidates on the sidelines to name, but the list includes people like Don Graves, a longtime senior Biden economic policy aide and former Obama Administration official; Chris Brummer, a Georgetown Law professor and thought leader on financial services; Erica Williams, a senior lawyer, former special assistant and associate counsel to President Obama, and former senior official at the SEC; Geoffrey Starks, a Federal Communications Commissioner who is the only sitting Democratic commissioner who can be elevated to Chair the FCC without requiring Senate confirmation; and Seth Carpenter, a senior economist with experience at the Federal Reserve, Treasury, and financial institutions. These impressive candidates and so many more should be put in the game to counteract everything from the digital divide to inequity in our financial system—to effect systemic change for the first time in our country's history.
President-elect Biden proclaimed that the Black community has always had his back while banging his fist on the podium during his acceptance speech, and he vowed to have our back as President. He committed to creating an administration that will represent and look like America. While the President-elect has nominated several diverse leaders to some cabinet positions and is still in the process of filling out his cabinet, Administration, and senior staff, he would be sorely misguided if he simply meets the same bar set by previous Democratic administrations. There is a deep bench of qualified senior Black leaders whose lives and professional experiences can inspire new policies that counteract the legacy of systemic racism that remains woven into the fabric of every part of American life—particularly the economy.
It's not enough to simply recognize the need for equality with rhetoric in speeches. The goal should not be to raise the bar incrementally by appointing one more Black cabinet secretary than Presidents Clinton or Obama did. We need to put the right people in place to undo the inherently racist systems that have created and reinforced the vast wealth and opportunity gaps that are only widening today. I implore President-elect Biden to tap into the waning emotion that White Americans felt the week after George Floyd's murder and use the authority of the most powerful office in the world to fundamentally shift the manner in which the United States government values and engages Black Americans. That's what we voted for.
To Save The US Economy, Congress Must Invest In The Black Community
BEA Launches Speaker Series
The Case for Accelerating Financial Inclusion in Black Communities


text:
Epicenter Press
Alaska Book Adventures
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Honest Dogs, by Brian Patrick O'Donaghue
Honest Dogs
Paperback: $19.95
It had been six years since newspaper reporter Brian Patrick O'Donoghue mushed to a last place finish in the Iditarod Trail Sled Dog Race. Yearning to challenge himself anew, he enters the Yukon Quest, a more brutal 1,000-mile run between Whitehorse, Yukon Territory, and Fairbanks, Alaska. With wry humor and diminishing expectations, O'Donoghue shares the trail with Khan, Hobbes, Scrimshaw, Cyclone, and ten other excitable Alaska huskies, plus a diverse collection of rival racers and resident bush rats. The mushers' strategies, dreams and disappointments, the antics of the dogs, and the drama of the race are all part of Honest Dogs (336 pages), a testament to this punishing personal journey.
"If you've got spirit and the love of life, this book will make you want to recruit a bunch of canine buddies and join the strange characters who still roam the trails of Jack London's Great White Silence."
–Craig Medred, Anchorage Daily News
When he's not cleaning the dog lot, Brian Patrick O'Donoghue covers the oil industry, politics, and sled dog racing for the Fairbanks Daily News-Miner. He and his wife, fellow journalist Kate Ripley, reside with their two boys and a dozen sled dogs in a cabin located on a forested 20-acre parcel in Two Rivers, Alaska's mushing mecca. His last book, My Lead Dog was a Lesbian recounted his misadventures in the Iditarod in 1991.
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