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Our outrageous media created the Tea Party
How "melodrama, misrepresentative exaggeration and mockery" became the dominant tone on cable and talk radio
By Jeffrey M. Berry - Sarah Sobieraj
December 7, 2013 7:30PM (UTC)
Bill O'Reilly, Rush Limbaugh, Michelle Malkin (Reuters/Mike Segar/AP/Chris Carlson/Fox News/Salon)
Excerpted from "The Outrage Industry"
Sandra Fluke's statement on behalf of Georgetown Law Students for Reproductive Justice during a House Democratic Steering and Policy Committee in February 2012 placed her in the center of a firestorm. Her public advocacy for insurance coverage of contraceptives resulted in an extended series of personal attacks from radio personality Rush Limbaugh. Limbaugh's three-day tirade began on February 29, when he offered demeaning characterizations of Fluke, including that she "wants to be paid to have sex. She's having so much sex she can't afford the contraception. She wants you and me and the taxpayers to pay her to have sex. What does that make us? We're the pimps." Although this suggests that Fluke proposed that tax revenues be used to pay for contraceptives, her actual position was that contraception should be covered by the student-funded health insurance in place, which was not subsidized by the (Catholic) university or the government.
The next day Limbaugh was even more aggressive, revisiting his prostitution analogy and adding new fuel to the fire remarking, "Ms. Fluke, have you ever heard of not having sex? Have you ever heard of not having sex so often?" Over the course of the broadcast he said that Fluke was having so much sex that it was "amazing" that she could still walk, questioned her morality, suggested that her life had no purpose, commented that she had no self-control or personal responsibility, and said he would have stayed away from someone like her when he was in school because they might carry sexually transmitted diseases. He also pretended to be Fluke, using a crybaby voice to suggest she was an entitled whiner. Perhaps most crudely, he suggested, "So, Ms. Fluke and the rest of you feminazis, here's the deal: If we are going to pay for your contraceptives, and thus pay for you to have sex, we want something for it. And I'll tell you what it is. We want you to post the videos online so we can all watch ... if we're going to have a part in this, then we want something in return, Ms. Fluke, and that would be the videos of all this sex posted online so we can see what we are getting for our money." On the March 2 show, Limbaugh repeated variations on the statement that she was having "so much sex that she can't afford it" at roughly 10 separate points in the broadcast, erroneously indicating more than once that this information came from Fluke's testimony in front of the committee, although Fluke did not comment on her sex life in her statement.
Limbaugh's commentary about Fluke produced the most dramatic outcry against the show in its 25-year history. Criticism came from all quarters: Liberal media watchdog group Media Matters organized a social media campaign lobbying Limbaugh advertisers to drop his program. Advocacy groups, particularly women's rights organizations, also took action. The National Organization for Women called for Clear Channel Communications, the corporate parent of the Rush Limbaugh Show, to drop the program. Seventy-five Democratic members of Congress signed a letter to House Speaker John Boehner urging him to condemn Limbaugh's behavior, and President Barack Obama called Fluke to express his personal support. Republican leaders who were asked to comment chose their remarks gingerly; presidential candidate Mitt Romney said merely, "it's not the language I would have used."
Under pressure from advertisers who were dropping the show, Limbaugh made a half-hearted apology to Fluke on his March 6 broadcast, expressing regret over his use of "those two words to describe her" (presumably slut and prostitute), but he also continued to offer criticism of Fluke and of the contraception policy she endorsed. The apology did not stem the tide; in a little more than a week Limbaugh lost more than 50 advertisers. He publicly claimed the loss was not hurting business, "That's like losing a couple of french fries in the container when it's delivered to you in the drive thru. You don't even notice it." The long-term impact on Limbaugh's advertising revenue remains to be seen, but it is clear that the Fluke controversy amounted to free publicity for the program and further solidified his standing with his conservative audience.
Liberal organizations and political opinion outlets used Limbaugh's remarks to stoke the anger of their constituents, churning up ratings, traffic, dollars, and votes. MoveOn and Democratic congressional committees used the vitriol as a fundraising tool. Some liberal advocacy groups also used Limbaugh's diatribe to their advantage. UltraViolet, for example, created a political advertisement including footage of Limbaugh to criticize Mitt Romney in an effort to sway the 2012 presidential election. And riding high on moral indignation and the opportunity to dress down one of their audience's favorite villains, the liberal cable news analysis programs lavished airtime on Limbaugh's remarks and the subsequent boycott efforts. Among them was television and radio host Ed Schultz, who interviewed Fluke on his show and expressed dismay at the sexist personal attacks, something he must have been more comfortable with in 2008 when he suggested that vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin was a "bimbo" and in 2011 when he called conservative radio host Laura Ingraham a "slut."
Given the magnitude of the response to Limbaugh's remarks, an unfamiliar outsider might assume his behavior to be highly out of the ordinary. In fact, what is perplexing is that the attacks on Fluke struck so many as shocking. This is, after all, the same Rush Limbaugh who coined the term "feminazi," called Hillary Clinton a bitch, Chelsea Clinton a dog, and Nancy Pelosi a "ditz"—he who had also suggested that Anita Hill had probably had "plenty of spankings." This is the same Limbaugh who regularly refers to the National Organization for Women as "NAGS," and more recently responded to the multiple allegations of sexual harassment against Herman Cain by suggesting: "You women, why don't you just make it official, put on some burqas, and I'll guaran-damn-tee you, nobody'll touch you. You put on a burqa, and everybody'll leave you alone."
Rush Limbaugh's remarks were outrageous, but such behavior is de rigueur in a political media genre where being offensive (and reliably indignant when offended) is the foundation of most content. Popular conservative radio host Michael Savage has no qualms yelling "take your religion and shove it up your behind" at Muslims on his national broadcast. And liberal radio host Mike Malloy seemed to take great enjoyment in making a mock phone call to Satan to check on conservative blogger and commentator Andrew Breibart, shortly after he passed away. In one of his many ludicrous statements, conservative Glenn Beck told viewers on Fox's morning show that FEMA could very well be building concentration camps for those opposed to the policies of the Obama administration.
Controversial content like this has always existed in small pockets of the media landscape, but in the last twenty-five years this form of commentary has come into its own, as a new genre of political opinion media that we term outrage. The genre has several distinctive attributes but is most easily recognizable by the rhetoric that defines it, with its hallmark venom, vilification of opponents, and hyperbolic reinterpretations of current events. With this book, we undertake a much-needed examination of this overlooked development in the political media landscape.
We begin descriptively, identifying the attributes of the genre and documenting its prevalence, showing the ways outrage traverses media platforms and political ideologies. We argue that outrage-based political content cannot be explained by increased political polarization in the United States but rather requires an understanding of the structural changes in the media landscape—primarily regulatory and technological—that have rendered such content newly profitable. This profitability has spurred imitation and unprecedented growth.
The visibility of the genre has been further bolstered by the synergistic relationship between political parties, candidates, social movements, and advocacy groups on the one hand and outrage platforms such as political talk radio, cable news analysis programs, and political blogs on the other. We find that many advocacy groups, social movements, and political operatives draw on the themes and narratives offered by outrage personalities to convince potential supporters to rally behind their cause, party, or candidate. We look, in particular, at how the Outrage Industry shaped the development of the Tea Party, serving as a vital communicative link among disparate independent Tea Party chapters and contributing to the success of their insurgency during the 2010 Republican congressional primaries.
Outrage discourse and programming may be effective at increasing advertising revenues and political support, but our research suggests that the mainstreaming of outrage in American political culture undermines some practices vital to healthy democratic life. Specifically, we show that outrage tactics such as ideological selectivity, vilification of opponents, and fear mongering make talking politics beyond our most intimate circles extraordinarily difficult, complicating our ability to have meaningful discussions about politics in our communities. We also see outrageous voices wielding disproportionate influence in elections, independently vetting candidates, anointing or tarring the contestants, particularly during primaries. This has been most evident on the right, where outrage media are more abundant and mature. Finally, we believe outrage to be increasingly divisive in the world of congressional policymaking, as it works to brand collaboration, open-mindedness, and compromise as weak. This stigmatization of cooperation has particular gravity because public servants are well aware that key votes will be closely monitored by outrage venues and heralded as tests of ideological purity.
Outrage as a genre
We use the term "outrage" to refer to the genre as well as the form of discourse that defines it. While political opinion outlets within the genre are recognizable by a distinct clustering of several attributes, they are recognizable primarily by a hallmark discursive style. Outrage discourse involves efforts to provoke emotional responses (e.g., anger, fear, moral indignation) from the audience through the use of overgeneralizations, sensationalism, misleading or patently inaccurate information, ad hominem attacks, and belittling ridicule of opponents. Outrage sidesteps the messy nuances of complex political issues in favor of melodrama, misrepresentative exaggeration, mockery, and hyperbolic forecasts of impending doom. Outrage talk is not rational-critical discourse in the Habermasian sense, nor is it accurately characterized as deliberation (although users may certainly draw upon or challenge perspectives and information from outrage media during their own political deliberation); instead it takes the form of verbal competition, political theater with a scorecard. What distinguishes this type of discourse is not that it seeks to evoke emotion in the political arena. On the contrary, emotional speech has an important place in political life, and many emotional appeals are not outrageous. What makes outrage distinctive are the tactics used in an effort to provoke the emotion.
Although outrage has some commonality with its conceptual sibling, "incivility," the terms are not interchangeable. Diana Mutz and Byron Reeves use incivility to denote "gratuitous asides that [suggest] a lack of respect and/or frustration with the opposition." In a sense, outrage is incivility writ large. It is by definition uncivil but not all incivility is outrage. Rude behavior such as eye-rolling, sighing, and the like are not outrageous because they do not incorporate the elements of malfeasant inaccuracy and intent to diminish that characterize outrage.
In addition to its unique discursive style, the genre also has other recognizable attributes. First, it is generally personality centered, with a given program, column, or blog defined by a dominant charismatic voice. We can think of liberal columnist Maureen Dowd, conservative television host Bill O'Reilly, conservative blogger Michelle Malkin, or liberal radio and television host Ed Schultz as examples of these distinctive personalities. While many of these programs and blogs include other voices such as those of guests, callers, and commenters, these voices take a backseat to the host, whose charm, emotional sensibilities, and worldview define the content. Unlike a conventional news program, in which the news itself is central and anchors are often replaced, there would be no Rachel Maddow Show without Rachel Maddow.
The genre is also recognizably reactive. Its point of entry into the political world is through response. The episodes, blog posts, and columns rarely introduce breaking news or political information. Instead they reinterpret, reframe, and unpack news from the headlines, political speeches, or claims made by other outrage hosts. This reactivity is closely linked to another attribute, ideological selectivity. Like news programs, producers in the realm of opinion are not expected to address all major political developments but can instead choose to explore what they see as most compelling. However, while conventional commentary might focus on what issues of the day seem most pressing, of particular interest to their audience, or in greatest need of in-depth examination, outrage commentary filters content selections through the lens of ideological coherence and superiority. The preferred focus is stories in which hosts can position themselves or their political compatriots in the role of the hero or can taint enemies, opponents, or policies they dislike as dangerous, inept, or immoral. This often means the emerging content provides additional space for the discussion of issues that concern their audiences. However, because of the approach used in outrage venues, the ensuing attention offers something more akin to the captivating distortions of a funhouse mirror than to the discriminating insights of a microscope. In this arena, issues of import to fans are used for maximum emotional impact, such that tiny niche issues are reshaped into scandals and significant developments that are less ideologically resonant are dismissed as trivial or ignored.
Outrage is also engaging. It is easy to see why audiences might find their favorite columnists, bloggers, or hosts more entertaining than a conventional commentator. In outrage there is performance. There are jokes. There is drama. There is conflict. There is fervor. There is even comfort, as audiences find their worldviews honored. Adding to this level of engagement is the sense of inclusion offered to those in the viewing, listening, and reading community. Hosts help fans feel that they are connected to like-minded others and sometimes even create tangible linkages through blogs, meet-up groups, and social media. In spite of the negative tenor of much of the content, fans feel refreshed by the programs. In many ways, outrage venues serve as political churches. The faithful attend, hear their values rearticulated in compelling ways, and leave feeling validated and virtuous for having participated.
For those seeking to understand the genre, recognizing the various writers and speakers as part of a densely connected web is vital, as outrage is marked by internal intertextuality, with personalities from outrage venues constantly referring to one another. This is true for those on the same side of the ideological rift, but it is also difficult to imagine progressive and conservative outrage media being separated, as each plays an instrumental role in creating fodder for the other. Think back to Rush Limbaugh and Sandra Fluke, and consider the ways in which Limbaugh himself became the subject of liberal blogs such as Daily Kos and liberal television programs such as the Ed Schultz Show. The feedback loop continued to cycle as Limbaugh, in turn, criticized progressive outlets for exaggerating the controversy and using it for political ends.
Finally, we note that although outrage trades in overly simplified stories that paint conservatives and progressives as fundamentally different, the way conservative and progressive commentators use outrage unites them. The same rhetorical techniques are deployed by those on both sides of the political divide. Consider practices such as using ideologically extremizing language (e.g., describing someone as "far-right wing" or "far-left wing"), "proving" an opponent is a hypocrite (often with decontextualized quotes offered as evidence), presenting their version of current affairs as the "real story" and other accounts as biased. Taken together, we find remarkable mirroring between conservatives and progressives. There are scripts that could easily be rewritten for the other side by simply replacing the nouns. Think, for example, of the reverse characterizations of Tea Party and Occupy activists; in outrage, dissent is brave and admirable (and, analogously, misguided and dangerous) only some of the time.
The attributes of the genre we have just described are best illuminated by example. On September 24, 2011, one week into the Occupy Wall Street protests, amateur videos captured Deputy Inspector Anthony Bologna of the New York Police Department (NYPD) pepper spraying a group of activists after a march against economic inequality. Two of the protesters, 24-year-old Kaylee Dedrick and 25-year-old Chelsea Elliott, were hit at close range. In the video, the use of the spray appears unprovoked: the protesters are shown standing calmly on the sidewalk, behind an orange mesh police fence, at which point Bologna approaches, takes out the canister, and sprays them in their faces. The video next shows both women crumpled on the ground, screaming and crying in apparent anguish, with Dedrick gesturing toward her eyes.
The footage caught the attention of the mainstream news. Joseph Goldstein's September 26 piece in the New York Times described it as follows:
protesters were corralled by police officers who put up orange mesh netting; the police forcibly arrested some participants; and a deputy inspector used pepper spray on four women who were on the sidewalk, behind the orange netting....The events of Saturday are certain to be examined, especially since so many protesters were recording the events with cameras; videos of the pepper spray episode, for example, offered views from several angles.
Goldstein's full story was insightful, framing the police response as related to both anti-terrorism training and police fears about Seattle-esque lack of control over crowds of protesters, implicitly suggesting that these factors may have made police overly reactionary. It offered a fairly detailed account (roughly 1,000 words), including statements from the chief spokesman of the NYPD, the chair of the city council public safety committee, a representative from the police union, an officer who had been in touch with Bologna, and the associate legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). A response from an affected protester or other activist from Occupy Wall Street was notably absent. The article indicated there was disagreement over whether the use of force was appropriate, addressed other protesters' complaints against police, and discussed the role of permitting in marches.
MSNBC's The Last Word with Lawrence O'Donnell offered a different sort of analysis. O'Donnell devoted nine minutes of airtime to a dramatic monologue on police brutality. He aired four videos of alleged acts of brutality against Occupy protesters, including the Bologna pepper spray incident. Differentiating himself from the sedate neutrality of evening news anchors, O'Donnell grimaced with moral indignation as he offered scathing indictments using the video footage (in slow motion, at one point) as a jumping-off point for a biting denunciation of law enforcement. His outrage is fully justified if one accepts the premises upon which it is predicated: first, that these examples of police misconduct are rules rather than exceptions; second, that law enforcement, as an institution, has no interest in serving the public but rather in perpetrating crimes; and third, that there is methodical and effective collusion at work ensuring that these crimes go unpunished.
Police brutality is an issue of grave concern, particularly in poor communities of color, but O'Donnell's assertions are hyperbolic and distorting. Unlike the journalistic account, O'Donnell includes no voices other than his own. His evidence includes his own insistence that, "As usual, the police department is defending its troublemakers as having done absolutely nothing wrong. The department insists that the pepper spray was used appropriately" [emphasis in the original], a statement that mischaracterizes the police position. And we find two different forms of outrage discourse, misrepresentative exaggeration and conspiracy theory, in his response to the suggestion of an investigation, when he argues that such efforts are "always a sham designed from the start to the finish to defend the police conduct."
Further, it was not enough to suggest that the officer or the police department had behaved abusively. O'Donnell framed the issue more grandly. He appears livid as he explains, "I haven't bothered to mention where this took place or what police department was involved because this is an American police work that we're watching....Every day in America, police are too tough. Every day in America, police cross the line and abuse citizens." Then, to drive his point home, he links Bologna's use of pepper spray to the most notorious case of police brutality of our time, the Rodney King beating. He doesn't simply allude to the case, he replays the original, excruciating video. In it, police officers viciously beat King—assailing him over 50 times with violent baton blows and kicking him—while other officers watch, some offering encouragement. "There's a Rodney King every day in this country," says O'Donnell. Then, with the King beating and subsequent acquittals fresh in our minds he offers, "None of the officers who crossed the line this weekend will be disciplined in any way." The suggestion, of course, is that somehow—defying reason—these two acts of force are equivalent, and that injustice is inevitable.
This is outrage: from the way O'Donnell works to transform the upsetting, yet uninvestigated actions of one police officer into unassailable evidence of widespread police abuse in America that is insidiously covered up as a matter of course (supported by misrepresentative information about the police response), to the sensationalistic way he uses the stomach-turning video of the Rodney King beating to remind the audience of one of the ugliest incidents in law enforcement history, to the controlled rage he exhibits in his delivery. This embodied rage is part of the personality-centered nature of the genre; it is O'Donnell's emotional response that fills the screen as opposed to anger from the affected protesters, other members of the Occupy movement, or bystanders.
In comparing the Lawrence O'Donnell segment to the New York Times story, we can see that outrage can be engaging. Viewers are able to see the pepper spray video firsthand and listen to O'Donnell's impassioned commentary, and they have their frustration over the pepper-sprayed protesters validated as it is stoked and blessed with moral authority through the narrative linkages made between this act and larger social problems such as social inequality, corruption, and racial profiling.
The story ricocheted across cable news analysis shows, blogs, talk radio, and social media—at least in the progressive circuit, where it was featured on television shows such as Countdown with Keith Olbermann and the Rachel Maddow Show, discussed by radio hosts like Thom Hartmann, and featured prominently on blogs such as Daily Kos and the Huffington Post. Given the genre's tendency toward ideological selectivity, the popularity of the story in these venues is something we would expect since liberal protesters were the ones whose rights were violated. Conservative outlets largely ignored the story.
Excerpted from "The Outrage Industry: Political Opinion Media and the New Incivility" by Jeffrey M. Barry and Sarah Sobieraj. Copyright 2013, Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
Jeffrey M. Berry
Jeffrey M. Berry is John Richard Skuse Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. He's on Twitter at @JeffreyMBerry.
MORE FROM Jeffrey M. Berry
Sarah Sobieraj is Associate Professor of Sociology at Tufts University. She's on Twitter at @sobieraj.
MORE FROM Sarah Sobieraj
Bill O'reilly Editor's Picks Media Michael Savage Michelle Malkin Msnbc President Obama Rush Limbaugh Sandra Fluke Talk Radio


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Office of the Vice Chancellor for Research
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Press/Media (28)
Honors (70)
1640 Review article
145 Short survey
70 Technical report
51 Exhibition
21 Other chapter contribution
12 Choreography
11 Other contribution
5 Commissioned report
2 Literature review
2 Creative work
1 Discussion paper
The Body in/as World History
Burton, A. M., Sep 6 2012, A Companion to World History. Wiley, p. 272-284 13 p.
The capability approach in risk analysis
Murphy, C. & Gardoni, P., Jan 1 2012, Handbook of Risk Theory: Epistemology, Decision Theory, Ethics, and Social Implications of Risk. Springer Netherlands, p. 979-997 19 p.
Capability Approach
States of Affairs
The diffusion of an atomic icon: Nuclear hegemony and cultural memory loss
O'Gorman, N. & Hamilton, K., Jan 1 2012, Rhetoric, Remembrance, and Visual Form: Sighting Memory. Demo, A. T. & Vivian, B. (eds.). New York: Taylor and Francis, p. 189-208 20 p.
The grammatical competence of Spanish heritage speakers
Montrul, S. A., Jan 1 2012, Spanish as a Heritage Language in the US: State of the Science. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, Vol. 9781589019393. p. 101-120 20 p.
The notable and the null: Using mixed methods to understand the diverse impacts of residential mobility programs
DeLuca, S., Duncan, G. J., Keels, M. & Mendenhall, R., Dec 1 2012, Neighbourhood effects research: New perspectives. Springer Netherlands, Vol. 9789400723092. p. 195-223 29 p.
effect on employment
policy approach
Theoretical Perspectives on the L2 Acquisition of Spanish
Montrul, S., Mar 19 2012, The Handbook of Hispanic Linguistics. John Wiley and Sons, p. 747-764 18 p.
L2 Acquisition
The response of Great Lakes water levels and potential impacts of future climate scenarios
Angel, J. R., Dec 1 2012, Climate Change in the Midwest: Impacts, Risks, Vulnerability, and Adaptation. Indiana University Press, p. 203-212 10 p.
The Stories We Tell: American Indian Women's Writing and the Persistence of Tradition
Byrd, J., Sep 2012, The Cambridge history of American women's literature. Bauer, D. M. (ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 11–29
Women's Writing
The sustainability of water resources in China
Cai, X. & Lall, U., Jan 1 2012, A New Economic Growth Engine for China: Escaping the Middle-Income Trap by not Doing More of the Same. World Scientific Publishing Co., p. 239-288 50 p.
The two faces of morality: How evolutionary theory can both vindicate and debunk morality (with a special nod to the growing importance of law)
Kar, R. B., Dec 1 2012, Evolution and Morality: Nomos LII. NYU Press, p. 31-99 69 p.
evolutionary theory
THz Technology and THz Spectroscopy: Modeling and Experiments to Study Solvation Dynamics of Biomolecules
Leitner, D. M., Gruebele, M. & Havenith-Newen, M., Apr 25 2012, Methods in Physical Chemistry. Wiley-VCH, Vol. 1. p. 687-710 24 p.
Tumors of the Skeletal System
Ehrhart, N. P., Ryan, S. D. & Fan, T. M., Nov 1 2012, Withrow and MacEwen's Small Animal Clinical Oncology: Fifth Edition. Elsevier Inc., p. 463-503 41 p.
Vulnerability of the electricity and water sectors to climate change in the midwest
Gotham, D. J., Angel, J. R. & Pryor, S. C., Dec 1 2012, Climate Change in the Midwest: Impacts, Risks, Vulnerability, and Adaptation. Indiana University Press, p. 158-177 20 p.
What Makes Vicarious Functioning Work? Exploring the Geometry of Human-Technology Interaction
Degani, A., Shafto, M. & Kirlik, A., Mar 22 2012, Adaptive Perspectives on Human-Technology Interaction: Methods and Models for Cognitive Engineering and Human-Computer Interaction. Oxford University Press
What's good and bad in political communication research? Normative standards for evaluating media and citizen performance
Althaus, S. L., Jan 1 2012, The SAGE Handbook of Political Communication. SAGE Publications Inc., p. 97-112 16 p.
"States of injury�? Josephine butler on slavery, citizenship, and the boer war
Burton, A., Jan 1 2012, Women's Suffrage in the British Empire: Citizenship, Nation and Race. Taylor and Francis, p. 18-32 15 p.
Western world
Altering Enzyme Substrate and Cofactor Specificity via Protein Engineering
Desieno, M., Du, J. & Zhao, H., Mar 9 2011, Protein Engineering Handbook, Volume 1 & Volume 2. Wiley-VCH, Vol. 2. p. 777-796 20 p.
Biosynthesis
Coenzymes
Substrate Specificity
Applications of pattern discovery using sequential data mining
Gupta, M. & Han, J., Dec 1 2011, Pattern Discovery Using Sequence Data Mining: Applications and Studies. IGI Global, p. 1-23 23 p.
Approaches for pattern discovery using sequential data mining
Gupta, M. & Han, J., Dec 1 2011, Pattern Discovery Using Sequence Data Mining: Applications and Studies. IGI Global, p. 137-154 18 p.
Articulatory and acoustic characteristics of whistled fricatives in Changana
Shosted, R., 2011, Selected Proceedings of the 40th Annual Conference on African Linguistics. Somverville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project, p. 119-129
Biomaterials for studies in cellular mechanotransduction
De Volder, R. & Kong, H., Dec 1 2011, Mechanobiology of Cell-Cell and Cell-Matrix Interactions. Springer US, p. 267-277 11 p.
Books and journal articles: The textual practices of academic knowledge
Cope, B. & Kalantzis, M., Jan 2011, Towards A Semantic Web: Connecting Knowledge in Academic Research. Elsevier Ltd, p. 123-144 22 p.
Changing knowledge systems in the era of the social web
Cope, B. & Kalantzis, M., Jan 2011, Towards A Semantic Web: Connecting Knowledge in Academic Research. Elsevier Ltd, p. 1-13 13 p.
Cognitive Interventions
Stine-Morrow, E. A. L. & Basak, C., Dec 1 2011, Handbook of the Psychology of Aging. Elsevier Inc., p. 153-171 19 p.
Coherent light imaging and scattering for biological investigations
Ding, H. & Popescu, G., Dec 1 2011, Coherent Light Microscopy: Imaging and Quantitative Phase Analysis. Ferraro, P., Wax, A. & Zalevsky, Z. (eds.). 1 ed. p. 229-265 37 p. (Springer Series in Surface Sciences; vol. 46, no. 1).
Collagen-GAG materials
Caliari, S. R. & Harley, B. A., Oct 1 2011, Comprehensive Biomaterials. Elsevier, Vol. 2. p. 279-302 24 p.
Connectionist models of Aphasia and other language impairments
Dell, G. S. & Kittredge, A., Jan 7 2011, The Handbook of Psycholinguistic and Cognitive Processes: Perspectives in Communication Disorders. Taylor and Francis, p. 169-188 20 p.
Neural Networks (Computer)
Creating an interlanguage of the social web
Depression and Depressive Disorders
Flynn, M. & Rudolph, K. D., Dec 1 2011, Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Elsevier Inc., Vol. 3. p. 127-135 9 p.
Design and Implementation of Vertically Emitting Distributed Feedback Lasers for Biological Sensing
Lu, M., Choi, S. S., Ge, C., Wagner, C. J., Eden, J. G. & Cunningham, B. T., Feb 24 2011, Label-Free Technologies for Drug Discovery. John Wiley and Sons, p. 27-40 14 p.
Designing for everyone, one person at a time
McDonagh, D. C. & Formosa, D., Jan 1 2011, The Silver Market Phenomenon (Second Edition): Marketing and Innovation in the Aging Society. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, p. 91-100 10 p.
Does forest fragmentation and loss generate sources, sinks, and ecological traps in migratory songbirds?
Robinson, S. K. & Hoover, J. P., Jan 1 2011, Sources, Sinks and Sustainability. Cambridge University Press, p. 423-449 27 p.
habitat fragmentation
Do We Still Need Media Use Measures at All?
Althaus, S. L. & Tewksbury, D. H., Dec 5 2011, Improving Public Opinion Surveys: Interdisciplinary Innovation and the American National Election Studies. Aldrich, J. H. & McGraw, K. M. (eds.). Princeton University Press, p. 158-174 17 p.
political attitude
Drug Discovery and Development by Combinatorial Biosynthesis
Desieno, M. A., Denard, C. A. & Zhao, H., May 25 2011, Enzyme Technologies: Metagenomics, Evolution, Biocatalysis, and Biosynthesis. John Wiley and Sons, p. 251-283 33 p.
Effect of power ultrasound on food quality
Lee, H. & Feng, H., Jan 1 2011, Food Engineering Series. Springer, p. 559-582 24 p. (Food Engineering Series).
processing technology
Efficient object localization with variation-normalized Gaussianized vectors
Zhuang, X., Zhou, X., Hasegawa-Johnson, M. A. & Huang, T. S., Mar 4 2011, Intelligent Video Event Analysis and Understanding. Zhang, J., Shao, L., Zhang, L. & Jones, G. (eds.). p. 93-109 17 p. (Studies in Computational Intelligence; vol. 332).
Elucidation of General and Condition-Dependent Gene Pathways Using Mixture Models and Bayesian Networks
Rodriguez-Zas, S. & Ko, Y., Apr 21 2011, Applied Statistics for Network Biology: Methods in Systems Biology. Wiley-VCH, Vol. 1. p. 91-103 13 p.
Eyeblinks and cognition
Irwin, D. E. & Thomas, L. E., Jan 1 2011, Tutorials in Visual Cognition. Taylor and Francis, p. 121-141 21 p.
Fluency and familiarity: How memory for perceptual detail influences the remembering of events
Evans, K. M. & Benjamin, A. S., Mar 1 2011, Constructions of Remembering and Metacognition: Essays in Honour of Bruce Whittlesea. Palgrave Macmillan, p. 17-27 11 p.
Framing a new agenda for semantic publishing
Genetic methods for Methanosarcina species
Buan, N., Kulkarni, G. & Metcalf, W. W., 2011, Methods in Enzymology. Academic Press Inc., p. 23-42 20 p. (Methods in Enzymology; vol. 494).
Methanosarcina
Methanogens
Methanosarcina barkeri
Guiding stem cell fate through microfabricated environments
Trump, L. R., Timp, G. & Schook, L. B., Dec 13 2011, Stem Cells and Revascularization Therapies. CRC Press, p. 107-130 24 p.
Involvement of the AHR in Development and Functioning of the Female and Male Reproductive Systems
Karman, B. N., Hernández-Ochoa, I., Ziv-Gal, A. & Flaws, J. A., Nov 10 2011, The AH Receptor in Biology and Toxicology. John Wiley and Sons, p. 437-466 30 p.
Legal Research Techniques for the Social Scientist
Robbennolt, J. K. & Davidson, S., 2011, Research methods in forensic psychology. Hoboken, New Jersey: wiley
Measurement of chloroplast ATP synthesis activity in Arabidopsis
Grennan, A. K. & Ort, D. R., Oct 24 2011, Chloroplast Research in Arabidopsis: Methods and Protocols, Volume II. Vol. 775. p. 343-355 13 p. (Methods in Molecular Biology; vol. 775).
Thylakoids
Membrane transporters: Molecular machines coupling cellular energy to vectorial transport across the membrane
Huang, Z., Shaikh, S. A., Wen, P. C., Enkavi, G., Li, J. & Tajkhorshid, E., Jan 1 2011, Molecular Machines. World Scientific Publishing Co., p. 151-182 32 p.
Membrane Transport Proteins
Molecular and structural perspectives on cytochrome P450s in plants
Schuler, M. A. & Rupasinghe, S. G., 2011, Advances in Botanical Research. Academic Press Inc., p. 263-307 45 p. (Advances in Botanical Research; vol. 60).
decarboxylation
Neighbors in the lexicon: Friends or foes?
Dell, G. S. & Gordon, J. K., Jan 1 2011, Phonetics and Phonology in Language Comprehension and Production: Differences and Similarities. De Gruyter, p. 9-38 30 p.
Neuropeptidomics: Mass spectrometry-based qualitative and quantitative analysis
Yin, P., Hou, X., Romanova, E. V. & Sweedler, J. V., Oct 24 2011, Neuropeptides: Methods and Protocols. Merighi, A. (ed.). p. 223-236 14 p. (Methods in Molecular Biology; vol. 789).
Protein Precursors
Neuropeptidomics
Sweedler, J. V., Xie, F. & Bora, A., Sep 23 2011, Protein and Peptide Mass Spectrometry in Drug Discovery. John Wiley and Sons, p. 393-433 41 p.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: Automatically add some kind of text to text? So basically this:
Is there a program or something where you can input text and then it automatically adds html tags at the beginning and end of the inputted text, for example:
I type the text: "Life finds a way"
Then the program makes it like this:

"Life finds a way"

Matthew

A: Have a look at Markdown language.
It's exactly what's used when you post something on StackOverflow. Everything you write is converted to html behind the scenes (that's also why you can't print a tag without using code notation in a post).
So simple text is converted to a
 tag, unless you break two lines with an empty line.
To create an header, just use :
Header
------

which renders like this:
Header
Or like this :
# Header
## Header
### Header

which renders :
Header
Header
Header
Creating lists is also very handy :
* first item
* second item

which renders :

*

*first item

*second item

or if you like numbered lists :
1. first item
2. second item

*

*first item

*second item

Bold is as simple as : **Bold**
Italic is : *Italic*
Finally, links are simple:
The wikipedia article is linked like this :
[The wikipedia article](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Markdown)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Fear and Hope Website Survey and Together Campaign Launch
Fear & Hope website has a report on one of the largest and most comprehensive surveys ever commissioned examining attitudes to English identity, faith and race, because we wanted people of goodwill to be armed with the facts about the new politics of identity that the mainstream political parties have yet to take fully on board.
Searchlight Educational Trust commissioned the polling organisation Populus to explore the issues of English identity, faith and race. The Fear and HOPE survey gives a snapshot of current attitudes in society today. It explores the level of fear, hate and hope. It details what pulls us apart and what brings us together. With 5,054 respondents and 91 questions it is one of the largest and most comprehensive surveys into attitude, identity and extremism in the UK to date.
Please keep checking the website as more information will be added and further details of the Together campaign that is being launched: -
http://www.fearandhope.org.uk/project-report/
Nick Lowles, Searchlight Educational Trust


I am trying to be a reformed news junkie. But I find myself back in my old habits of scanning Fox, CNN, BBC, NPR on my smartphone so I know what is happening in the world. Most of the time it just brings me down or makes me mad. But every once in a while I find something that actually pertains to my career! On September 10, NPR reported a study showing women who eat fish twice a week cut their risk of hearing loss. This will connect a few of HHTMs past posts, which excited me even more!
The study suggested the higher consumption of fish and "long-chain omega-3 polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFAs) may be associated with a lower risk of hearing loss. It turns out the Omega-3 fatty acids are linked to cutting risk of heart disease, depression and, possibly, memory loss. I have reported on all of these in the past (just follow the links highlighting the names). This column has focused on many things that affect hearing loss, but these are the top 3 out of 4. Diabetes is the other, and there can be a link on peripheral blood flow in unmanaged Diabetes that with further study may also be examined and possibly have the same preventive benefits.
My husband and I have an ongoing dinner war. I cook, so I cook things I like. I do not particularly like fish. There is more to it than that though. I do not like to eat fish I prepare. It is an oddity that he will never understand (I may not either), but I do enjoy when others, such as restaurants, prepare the meal for me. I absolutely love sushi and most white fish.
This may help in my campaign to eat out more often!


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text:
Kellen CooksOssining, New York Jonathan PlassPhiladelphia, Pennsylvania
Samia Henni: Discreet Violence: Architecture and the French War in Algeria
Assistant professor of architecture Samia Henni's exhibition Discreet Violence: Architecture and the French War in Algeria. photo / provided
A view of Henni's exhibition in John Hartell Gallery. William Staffeld / AAP
Henni, left, leads a discussion of her exhibition in John Hartell Gallery. William Staffeld / AAP
Military and propaganda imagery used by the French government during the forced relocation of the Algerian population. William Staffeld / AAP
A view of the exhibition in John Hartell Gallery. William Staffeld / AAP
Assistant professor of architecture Samia Henni's exhibition Discreet Violence: Architecture and the French War in Algeria. photo / provided A view of Henni's exhibition in John Hartell Gallery. William Staffeld / AAP Henni, left, leads a discussion of her exhibition in John Hartell Gallery. William Staffeld / AAP Military and propaganda imagery used by the French government during the forced relocation of the Algerian population. William Staffeld / AAP A view of the exhibition in John Hartell Gallery. William Staffeld / AAP
March 7–April 11, 2019
Samia Henni
Artist Talk and Reception
During the Algerian Revolution (1954–62), or the Algerian War of Independence, the French civil and military authorities profoundly reorganized Algeria's urban and rural territory, drastically transformed its built environments, rapidly implanted new infrastructure, and strategically built new settlements in order to protect France's economic interests in Algeria and keep Algeria under French colonial rule, which began in 1830. Discreet Violence: Architecture and the French War in Algeria features one aspect of these territorial transformations — the construction of militarily controlled camps dubbed the centres de regroupement (regrouping centers) in Algeria's rural areas. These spaces resulted from the creation of the forbidden zones — free-fire zones — and engendered massive forced relocations of the Algerian population. Special military units called the Sections administratives spécialisées (SAS, or Specialized Administrative Sections) supervised the evacuation of the forbidden zones, the regrouping of the Algerian population, the construction of temporary and permanent camps, and the conversion of a number of permanent camps into pseudo villages; and monitored the daily life of Algerian civilians. The aim of these camps was to isolate the Algerian population from the influence of national liberation fighters and to impede potential psychological and material support.
Based on French military photographs and films produced by the propaganda teams of the Service cinématographique des armées (SCA, or Cinematographic Service of the Armed Forces) and other public and private sources, the exhibition features certain aspects of the evacuation of the Algerian rural population, the building processes of the camps, and the living conditions in the camps. It discloses the ways in which the French colonial regime attempted to divert the military purpose of the camps in the aftermath of a media scandal of 1959. The exhibition unfolds the intrinsic relationships between architecture, military measures, colonial policies, and the planned production and distribution of visual records. Today, the SCA is called the Établissement de communication et de production audiovisuelle de la défense (ECPAD, or Office of Communication and Audiovisual Productions of Defense) and is still active in war zones where the French army is involved.
The exhibition, curated by Samia Henni, has also been presented at the GTA Exhibitions, ETH Zurich (April–June 2017); the New Institute in Rotterdam (September 2017–February 2018); the Archive Kabinett in Berlin (December 2017–January 2018); The Graduate School of Architecture, University of Johannesburg (April–June 2018); La Colonie in Paris (June–July 2018); and the VI PER Gallery in Prague (September–November 2018).
Samia Henni is an assistant professor of history of architecture and urban development in the Department of Architecture at AAP. She is the author of Architecture of Counterrevolution: The French Army in Northern Algeria (GTA Verlag, 2017) and the editor of War Zones (GTA Verlag, 2018). She has taught at Princeton University, ETH Zurich, and Geneva University of Art and Design. She received her Ph.D. (with distinction, ETH Medal) in the history and theory of architecture from the GTA Institute, ETH Zurich.
Henni will lead gallery tours from 5 to 6 p.m. on Wednesday, March 20, and Wednesday, March 27. Meet in John Hartell Gallery.
At the Manifesta Biennial, a French City's Tough Realities Go on Show
Into the Desert: Questions of Coloniality and Toxicity
COVID-19 and Equity: Rethinking Cities, Pedagogy, and Race
Henni Receives Prestigious Spiro Kostof Book Award from the Society of Architectural Historians
Anooradha Iyer Siddiqi and Samia Henni: Land and History in the Living Room
Samia Henni Joins Architecture Faculty
Samia Henni's Faculty Profile
AAP Alumni Panel Virtual Series Event: Effective Professional Communication July 28, 2020–July 30, 2020
lla Bêka and Louise Lemoine: The Experience of Space November 12, 2020
Gregory Page: Motifs from the Global Backyard II March 16, 2020–April 8, 2020


text:
Women's Empowerment Campaign #7 – Shanice Love
🔺 What made you decide to become a gamer/streamer?
My elder brother. Since we have a big age gap, I put in the effort to know more about video games by playing them to have a better relationship with my brother and have more topics to talk about.
🔺 How do you overcome negative/hate comments from your viewers?
I take it as a compliment and try to improve from it, as it's the best way. There is a saying that goes like "failure is the mother of success ". Those hateful comments will make us realise our problems and encourage us to change.
🔺 How do you envision success as a streamer?
To me a successful streamer is to have a lot of viewers that are willing to talk to you while streaming, not everyone will interact with the streamer, most of the time they would just rather watch. I am happy if my chat is filled with people talking to me while I stream, which makes me think that I am entertaining them. That's how I envision a successful streamer.
🔺 What does "female gamer privilege" means to you?
I think that the female gamer privilege does exist and it is a good thing in this industry. It makes it easier to attract male viewers/players to play with as female gamers are more interactive while they are playing games. It also helps to improve the companies branding if female gamers are their ambassadors.
🔺 What are your thoughts about the stereotypes and misconceptions that guys are better at playing video games than female gamers?
It doesn't matter whether you're a male or a female gamer, but it's all about how much effort and training you put in to be the best player.
🔺 Have you ever experienced any sexual harassment while streaming/gaming? If yes, how did you overcome it?
Yes, I think every female gamers experienced this. I would warn them not to say such things in my stream. But if it continues, I will just ignore them.
🔺 What has been your greatest regret since you become a streamer and what did you learn from it?
My greatest regret is that I did not know about the latest gaming trends and not being able to realise that my viewers are not very entertained with my streams. What I learnt from this is that playing with entertaining friends would make it easier for my viewers to interact with me.
ShaniceLove: FACEBOOK


text: testLib3Imp_EXPORT int testLib3Imp(void) { return 0; }

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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text:
20 Targeted in Marriage Battle
More than 20 Senators will face an intense lobbying effort over the next few weeks from opponents and supporters of a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage, a controversial measure expected to have an impact on the November elections.
In recent weeks, each camp has been huddling to devise strategies for influencing the mid-July vote. The amendment is widely projected to fail, but the tally is expected to provide an accurate assessment of sentiment on the issue.
Organizers said that over the next three weeks, the two sides will focus primarily on energizing their bases, rather than engaging in high-priced media blitzes to exert pressure on uncommitted Senators.
"The big advertising — we are beyond that right now," said Tom McClusky, director of government affairs for the Family Research Council, which supports a federal ban on same-sex marriage.
The gay and lesbian GOP advocacy group Log Cabin Republicans has been running a $1 million targeted advertising campaign urging the constitutional amendment's defeat, but leaders are rethinking the group's strategy as the Senate nears the July 12 vote.
"Mobilizing grassroots might be more effective during this period," said Christopher Barron, the organization's political director.
The Family Research Council and other allies are relying on coalitions to energize grassroots members based primarily in the religious community.
Even before the July vote was announced, this grassroots network had already been activated when "The Battle for Marriage," a live satellite broadcast, was beamed in May into 1,700 churches, organizers said.
A similar broadcast on July 11 — one day before the Senate turns it attention to the matter — will feature Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council, James Dobson of Focus on the Family and Chuck Colson of Prison Fellowship Ministries.
Opponents of the constitutional amendment are also banding together, temporarily shelving political differences to oppose the measure.
The Log Cabin Republicans have joined forces with the Human Rights Campaign, a liberal gay and lesbian lobbying group, even though the two organizations differ on what political party should control Congress and the White House.
"It is a critical time for people opposed to the amendment to realize we have to work with people who agree with us on opposing the amendment," said Barron, the Log Cabin Republicans' political director.
Groups lining up against the measure include the American Civil Liberties Union, the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, People for the American Way and the NAACP.
Even though there is little chance that the Senate will end up voting on the merits of the bill, the July procedural vote is viewed as a critical harbinger about what direction this issue will head after the November elections.
"I haven't seen a vote ... that is more important than this," said Winnie Stachelberg, political director of the Human Rights Campaign. "The fact that our opponents are those who would support discrimination, I think, is very disturbing."
"This is the beginning," said Matt Daniels, president of the Alliance for Marriage, which supports enactment of a constitutional amendment. "The important thing is to start getting folks on the the record."
Republican leaders have echoed a similar theme in recent weeks, saying it is important for voters to know where lawmakers stand on this issue before they head to the polls. Such statements have drawn sharp denunciations from Democratic lawmakers who charge that the GOP is only raising this issue for political purposes.
"I continue to believe that a constitutional amendment on marriage is unnecessary and aimed simply at scoring points in an election year," Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wis.) said Wednesday at a Judiciary Committee hearing examining the issue.
While no official whip count has been taken by either political party, outside groups have identified at least one-fifth of the Senate as being uncommitted on this issue.
"I think both sides of this issue have the same targeted group of 20 to 25 Senators," said Jim Backlin, vice president of legislative affairs for the Christian Coalition, which supports the constitutional amendment.
The groups are targeting Senators from both parties, hoping to use the November elections to coerce Senators — especially those seeking re-election — to support the constitutional amendment. The Family Research Council has even reworked the legislative report card it drafts each year so that it scores not only the vote but also actual co-sponsorship of the amendment.
"Sponsorship shows leadership on the issue," McClusky said.
Among the lawmakers considered persuadable are Arkansas Sens. Blanche Lincoln (D) and Mark Pryor (D); Indiana Sens. Evan Bayh (D) and Dick Lugar (R); Louisiana Sens. John Breaux (D) and Mary Landrieu (D); Maine Sens. Susan Collins (R) and Olympia Snowe (R); Montana Sen. Max Baucus (D); Nebraska Sen. Ben Nelson (D); New Hampshire Sens. Judd Gregg (R) and John Sununu (R); North Dakota Sens. Kent Conrad (D) and Byron Dorgan (D); Ohio Sens. Mike DeWine (R) and George Voinovich (R); Rhode Island Sen. Lincoln Chafee (R); South Carolina Sen. Fritz Hollings (D); and South Dakota Sens. Tom Daschle (D) and Tim Johnson (D).
Across the Capitol, the House GOP leadership has shown little enthusiasm for voting on a constitutional amendment banning gay marriage, despite a concern among some Republican Members about allowing marriages between gay and lesbian couples to continue unabated.
The House Judiciary Committee today is holding the fourth in a series of hearings on the issue. The hearing will focus on a proposal by Rep. John Hostettler (R-Ind.) to "strip" the authority from lower and appellate federal courts to rule on questions of the legality of the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act and return it to the state courts. This would allow those states that ban gay marriages to retain their prohibitions on the practice.
Hostettler and other supporters of the bill (H.R. 3313) argue that Article III of the Constitution gives Congress the right to deem such issues beyond the scope of federal courts other than the Supreme Court. According to one GOP source close to the issue, this approach has "big advantages" in that "it is not a constitutional amendment," yet allows Congress to have a direct say in the direction of the debate over gay marriages.
GOP sources point out that a similar tactic was used in 2002 by Daschle. The Minority Leader placed language in a bill preventing federal courts from having the authority to review a timber management program in the Black Hills National Forest.
The hearing on the Hostettler bill will take place in the Judiciary subcommittee on the Constitution, chaired by Rep. Steve Chabot (R-Ohio).
The Judiciary Committee is scheduled to have one more hearing on gay marriage before the end of July, although that was supposed to have covered constitutional amendments that were less-sweeping than an outright ban on gay marriages. At this point, no other potential amendments have been offered, so it is unclear whether that hearing will take place.
Once the hearings are completed, Judiciary Chairman Jim Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.) is supposed to make a recommendation to Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.) on what legislative approach the GOP Conference should take.
While Sensenbrenner hasn't endorsed any particular proposal, GOP insiders said the Hostettler bill is considered "very attractive" and could garner wide support among those lawmakers who oppose gay marriage but are reluctant to amend the Constitution.
- From Roll Call


text:
#1319 Looking Back
"I really loved the year 2018, but I'm even more looking forward to the year 2019."
We look back at 2018 and wish everyone a happy New Year. This episode is our chance to revisit all of the great conversations we've had about Jefferson in 2018.
Source: https://jeffersonhour.bandcamp.com/track/1319-looking-back
Tagged: New Year's, Holidays, Retrospective, Bread, Wheat, Agriculture, Nonpartisan League, Non-Partisan League, Socialism, Eclipse, Books, John Adams, Dogs, Tomatoes, Whole Man Theory, Thomas Paine
#1257 Down from the Mountain
"Jefferson was a gentleman. Mountains weren't climbed in his time."
— Clay
This week, we speak with Clay about his recent mountain climbing experience and answer listener questions.
Source: https://jeffersonhour.bandcamp.com/track/1257-down-from-the-mountain
Tagged: Natural Bridge, Arthur C. Townley, Non-Partisan League, Listener Questions, Capitalism, Socialism, Isolationism, National Park Service
The Capacity of Material Prosperity to Undermine Prairie Radicalism
Over the past couple of weeks I have been reading books about the Nonpartisan League, including the standard history of the NPL, Robert Morlan's Political Prairie Fire. The League will achieve its centennial moment during the 2015 legislative session in North Dakota. It was during the infamous 1915 session that Cass County legislator Treadwell Twitchell (who appears to have received his name out of a Charles Dickens novel), allegedly told the desperate, crusading farmers who had assembled at the North Dakota capitol to "Go home and slop the hogs!" Twitchell later claimed that he had not made the incendiary remark, but he's stuck with it one way or the other. It's an essential part of the NPL legend, and whatever he said in February 1915 touched off one of the most remarkable episodes in American history.
In 1915 nine out of ten North Dakotans lived on family farms. The great majority of them were struggling against almost impossible odds to put food on the table for their families and buy seed for next year's crops. Out-of-state banks controlled the credit supply. The interest rates they charged were steep, even usurious. Out-of-state milling and elevator corporations controlled the price of wheat. Their grain grading systems were self-serving, often corrupt, and their scales were sometimes rigged to their own advantage. Out-of-state railroads monopolized the transport of grain at a time when automobiles and trucks were rare in North Dakota. The whole "system" was designed to benefit what the NPL called "Big Biz." North Dakota was essentially a grain-production colony controlled by powerful individuals and entities located in Minneapolis, Chicago, and beyond. One historian has called that North Dakota "a tributary province of Minneapolis-St. Paul."
The farmer-citizens of North Dakota had attempted to improve their conditions in a range of ways, beginning with the Populist Movement, but without measurable success. By 1915 they had come to realize that until they took control of the means of production—until they broke the out-of-state monopolies that controlled the economic destiny of North Dakota—they would never know even moderate prosperity. They were, in short, driven to a revolution—not at the end of a pitchfork or musket, but at the polling booth.
The Nonpartisan League was the brainchild of Arthur C. Townley, Fred Wood, and Arthur LeSueur. Townley was the organizational genius. He was a gifted political strategist, a brilliant stump orator, and a born rabble rouser. His goal was to sign up enough farmers to take control of North Dakota before the opposition realized what was happening. In this he succeeded, thanks to the newfangled Model T Fords he rattled over the dirt roads of the state, and his willingness to accept postdated checks from financially strapped farmers. In 1916 the League (technically nonpartisan but in fact mostly an insurgency within the dominant Republican Party), elected a majority in the ND House of Representatives and Lynn J. Frazier of Hoople as ND Governor. Frazier got 79% of the vote. Two years later, Frazier was re-elected, and both the House and the Senate were now solidly controlled by NPL legislators. That made the legislative session of 1919 one of the most interesting in North Dakota history. Virtually the entire League program was enacted: our three-member Industrial Commission was created, with a broad mandate to "engage in the business of manufacturing and marketing farm products" and to "establish a system of warehouses, elevators, flour mills, factories, plants, machinery and equipments, owned, controlled and operated by it."
This was a breathtaking mandate. If the League program had been fully implemented, we might have established a bunch of state-owned banks, state-owned elevators in many locations, state slaughter houses and cold-storage warehouses, and a range of value-added agricultural processing factories (all socialist) scattered across the North Dakota landscape. What we wound up with was a single state-owned bank (Bismarck) and a single state-owned elevator (Grand Forks). Even so, by 1920 North Dakota was "the most socialist place in America."
Well, my, how things change.
The question that puzzles all historians is how the little conservative backwater of North Dakota found itself in the midst of a socialist revolution. We were then, as we are now, a very conservative people. Some historians say those pesky Norwegian immigrants carried a reformist sensibility with them to Ellis Island. Others point to the worldwide workers movement of that era. It is true that the period between 1900 and 1945 represents the high-water mark of international socialism. In thinking about the meteoric rise of the Nonpartisan League it is worth remembering that all the major European countries, including Great Britain, were teetering on the brink of socialist revolutions in the years before World War I. North Dakota's radicalized farmers took power in 1916-1918, just at the moment of the Russian Revolution (1917).
My answer is simple. I believe there are two types of radicals—ideological radicals and reactive radicals. The first category includes people like Lenin and Trotsky or—in the American context—Thomas Paine and even Thomas Jefferson. These are men (and women) who possess what might be called "the revolutionary temperament." It's amazing to me that Jefferson could have been elected to the American Presidency. His writings are full of surprisingly radical pronouncements like, "The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure." Such radicals are comparatively rare—and they almost never taste power.
The other brand of "radicals" are essentially reactionaries. They have no instinct for revolution. They are, by habit, non-political. They just want to live their lives with economic sufficiency and something like a "square deal," to use Theodore Roosevelt's favorite formulation. They have no particular ideology. They are certainly not averse to the profit motive. They do not wish to redistribute wealth or level the social order. But when the existing social, political or economic systems are rigged to exploit them to the point of peonage, when they cannot make ends meet no matter how hard they work, otherwise conservative people can be driven into temporary radicalism. One of my oldest friends once gave me perfect advice: "never drive anyone into a corner they cannot get out of except by going over the top of you."
This is what happened in North Dakota in 1915. The actual winning of power in 1916 and 1918 was such an ecstasy that it siphoned off much of the revolutionary anger. It was a stunning and largely unexpected political catharsis, but it perhaps had the unintended effect of returning many of the "radicals" who pulled it off back to a kind of complacency. Meanwhile, World War I broke the trajectory of the farmers' movement. Prices rose. There was a worldwide demand for maximum production. The Wilson administration passed repressive crisis legislation that crushed dissent: the Espionage Act of 1917 (still in effect, though often amended), the Sedition Act of 1918, etc. Townley was jailed in Jackson, Minnesota, for impeding recruitment of the farm boys he rightly recognized as "cannon fodder" for the plutocratic munitions industries fattening on war profits (and profiteering).
Once the Great War had changed everything, and a few of the League's goals had been met with largely symbolic reforms, North Dakotans returned to their normal, largely apolitical, and traditionally conservative ways.
And today, the great-grandchildren of that radical episode are having a mushy love affair with Big Biz. This would have killed Townley; it would sadden Jefferson; and probably it would hurl TR right back into The Arena.
A Jeffersonian Among the Seed Chippers
It's a fascinating and even breathtaking enterprise—to manipulate what's going on inside seeds to maximize production on America's farms.
#1329 Laboratories of Democracy
"I am a loyal, proud, cheerleading sort of North Dakotan."
A listener in Texas admonishes Clay for offering to give up a North Dakota senate seat, and we take questions about the Fourteenth Amendment. Our constitutional discussions continue by reading additional correspondence from listeners.
#1311 Jefferson's Views
"This is a French school of economics and social thinking that I subscribed to, at least in part, that says that wealth comes from the soil"
President Jefferson answers listener questions about Jefferson as a guide for our troubled times, Jefferson's views on slavery, and his thoughts on J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur's Letters from an American Farmer, published in 1782.
Tagged: Nonpartisan League, Agriculture, Socialism, North Dakota, Thomas Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt, Politics


Congratulations to Transport For London and Telent Technology Services on winning the award for Plug & Play Innovation in Traffic Signals at the recent National Transport Awards that took place in London.
I joined CHH in 2003 and procure materials at the right cost without comprising quality. Good teamwork is the key to success in everything we do at CHH.


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Quotations on Vietnam
Definition of Vietnam
Internet search for Vietnam
Find Vietnam on Amazon
I'd like President Bush to think maybe there's another way to think, that maybe Kissinger was wrong when he says we had to go in there because he was wrong about Vietnam.
- F. Murray Abraham
(Keywords: President, Vietnam, Wrong)
I would say that the Pentagon Papers case of 1971 - in which the government tried to block the The New York Times and The Washington Post that they obtained from a secret study of how we got involved in the war in Vietnam - that is probably the most important case.
- Floyd Abrams
(Keywords: Government, War, Post, Study, Vietnam, Washington)
The American invasion did not succeed in Vietnam, and will never succeed in Iraq.
- Mohammed Aldouri
(Keywords: American, Iraq, Succeed, Vietnam, Will)
The American Dream has run out of gas. The car has stopped. It no longer supplies the world with its images, its dreams, its fantasies. No more. It's over. It supplies the world with its nightmares now: the Kennedy assassination, Watergate, Vietnam.
- J. G. Ballard
(Keywords: Car, Dreams, American, Assassination, Vietnam, World)
I had the good fortune to be able to right an injustice that I thought was being heaped on young people by lowering the voting age, where you had young people that were old enough to die in Vietnam but not old enough to vote for their members of Congress that sent them there.
- Birch Bayh
(Keywords: Age, Thought, People, Being, Congress, Fortune, Injustice, Old, Right, Vietnam, Vote, Voting)
Emmy Lou Harris introduced me to the work of the Vietnam Veterans of America foundation and the Campaign for a Land Mine Free World.
- Mary Chapin Carpenter
(Keywords: Work, America, Land, Veterans, Vietnam, World)
What are we blaming? Is this Vietnam? We made a movie, it didn't make much money. I'm gonna be really happy if somebody watches it in 10 years' time and really enjoys it.
- Kevin Costner
(Keywords: Time, Money, Vietnam, Years)
I think Operation Smile is in more than 22 countries, mostly Third World. It just happened that my schedule opened up at the time they were heading to Vietnam.
- Roma Downey
(Keywords: Time, Countries, Smile, Vietnam, World)
Henry Kissinger is the greatest living war criminal in the world today, with the blood of millions of people in Vietnam and Cambodia and Laos and Chile and East Timor on his hands. He will never appear in a court or be behind bars.
- George Galloway
(Keywords: War, People, Blood, Court, Living, Today, Vietnam, Will, World)
Since There are so many questions about what the president was doing over 30 years ago, what is it that he did after his honorable discharge from the National Guard? Did he make speeches alongside Jane Fonda denouncing America's racist war in Vietnam?
- Jeff Gannon
(Keywords: War, America, President, Questions, Vietnam, Years)
I got my head bashed in at a demonstration against the Vietnam War. Police were losing control because they were up against a world they really didn't understand.
- Terry Gilliam
(Keywords: War, Control, Losing, Police, Vietnam, World)
More than half the combat deaths in Vietnam occurred after Richard Nixon was elected on a promise to bring the war to an end, and after the American people had already decided that they did not want one more soldier to die in Vietnam.
- Raul Grijalva
(Keywords: War, People, American, End, Nixon, Promise, Vietnam, Want)
I'm sure it is, I'm not for any kind of war, we've been engaged in several wars since the second world war and we lost in Korea, we lost in Vietnam, they are political wars, they have nothing to do with any real threat, nor does this one.
- Larry Hagman
(Keywords: War, Nothing, Vietnam, World, World war)
All the wrong people remember Vietnam. I think all the people who remember it should forget it, and all the people who forgot it should remember it.
- Michael Herr
(Keywords: People, Forget, Vietnam, Wrong)
Vietnam is often called our only uncensored war, but that only means that the government wasn't vetting the pictures and words.
- Bruce Jackson
(Keywords: Government, War, Vietnam, Words)
Our numbers have increased in Vietnam because the aggression of others has increased in Vietnam. There is not, and there will not be, a mindless escalation.
- Lyndon B. Johnson
(Keywords: Aggression, Numbers, Vietnam, Will)
South Vietnam had to be built from scratch and, from the very beginning, depended far too much on the Western superpowers. As in the case of a person on public welfare, this dependency, which became greater with each day, was quite difficult to shake.
- Nguyen Cao Ky
(Keywords: Beginning, Day, Public, Vietnam, Welfare)
The object of my relationship with Vietnam has been to heal the wounds that exist, particularly among our veterans, and to move forward with a positive relationship,... Apparently some in the Vietnamese government don't want to do that and that's their decision.
- Ho Chi Minh
(Keywords: Government, Decision, Positive, Veterans, Vietnam, Want, Wounds)
Forty years ago this country went down a rabbit hole in Vietnam and millions died. I fear we're going down a rabbit hole once again - and if people can stop and think and reflect on some of the ideas and issues in this movie, perhaps I've done some damn good here!
- Errol Morris
(Keywords: People, Fear, Ideas, Country, Vietnam, Years)
I went to Kent State basically to avoid going to Vietnam, I had no idea what I was doing in the world. I was lost, and trying not to get into a fight every day.
- Mark Mothersbaugh
(Keywords: Idea, Day, Fight, State, Trying, Vietnam, World)
Under this scientific and moral pressure, the Canadian government conceded publicly that the use of these weapons in Vietnam was, in their view, a contravention of the Geneva Protocol.
- John Charles Polanyi
(Keywords: Government, Pressure, Vietnam, Weapons)
It's silly talking about how many years we will have to spend in the jungles of Vietnam when we could pave the whole country and put parking stripes on it and still be home by Christmas.
- Ronald Reagan
(Keywords: Home, Christmas, Country, Silly, Talking, Vietnam, Will, Years)
If the Mets can win the World Series, the United States can get out of Vietnam.
- Tom Seaver
(Keywords: states, United, Vietnam, World)
To win in Vietnam, we will have to exterminate a nation.
- Benjamin Spock
(Keywords: Nation, Vietnam, Will)
Vietnam helped me realize who the true heroes really are in this world. It's not the home-run hitters.
- Willie Stargell
(Keywords: Home, Heroes, Vietnam, World)
No one is immune from the larger events of his or her time - the Depression, World War II, civil rights, Vietnam, the spring of 1989 in China. These events intrude upon our lives and radically affect our directions.
- Paul Tsongas
(Keywords: Time, War, Civil rights, Depression, Events, Spring, Vietnam, World, World war)
We've committed many war crimes in Vietnam - but I'll tell you something interesting about that. We were committing war crimes in World War II, before the Nuremberg trials were held and the principle of war crimes was stated.
- George Wald
(Keywords: War, Trials, Vietnam, World, World war)
President Johnson did not want the Vietnam War to broaden. He wanted the North Vietnamese to leave their brothers in the South alone.
- William Westmoreland
(Keywords: War, Brothers, President, Vietnam, Want)


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Start out the year on the right side of the law! Independent authors and publishers are going to love what Bibliocrunch has in store for you in January's free webinar with special guest panelist Attorney Stacy Grossman.
Are you self-publishing a book and curious about legal issues you might face? Does your manuscript quote from third party materials and are you unsure if you need permission from the source? Are you curious about legalese in agreements? If you're looking for answers to these legal questions (and more!), you've come to the right place.
Save the date! Wednesday, August 27th at 1:00 Eastern, join marketing guru Penny Sansevieri and publicist Sandra Poirios-Smith as they offer their expertise to independent authors in an hour-long webinar hosted by DCL and organized by Bowker. We'll cover topics such as expanding your readership, contacting media, bundling books, digital vs print promotion, the difference between advertising and publicity, and much more.
More info about this informative session with these noted thought leaders can be found here.
Learn what goes into creating professional-looking books! Join India Amos, Managing Editor of Print and Digital Production at CN Times Books, and Allan Lieberman, Special Projects Manager, Data Conversion Laboratory, Inc., on Monday, June 30th, at 1:00pm EDT to discover what you need to know about production and design.
On Tuesday, February 18, Bowker and DCL co-presented a webinar called Assuming the Risk for Your Own eBook. The white paper that accompanies this webinar is available here, or at the DCL website here.