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Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art
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Historians of Netherlandish Art HNA Reviews
Vol3.2
"Savagery" and "Civilization": Dutch Brazil in the Kunst- and Wunderkammer
by Virginie Spenlé
Article Citation
A hitherto unknown coconut cup from Dutch Brazil with carved representations sheds new light on the furthering of knowledge through pictorial representation that Count Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen promoted in the mid-seventeenth century to add luster to his official image. Featuring representations of cannibals and "civilized" aboriginals, the cup suggests that "savage" Brazil was "civilized" under the peaceful leadership of the Protestant count. The same political message recurs on several other Brazilian artifacts once owned by Johan Maurits, who deliberately deployed his exotic Kunstkammer objects as diplomatic gifts to enhance his reputation as governor-general of Brazil. But when objects are integrated into a different collection context, they undergo a connotational paradigm shift. This process is easy to see in the provenance of the carved coconut cup. By the time Alexander von Humboldt owned the cup (ca. 1800), its political message had long since been obscured. Rather than an object attesting to political power, the carved coconut cup, like other "Brasiliana" from Johan Maurits's collection, had come to be regarded as an objective illustration of Brazilian natural history.
DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2011.3.2.3
Beginning with the Renaissance, Kunst- and Wunderkammers confronted visitors with objects that were not only curious, rare, and precious but also informative about their owners: how they viewed themselves and what their aspirations were. This was especially true of collections owned by reigning princes, in which the exhibits were intended to attest both to the powers of divine creation and humans' artistic potential and to the role played by the prince in shaping the society he ruled. Whereas portraits on the wall illustrated the integration of the ruling dynasty into the spheres of politics and scholarship, scientific instruments and other precious artifacts positioned the prince closer to divine wisdom. Concomitantly, they demonstrated that the ruler was in a position to define his territory by opening it up through science, to keep it under control, and to promote it.1 For example, turned art objects were charged with symbolism in the Kunst- and Wunderkammer context: they indicated the reigning prince's ability to shape society, like raw material on a lathe, into a well-proportioned configuration.2 Exotic products, by contrast, usually alluded to a prince's colonial achievements or ambition, referring vaguely to unsophisticated, remote lands as opposed to "civilized" Europe. Only rarely did such exotica depict the actual activities of colonizers in a non-European sphere.3
All the more remarkable, therefore, is a hitherto unknown coconut cup with reliefs (fig. 1, fig. 2, fig. 6, and fig. 9) illustrating the concepts of "savagery" and "civilization" in Dutch Brazil in the mid-seventeenth century. Although typical of Kunstkammer objects in many ways, the cup is exceptional, if not unique, because of its political iconography. As early as the Middle Ages, coconuts were prized as valuable natural commodities possessing therapeutic and apotropaic powers; hence they were usually worked into drinking vessels with costly mounts.4 Carvings on the bowls of such vessels occasionally evoked biblical stories such as "The Drunkenness of Noah" and "Lot and His Daughters," warning drinkers of the consequences of excessive consumption of wine.5 On the other hand, there are representations, albeit rare ones, reflecting the exotic qualities of the material itself. As far as I know, only six carved coconut cups survive with depictions of indigenous peoples of South America and allusions to the activities of Dutch colonists in the Americas: the most famous of the six came from the Kunstkammer established by the Electors of Saxony and is now in the Grünes Gewölbe (Green Vault) in Dresden (inv. no. IV 325). Then, in addition to the cup under discussion here, there is a cup once owned by Ferdinand Albrecht I of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, which is now in the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum in Braunschweig (inv. no. Hol 99). The others are in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum in Munich (inv. no. R 5338), the Historisk Museum (inv. no. B 513) in Bergen, Norway, and a private collection.6
The present work of art adds a crucial study object to this small group of coconut cups with Brazilian representations. Moreover, the provenance of this vessel provides insights into later responses to mid-seventeenth-century representations of Brazil. The cup was owned by Alexander von Humboldt, the Berlin naturalist and explorer who made such a vital contribution to the scientific exploration of South America in the early nineteenth century. In the following essay, the iconography of Humboldt's covered cup will be examined with respect to the cup's function in Johan Maurits's Kunst- and Wunderkammer so that its history can be used to reconstruct the changing interplay of power, art, and science in the context of the early modern world and modern ideas about collecting.
"Savagery" and "Civilization" in Dutch Brazil: The Iconography of the Humboldt Cup
The Humboldt coconut cup (fig. 1) consists of a carved nut mounted on a tall foot and held in place by three silver braces. Although the silver mount is fairly simple in appearance and bears no marks, the bowl of the cup is elaborately decorated with three relief fields.
Unknown Dutch, The Humboldt Cup, 1648–53, Private collection
Fig. 1 Humboldt Cup, Dutch, 1648–53, carved coconut, chased silver mount, no marks, height: 29 cm. Private collection (Photo: Munich, Kunstkammer, Georg Laue) [side-by-side viewer]
Unknown Dutch, The Humboldt Cup (detail), 1648–53, Private collection
Fig. 2 Humboldt Cup (detail) [side-by-side viewer]
The first scene (fig. 2) features "savage" indigenous peoples: a woman with a basket bound to her forehead and a naked warrior. The warrior carries a club in his hand and two spears over his shoulder. He is unmistakably characterized as an Indian by his feather headdress, which was worn by the Tupinambá and other peoples of the Amazon Basin and from the sixteenth century on was regarded as an identifying attribute of American Indians in general.7 The Tupinambá lived on the coast of Brazil and were notorious in Europe for their practice of cannibalism. The Frankfurt publisher Theodor de Bry contributed decisively to the reputation of these indigenous peoples as cannibals. The third volume of his widely circulated Grands Voyages (1592) contains eyewitness accounts furnished by Hans Staden and Jean de Léry of French attempts at establishing a colony in Brazil (1548–58).8 From then on the Brazilian Indians were regarded as prime examples of the "savage native." Confirming the prejudices of post-Renaissance Europeans, the woman accompanying the warrior on the Humboldt cup is characterized as a cannibal: in her left hand she holds a severed hand and a human foot protrudes out of the basket bound to her forehead (fig. 2).
Indeed, the female cannibal with a severed foot in her basket became a popular motif in the latter half of the seventeenth century. The motif was introduced by the Dutch painter Albert Eckhout, who stayed in what is now Brazilian territory from 1637 to 1644 to document, along with other artists and scholars, the achievements of Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen in Dutch Brazil. Eckhout based his figures on members of the Tapuya (actually Tarairiu) tribe,9 who inhabited the coastal hinterland of eastern Brazil. Upon returning to Europe, Eckhout painted from oil sketches (now lost) the large-format pictures, with life-size figures, presented by Johan Maurits in 1654 to King Frederick III of Denmark to decorate the Copenhagen Kunstkammer (fig. 3).10 The paintings might seem to view the indigenous peoples of Brazil objectively. However, the painter exploited stereotypes that had become commonplace in European painting. Since the sixteenth century, the severed limbs of victims had figured as principal attributes of the indigenous peoples of the Americas.11 The woman carrying a severed foot undoubtedly represents a nod to the previously mentioned series of engravings published by De Bry, who had stigmatized the Tupinambá, the tribe whose territory adjoined that of the Tapuya, as cannibals. It was, in fact, the unlikely combination of studied allegory and empirical observation that made Eckhout's paintings so successful.
Albert Eckhout, Tapuya Woman, 1646–53, Nationalmuseet, Etnografisk Samling, Copenhagen
Fig. 3 Albert Eckhout, Tapuya Woman, 1646–53, oil on canvas, 272 x 161 cm. Nationalmuseet, Etnografisk Samling, Copenhagen, inv. no. N38A1 (Photo: Copenhagen, Nationalmuseet, Etnografisk Samling) [side-by-side viewer]
Inhabitants of Brazil after Albert Eckhout, Fro, 1648,
Fig. 4 Inhabitants of Brazil after Albert Eckhout, 1648, woodcut. From Willem Piso and Georg Markgraf, Historia rerum naturalium Brasiliae (Leiden, 1648), p. 280 [side-by-side viewer]
Eckhout's representations of ethnographic types were especially interesting to the artists and naturalists who had accompanied Johan Maurits to Brazil. The young Dresden painter Zacharias Wagener copied Eckhout's oil sketches in his Thierbuch, in which he wrote an account of his travels.12 Of paramount importance for viewer response to Eckhout's pictures, however, were the woodcuts included in Historia rerum naturalium Brasiliae by the German naturalist Georg Markgraf, another member of Johan Maurits's entourage in Brazil. The woman carrying a severed foot and her companion recur as an illustration to Johannes de Laet's epilogue for the Historia (fig. 4)13 in a woodcut also copied from Eckhout's oil sketches. In the years that followed, this woodcut served several naturalists and artists in turn as the prototype for illustrations accompanying accounts of their own travels. Among these was the traveler Caspar Schmalkalden, who had encountered Georg Markgraf in Brazil and would later plagiarize the naturalist's studies of Brazilian natural history. In 1652, after he had returned from a decade of travels through Asia, Africa, and South America in the service of the Dutch East and West India Companies, Schmalkalden was hired as chancellery clerk at the Gotha court because of his experiences and knowledge. There he acquired precious exotica for the Kunstkammer owned by Prince Ernst and wrote a compendious account of his travels. In his treatment of the indigenous peoples of Brazil, he not only took over De Laet's text verbatim but also copied the illustrations from Markgraf's Historia.14
Jan van Kessel the Elder's 1666 painting America (fig. 5) indicates the popularity of Eckhout's cannibal woman with artists. Whereas van Kessel depicted in the foreground various peoples, artifacts, and animals as representative of the New World, in the background he chose to include the savage woman (complete with severed limb protruding from her basket) and her warrior companion as statues standing under arcades. No wonder, then, that the same cannibal woman recurs, only slightly altered, on one of the six coconut cups mentioned above.15 While Albert Eckhout's painting was the ultimate source for that formulaic representation, the woodcut published in 1648 in the Markgraf work on Brazil was the prototype for all the above-mentioned writings, paintings, and the cup presented here. Eckhout had depicted the woman with short hair; on the Humboldt cup and in the other representations, including van Kessel's, she has long hair – just as she has in the woodcut.
Jan van Kessel, America (central panel), 1666, Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Alte Pinakothek, Munich
Fig. 5 Jan van Kessel, America (central panel), 1666, oil on copper, 48.5 x 67.5 cm. Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, inv. no. 1913 (artwork in the public domain). [side-by-side viewer]
Spenle3.2_fig06
The second scene carved on the Humboldt cup (fig. 6) was also inspired by Eckhout's paintings, although it does not quote them directly. An Indian with a bow and arrows is accompanied by a woman carrying a basket full of fruit and flowers on her head. The two figures on the cup are dressed – a clear indication that they are no longer regarded as cannibals but rather as "civilized" natives working on a plantation. In his painting cycle, Eckhout had depicted various inhabitants of Brazil to illustrate European influence on the indigenous peoples of South America and the various ethnic groups living in the Dutch colony. He also made a point of using clothing to show each figure's degree of civilization.16 A Mamelucos woman wearing a long cotton dress (though she is barefoot)17 was, for instance, among the most "Europeanized" natives. Eckhout's dressing of his Mamelucos is echoed on the coconut cup by the figure of the woman, who is also depicted on the cup in the Dresden Green Vault (fig. 7).18 Here, too, the representation derives from a woodcut after Eckhout: the man with a bow and arrows is a slightly altered version of the corresponding figure in Markgraf's natural history (fig. 8).
Coconut Cup (detail), Dutch, ca. 1650, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Grünes Gewölbe, Dresden
Fig. 7 Coconut Cup (detail), Dutch, ca. 1650, carved coconut, fire-gilt silver mount, height: 34.5 cm. Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Grünes Gewölbe, Dresden, inv. no. IV 325 (Photo: Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Grünes Gewölbe) [side-by-side viewer]
Tupinambà Man, From Willem Piso and Georg Markg, 1648,
Fig. 8 Tupinambà Man, 1648, woodcut. From Willem Piso and Georg Markgraf, Historia rerum naturalium Brasiliae (Leiden, 1648), p. 270 [side-by-side viewer]
The third relief on the Humboldt cup (fig. 9) depicts a scene by the sea: a sumptuously dressed European lady hands a fish to a native. A paddle and fishing line unmistakably characterize the Indian as a fisherman. He appears in a slightly different pose on the carved coconut in the Historisk Museum in Bergen (fig. 10).19 An inscription on the cup identifies the figure as a fisherman from the Tapuya tribe. A small round fortified tower is discernible behind the fisherman on the cup in Bergen and the Humboldt cup discussed here. A similar fort is depicted on the fragmentary carved coconut cup in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum. On this piece, a ship sailing into a harbor is depicted.20 An inscription identifies the harbor as Recife de Pernambucco, one of the most important Dutch outposts on the Brazilian coast. The small port city was fortified in the 1630s when the Dutch had to fight the Portuguese for supremacy in Brazil. Hence the fortified tower in the sea stands as pars pro toto for the place where the two cultures met: it was at Pernambucco that the Dutch first came into contact with the indigenous peoples of Brazil. The Humboldt cup depicts that encounter and the consequences it had for the New World: the lady, recognizable from her dress as a European, can be interpreted as a personification of Europe and the fish she hands the Indian as the symbol of Christ. The scene can, therefore, be read as follows: the savage has been converted to Christianity through the intercession of Europe. He becomes a fisherman who, like the Apostle Peter, contributes to the spread of Christianity among his fellows. No longer a cannibal like the natives in the first relief panel, he has been changed into a "good savage," like the scantily clad plantation workers in the second relief panel, above whom, moreover, a dove hovers! One might wonder, however, which Christian doctrine is meant here. The sun rising full of promise over the land of these pagans first touches the little fort in the sea, possibly an allusion to the Lutheran hymn A Mighty Fortress Is Our God. More generally, the representation might be intended to portray Protestant doctrine as the true faith, a likelihood reinforced by the historical context for the Humboldt cup.
Unknown Dutch, Coconut Cup with Tapuya Fisherman, dated 1653, Historisk Museum, Bergen
Fig. 10 Coconut Cup with Tapuya Fisherman, Dutch, dated 1653, carved coconut, silver mount, height: 13.1 cm. Historisk Museum, Bergen, inv. no. B 513 (Photo: Bergen, Historisk Museum) [side-by-side viewer]
By the 1630s and '40s, Brazil had become a battle ground fought over by two colonial powers: the Dutch and the Portuguese. The Dutch West India Company, with the support of Johan Maurits, was attempting to drive the Catholic Portuguese from Brazil and thus increase the Dutch share in the sugar trade. Indigenous peoples were involved in the struggle on both sides: although numerous Tupinambá worked on Dutch plantations, Jesuit influence had made the tribe well-disposed toward the Portuguese and ensured their allegiance as allies. For military purposes, Johan Maurits, governor-general of Dutch Brazil since 1637, relied mainly on the Tapuya tribe, which had been trying to shake off the Portuguese yoke.21 Nevertheless, despite their alliance with the Dutch, the Tapuya were, like the Tupinambá before them, regarded as savages of evil character and uncouth habits. In his eulogy honoring Johan Maurits, Caspar Barlaeus described the "Tapuyer" as barbarians feared by the other Indian tribes and the Portuguese alike.22 The reliefs on the Humboldt cup, on the other hand, suggest that the Dutch were capable of transforming aboriginals into harmless Christian plantation hands. This points to the political character of the carvings on the cup: they illustrate the supremacy of the Protestant powers (the Dutch States General in the first instance) in achieving the acculturation of the "savages" and "civilizing" the New World.
Power, Art, and Science: Johan Maurits's "Brasiliana" Collection
The unique iconography of the reliefs on the bowl of the Humboldt cup indicates they were created by an artist working in the sphere of influence of Johan Maurits. Artists (Albert Eckhout and Frans Post) and scientists (Willem Piso and Georg Markgraf) had accompanied the governor-general to Brazil to investigate the character of the country and its inhabitants and describe the Brazilian flora and fauna, thus underpinning and legitimizing the governor-general's colonial ambitions.23 The artists in his retinue may have included carvers as well as painters.24 Building on this possibility, Rolf Fritz, an expert in coconut carvings, has concluded that the few known cups with Brazilian scenes were made on site in the Dutch colony. But this seems unlikely, because, as shown above, the reliefs (on the Humboldt cup as well as on the cups in Braunschweig, Dresden, and Bergen) were based on woodcuts that were not published in Holland until 1648, four years after Johan Maurits returned to Europe. The coconut cup from the Historisk Museum in Bergen (fig. 10) bears the date 1653, which definitely indicates its execution in Holland.25 Eckhout's ethnographic type-portraits were also long believed to have been produced in Brazil,26 but, again, recent research has demonstrated that they were painted in Holland.27 Why then were the words fe[cit] bresil (made in Brazil) added at the bottom of Eckhout's canvases? Johan Maurits never tired of emphasizing that all the exotic artifacts in his collection had been made in Brazil,28 apparently wishing to emphasize the scientific nature of his collection. The native origin of the objects verified the authenticity of what had been seen and depicted.29 Johan Maurits wanted his collection of artifacts to be viewed as an authentic microcosm of the overseas territory that had been explored, charted, and classified – in a word, governed – by Europeans, in this case by Johan Maurits himself.
It should be remembered, however, that Johan Maurits was not a sovereign ruler. As governor-general of Dutch Brazil and an employee of the Dutch West India Company (WIC), he was chiefly obliged to act in an economic and military capacity. He was expected to help drive the Portuguese from the territory in order to secure and increase the WIC's share of the sugar and slave trade. Although he was merely a colonial administrator, Johan Maurits assumed in Brazil the posture of a European ruler. His residence at the courts of his brother-in-law, Moritz of Hesse-Kassel, and his uncle, Stadtholder Frederik Hendrik, prince of Nassau and count of Orange, had thoroughly familiarized Johan Maurits with princely representational strategies.30 Like his royal relatives, Johan Maurits defined "his" territory on the basis of surveying, cartography, astronomy, and natural history. He also flaunted his authority by building palaces, founding cities, and amassing collections in emulation of the European sovereigns. This territorial claim implied a court not actually present in Brazil. Apart from a modest retinue in Mauritsstad,31 the only "subjects" Johan Maurits could command were Portuguese colonists, Dutch employees of the WIC, Jewish merchants, slaves, and indigenous peoples. Hence he was forced from the outset to construct his self-display around portable artifacts that were scientific in nature. Because these were regarded in Europe as coveted objects for transmitting and demonstrating knowledge, he felt justified in introducing them into the exchange of diplomatic gifts between courts. While most of these gifts were treatises, such as Markgraf's Historia rerum naturalium Brasiliae, paintings, tapestries, and other art works, such as the Humboldt cup, played a considerable role in Johan Maurits's cultivation of his identity as "ruler of Brazil." They transmitted the idealized image of a multicultural society governed by a liberal Protestant overlord who had "civilized" it by peaceful means. The brutal reality of a tough mercantile plantation society rife with armed conflict and segregation was passed over in silence.32
In the light of history, the Dutch attempts at colonizing Brazil between 1630 and 1654 must be evaluated as a failure. Nonetheless, Johan Maurits did succeed in instilling in the collective memory of both Europe and South America the notion of his rule as instrumental in creating a flourishing society in Brazil. This success was not based on any actual military or economic achievements but rather on his deliberate dissemination of knowledge about the areas he had colonized. His passion for collecting played a crucial role here: his unique collection of Brazilian artifacts and natural history specimens was a vehicle suitable for burnishing his public image in that it publicly justified as "civilizing" his decidedly unpeaceful intervention in the New World.
According to Caspar Barlaeus, Johan Maurits had established a "museum" at Boa Vista, his summer residence. Unlike the traditional Kunst- and Wunderkammer, the Boa Vista museum comprised only naturalia and artificialia related to South America and Africa (that is, to the regions actively colonized by Johan Maurits). In addition, live animals and plants could be admired in the palace menagerie and gardens.33 On his return from South America, Johan Maurits at first displayed his "Brasiliana" in his residence in The Hague. According to Barlaeus's Rerum per Octennium in Brasiliae…historia (1659), Johan Maurits soon afterward donated numerous taxidermy specimens to Leiden University, for the benefit of the anatomical theater there.34 This is one of the first instances of the clever exploitation of his collection's claim to be scientifically important, a claim that soon became the basis for a self-aggrandizing propaganda strategy. In this regard, he gave choice items to Friedrich Wilhelm I of Brandenburg, Frederick III of Denmark, and Louis XIV of France. Such items, taxidermy specimens of rare fauna, paintings, weapons, and articles of indigenous apparel, were so highly prized that the recipients immediately added them to their collections. Once displayed, they would be discussed by an aristocratic and scholarly public while simultaneously promoting the image of Johan Maurits, "the Brazilian," as a liberal colonial overlord. The extent of his largesse is evidenced by the fact that his bequest to Frederick III in 1654 consisted of twenty-six Eckhout paintings as well as Brazilian ethnographica.
The Eckhout group originally included a (lost) portrait of Johan Maurits characterizing him as a Brazilian ruler,35 while a gift he made to Friedrich Wilhelm I of Brandenburg in 1652 conveyed the same political message via its inclusion of art works devoted to scientific subjects. This is especially true of the 2,500 Eckhout drawings, watercolors, and oil studies of flora and fauna that would later be bound as the Theatri rerum naturalium Brasiliae.36
Scholars have often pointed out that Johan Maurits viewed such gifts mainly as pretexts for exacting favors.37 Indeed, he expected to receive financial advantages from such diplomatic gifts. In 1652, he received quite a large sum of money from Friedrich Wilhelm, which enabled him to purchase Freudenberg Castle near Cleve. When he dispatched Brazilian artifacts, paintings, and prepared fauna specimens to Louis XIV in 1679, Johan Maurits unabashedly outlined his expectations in a letter to Simon Arnauld, seigneur (later marquis) de Pomponne, the French secretary of state for foreign affairs: he asked for money instead of diamonds in exchange.38 It is equally clear that Johan Maurits secured the favor of important rulers with his diplomatic presents. In 1652, the Holy Roman Emperor raised him to the status of Prince of the Empire, probably with the intercession of the Elector of Brandenburg, Friedrich Wilhelm, to whom Johan Maurits had made gifts that same year. At the same time, he was made a member of the Order of St. John. His receipt of the Order of the Elephant in Denmark had little to do with presents to the Danish king, however, for he had been awarded that decoration several years before.39
The material gains that resulted from currying favor in high places were no doubt welcome, but such gains were not the paramount reason for Johan Maurits's policy of giving diplomatic gifts. Participating in the exchange of gifts between courts was significant in itself for it allowed Johan Maurits to position himself as an influential member of the European company of princes.40 Even more important were the propagandistic aims he pursued, as evidenced not only in the iconography of the gifts themselves but also through their echo in tapestries. Even while Eckhout's ethnographic type-portraits were being produced in oil, Johan Maurits intended that at least some of them be reproduced in this other medium. When Stadtholder Willem Frederik of Nassau-Dietz visited the painter at Jacob van Campen's workshop in 1647, he saw "the paintings that Count Maurits had made of all sorts of things from the West Indies, to make tapestries from them."41 Later, after Johan Maurits had given away most of those pictures, he continued to suggest that Eckhout's paintings were eminently suitable for reproduction in tapestries. He also twice commissioned the Delft tapestry maker Maximiliaan van der Gucht to make a series (now lost) after the Eckhout paintings he had given to Friedrich Wilhelm, one set being for the Prussian ruler and the second for himself. When Johan Maurits sent gifts to Copenhagen in 1654, he urged Frederick III in a letter – albeit in vain – to "have [the pictures] copied into another medium."42 He was more successful in convincing Louis XIV, who had tapestries woven after eight of the Eckhout paintings sent to him in 1679.43 It should be borne in mind that since the Middle Ages tapestries had been regarded as precious luxury articles, taken from royal residence to residence as portable media suitable for displaying princely grandeur. Johan Maurits was sufficiently versed in court culture to desire the wider circulation of his Brazilian pictures in the form of tapestries. Nonetheless, he failed to realize that Eckhout's motifs underwent a semantic shift with the transposition to a different medium and change of owner. Louis XIV subsequently used the "Indian" tapestry series made after Eckhout's cartoons as his own diplomatic gift, with the result that the tapestries no longer represented Johan Maurits's "civilizing" achievements in Dutch Brazil but rather underpinned the Sun King's personal claims to an overseas sphere of influence. He, too, possessed colonies in the New World and in this way he, like Johan Maurits, promoted an imaginary annexation of foreign territory.44
The items from his Brazilian collection that Johan Maurits sent to Copenhagen, Berlin, and Paris all underwent the same semantic shift: by virtue of their integration into different collection contexts, they lost their symbolic load as testimony to his "civilizing" activities in Brazil. This happened to the exotica in many Kunst- and Wunderkammers as they were dispersed: they were subjected to a process of defamiliarization and appropriation, and, once decontextualized, were given new meanings, ultimately transmitting a uniform and generalized image of faraway lands according to European notions.45 Thus as soon as Johan Maurits handed them on, Eckhout's paintings, the coconuts carved with Brazilian scenes, and the other "Brasiliana" were downgraded to mere "Indian" curiosities of unspecified origin. In a collection belonging to anyone other than the original owner, the reference to Dutch Brazil and its governor-general got lost. A prime example of this process is the Braunschweig coconut cup, which came from the Kunstkammer of Duke Ferdinand Albrecht of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. A paper label bearing the following inscription is glued to the inside of the cup bowl: "Fruits called 'cocus,' worked / by savages / so-called / cannibals or cabus / in their language."46 This label indicates that the steward in charge of the Kunstkammer and surely also its owner were primarily interested in the exotic fruit shell and the representation of savage cannibals traditionally associated with the Americas. In the case of the cup once in the collection of the Elector of Saxony and now in the Dresden Green Vault, the carvings were still known to refer to Brazil as late as 1732, when it was described in the inventory of Dresden Kunstkammer as "an Indian nut, with a silver foot and lid, with gilt decoration, Brazilian pictures, trees and other plants to be seen carved on the nut."47 The precision of this statement may result from the fact that Eckhout was employed at the Dresden court as a painter for eleven years (he may even have brought with him the cup that later found its way into the Kunstkammer).48 Here, too, the iconographic reference to Johan Maurits's "civilizing" achievements was rapidly obscured: soon the Dresden coconut cup merely reflected the general influence of Europe in the New World. Like that of all the collector's items amassed by the former governor-general and dispatched to foreign courts: the cup's iconography was neutralized, leaving nothing but an exoticism largely bereft of meaning. Scholars, of course, still regarded these objects as conveyors of knowledge that provided a truthful image of the remote lands in which they had (presumably) been made. This circumstance is exemplified by the batch of drawings Johan Maurits had dispatched to Berlin: this treasure trove was rearranged in the latter half of the seventeenth century, subjected to scholarly research, and integrated into the newly established electoral library with the aim of enabling scholars at the Berlin court to study the natural history of Brazil.49 Thus, though the relationship between Johan Maurits's "Brasiliana" and his colonial power was blurred, the link between art and science continued to be upheld.
Alexander von Humboldt: Art and Science ca. 1800
The Humboldt cup was probably displayed in the seventeenth-century Kunst- and Wunderkammer of a distinguished owner. Perhaps it was numbered among the objects – "made with great artifice" (künstlich) – that went to Berlin as gifts to Friedrich Wilhelm I from Johan Maurits's collection. If so, because it is not mentioned in the list of objects dispatched in 1652, the cup is likely to have been moved from Johan Maurits's residence in Sonnenburg (Słońsk) to the Berlin Kunstkammer as part of a later gift in 1676.50 This conjecture cannot be verified. It is certain, however, that the mounted nut was in the possession of the Berlin scholar and naturalist Alexander von Humboldt by about 1800 (fig. 11). He later gave it to his friend Reinhardt von Haeften (1772–1803), in whose family the art object remained for over two centuries.
Fig. 11 Friedrich Georg Weitsch, Alexander von Humboldt Collecting Botanical Samples beneath a Banana Plant, 1806, oil on canvas, 126 x 92.5 cm. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Nationalgalerie, Berlin, inv. no. A II 828 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Humboldt and von Haeften became acquainted in Bayreuth, when von Haeften was stationed there as a Prussian lieutenant of infantry and Humboldt was a Prussian surveyor-general of mines.51 From the winter of 1793 on, Humboldt and von Haeften shared lodgings and traveled together several times, once on a study trip of four months to the Tyrol as well as to northern Italy in the summer and autumn of 1795.52 The two men are said to have been ill-fated lovers.53 At any rate, Humboldt was still living with von Haeften and his wife in 1797.54 Humboldt had originally planned to take von Haeften with him to America.55 In 1799 he set out for five years of travel in South America – but without his dear friend, who by this time was suffering from ill health (von Haeften would die in 1803). Before von Haeften died, Humboldt gave him several articles of silver and two coconut cups as souvenirs, including the object discussed here.56 The cup remained in the possession of the von Haeften family for centuries, greatly treasured, often discussed as a gift from the great Prussian naturalist, and proudly displayed. Family tradition has it that the silver objects Humboldt gave to von Haeften came from overseas. This was not true of the coconut cup, of course, which, as pointed out above, was executed in the Netherlands in the mid-seventeenth century. Humboldt must have acquired it in Europe, perhaps in Berlin, and given it to von Haeften before 1799. Even before he left for South America, Humboldt is known to have been interested in several art works of an exotic nature.
During his scientific career, Humboldt often turned to works of art to study natural phenomena more closely. He viewed painting, for instance, as a suitable instrument for scientific studies because painters were able to omit nonessentials in order to concentrate on the characteristics of a landscape. And that is exactly what mattered to Humboldt in his natural history studies: objectively examining natural phenomena and the laws governing them.57 Before 1799 all that Humboldt knew of Brazil was what he had seen in greenhouses or in paintings. The representations of indigenous South Americans on the carved nut would have attracted his attention, particularly before he had traveled to South America.
In Humboldt's Kosmos, we read about his interest in pictures representing the indigenous peoples of South America. There he reports that he had seen Eckhout's "most excellent large oil pictures" (including the ethnographic type-portraits, which indirectly inspired the reliefs on the coconut cup) at Frederiksborg Palace in Copenhagen in 1847.58 It is not entirely surprising that Humboldt should have studied the paintings, which had by then been entirely forgotten, in Copenhagen or that he should have rediscovered their scientific value for posterity. He was, after all, familiar with Eckhout's ethnic typology from the carved coconut cup he had owned as a young man. Humboldt, of course, evaluated the Eckhout paintings and the coconut cup carvings without any reservations about their being truthful representations, seeing them indeed as good "examples of physiognomic representation from Nature."59 This observation makes Humboldt the first to view Eckhout's pictures as accurate ethnographic portraits. By the time the paintings were incorporated in the Royal Danish Kunstkammer in 1654, the propagandistic message they originally conveyed had receded into the background, and by the early nineteenth century, it had disappeared altogether from public awareness. Both the paintings and the coconut cup had become, in Humboldt's eyes, verifiably objective testimonials to what had been witnessed in Brazil. No longer representing colonial power, they were now solely objects of interest to art and science.
Translated by Joan Clough
As a research fellow of the University of Dresden and director of the Kunstkammer Georg Laue in Munich, Virginie Spenlé has specialized in the history of princely collections and the art market of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. She published her PhD thesis "The Dresden Painting Gallery and France" in 2008 and since then has written several articles on the subject of cabinets, glass, and cutlery in Kunst- and Wunderkammers.
kunstkammer@kunstkammer.com
First of all, I would like to thank Georg Laue for supporting the research that led to this paper. The article is an extended version of the lecture I gave at the 2010 Historians of Netherlandish Art Conference in Amsterdam. Of course it would not be so well written without the outstanding editorial work by Alison M. Kettering and Cindy Edwards.
1. See most recently Michael Korey, Die Geometrie der Macht – Die Macht der Geometrie: Mathematische Instrumente und fürstliche Mechanik um 1600 aus dem Mathematisch-Physikalischen Salon (Munich and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2007).
2. Klaus Maurice, Der drechselnde Souverän: Materialien zu einer fürstlichen Maschinenkunst (Zurich: Ineichen, 1985), 23ff.
3. Dominik Collet, Die Welt in der Stube: Begegnungen mit Außereuropa in Kunstkammern der Frühen Neuzeit (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007), 335.
4. Rolf Fritz, Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß in Mitteleuropa 1250–1800 (Mainz: Zabern, 1983), 20–21.
5. For instance, the coconut cup in Vienna (Kunsthistorisches Museum, Kaiserliche Schatzkammer, inv. no. 174); see Fritz, Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß, 97, no. 45, pl. 25.
6. See Fritz, Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß, no. 207, pl. 109; no. 209, pl. 110; no. 220, pl. 115, for the coconut cups in the Bayerisches Nationamuseum in Munich, in the Historisk Museum in Bergen and in the Green Vault in Dresden. On the coconut cup in a private collection, see Rolf Fritz, "Ein Kokosnuß-Pokal aus Niederländisch-Brasilien: Original und Abbild," Weltkunst 56 (1986): 19–21. For the coconut cup in Braunschweig, see Weltenharmonie: Die Kunstkammer und die Ordnung des Wissens (Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 2000), 374, no. 447; Rudolf-Alexander Schütte, Die Kostbarkeiten der Renaissance und des Barocks: "Pretiosa und allerley Kunstsachen" aus den Kunst- und Raritätenkammern der Herzöge von Braunschweig-Lüneburg aus dem Hause Wolfenbüttel (Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 1997), 200–201, no. 201.
7. There is a comparable diadem of red parrot feathers typical of Tupinambá dress in the seventeenth century in the ethnographic collections of the National Museum in Copenhagen. It entered the Royal Danish Kunstkammer even before 1674, probably as a gift from Johan Maurits to Frederick III of Denmark; see Yves Le Fur, ed., D'un regard l'autre: Histoire des Regards européens sur l'Afrique, l'Amérique et l'Océanie (Paris: Actes Sud, 2006), 84, no. 90.
8. Theodor de Bry, America, book 3, part 3 (Frankfurt am Main, 1592), pl. 1. For this volume, see Rebecca Parker Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise: Albert Eckhout, Court Painter in Colonial Dutch Brazil (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), 107; and Anna Greve, Die Konstruktion Amerikas: Bilderpolitik in den "Grands Voyages" aus der Werkstatt de Bry (Cologne: Böhlau, 2004), 134ff.
9. The term Tapuya refers in the Tupi language to all peoples in the Brazilian hinterland who spoke another language than Tupi. The concept was taken over by the Dutch. The indigenous peoples represented by Eckhout are highly likely to have belonged to the Tarairiu tribe. See Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 117–20.
10. For the oil sketches for Eckhout's paintings, see Quentin Buvelot, ed., Albert Eckhout: A Dutch Artist in Brazil (Zwolle: Mauritshuis, 2004), 32.
11. Bodo-Michael Baumunk, "'Von Brasilischen fremden Völkern': Die Eingeborenen-Darstellungen Albert Eckhouts," in Mythen der Neuen Welt: Zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Lateinamerikas (Berlin: Frölich und Kaufmann, 1982), 191.
12. The Eckhout paintings had not yet been executed so Wagener used worked-over sketches by the painter. See Dante Martins Teixeira, "The 'Thierbuch' of Zacharias Wagener of Dresden (1614–1668) and the Paintings of Albert Eckhout," in Albert Eckhout volta ao Brasil / Albert Eckhout Returns to Brazil (Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 2002), 136–37, 171, 175.
13. Willem Piso and Georg Markgraf, Historia rerum naturalium Brasiliae (Leiden, 1648), 280. According to the title page, the epilogue on the indigenous peoples ("appendice de Tapuyis et Chilensibus") was written by Johannes de Laet, director of the Dutch West India Company. On this, see Dante Martins Teixeira, "Die Naturgeschichte Brasiliens in der Regierungszeit Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1637–1644): Die Bücher von Georg Markgraf und Willem Piso," in Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679) der Brasilianer: Aufbruch in neue Welten(Siegen: Johann-Moritz-Gesellschaft, 2004), 79–80.
14. Collet, Die Welt in der Stube, 94ff., 113ff., especially 123, fig. 15.
15. Reproduced in Fritz, "Ein Kokosnuß-Pokal aus Niederländisch-Brasilien," 20, figs. 5, 6, and 21.
16. Baumunk, "Von Brasilischen fremden Völkern," 192.
17. Albert Eckhout, Mamelucos Woman, oil on canvas, 271 x 170 cm. Copenhagen, Nationalmuseet, Etnografisk Samling, inv. no. N38A6.
18. Anna Greve, "Die Kolonisation Brasiliens auf einer Nuß," Dresdener Kunstblätter 50 (2006): 209.
19. Fritz, Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß, 122, no. 209, pl. 110a.
20. Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. no. R 5338; see Fritz, Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß, 121, no. 207, pl. 1b.
21. Fritz, Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß, 25ff.; and Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 110.
22. Caspar Barlaeus, Brasilianische Geschichte / Bey Achtjähriger inselbigen Landen geführeter Regierung Seiner Fürstlichen Gnaden Herrn Johan Maurits / Fürstens zu Nassau (Cleve: Silberling, 1659), 694.
23. P. J. P. Whitehead and M. Boeseman, A Portrait of Dutch 17th Century Brazil: Animals, Plants and People by the Artists of Johan Maurits of Nassau (Amsterdam, Oxford, and New York: North-Holland Publishers, 1989), 20–21.
24. Fritz, "Ein Kokosnuß-Pokal aus Niederländisch-Brasilien," 20. Fritz points out that Johan Maurits must have had carvers in his retinue as the ivory furniture pieces he gave to Friedrich Wilhelm I of Brandenburg in 1656 were made in Brazil according to the contemporary list of gifts. See Onder den Oranje boom: Niederländische Kunst und Kultur im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert an deutschen Fürstenhöfen, Katalogband (Munich: Hirmer, 2000), 190–92, no. 7/35. However, there is no trace of such a carver in Johan Maurits's retinue.
25. Fritz, Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß, 122, no. 209.
26. For the term ethnographisches Typenporträt (ethnographic type-portrait), see Denise Daum, Albert Eckhouts "gemalte Kolonie": Bild- und Wissensproduktion über Niederländisch-Brasilien um 1640 (Marburg: Jonas-Verlag, 2009), 55–59; and Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 88–93.
27. The paintings are signed as if they were done in Brazil. The signature, however, is not the painter's; it was added later. The paintings were most probably done between 1646 and 1653. See Florike Egmond and Peter Mason, "Albert E(e)ckhout, Court Painter," in Albert Eckhout: A Dutch Artist in Brazil (The Hague: Mauritshuis, 2004), 109–27, esp. 110.
28. For instance, Johan Maurits's letter to Simon Arnauld de Pomponne details the objects he gave to Louis XIV in 1679 and points out their origin. See Rüdiger Joppien, "The Dutch Vision of Brazil," in Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen 1604–1679: A Humanist Prince in Europe and Brazil, ed. Ernst van den Boogaart (The Hague: Johan Maurits van Nassau-Stichting, 1979), 326. Similarly, it was noted on the margin of the inventory of objects he gave to Friedrich Wilhelm I of Brandenburg: "All this made in Brazil" (dieses Alles in Brasilien gemacht); quoted in Ludwig Driesen, Leben des Fürsten Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen (Berlin: Decker, 1849), 357.
29. Daum, Albert Eckhouts "gemalte Kolonie," 23.
30. Ernst van den Boogart, "Brasilien hofieren – Johann Moritz' politisches Projekt sichtbar gemacht," in Sein Feld war die Welt: Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679); Von Siegen über die Niederlande und Brasilien nach Brandenburg, eds. Gerhard Brunn and Cornelius Neutsch (Münster and Munich: Waxmann, 2008), 73–92, esp. 77–83.
31. In 1643 sixty-four persons were fed at Vrijburgh Palace, of whom no fewer than eighteen were servants. Johan Maurits also employed one hundred and twenty additional servants, including eighty slaves, outside the main building: see Boogart, "Brasilien hofieren," 73.
32. This is shown particularly clearly in Eckhout's ethnographic type-portraits now in Copenhagen; probably after consulting his patron, the painter depicted the pair of Africans in a way that obscured their slave status and presented them as representatives of a rich African continent. See Daum, Albert Eckhouts "gemalte Kolonie," 81–93.
33. Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 54–59.
34. Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 19.
35. For the representative function of this cycle in presenting Johan Maurits as a colonial overlord, see Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 20.
37. See, for instance, Dante Martins Teixera, "Der Mythos der unberührten Natur: Die Naturgeschichte in Holländisch-Brasilien (1624–1654) und ihr Beitrag zur Kenntnis der jüngeren Geschichte der Fauna der Neuen Welt," in Sein Feld war die Welt: Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679); Von Siegen über die Niederlande und Brasilien nach Brandenburg, eds. Gerhard Brunn and Cornelius Neutsch (Münster and Munich: Waxmann, 2008), 197–232, esp. 206.
38. Thomas Thomsen, Albert Eckhout, ein niederländischer Maler und sein Gönner Moritz der Brasilianer: Ein Kulturbild aus dem 17. Jahrhundert (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1938), 126–56.
39. Mogens Bencard, "Fürstliche Geschenke," in Sein Feld war die Welt: Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679); Von Siegen über die Niederlande und Brasilien nach Brandenburg, eds. Gerhard Brunn and Cornelius Neutsch (Münster and Munich: Waxmann, 2008), 159–77, 161ff.
40. Bencard, "Fürstliche Geschenke,"174; and Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 205.
41. Egmond and Mason, "Albert E(e)ckhout," 123.
42. Bencard, "Fürstliche Geschenke," 174.
43. This series of tapestries is known as "Indes" or "Anciennes Indes." See Madeleine Jarry, "Les 'Indes': Série triomphale de l'exotisme," Connaissance des Arts 87 (1959): 62–69.
44. Daum, Albert Eckhouts "gemalte Kolonie," 145–46.
45. Collet, Die Welt in der Stube, 332–39, 350.
46. Quoted in Schütte, Die Kostbarkeiten der Renaissance und des Barock, 200–201, no. 201; the scrap of paper is reproduced on p. 201: "Früchten Cocus genandt, gearbeitet / durch die wilten so genennet werden / Menschenfresser, oder Cabus, / in Ihrer Sbrach." This inscription is in handwriting that is typical of the seventeenth century.
47. Quoted in Greve, "Die Kolonisation Brasiliens auf einer Nuß," 205: "Eine indianische Nuß, mit einem silbernen Fuß und Deckel, mit Zierrath vergüldet auf der Nuß seyend Braßilianische Bilder Bäume und andere Gewächse geschnitten."
48. In his letter of recommendation written to Johann Georg II of Saxony, Johan Maurits remarked that Eckhout was bringing all sorts of art works with him from Brazil. See Egmond and Mason, "Albert E(e)ckhout," 125. It is usually assumed that this meant drawings by the painter – and among them would surely have been those drawings that were used as the basis for the paintings decorating Hof Lößnitz. On the other hand, the possibility cannot be eliminated that Eckhout also took the carved coconut cup with him (it is mentioned in the 1656 inventory as having been given to Johann Georg II of Saxony by his son and heir).
50. There is, however, no list enumerating the objects Johan Maurits sent to Berlin in 1676; see Driesen, Leben des Fürsten Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen, 356–64.
51. Nicolaas A. Rupke, Alexander von Humboldt: A Metabiography (Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, and Bern: Lang, 2005), 196ff., provides a good survey of research on this subject.
52. Helmut de Terra, Alexander von Humboldt und seine Zeit (Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1956), 57.
53. Terra, Alexander von Humboldt, 56ff. On the other hand, von Haeften was involved at that time in an affair with Christiane von Waldenfels, who had given birth to a child of his as early as January 1794. He ultimately married her in October 1795 without, however, breaking off contact with the naturalist. See Christian Suckow, Der Oberbergrat privat: Freundschaften Alexander von Humboldts in seinen fränkischen Jahren (Berlin: Alexander-von-Humboldt-Forschungstelle, 1993), 18. For the wedding, see the letter written by Humboldt to Christiane von Waldenfels, late in October 1795, in Alexander von Humboldt: Aus meinem Leben, ed. Kurt-Reinhard Biermann (Munich: Beck, 1987), 152–53
54. In a letter to Karl Freiesleben dated April 18, 1797, Humboldt reports: "The Haeftens are having their child innoculated against smallpox, hence I am living with them again" (Haeftens lassen ihrem Kinde die Blattern einimpfen, ich wohne daher wieder bei ihnen); quoted in Biermann, Alexander von Humboldt, 154.
55. Letter from Humboldt to Christiane von Waldenfels, late October 1795; quoted in Biermann, Alexander von Humboldt, 152–53. See also Terra, Alexander von Humboldt, 57.
56. Communicated to the author in writing by Anne von Haeften, 2007. The second coconut cup was destroyed in Coburg during the Second World War.
57. Renate Löschner, "Humboldts Naturbild und seine Vorstellung von künstlerisch-physiognomischen Landschaftsbildern," in Mythen der Neuen Welt: Zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Lateinamerikas (Berlin: Frölich und Kaufmann, 1982), 245–53.
58. Alexander von Humboldt, Kosmos: Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung, ed. Ottmar Ette and Oliver Lubrich (Frankfurt am Main: Eichborn, 2004), 230: "sehr ausgezeichneten großen Oelbilder."
59. Humboldt, Kosmos, 230: "Beispiele physiognomischer Naturdarstellung."
Brienen, Rebecca Parker. Visions of Savage Paradise: Albert Eckhout, Court Painter in Colonial Dutch Brazil. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006.
Barlaeus, Caspar. Brasilianische Geschichte / Bey Achtjähriger inselbigen Landen geführeter Regierung Seiner Fürstlichen Gnaden Herrn Johan Maurits / Fürstens zu Nassau. Cleve: Silberling, 1659.
Baumunk, Bodo-Michael. "'Von Brasilischen fremden Völkern': Die Eingeborenen-Darstellungen Albert Eckhouts." In Mythen der Neuen Welt: Zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Lateinamerikas, 188–201. Berlin: Frölich und Kaufmann, 1982.
Bencard, Mogens. "Fürstliche Geschenke." In Sein Feld war die Welt: Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679); Von Siegen über die Niederlande und Brasilien nach Brandenburg, edited by Gerhard Brunn and Cornelius Neutsch, 159–77. Münster and Munich: Waxmann, 2008.
Biermann, Kurt-Reinhard, ed. Alexander von Humboldt: Aus meinem Leben. Munich: Beck, 1987.
Boogart, Ernst van den. "Brasilien hofieren – Johann Moritz' politisches Projekt sichtbar gemacht." In Sein Feld war die Welt: Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679); Von Siegen über die Niederlande und Brasilien nach Brandenburg, edited by Gerhard Brunn and Cornelius Neutsch, 73–92. Münster and Munich: Waxmann, 2008.
Buvelot, Quentin, ed. Albert Eckhout: A Dutch Artist in Brazil. Exh. cat. Zwolle: Mauritshuis, 2004.
Collet, Dominik. Die Welt in der Stube: Begegnungen mit Außereuropa in Kunstkammern der Frühen Neuzeit. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007.
Daum, Denise. Albert Eckhouts "gemalte Kolonie": Bild- und Wissensproduktion über Niederländisch-Brasilien um 1640. Marburg: Jonas-Verlag, 2009.
Driesen, Ludwig. Leben des Fürsten Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen. Berlin: Decker, 1849.
Egmond, Florike, and Peter Mason. "Albert E(e)ckhout, Court Painter." In Albert Eckhout: A Dutch Artist in Brazil, 109–27. Exh. cat. The Hague: Mauritshuis, 2004.
Fritz, Rolf. Die Gefäße aus Kokosnuß in Mitteleuropa 1250–1800. Mainz: Zabern, 1983.
Fritz, Rolf. "Ein Kokosnuß-Pokal aus Niederländisch-Brasilien: Original und Abbild." Weltkunst 56 (1986): 19–21.
Greve, Anna. Die Konstruktion Amerikas: Bilderpolitik in den "Grands Voyages" aus der Werkstatt de Bry. Cologne: Böhlau, 2004.
Greve, Anna. "Die Kolonisation Brasiliens auf einer Nuß." Dresdener Kunstblätter 50 (2006): 205–10.
Humboldt, Alexander von. Kosmos: Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung. Edited by Ottmar Ette and Oliver Lubrich. Frankfurt am Main: Eichborn, 2004.
Jarry, Madeleine. "Les 'Indes': Série triomphale de l'exotisme." Connaissance des Arts 87 (1959): 62–69.
Joppien, Rüdiger. "The Dutch Vision of Brazil." In Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen 1604–1679: A Humanist Prince in Europe and Brazil, edited by Ernst van den Boogaart, 296–376. The Hague: Johan Maurits van Nassau-Stichting, 1979.
Korey, Michael. Die Geometrie der Macht – Die Macht der Geometrie: Mathematische Instrumente und fürstliche Mechanik um 1600 aus dem Mathematisch-Physikalischen Salon. Munich and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2007.
Le Fur, Yves, ed. D'un regard l'autre: Histoire des Regards européens sur l'Afrique, l'Amérique et l'Océanie. Paris: Actes Sud, 2006.
Löschner, Renate. "Humboldts Naturbild und seine Vorstellung von künstlerisch-physiognomischen Landschaftsbildern." In Mythen der Neuen Welt: Zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Lateinamerikas, 245–53. Berlin: Frölich und Kaufmann, 1982.
Maurice, Klaus. Der drechselnde Souverän: Materialien zu einer fürstlichen Maschinenkunst. Zurich: Ineichen, 1985.
Onder den Oranje boom: Niederländische Kunst und Kultur im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert an deutschen Fürstenhöfen, Katalogband. Munich: Hirmer, 2000.
Piso, Willem, and Georg Markgraf. Historia rerum naturalium Brasiliae. Leiden, 1648.
Rupke, Nicolaas A. Alexander von Humboldt: A Metabiography. Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, and Bern: Lang, 2005.
Schütte, Rudolf-Alexander. Die Kostbarkeiten der Renaissance und des Barocks: "Pretiosa und allerley Kunstsachen" aus den Kunst- und Raritätenkammern der Herzöge von Braunschweig-Lüneburg aus dem Hause Wolfenbüttel. Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 1997.
Suckow, Christian. Der Oberbergrat privat: Freundschaften Alexander von Humboldts in seinen fränkischen Jahren. Berlin: Alexander-von-Humboldt-Forschungstelle, 1993.
Teixeira, Dante Martins. "The "Thierbuch" of Zacharias Wagener of Dresden (1614–1668) and the Paintings of Albert Eckhout." In Albert Eckhout volta ao Brasil / Albert Eckhout Returns to Brazil, 167–85. Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 2002.
Teixeira, Dante Martins. "Die Naturgeschichte Brasiliens in der Regierungszeit Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1637–1644): Die Bücher von Georg Markgraf und Willem Piso." In Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679) der Brasilianer: Aufbruch in neue Welten, 76–88. Siegen: Johann-Moritz-Gesellschaft, 2004.
Teixera, Dante Martins. "Der Mythos der unberührten Natur: Die Naturgeschichte in Holländisch-Brasilien (1624–1654) und ihr Beitrag zur Kenntnis der jüngeren Geschichte der Fauna der Neuen Welt." In Sein Feld war die Welt: Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1604-1679); Von Siegen über die Niederlande und Brasilien nach Brandenburg, edited by Gerhard Brunn and Cornelius Neutsch, 197–232. Münster and Munich: Waxmann, 2008.
Terra, Helmut de. Alexander von Humboldt und seine Zeit. Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1956.
Thomsen, Thomas. Albert Eckhout, ein niederländischer Maler und sein Gönner Moritz der Brasilianer: Ein Kulturbild aus dem 17. Jahrhundert. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1938.
Weltenharmonie: Die Kunstkammer und die Ordnung des Wissens. Exh. cat. Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 2000.
Whitehead, P. J. P. and M. Boeseman. A Portrait of Dutch 17th Century Brazil: Animals, Plants and People by the Artists of Johan Maurits of Nassau. Amsterdam, Oxford, and New York: North-Holland Publishers, 1989.
Author: Virginie Spenlé
Publication Date: Summer 2011
Review: Peer Review (Double Blind)
Virginie Spenlé, ""Savagery" and "Civilization": Dutch Brazil in the Kunst- and Wunderkammer," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 3:2 (Summer 2011) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2011.3.2.3
Alexander von Humboldt, Brasiliana, civilization, colonization, Dutch Brazil, Johan Maurits, savagery, wunderkammers
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text:
Meet Julia Davis, Curator of the We the People Book Club
practicing democracy
| book club
| empathy
| Spiritual Formation
| Democracy
By Julia Davis
As part of The Practicing Democracy Project (PDP) our partners at Spirituality & Practice just kicked off the "We the People Book Club," a yearlong discussion to explore the themes of democracy. Julia (Julie) Davis, a fellow with PDP is our guide for this exploration. We caught up with her virtually, between launching the book club and pursuing her Master of Divinity at Claremont School of Theology (CST), to find out more about her interest in the PDP and her thinking behind the book club themes and selections. After reading her responses, we were even more excited about this yearlong endeavor!
Tell us about yourself and what drew you to The Practicing Democracy Project.
I was just coming off of a first career as a teacher when I saw the notice for the Center for Spirituality & Practice (CSP) fellowship. Researching spiritual practices that help democracy flourish sounded like a task designed to connect my past to my future. I studied American literature at Brown Univeristy and created and taught American literature curricula as a secondary school educator, and here I was starting divinity school, taking a class on spiritual practices and really excited about how the folks around me were combining terms like action and contemplation, spiritual care and activism.
I came to CST because I became weak with the low expectations and high rigor of education. I was expected to educate only the mind and sort of pretend the spirit or soul didn't exist. Of course, I didn't meet these expectations, and the soul work I did with kids was rewarding, undervalued and "extra."
The fellowship was an opportunity—a referendum or a calling (really, I didn't feel I had much choice but to apply)—to finally embrace the work I had already been doing as an educator as spiritual work. Reading, writing, discussing literature—it's all spiritual. Democracy is spiritual, too. I am connected to every other American because we all contribute to this democracy—or we all should. It works when we do. I think all of that is why the book club made so much sense to me.
What was your thinking behind the We the People Book Club themes you selected? What of these themes speak to our times, our society?
I don't pick up a book for pleasure. I pick it up to be changed. Call it leftover energy from my teaching career, but I just wanted to ask people to be willing to be changed by these books. To let a book make a claim on you—that's huge. That takes vulnerability and faith. I love to be alongside when that opening expands.
Having people read and discuss books I suggest? That's the briar patch for me. And I am stoked to do all of this with a "volunteer" community. That was one of my goals when I retired from teaching: to interact with people who chose to be there.
I didn't think about all the other book clubs out there. Graduate school gave me a heaping helping of "influence anxiety," so even when Mary Ann (Brussat, co-founder and co-director of Spirituality & Practice with her husband, Frederic) suggested I look at what Oprah does, I didn't. I don't know a lot about what other book groups do. I was part of someone else's book club once, and I quit because people weren't serious enough about the selections. I have started a couple of focused book clubs that I enjoyed. I'm a hardcore nerd about small groups. There is so much you can accomplish—so much that spills out beyond the group itself—if you set an intention. Some people think that's structure. I think it's freedom.
This book club, I imagine, is different in its purpose. Art for art's sake is necessary and wonderful. We should dwell in beauty. But this club is ultimately not about that. This club takes the reader through a process which some may recognize as being akin to the ancient Christian contemplative practice of lectio divina.
The discussions take the reader deeper into the text itself, then deep into the self, and and finally—and crucially—out to the world: Now that I know, now that I feel connected, what do I do?
This is why the meme I chose for the ad was the Emerson quote: "[Books] are for nothing but to inspire." That's Emerson in 1837 basically begging American intellectuals for some new ideas, ideas fit for the time and the place, not "the sere remains of foreign harvests" from Europe. He is asking us to create out of our own circumstances. I hope the guide and the weekly emails help people create a space that is both safe and challenging and that inspires them to think anew and create out of those thoughts.
What criteria did you use for the book selections? How did you narrow it down to 12? And how do you see the books, the themes, and/or discussions helping participants find ways to navigate these challenging times?
I spent weeks on text selection. Quite a few of these selections are about race. There are many reasons for this. Most importantly, James Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, Zora Neale Hurston, Leslie Marmon Silko, Viet Thahn Nguyen and Marilynn Robinson are straight up brilliant writers and they write quite a bit about race—so I pay attention. As a sheltered upper middle class white college student, I was blown away by Silko's novel. And I am so grateful. I felt the same way when Coates' book came out. Between the World and Me is so powerful. I immediately taught it, and it was so good for my students, growing up in a demographic similar to the one I inhabited growing up, to be confronted with this perspective on whiteness.
Conversations about race make a lot of Americans feel vulnerable, so we avoid them. But what we need to do is engage them in order to step fully into our history, our reality.
People of color cannot avoid talking about race. So solidarity means none of us avoid that conversation. America was founded on stolen land worked by stolen labor, and racism facilitated that theft. I can't see how to move on and together as a nation without a continual and candid and—yes—difficult conversation about that.
More generally, each of these texts address conflicts that arise over some kind of difference that makes people forget the core values of democracy: equality, freedom, civility, etc. Obviously, we as a nation could use a primer in these values, a reminder that they are at the core of us, and that navigating our differences ought to be a challenge we rise to not a rivalry we stoop to. This reminds me of Hamilton, the Broadway recording of which did not make it past the final cut. After the fateful duel, Burr sings, "Now I'm the villain in your history/I was too young and blind to see/I should've known/ I should've known the world was wide enough for both Hamilton and me." History—and the stories in these works—can teach us what we want to do and what we don't want to do. They can point us away from the deep regret of Aaron Burr.
I also wanted the selections to be representative of the diversity of the United States, and I did not succeed, and partly that's because I was educated in the traditional canon, and I am still reading myself out of that. But we did end up with different kinds of diversity: region, gender, sexuality, race. There's a mix of classic and contemporary, and that balance is owed to Mary Ann and Frederic Brussat. I like the conversations the pairing of old and new will set up, but if it had been entirely up to me, I would have championed the writers who are shaping the conversations now. But I think that's my age talking, not that I'm super young. I just feel like we are in this moment where we need to listen to the incredible creators who are responding to the now. But realistically, America has been through this moment before, and Twain, O'Connor, and Steinbeck have much to contribute. I should say that The Grapes of Wrath was always on the list as a sort or Ur-text even though it comes a century after Emerson called for American literature to break away from European traditions. It just does everything I need a novel to do stylistically, thematically—and what it has to say about labor and wealth could not be more timely. And O'Connor really challenges us to look at how we treat and represent those who are radically different according to our norms.
I also wanted there to be a lot of pleasure in reading, even as we discuss the shadow side of democracy, the challenges that get in the way like fear of strangers, anger, etc. Twain, George Saunders and Sarah Vowell are all so funny, and that willingness to candidly make fun of American foibles comes from love. I think Mary Oliver said love is 98% attention, and these three pay close attention to the quirks and hyprocrisies they see around them. They make humor out of them, instead of some kind of "war," and in this humor they suggest that there are connections more important than our differences.
George Saunders and Marilynne Robinson are both masters of voice. You really get absorbed in the narrator's perspective. Robinson's John Ames (from Gilead) has a voice you could meditate to, and Saunders' narrators come at you with this uncanny combination of satire and kindness. They are complex voices, full of joy and pain, nobility and fault—really honest voices. This, too, is a lesson. Everyone is more than one thing. We experience that reading these voices and can maybe allow ourselves and others to be more than one thing--not Democrat or Republican, liberal or conservative, etc.
I hope the resilience of the characters and especially their compassion as they struggle will inspire participants to discover their own resilience in our troubling times—or perhaps just discover the source of their eagerness to keep going through hardship.
Each of the books is honest about where we are in relation to our ideals. They hold up tough love as a form of patriotism and, hopefully, inspire in their readers compassionate action as an alternative to a feeling of powerlessness. I saw a fourth of July meme the other day that showed a shopping list, and the items on the list were hot dogs, beer, ketchup, chips, and the feeling that the country is doomed and we are powerless to change that. I was struck by the fact that some form of revolution was not on the list, this list that celebrates the beginning of the American Revolution. Do we not have another revolution in us? Have we stopped evolving?
In terms of discussion and interaction with the guide, I really hope folks try the practices. Book groups are often collections of relatively like-minded, comfortable folks. The dynamic is supposed to end "on the street," where the real problems and opportunities are, not in the living room or on the discussion board. And I really hope people will let me know if they have created something new in the world as a result of the practice, the discussion, or the books themselves.
It's nice to see poetry on the list. Can you preview any of the poets you'll be highlighting?
Selections for poetry month have not been settled yet. Hamilton may appear during poetry month. Probably some Walt Whitman, Pattiann Rogers, Langston Hughes. I'm also thinking about some slam poetry, maybe Mayda del Valle...?
You are welcome to sign up for the book club any time before the last day, August 26, 2019. Find out more about the book club, sign up, and/or download the guide here.
The full selection of books are listed below:
September - The Grapes of Wrath by John Steinbeck
October - The Underground Railroad by Colson Whitehead
November - A Good Man Is Hard to Find by Flannery O'Connor
December - Poetry by Walt Whitman and Maya Angelou
January - Tenth of December by George Saunders
February - Gilead by Marilynne Robinson
March - Puddnhead Wilson by Mark Twain
April - The Fire Next Time by James Baldwin and Between the World and Me by Ta-Nehisi Coates
May - Ceremony by Leslie Marmon Silko
June - The Sympathizer by Viet Thanh Nguyen
July - The Partly-Cloudy Patriot by Sarah Vowell
August - Their Eyes Were Watching God by Zora Neale Hurston

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


It's football time in the Bluegrass. Kentucky is officially a football state right now after a 4-0 start to the season by the Wildcats. Kentucky is unbeaten after four weeks for the first time since 2008, and ranked for the first time since 2007. Even better is the fact that this team has a shot to surpass anything those two teams accomplished.
A big reason this season is likely to surpass those two is due to the scheduling. Traditionally the second half of the season for Kentucky has been the toughest part of the season. Outside of the Georgia game, that simply is not the case this year as both Tennessee and Louisville appear to be very vulnerable right now.
Kentucky has beaten two top 25 teams through the first four games this year while snapping the Florida streak at 31 and beating then 14th ranked Mississippi State who had won eight of the last nine meetings with UK.
The Wildcats appear to be set to win eight or more games in a season for the first time since 1984 under Jerry Claiborne. Benny Snell is having a Heisman type season and Josh Allen is solidifying himself as a first round pick for the upcoming NFL draft.
One of those people was Cole Cubelic of the SEC Network. Cubelic is on record saying the Cats could finish the season at 7-5 before the season started. I was able to touch base with him about the Wildcats and what to expect for the remainder of the season. Without question, the Big Blue Nation is going to be happy with what he had to say.
Vaught's Views: You predicted a 7-5 season for Kentucky heading into the season, after the first four weeks what are your expectations now?
Vaught's Views: What about Kentucky has stood out to you the most to this point?
Vaught's Views: As an offensive linemen yourself, what about the UK line has made them so dominate so far?
Vaught's Views: You played on the line so can you tell me if there is any way you can prepare for Josh Allen outside of double teams at this point?
Vaught's Views: Kentucky is ranked 17th, have beaten two top 25 teams, yet an unranked South Carolina team opened up as a two-point favorite. How is this possible?


text:
Military aggression in Mashkai continues, claiming lives of 14 civilians – BRP Media Cell report
Awaran: Tragedy struck yesterday, when Pakistani forces conducted a brutal operation in Mehi village in Mashkay, Balochistan. The village was indiscriminately bombarded with aerial support whereas Dozens of civilians were killed and injured.
According to the Baloch Republican Party sources, Pakistani forces with the support of PAF (Pakistan Air Forces) sieges and launched a massive military operation in Mashkai's Mehi village, where number of people were gathered to attend a funeral.
Dozens of Baloch innocent civilians were killed and injured, houses destroyed when an indiscriminate bombardment was followed by PAF, where jet also believed to have been used.
However, only five person among the killed ones were identified as Safar Khan Baloch, Saleman Baloch, Zakir Baloch, Ramzan and Alam Khan Baloch who were there attending a funeral of Martyr Suleman's father, who died the other day. While among the injured victims are mostly women and children.
Meanwhile, the claims of Frontier Corps (FC)'s spokesman Khan Wasay were that 20 militants were killed in the operation where a helicopter from the home department was also used.
"During the operation, officials exchanged fire with militants which left one security official dead, and two others injured" the FC claimed in a statement published in The Express Tribune.
But no such statement that the FC claims, was confirmed from the independent sources until filling of this report.
However, the Balochistan Liberation Front, a militant organization in a statement to local media admitted death of four of it's companions, saying that rest of the victims were none combat civilians who were killed in indiscriminate aerial bombardment of Pakistani army.
▼ July 2015 ( 5 )
Military operations, custodial killings won't stop...
Punjgor: BRP leader, Samad Baloch's house raided i...
BRP protested in South Korea to highlight state ba...
Baloch continues to face military aggression on Ei...
Military aggression in Mashkai continues, claiming...


Be alerted when ATC - HTS40C Wall-Mount Speaker is back in stock.
A notification will be sent to when the ATC - HTS40C Wall-Mount Speaker is back in stock.
You've never heard or seen a wall-mount loudspeaker like the ATC HTS40C. Transcending the traditional limitations associated with wall-mount models, and outfitted for center-channel utilization, HTS40C delivers superlative performance via no-compromise driver technology borrowed from ATC's famous studio monitors. Handmade in England, the three-way HTS40C makes any music or film come alive by an arsenal that includes a three-inch soft-dome midrange, one-inch tweeter, and a proprietary long-throw 6.5-inch woofer. Transients, cues, dialog, microdetails: Just wait until you experience them. HTS40C's neutral voicing, extremely low distortion, and dynamic range are nothing less than extraordinary.
When paired with a set (or more) of ATC's HTS40 on-wall loudspeakers, HTS40C is home theater at its very finest. Supplied with hidden wall-mounting brackets and input terminals, and featuring simple, clean aesthetics, it will seamlessly blend in with any decor and make for a remarkable addition to any music or surround-sound system. ATC's proud heritage and bulletproof six-year warranty give you further peace of mind. Ditto Music Direct's 100% Satisfaction Guarantee.
Dimensions (HWD): 29.1" x 15" x 6.5"


text:
The Modern Films of Mirai Mizue
The innovative experimental artist Mirai Mizue often takes a scientific approach to animation. With each new film or film series, he challenges his discipline as an artist (take his current Wonder 365 Animation Project where he aims to make animation every day for a whole year) and investigates the theoretical possibilities of his craft.
Modern (2010) and Modern No. 2 (2011) further explore the method of geometric animation which Mizue used for the first time in Metropolis (2009). These films are made using isometric drawings planned out on graph paper, and are inspired by optical illusions such as the graphic art of M.C. Escher.
In the "Making Of" extra on the DVD Mirai Mizue Works 2003-2010, Mizue explains that for Modern, he set himself the rule that he could only use three kinds of lines: one vertical and two slanting. Thus the film consists only of the transformation of rectangular parallelepipeds. Mizue was interested in making as interesting a film as possible using a minimal number of elements in order to prove the theory that animation can be very good when one imposes a limitation on movements. It would be very easy, and much less time consuming, to make films like Modern and Modern No. 2 using CG software but the look and feel of the film would be very different. There is a warmth and tactility to Mizue's films that would be lost if the lines were computer generated.
Modern and Modern No. 2 have a lot of visual similarities in terms of graphic style, but they are at the same time quite distinct from one another. Modern begins completely in grey scale then the shapes take on bright colours that stand out against the foggy grey background and the whole frame outlined by a soft black outline. The rhythm is much slower in Modern than in Modern No. 2 because Mizue asked his composer, twoth, to increase the tempo. Modern also had a much more consistent tempo, whereas with Modern No. 2 Mizue experiments with variations in speed.
The biggest change with Modern No. 2 is the change in colour. For his earlier films, Mizue tended to use plain paper, but for Modern No. 2 he uses traditionally made paper with texture. This creates a wonderful textured effect with the threads of the paper visible and jumping about from frame to frame. The colour palette for the geometric shapes is inspired by traditional Japanese art – colourful and dynamic yet more muted than in Modern.
It is an exhilarating experience to watch Mirai Mizue's geometric films. The precision of movement and the way in which the animation works in together with the soundtrack is truly a wonder to behold. Modern appears on the DVD Mirai Mizue Works 2003- 2010. Please support his artist by ordering it today.
Modern and Modern No. 2 screened at:
Labels: art animation, drawn animation, experimental, independent animation, NC2012, shorts


text:
package com.zhouyou.http.body;

import android.os.Handler;
import android.os.Looper;
import android.os.Message;

import java.io.Serializable;
import java.lang.ref.WeakReference;

/**
 *
描述:可以直接更新UI的回调

 * 作者: zhouyou

 * 日期: 2017/5/9 14:36

 * 版本: v1.0

 */
public abstract class UIProgressResponseCallBack implements ProgressResponseCallBack {
    private static final int RESPONSE_UPDATE = 0x02;

    //处理UI层的Handler子类
    private static class UIHandler extends Handler {
        //弱引用
        private final WeakReference<UIProgressResponseCallBack> mUIProgressResponseListenerWeakReference;

        public UIHandler(Looper looper, UIProgressResponseCallBack uiProgressResponseListener) {
            super(looper);
            mUIProgressResponseListenerWeakReference = new WeakReference<UIProgressResponseCallBack>(uiProgressResponseListener);
        }

        @Override
        public void handleMessage(Message msg) {
            switch (msg.what) {
                case RESPONSE_UPDATE:
                    UIProgressResponseCallBack uiProgressResponseListener = mUIProgressResponseListenerWeakReference.get();
                    if (uiProgressResponseListener != null) {
                        //获得进度实体类
                        ProgressModel progressModel = (ProgressModel) msg.obj;
                        //回调抽象方法
                        uiProgressResponseListener.onUIResponseProgress(progressModel.getCurrentBytes(), progressModel.getContentLength(), progressModel.isDone());
                    }
                    break;
                default:
                    super.handleMessage(msg);
                    break;
            }
        }
    }

    //主线程Handler
    private final Handler mHandler = new UIHandler(Looper.getMainLooper(), this);

    @Override
    public void onResponseProgress(long bytesWritten, long contentLength, boolean done) {
        //通过Handler发送进度消息
        Message message = Message.obtain();
        message.obj = new ProgressModel(bytesWritten, contentLength, done);
        message.what = RESPONSE_UPDATE;
        mHandler.sendMessage(message);
    }

    /**
     * UI层回调抽象方法
     *
     * @param bytesRead     当前读取响应体字节长度
     * @param contentLength 总字节长度
     * @param done          是否读取完成
     */
    public abstract void onUIResponseProgress(long bytesRead, long contentLength, boolean done);

    public class ProgressModel implements Serializable {
        //当前读取字节长度
        private long currentBytes;
        //总字节长度
        private long contentLength;
        //是否读取完成
        private boolean done;

        public ProgressModel(long currentBytes, long contentLength, boolean done) {
            this.currentBytes = currentBytes;
            this.contentLength = contentLength;
            this.done = done;
        }

        public long getCurrentBytes() {
            return currentBytes;
        }

        public ProgressModel setCurrentBytes(long currentBytes) {
            this.currentBytes = currentBytes;
            return this;
        }

        public long getContentLength() {
            return contentLength;
        }

        public ProgressModel setContentLength(long contentLength) {
            this.contentLength = contentLength;
            return this;
        }

        public boolean isDone() {
            return done;
        }

        public ProgressModel setDone(boolean done) {
            this.done = done;
            return this;
        }

        @Override
        public String toString() {
            return "ProgressModel{" +
                    "currentBytes=" + currentBytes +
                    ", contentLength=" + contentLength +
                    ", done=" + done +
                    '}';
        }
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


If you own a Karbonn A6, you would probably be wondering how to root it without worrying much about the bricking and losing it. Then, today we are here with a step by step guide on How to root your device. Let me just clear something before we start the guide about how to root Karbonn A6. There is risk involved in rooting every android phone however, if you follow the steps carefully, the chances of losing or bricking the device are very less.
This method and steps are well researched and tested. However, readers using this manual bears their own risk. If you are still convinced, carry on reading this step by step guide to root your Karbonn device. We will not be held responsible for any kind of damage occur to your device while following this guide.
How much is your device charged? I personally recommend everyone to charge their android phone to 75% or more before they start rooting.
The second thing that I always keep on reminding is to take the backup of SMS, contacts and all other important files.
I'm sure you're aware that rooting voids warranty. You may not be able to get the warranty back thereafter.
You also need to enable the "stay awake" feature. For that, go into the settings > developer options > stay awake.
Now, the final setting that you need to enable i.e., installation from unknown sources. You can enable it by going into the settings > security > device administration > unknown sources.
Please make sure that you've enabled USB debugging, stay awake and installations from unknown sources before we start rooting Karbonn A6.
Download and install vRoot applications and respective Karbonn A6 drivers according to the windows version.
You can find the windows version by right clicking on my computer.
Connect your Karbonn A6 to the computer using USB cable.
Start the VRoot application and you'll see a small checkox (in some Chinese langauge) beside the green Root button.
Once you've checked this box, click on the big green button with the label of Root.
Congrats. You're done with the procedure of How to root Karbonn A6 with vRoot. I'm sure that you're interested in verifying the root. So, here's how you can verify the root of Karbonn A6.
Download and install this app called Root Checker from the Google Play store. Once it has been installed, open it up and see if it is telling you anything about the root that you've just completed. If you've successfully rooted your device, it will tell you that with simple message of "Congratulations. This device has root access." Finally, if there are any problems or difficulties in rooting your Karbonn A6, don't hesitate to comment below. I'll do my best to answer them.


text:
CNTV, October 11, 2011
During the debt-ceiling debacle, Washington pushed the United States economy close to an abyss. Now it is risking US-China relations.
China: US currency bill could trigger trade war
Two months ago, Chinese officials were appalled by the US debt impasse. A month ago, Vice-President Joe Biden, after Washington's summer-long debt drama, sought to assure Beijing that "a successful China can make our country more prosperous, not less".
Now the Senate is weighing "whether to punish China for undervaluing its currency and taking away American jobs".
The proposed Currency Exchange Rate Oversight Reform Act of 2011 would allow the US government to slap countervailing duties on products from countries found to be subsidizing their exports by undervaluing their currencies. It will achieve nothing to ease US unemployment. It is straining US-China relations at the worst possible moment, and it will risk a trade war at a time when Washington can least afford one.
Despite bipartisan backing, the legislation would face overwhelming hurdles before it becomes law. After all, Barack Obama's White House, while believing Chinese renminbi to be undervalued, is wary of unilateral sanctions against China. This concern is widely shared by leading US business groups, and even House GOP leaders show little interest in bringing the bill to a vote.
If, however, the bill has no effective bipartisan support and it is rejected by US business, why does it have bipartisan backing?
The short answer is that political positioning for the 2012 presidential election is already trumping economic rationality. The topical answer is that, in political positioning, timing matters. It is hardly a coincidence that the Senate took up the bill on the very same day that the White House sent to Congress free trade agreements (FTAs) with South Korea, Colombia and Panama.
For months, a number of congressional Democrats have seen the FTAs as threats to US jobs. With lingering unemployment, anti-incumbency mood and political volatility, the renminbi serves as a convenient distraction. By supporting an ineffective currency bill, they have an opportunity to talk and appear tough on perceived unfair trade practices.
"China emerges as a scapegoat in campaign ads," The New York Times reported on last year's mid-term elections in October. In the second act, the renminbi serves as a smoke screen for three FTAs that Congress feels uneasy with.
In the past, surging food, fuel and other commodity prices in China have put greater pressure on China to allow a faster rise in the value of the renminbi to contain inflation. At the same time, China's central bank has continued its drive to appreciate the yuan to fight imported inflation.
Even the current pace of appreciation means that China's trade surplus could diminish within half a decade, as inflation is likely to continue to push up the renminbi in real effective exchange rate terms.
Ultimately, the currency issue is not bilateral and only between the US and China. It is multilateral and regional.
Think about it. Two to three decades ago, when you purchased a TV in the US, the label typically read "Made in Japan". More recently, that label probably said "Made in Korea". Today it says "Made in China". During the past decade, the role of China in the US trade deficit has climbed from 19 percent to 43 percent, so some observers have concluded that China is responsible for the deficit.
In reality, many of the goods the US used to import came first from Japan, then from the East Asian tiger economies, just as today they come from China. As many leading Asian companies have moved export manufacturing bases to China, "China's share" of the US trade deficit has risen in relative terms in trade data, but not in money flows.
For instance, Apple has outsourced its production to Foxconn, whose production engines are in China. However, it hardly follows that China is engaged in unfair trade against the US. Rather, China's current share of the US trade deficit reflects East Asia's central role as the world factory.
In a global economy with deficient aggregate demand, current-account surpluses are a problem. But there are no simple solutions.
After all, China has a bilateral and multilateral surplus, but so does Saudi Arabia. In absolute value, Saudi Arabia's multilateral merchandise surplus of $150 billion last year is less than half of China's $254 billion surplus. As a percentage of GDP, however, Saudi Arabia's current-account surplus, at 15.8 percent of GDP, is more than threefold that of China.
In fact, China's current-account surplus is actually less than Germany's. As a percentage of GDP, it is 5.2 percent, compared to Germany's 5.7 percent.
It would be a mistake to blame German exports for US unemployment, or Saudi Riyal for the US' need for oil. Conversely, Washington hardly wants to hear Europeans accuse the US for reckless budget deficits, or Brazil blame the US for low interest rates that can lead to a weak currency, or the BRICS preach about the threats of imported inflation from the West.
In reality, many factors other than exchange rates affect a country's trade balance, including national savings. The US' multilateral trade deficit will not be significantly narrowed until the country saves significantly more.
Rebalancing is a two-way street. What G20 nations need today is more cooperation, not confrontation like in the 1930s.
The author is research director of international business at the India, China and America Institute, an independent think tank based in the US, and a visiting fellow at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies.


text:
Your Source For The Arts In Atlanta
Art+Design
Film+TV
Shanequa Gay's LIT WITHOUT SHERMAN at Hammonds House Museum includes (from left) a tribute to historically black colleges, neighborhood boys selling water and West End street scenes.
Shanequa Gay's "LIT WITHOUT SHERMAN" proves that love never fails community
Shelley Danzy July 16, 2019
Art+Design - FeaturedLatest Reviews
A community's appearance can be rearranged, but its heartbeat — the character of those who live community – cannot. Artist Shanequa Gay's murals speak to history and community in LIT WITHOUT SHERMAN: A Love Letter to the West End (through October 15 at Hammonds House Museum).
The exhibition, which took Gay 21 days to complete, is a labor of love and a testament to Gay, whose work can be "public- and exchange-based, explore current social and ethical issues, and focus on the experiences of African-ascendant bodies and communities."
As a child, Atlanta artist Shanequa Gay spent time in West End at her grandmother's Oak Street home.
Her murals, including specially designed toile schema wallpaper (a simple, repeating decorating pattern), take up almost every inch of the museum's wall space without compromising its Victorian style. Upon entering, you'll notice calming blue walls with white silhouettes. They complement the museum's latticework, wainscoting and wood floors. Round the corner and you'll see walls painted in bold oranges and reds and featuring larger-than-life images, aka the Welcoming Committee. You'll see street signs — Ralph David Abernathy Boulevard, West End Place and Lee Street, for example — and delightful depictions of boys selling water and Muslim brothers selling bean pies.
The next room features W.E.B. Du Bois as a drum major, poised high above a fireplace mantel in an ode to the Atlanta University Center. You'll see the distinct logo lettering of Clark Atlanta University and Morehouse College, the pillared arch logo of Spelman College and facial outlines of men and women inside filigree-style painted frames. Gay's inverted use of red, black and green is a message of pride. Like the Pan-African flag, it speaks to the black liberation integral to the West End community.
Just as Hammonds House speaks to the art of the African diaspora, Gay's art speaks to West End. There's a playful peacefulness, an almost imaginary side to her work, from her use of blue to her bold illustrations.
Literature or gallery information would help serve as a guide here. Newcomers may not realize that recorded voices heard in the distance are part of the show. They come from those who grew up, spent time or still live in West End, and they give these love letters context. In a video collaboration, the people in Gay's stationary illustrations walk out of the stillness to share their stories. Gay and the museum want to showcase community, so videos of historically black college and university alumni, business owners and neighbors speak to the area's glory and challenges.
The larger-than-life Welcoming Committee greets visitors in a space around the corner from the museum's entrance.
In many respects, West End was an authentic live-work-play community before the term came into popular use a decade ago. In his video, spoken-word poet Adán Bean describes West End as the "sauce secret that was best kept . . . we lived without Sherman."
Gay's childhood connection to West End was time spent at her grandmother's house on Oak Street. LIT WITHOUT SHERMAN, she says, "doesn't hide from history. Stories speak as loudly and as quietly on every available inch of the walls, a visual coded language." The phrase "million-dollar block" shows up several times and refers to drug dealing. It's clear that Gay doesn't back away from the truth regardless of its ugliness.
West End Saints depicts six figures in flowing robes and includes (from left) real estate broker Lottie Watkins, funeral director Willie A. Watkins and Hammonds House namesake Dr. Otis Hammonds.
Her fanciful characterizations continue after the first landing (the museum offers access for those with physical challenges). You'll experience the exhibit's crowning glory as natural light shines through a bay window. Ahead are six larger-scale angelic beings, announced in a black-and-gold banner as West End Saints — civil rights activist Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin (aka H. Rap Brown); novelist/playwright Pearl Cleage; the Rev. Albert B. Cleage, a religious leader and founder of the Shrine of the Black Madonna bookstore; Lottie Watkins, the first black woman to sell real estate in Atlanta; funeral home director Willie A. Watkins; and Dr. Otis Hammonds, the physician and arts patron for whom the museum is named.
Gay displays the fully colored skin tones and spirited facial details of each saint; all wear variations of flowing gray and black robes. Sacredness. You won't see the saints' complete bodies, just wisps of robing. Each has a subtle streak or two reminiscent of the blue hue seen in the gallery below. It's as if the saints are speaking their own West End love, passing the emotion forward as life lessons that must continue.
LIT WITHOUT SHERMAN: A Love Letter to the West End is more than buildings and historic markers. It's a love letter of humanity, pride and the will to endure.
Art + DesignAtlantageorgiaHammonds House MuseumLIT WITHOUT SHERMAN: A Love Letter to the West EndmuralsShanequa Gayshelley danzyvisual artWest End
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Quinnipiac Director of Athletics and Recreation Greg Amodio has announced that men's basketball head coach Baker Dunleavy has agreed to a five-year contract extension through the 2022-23 season. Dunleavy lead the Bobcats on a run to the Metro Atlantic Athletic Conference semifinals in his first season at the helm. 'Baker Dunleavy embodies all of the qualities that Quinnipiac values in its leadership, both as a mentor and role model to our student-athletes and as an ambassador for the University,' Amodio said. 'In his first year as head coach, he has established a strong foundation for our men's basketball program that will lead to sustained success for years to come. I'm confident that Baker and his staff will continue to build the program into a perennial MAAC contender.' The 2017-18 season saw the Bobcats in the MAAC semifinals for just the second time since joining the conference in 2013-14. Dunleavy, a former assistant coach under Jay Wright at Villanova, used a mix of transfers and freshmen to compliment the program's returning roster and find success throughout MAAC play. 'I am excited and humbled to continue leading our basketball program at Quinnipiac University,' Dunleavy said. 'My staff and I are appreciative to our administration and leadership. We could not be more excited about our young group and the direction of our program.' Dunleavy's team in 2018-19 sees the return of All-MAAC Second Team guard Cameron Young, who broke the Quinnipiac single-season scoring record with 622 points. Young, who will enroll in graduate school beginning in the fall, received an extra year of eligibility from the NCAA this summer and is the MAAC's leading returning scorer from 2017-18. Sophomore Rich Kelly, a member of the MAAC All-Rookie team a year ago, enters his sophomore season after averaging 34 minutes per game and finishing the regular season fifth in the MAAC in assists (4.8 apg). He, along with Young and sophomore Jacob Rigoni, represent three of the Bobcats' top scorers from last season. Dunleavy and the Bobcats open up non-conference play with a road contest in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania against the defending national champion Villanova Wildcats.