text:
Exterior Panels/Cladding
John Mesenbrink, Senior Editor Fri, 04/01/2016 - 00:00
Dri-Design
General Mitchell International Airport
Milwaukee, Wisc.
Engberg Anderson Architects
Product: Shadow Series
Colors: Bone White, Silver
Milwaukee's General Mitchell International Airport greets visitors with a new baggage claim area.
Passengers flying at General Mitchell International Airport in Milwaukee are now greeted by a new baggage claim area. The high-traffic area needed a durable interior and exterior material that also improved the aesthetics to enhance passengers' experiences.
Influence:
"There are various infill, wall and column cover conditions where metal panels could achieve that level of durability, provide a long-lasting color and finish, and be easy to maintain," says Debra Sider, principal with Engberg Anderson Architects, Milwaukee. "In addition, the panels were installed in both existing and new construction locations. From an aesthetic perspective, the metal panels provided continuity across the overall building."
The white panels were used outside, and the silver panels were used for an interior feature wall, which runs the length of the building and through to the exterior. This feature wall adds a mosaic quality to the interior space, consistent with other design features in the project.
Skylights that run the length of the building illuminate the panels, bringing a reflective and color-changing quality to the multi-dimensional wall. The smooth-finish white panels blend with the other white clad buildings adjacent to the baggage claim.
"The dimensional feature wall is very dynamic, both elegant and playful at the same time," Sider says. "The flat panels used on the column covers and other exterior walls are stunning. Metal panels were installed using a rainscreen system that meets our constructability standards. The details work well with the other exterior glass and precast materials."
Single-source supplier Dri-Design manufactured Shadow Series wall panels, standard fl at wall panels, and column covers for the renovation and expansion project.
The 0.08-in. aluminum standard and Shadow Series wall panels were finished in Bone White and Bright Silver. They were installed by Architectural Products of Wausau, Wausau, Wisc. Shadow Series panels can be manufactured with varying depths. This freedom to design each panel gives you an unlimited capacity to create a dynamic, one-of-a-kind surface on nearly any façade. The substrate or weather barrier do not need to be modified.


Dram Shop Laws - Stemberger & Cummins, P.C.
Restaurants, bars, grocery stores and liquor stores all make considerable profits off of the sale of beer, wine, liquor and other intoxicating beverages. However, Georgia state law recognizes the danger of selling or furnishing alcohol to an already intoxicated person and the potential for a devastating personal injury or wrongful death to occur. When a retail store or establishment neglects its duty to the public and an accident or injury results, the Georgia personal injury lawyers at Stemberger & Cummins in Newnan work to hold those businesses accountable to the people they have harmed.
The provision of the alcohol was the proximate (legal) cause of the injury.
Proving a case of dram shop liability can be a complex and difficult matter. The server of the alcohol may claim that the consumer did not appear noticeably intoxicated or that the provider did not know the consumer would soon be driving a motor vehicle. Unless there are credible eyewitness to the contrary, the injured plaintiff may have to rely on circumstantial evidence to prove that the elements of the law are met.
At Stemberger & Cummins, our attorneys combine over 60 years of courtroom experience to prepare and present a strong, persuasive case designed to achieve success for our clients. When an accident occurs, we look at every angle and fight to hold every responsible party accountable for their role in causing a serious injury or wrongful death. If you have been injured in an automobile accident caused by a drunk driver in Newnan, LaGrange, Douglasville, Atlanta or Georgia statewide, contact Stemberger & Cummins, P.C. at (678) 552-2518 or mn@scalawfirm.com for a free consultation regarding how we can help you obtain compensation for your injuries.


When I was eight, I stopped talking to my father for over a day. The 'fight' was because he had just explained to me (quite kindly) that we were shifting home. We used to stay in Vadodara, a bustling, cheerful city; my family had called that city home for 25 years. My father was dragging us to a sleepy little city 300km away. I hated him for as long as a girl of eight could hate her otherwise nice father. In retrospect, that decision irrevocably changed my life for the better.
The change was an eye-opener. The two cities, despite being in the same state, were vastly different in terms of their dialect, the culture and the general populace. But the most major change was my schooling. My old school was a small one, with just about 500 students and 20 teachers. On the other hand, my new school in Rajkot was (and is!) a huge system, with 7000 students and a 1000 teachers. My first day in school scared me to no end, especially since I joined midterm and was two years younger than my classmates. I was told that I had a month to catch up with about half year's academics and get a decent score in the upcoming tests (just a month away) if I wanted to continue in the same grade. The stubborn girl that I was, I refused to go two grades down and in all innocence of a girl who had never taken a single test before, agreed to taking the examinations too.
Today, eight years later, armed with objectivity, maturity and most importantly hindsight, I realise how much the change in city affected me. I don't regret it; rather, I have grown to love Rajkot as much as my birthplace. It's just that this shift moulded me from a shy girl of eight to a confident girl of sixteen. It broadened my horizon, changed my perceptions and showed me life's multifaceted nature. And it's not that 'growing up' brought this on; I, for certain know the difference growing up brings and the difference this brought along. Shifting my home was the biggest positive paradigm shift I could have probably had.
Recognizing different paradigms is central to my upbringing. My parents have always tried to ensure that my interaction with life is open and uninhibited, encompassing as many perspectives as possible. The best way they did this was by instilling in me a love for reading very early on. I have loved to read, since before I could read, since before I could figure out which was the right side up while reading! My mother fondly recalls me spending time by myself, with a book held upside down; simply enjoying the idea of being able to read. Be it the imaginative Enid Blyton, the powerful Ayn Rand, the charming J.K. Rowling, the insightful Mitch Albom or the informative Frederick Forsyth; books have always been there. They show you that there is more to life than just you.
The other singular factor which has shaped me is my curiosity. My family always encourages my questions, allowing me to think independently about all matters small and big. Independent thought doesn't equate to full freedom in action; rather it refers to freedom of the mind—allowing it to roam to find room. And so, I question! I want to know how things work, why things happen, why the world functions the way it does…the list is endless. I could question everything under the sun and the sun itself! But, this isn't the condescending questioning of a cynic; it is the innocent questioning of an inquisitive girl. I persist till I find answers, till I understand. I realise how fortunate I am since I have the pleasure of getting varied perspectives on questions from my family. I could ask my effusive grandfather, my conservative grandmother, my nonconformist father, my compassionate mother, my innocent little brother or any of my aunts-one stern and the other rebellious.
Inadvertently, it's my innate curiosity that makes me what I am today. I love the sciences, mathematics and literature. I want to grow up to do research in an unchartered field and learn about new concepts by discovering them myself. It is this same old curiosity which manifests itself into my career choice, for which I couldn't thank my family enough. They have taught me that knowledge is to be sought, to be discovered and uncovered. It isn't handed neatly wrapped and packed. One has to strive to achieve it, to reach to it.
As I look forward to another major change in my life-college, I realise how my varied experiences have been instrumental in shaping me. I hope that my future turns out to be like shifting home—fruitful, definitive and fun.


January 27, 2004. HTML, plain text.
December 23, 2003. HTML, plain text.
December 16, 2003. HTML, plain text.
December 09, 2003. HTML, plain text.
September 30, 2003. HTML, plain text.
September 23, 2003. HTML, plain text.
September 16, 2003. HTML, plain text.
September 09, 2003. HTML, plain text.
September 02, 2003. HTML, plain text.
August 26, 2003. HTML, plain text.
August 19, 2003. HTML, plain text.
August 12, 2003. HTML, plain text.
August 05, 2003. HTML, plain text.
July 29, 2003. HTML, plain text.
July 22, 2003. HTML, plain text.
July 15, 2003. HTML, plain text.
July 08, 2003. HTML, plain text.
July 01, 2003. HTML, plain text.
June 24, 2003. HTML, plain text.
June 17, 2003. HTML, plain text.
June 10, 2003. HTML, plain text.
June 03, 2003. HTML, plain text.
May 27, 2003. HTML, plain text.
May 20, 2003. HTML, plain text.
May 13, 2003. HTML, plain text.
May 06, 2003. HTML, plain text.
April 29, 2003. HTML, plain text.
April 22, 2003. HTML, plain text.
April 15, 2003. HTML, plain text.
April 08, 2003. HTML, plain text.
April 01, 2003. HTML, plain text.
March 25, 2003. HTML, plain text.
March 18, 2003. HTML, plain text.
March 11, 2003. HTML, plain text.
March 04, 2003. HTML, plain text.
February 25, 2003. HTML, plain text.
February 18, 2003. HTML, plain text.
February 11, 2003. HTML, plain text.
February 04, 2003. HTML, plain text.
January 28, 2003. HTML, plain text.
January 21, 2003. HTML, plain text.
January 14, 2003. HTML, plain text.
January 07, 2003. HTML, plain text.
December 31, 2002. HTML, plain text.
December 24, 2002. HTML, plain text.
December 17, 2002. HTML, plain text.
December 10, 2002. HTML, plain text.
December 03, 2002. HTML, plain text.
November 26, 2002. HTML, plain text.
November 19, 2002. HTML, plain text.
November 12, 2002. HTML, plain text.
November 05, 2002. HTML, plain text.
October 29, 2002. HTML, plain text.
October 22, 2002. HTML, plain text.
October 15, 2002. HTML, plain text.
October 08, 2002. HTML, plain text.
October 01, 2002. HTML, plain text.
September 24, 2002. HTML, plain text.
September 17, 2002. HTML, plain text.
September 11, 2002. HTML, plain text.
September 03, 2002. HTML, plain text.
August 27, 2002. HTML, plain text.
August 20, 2002. HTML, plain text.
August 13, 2002. HTML, plain text.
August 06, 2002. HTML, plain text.
July 30, 2002. HTML, plain text.


THE TAKEAWAY: It's imperative that your communication is two-way. Provide information in as many ways as possible, and seek (and act on) feedback.
This is the second step in a seven-stage risk management process, though it is, in fact, an ongoing step. You need to be continually communicating what you're doing in relation to risk management and why you're doing it.
Before embarking on the risk management process it's worth reviewing why you are doing this - review this help sheet if you're not sure of the benefits.
Once you're clear on your aims, you need to ensure you're clearly communicating those aims to everyone in your group, as well as external stakeholders who might be affected by the process and its outcomes, so that everyone is aware what's at stake.
Good communication is essential for any effective risk management strategy. Managing risks involves everyone in your organisation: board/committee, staff, volunteers, players/clients/members/visitors - anyone who comes into contact with your group.
It's vital therefore that everybody in your organisation understands what risk management is and why it is important, and that they are involved in developing and implementing a risk management strategy.
You need to bring them into the process right from the start so they are not scared off and do not feel that decisions are being imposed from above. At the same time, members of your group should get the message that there is a commitment from leaders of your organisation to effective risk management.
Implementing risk management may well require a significant culture shift in your group, affecting the way you operate at every level. Effective communication is therefore vital.
You also need to develop systems to ensure good communication between different levels of the organisation, as well as a feedback loop - you don't want all the communication to be going one way.
There are many possible ways of communicating risk management to your organisation, apart from just keeping the lines open on the subject all the time (which you should do anyway). Some ideas are outlined below.
While good risk management is the job of everybody in your organisation, having a core group of people dedicated to the task is a good idea.
It's important that strong communication links are established between the risk management sub-committee and your board - regular reports should be included in board meetings.
The size of a sub-committee will depend on the size of your organisation. Large groups may have an eight-member committee with specific risk management roles assigned to each person. For a smaller group it might only be one or two people who take on the job of overseeing your risk management strategy.
Someone from within this group must be tasked specifically with communicating progress throughout the organisation.
Getting everyone in one room (if that is possible) is possibly the best way to start the risk management process, so you can explain face to face what it is about and why you are doing it.
This initial meeting should give people the opportunity to ask questions and provide input into the process.
Further briefings (the shorter the better - you don't want to turn people off) held at regular intervals should aim to keep people informed of what stage of the process your organisation is at, and give them the opportunity to help shape progress.
Meetings will continue to play an important role after the risk management strategy is in place, as part of the continual monitoring and review of the strategy.
Brainstorming is one of the simplest but most effective methods of drawing on the wisdom of the crowd to shape your risk management strategy, as well as promoting 'ownership' of the strategy among all stakeholders.
Essentially, this involves everyone in your group racking their brains to come up with any answers they can think of to a particular question. The questions you will be asking will have much more than one answer; for example: "What aspects of our organisation could put people at risk?" You need to capture them all.
The easiest way to brainstorm is get everyone in one room and have someone up the front writing everything down on a whiteboard or sheets of butchers' paper. In these situations, there are no wrong answers - write everything down.
Brainstorming sessions are excellent communication tools because they make everyone feel involved and they also draw on your best resource: the people who know most about the risks. A specialist committee could work on risk management for months but not realise one of the cricket helmets is missing a visor, something one of the players, or a parent, could point out straight away.
Getting everyone to meetings is not always possible, so it's useful to put down on paper what's happening in risk management.
Providing a written account of your risk management strategy will also help to dispel any misunderstandings or rumours about what's being done and why.
Your notes can be distributed through your newsletter (hard copy or online), through email, in flyers or posted on your noticeboard. You should include the results (or a summary) of any brainstorming session and decisions made at meetings, so everyone is kept aware of what's going on.
At the start of the risk management process and at critical steps along the way, it can be a good idea to send out a questionnaire to invite people to outline risks they perceive in your organisation's activities, and ideas for their abatement.
You can do this through a written survey, or set up an online survey using a tool such as SurveyMonkey.
A risk management guide is an excellent tool for ensuring everyone involved in your organisation is aware of risk management issues.
It can be used to define key terms so everyone is working on the same wavelength and can also serve as a reference throughout the risk management process, for information and as a reference point to ensure nobody strays too far off track.
A risk management guide can also include a component that invites feedback from your staff/volunteers/members.
Communication does not start and finish with a single meeting to explain the risk management strategy, or one notice on a noticeboard. You have to continue to communicate what you are doing, and why you are doing it, at every step of the risk management process.
Take feedback seriously and remember to always ensure that you keep the context of your group in mind.
Aim to document every step as sooner or later board members (or insurers) will want to refer back to what has taken place. Also remember to ensure that you keep documentary evidence of risks you identify and any incidents that occur.
Communicating risk management is the second step in a seven-stage process of successfully tackling risk management in your organisation. The third step is identifying risk.


text:
Samsung Galaxy Tab 4 Nook Review
By Anna Attkisson - Laptop Mag & Tom's Guide Managing Editor 2014-08-25T04:00:00Z
For those locked into a Barnes & Noble library, the $179 Galaxy Tab 4 Nook might be worth a look. But its poor performance and complicated controls might scare others away.
Interesting interactive reading experience
Access to full Google Play store
Not enough usable storage
Low resolution display
Tinny audio
Expensive content
Confusing parental controls settings
Barnes & Noble has officially gotten out of the tablet-making business, instead partnering with Samsung for the Galaxy Tab 4 Nook. This $199 ($179 with a $20 rebate) slate still hopes, however, to give you a best-in-class reading experience, thanks to extras such as a "read-and-record" mode for narrating stories to your kids, $200 worth of free content and in-store tech support. However, users who like Barnes & Noble's selection of eBooks have long been able to download a Nook reader app for any Android / iOS device. There are many powerful tablets in the same price range from the likes of Amazon, ASUS and Google. Read on to find out how the Galaxy Tab 4 Nook stacks up.
Sporting the familiar rectangular shape of previous Samsung Galaxy tablets, there's not much mystery or surprise to the Tab 4 Nook's design. Although it is worth noting it looks nothing like previous Nook tablets. Measuring 7.36 x 4.25 x 0.35 inches, this slate is a bit smaller than competitors, such as the Amazon Kindle Fire HDX 7-inch (7.3 x 5 x 0.35 inches), the Google Nexus 7 (7.9 x 4.5 x 0.34 inches) and the ASUS MeMO Pad 7 (7.7 x 4.7 x 0.4 inches). The 9.74 ounce Tab 4 Nook is also lighter than its 7-inch brethren, which weigh 10.7 ounces, 10.34 ounces and 11-ounces, respectively.
You can pick up the Nook tablet in black or white with a chrome-colored edging. The front greets you with a 7-inch display and a small bezel. The top houses a 1.3-MP camera that's oddly off center. Below the screen you'll find the familiar home button, as well as the back and menu buttons to either side.
The plastic backside feels almost like faux leather with its irregular bumps. In the center of the top backside is the 5-MP camera. On the bottom left you'll see two tiny cutouts for the speaker, which didn't give me much faith in its quality.
Click to EnlargeAlong the edges is where you'll find all the ports and other buttons. On the left side sits the power, volume rocker and an IR blaster for turning the tablet into a universal remote. The top edge houses the headphone jack, while the bottom is home to the microUSB charging port--thankfully, Barnes & Noble abandoned its previous proprietary charging port.
Like the MeMO Pad 7, the Nook features a microSD card slot (supporting up to 32GB) beneath a port cover on the bottom right edge. The Kindle Fire HDX and Nexus 7 do not offer such expandable storage. You're going to need it on the Nook, since the tablet comes with only 8GB of onboard storage. And if you count all the preinstalled apps from Barnes & Noble, only 2.4GB of that is usable space. That's so little storage we were unable to download all of our benchmark tests at the same time.
Click to EnlargeThe 7-inch display on the Tab 4 Nook offers a 1280 x 800-pixel display with a ppi of 216. While that matches the resolution of the Fire HD and the ASUS MeMO Pad 7, it's far short of the Kindle Fire HDX and the Nexus 7, which both have 1920 x 1200 pixel displays.
The new Nook tablet isn't the brightest tablet, either. At 429 lux, it's brighter than the 356 lux category average and the MeMO Pad 7 (358 lux), but a far cry from the 531 lux we measured on the Nexus 7, as well as the Fire HDX's 480 lux. The Fire HD came in at a comparable 436.
Click to EnlargeColor reproduction was nothing to write home about, with the Tab 4 Nook recreating just 69.3 percent of the sRGB spectrum. But the color accuracy was impressively good, with a Delta-E of 2.1 (the closer to zero the better). The average tablet is 5.8.
These scores bore out in the real world as we watched a meh-looking 1080p trailer for Guardians of the Galaxy. Nothing about the color looked out of this world, but was fairly accurate. The green on Zoe Saldana's skin, while not natural, seemed duller than on higher-resolution screens such as the Fire HDX 7's.
Sadly, reading or viewing any content in direct sunlight wasn't particularly easy. But that's not uncommon for a non-E Ink screen.
Click to EnlargeAt least on the Laptop Mag Audio Test, the Nook and Kindle tablets are exactly in line. Both produced 77 decibels as measured from 13 inches away. That's plenty loud, but is just below the 79 average. The Nexus 7 was an even lower 73 dB.
As we suspected, audio was lackluster. Beyoncé's "Video Phone" lacked all bass. We found the same problem with the beat for "Rude by Magic!" The high-end vocals and guitar strings in "Pumped Up Kicks" by Foster the People came through clearly. Sadly, it was all too easy to muffle the sound with our hands since it comes from two tiny slits on the back of the device.
The Samsung Galaxy Tab 4 Nook ships with Android 4.4.2 KitKat, but it also comes with Samsung's TouchWiz overlay on top. This is a shift from Barnes & Noble's previous approach of a complete overhaul of the operating system, but in this case, that's a good thing.
The TouchWiz overlay brings with it some Samsung-specific special features such as the multitasking mode, which allows you to split the screen between two apps at once and customize the size of each. There's also Samsung's S Voice, a Siri-like voice-controlled assistant. But you won't have access to the My Magazine social feed app that's found on some other Samsung Galaxy devices.
Barnes & Noble's unique touches are found on the home page. Nook Today suggests content based on your past interests. Here you'll find hundreds of Nook Channels that contain curated content based on interests or dispositions. Nook Search will search both the Nook Shop and the Tab 4 Nook device. The Nook Library is a swipeable carousel that shows your most recently accessed content from the Nook Shop.
Click to EnlargeThe most useful B&N addition is the small book icon on the bottom left corner of the home screen, which opens the e-book you're reading to the spot you left off. You can also do this by touching that book in the Library, but if you've been playing with Nook apps or video content, this button could save you a swipe.
Some consumers may find the plethora of options for performing similar actions a bit confusing. For instance, at the top of the home page is a Google search bar and at the bottom is the Nook Search button. Google's search bar opens Google Now, but we could see a newbie not understanding the difference. Also, while we like that Barnes & Noble kept access to the full Google Play Store, it still leaves two stores on one page for similar content. Plus, you'll find Samsung's app store on the next home page to the right.
MORE: 25 Best Android Apps
We were also baffled that the device holds three separate Settings apps (Google Settings, Nook Settings and Settings). Granted, each has a separate focus, but we would prefer to see them consolidated.
The Nook features the standard Android keyboard, but, of course, users are free to switch it out with the many choices available from the Google Play store.
Click to EnlargeThe duplicate settings and stores aren't the end of the confusing controls. Requiring parents to visit several different apps to add restrictions for their kids is no fun, either. The Nook Settings is where you'll find the ability to password protect a profile, but to add a profile you must go to the traditional Android Settings app > General > Users. Here you can pick what content a restricted profile can use. Then, from within the Nook Shop, you can click on the little head on the top right. That opens another controls panel that allows you to check off if that profile can only shop for kids' content or if purchases require a password. You can set maturity levels for books, movies and TV shows, if you so choose.
What you can't do on the Tab 4 Nook is set time restrictions. For that reason, we prefer the Amazon FreeTime model that can lock down a device after a few hours of playtime. Also, we like the Fuhu Nabi DreamTab approach that allows parents to incentivize kids to play with educational apps to earn more time with non-educational content.
Click to EnlargeIn addition to the familiar Google Play store and Samsung's App Store, the Tab 4 Nook comes with a curated store of Nook-specific apps called the Nook Shop. This content is curated to be family-friendly. However, we found many of our favorite apps missing, even those we recommend for young children. For instance, in the Nook Shop you won't find Dr. Panda's Restaurant, Despicable Me: Minion Rush, Monument Valley, Spotify, WhatsApp and Facebook. Luckily, all these are available through the Google Play store.
Click to EnlargeWith the purchase of a new Tab 4 Nook, Barnes & Noble throws in $200 worth of free content, including best-selling books, popular TV shows, top magazines and more. Plus, you'll get a $5 credit to your Barnes & Noble account to help get you buying stuff right out of the box. Tab 4 Nook owners will appreciate the company's Free Friday's program. That means you get a free Nook book, video or app each week.
Sadly, the e-tailer picks exactly what that free content will be. The books included are Freakonomics, The Wanderer and I Am Number Four. The TV shows include one episode each from HBO's Veep, NBC's Hannibal and BBC America's Orphan Black. For free magazines, you'll get up to four 14-day free trial subscriptions from a selection of 12 magazines, as well as the previous 12 issues. Those include Cosmopolitan, Sports Illustrated and US Weekly. We would have preferred the option to choose our own content, or a subscription service similar to Amazon Prime that would offer free access to content.
Click to EnlargeBarnes & Noble boasts a library of more than 3 million e-books, including more than 9,000 children's books. For those books where it is enabled, we particularly like the Read To Me Nook Books, which enable parents (or grandparents) to record themselves reading a child's favorites. The selection of books includes many Disney movie story books, including Frozen and Brave. We were also pleased to see classics such as Olivia Says Good Night and Lewis and Carroll's Alice in Wonderland.
The Nook Newsstand claims to be the world's largest digital collection of the top 100 bestselling U.S. magazines. Similarly, Nook Comics offers tons of titles from publishers such as Marvel, DC Comics, Dark Horse and others. Barnes & Noble also now offers Nook Video for popular movies and TV shows, which are available for purchase or rental.
We compared the prices of the 15 best-selling fiction e-books from the NYTimes. On average, you're likely to get a better price by going directly to the Google Play store. The average cost for Google's book store was $8.99, as compared to $10.53 on Barnes & Noble. On Amazon, the average is $9.41, and on Apple's iBooks it's $9.65.
Similarly, we compared Nielsen's list of most popular video prices for rentals and purchases. Google averaged $4.33 per rental and $13.89 for purchased videos. Barnes & Noble charges $5.37 for rentals and $15.88 to buy, on average. In between those two, Amazon averages $4.77 for rentals and $14.59 for purchases. The Apple iTunes store charges $5.32 for rentals and $16.99 to own movies.
The biggest piece of content missing from the Nook store is a Barnes & Noble music service. But, through the Play store you can access Google Music or any number of third-party apps.
Reading Experience
I like that Barnes & Noble allows Nook readers to swap e-books with friends through the LendMe program. It's also nice that you can read e-books for free inside any Barnes & Noble brick-and-mortar store.
Click to EnlargeBarnes & Noble offers tons of e-books with a little something extra. Some of the interactive or enhanced e-books through Barnes & Noble, such as The Hobbit, allow you to hear J.R.R. Tolkien sing his elvish songs at the intro of chapters and more. There's video and audio for step-by-step cooking instructions in such e-books as The Good Housekeeping Cookbook. In artwork heavy stories, such as Antoine De Saint-Exupery's The Little Prince, Barnes & Noble adds its PagePerfect features that offers full-page images that faithfully recreate the original details and color.
Helpfully, the ArticleView of magazine articles allows the reader to remove ads and extra images to bring you right to the text. I also like the super-quick 3D-like page turns.
Click to EnlargeBarnes & Noble didn't exactly load the Tab 4 Nook with the best internal parts. Inside you'll find a 1.2-GHz quad-core Marvell PXA 1088 with 1.5GB of RAM. That pales when compared with the Amazon Kindle Fire HDX 7-inch and its 2.2 quad-core Snapdragon 800 processor with 2GB of RAM. The Nexus 7 has the same graphics chip and RAM as the Fire HDX, but it's paired with a slower 1.5-GHz Qualcomm Snapdragon S4 Pro. The ASUS MeMO Pad 7, however, sports just a 1.2-GHz quad-core MediaTek MT8125 CPU with 1GB of RAM.
On the Geekbench 3 general performance test, the Nook scored just 1,043. That's less than half the category average of 2,325, as well as the ASUS MeMO Pad 7 (2,431).
On Quadrant, which also measures overall performance, The Tab 4 Nook scored 4,443, which was higher than the MeMO Pad HD 7 (3,414), but lower than the Nexus 7 (4,949) and Fire HDX.
The Tab 4 Nook took 12 minutes and 14 seconds to transcode a 204MB 1080p video to 480p using VidTrim. That's 2:45 slower than the category average, as well as the MeMO Pad, which took only 6 minutes.
Not surprisingly, the device lagged a little when opening apps (Nook apps or not) and switching orientation. The keyboard often had trouble keeping up with my typing as well. Trying to play Dead Trigger 2 was truly painful. For starters, I had to delete all other third-party apps just to install the game, and I found controls to be sluggish and the details jagged.
The Tab 4 Nook performed pitifully on the 3DMark Ice Store Unlimited, scoring just 2,671 on the graphics test. The category average is 10,996, while the MeMO Pad 7 scored 13,625.
We were unable to run our app open time benchmark because there is not enough onboard memory to load N.O.V.A. 3. But it did take Despicable Me: Minion Rush an agonizingly long 30 seconds to open.
Click to EnlargeThe Galaxy Tab 4 Nook features a 1.3-MP front camera and a 3-MP rear camera. A selfie taken in our offices automatically featured Samsung's Beauty Face feature, which smoothed out a splotchy and wrinkled face to create a slightly out-ofpfocus look. But the color and brightness appeared better than front cameras such as the 720p one on the Fire HDX 7.
Outside on a sunny New York City day, the green and brown shrubbery we photographed appeared washed out but very detailed. Small scratches in the leaves were highly visible. A red maple popped against a sunny sky.
We were impressed by the long battery life on the Galaxy Tab 4 Nook. Using our Laptop Mag Battery Test (Web surfing via Wi-Fi at 150 nits), the Nook lasted 10 hours and 42 minutes. That's better than the Amazon Kindle Fire HD (7:30), Kindle Fire HDX 7-inch (8:39), the ASUS MeMO Pad 7 (7:39) and the category average of 8:20, but all of those were tested at 40 percent brightness. The Tab 4 Nook was set to 44 percent in order to reach 150 nits.
MORE: 10 Tablets with the Longest Battery Life
There are only 660 Barnes & Noble bookstores still around these days. So, if in-store support is important to you and if you live near one of these stores, you may want to give the Galaxy Tab 4 Nook a look. With it comes free tech support from a live human. Of course, for Amazon customers, the MayDay button puts that same sort of support at the touch of a button -- no travel required.
CPU 1.2-GHz quad-core Marvell PXA 1088
Card Reader Size 32GB
Card Readers microSD
Company Website www.bn.com
Display Resolution 1280 x 800
Display Size 7
Front-Facing Camera Resolution 1.3MP
Has Bluetooth Yes
Ports Headphone, microUSB, microSD, Mic, IR
RAM Included 1.5GB
Size 7.36 x 4.25 x 0.35 inches
Storage Drive Size 8GB
Storage Drive Type Flash Memory
Weight 9.74 ounces
Wi-Fi 802.11a/b/g/n
How to use incognito mode in Chrome
The Surface Laptop 3 is a lot better when it's $300 off — like it is right now
HP targets small businesses with ProBook x360, but is it too expensive?
Google is killing Chrome apps: What it means for you

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


CHELSEA are attempting to hijack Arsenal's bid to sign Real Madrid midfielder Sami Khedira. Liverpool will go head-to-head with Tottenham over Swansea defender Ben Davies, while Arturo Vidal will not be joining Manchester United after Juventus ruled out a summer switch.
Another player that is unlikely to join United is Borussia Dortmund defender Mats Hummels.
The 25-year-old has been a long-term target of the United hierarchy.
However Spanish giants Barcelona have now turned their attentions to signing him after completing a deal for Liverpool forward Luis Suarez.
Premier League new boys Burnley have been told by West Brom to up their bid for defender Craig Dawson.
And finally Montpellier president Louis Nicollin has slammed Remy Cabella's decision to join Newcastle.
Nicollin insists Cabella should have rejected a switch to Newcastle to join a club in London.


text:
Dizzion Hires New VP of Operations
Adam Junge, Dizzion VP of Operations
Virtual Desktop Provider Dizzion Hires VP of Operations to Enhance Customer Deployment and Support
Denver, CO – July 27, 2017 – Dizzion, a virtual desktop and end user computing services provider, has appointed Adam Junge as its Vice President of Operations. Junge will be responsible for the implementation and ongoing support of customer deployments on the Dizzion platform.
"We're thrilled to welcome Adam to the Dizzion leadership team," stated Steve Prather, Dizzion CEO. "His perspective and expertise will be a tremendous asset as we look to drive more operational rigor into the business and evolve the Dizzion customer experience."
Junge brings more than 20 years of technology experience to the role, including expertise in support, operations, engineering, application development, testing and product. He will be tasked with further optimizing Dizzion's implementation and delivery processes as well as expanding the team as the company continues to grow.
"Adam has demonstrated success in building highly successful teams with a focus on operational excellence and outstanding customer support," said Robert Green, Dizzion CTO. "As the leader of the Dizzion Operations Team, Adam will be pivotal in bringing the voice of the customer into every aspect of the operations organization. We expect big things from Adam as we continue to grow the operations team into a world class services organization intently focused on helping our customers thrive on our EUC platform."
Prior to joining Dizzion, Junge has held several senior leadership positions and served as a consultant for software solutions and IT management needs.
"I am very excited to join the energetic team at Dizzion," Junge said. "Dizzion is a fast growing company that works with some great, well-known clients. I hope to contribute to the company's success and make a positive impact on the experience of our current and future clients."
Junge is based in Dizzion's Denver, Colorado headquarters and will oversee operational teams in both Denver and San Antonio, Texas. He stepped into the role in July 2017.
Established in 2011, Dizzion, Inc. is a global provider of end-user computing services, including cloud-delivered Desktops as a Service (DaaS), paired with complementary offerings like secure endpoints, application delivery and storage. The company is delivering the next generation of virtual desktop solutions to meet the demands of a remote global workforce in industries with stringent security and compliance needs, including business process outsourcing, financial services, healthcare and insurance. Dizzion's mission is to enable users to securely access applications and data from any device, anywhere increasing mobility and productivity. To learn more about Dizzion, visit www.dizzion.com.
Follow us at @Dizzion on Twitter or visit us on LinkedIn.


We apologize to our readers for our lack of activity over the past few days. Several of our staff were wounded or killed in the Romulan attack. There was talk of shutting down completely, but we have decided that, as Proxima Colony's only surviving news service, it was our duty to keep the people informed.
Dispatches from the Romulan War: Editorial: Why Must Earth Fight?
After nearly a century of relative peace on Earth and in our solar system, the question of why Earth is fighting the Romulans has been raised by citizens throughout the planet and her colonies since Prime Minister Samuels declared war on December 21 last year.
Old enemies return when the Borg Resistance decide to bring in some extra help against the Borg.
Over the past few weeks, Coalition governments have stopped releasing new information about the war with Romulus. While some defense analysts have speculated that this is because there is no new information to release, this has done little to lessen people's apprehension.


text:
Posted on 04/01/2019 by Sam Ashworth-Hayes
One of the rhetorical oddities of the Brexit process is the emergence of a sort of cargo-cult legalism. Adherents of this practice view the law as a series of debating club tests, where a sufficiently cunning interpretation of the rules – spoken in the appropriate venue – will allow the speaker to reshape legal realities in their favour; treaties can be nullified or joined over the objection of existing parties; rights can be secured when the treaties guarantee them fail; alternative ways of doing things can be summoned from thin air.
A sure sign that you are about to encounter cargo-cult legalism is the invocation of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, a document which has assumed the status of a contested holy text, invoked by all sides to show that they and they alone possess the one true path to Brexit nirvana.
Advocates of the "Common Market 2.0" scheme are merely the latest to strike upon this remarkable source of power, claiming that the correct invocation of the convention could force the EU into giving us the Goldilocks Brexit; neither too hard nor too soft. A fundamental rule of life in the 21st century is that if you encounter the suffix "2.0" anywhere outside of software versioning, someone is trying to sell you a bridge. Common Market 2.0 is absolutely no exception to this law. To understand why, it's better to refer to it by its original name: Norway+.
The Norway+ Proposal
The core of the Norway+ model is that the UK seeks an arrangement akin to the one currently enjoyed by Oslo within the single market. We leave the EU, take our place in the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), and through this join the European Economic Area – the single market consisting of the EU member states and the EFTA/EEA countries (Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein). As this would create the potential for tariff divergence between the UK and the EU – and the need for enforcement at either the Irish border or the Irish sea – the UK also agrees to stay within the EU's customs union.
A more accurate name for the model might be EU minus: you keep the regulation, the free movement, and the customs union; you lose some elements of political integration and the right to vote on the rules governing your economy.
This is understandably not how advocates of the scheme describe it; Nick Boles speaks glowingly of Norway's ability to influence EU legislation. Nicky Morgan tells us we would be a "rule-shaper and would remain a lawmaker" by gaining "a voice, vote, and ability to refuse". Rob Halfon goes so far as to say that he'd rather have been in the EFTA bloc to begin with.
As they tell it, the Norway+ model offers the UK the chance to do something very special. We'd be within the EU's single market, but unlike the member states we'd be able to say no to new regulations. We'd be free of the European Court of Justice. We'd be able to stop free movement if we wanted to, and pay pennies on the pound on our current contributions to the EU budget. There'd be no need for an Irish backstop, and we could leave at any time with just a year's notice. We'd be out of all political union, regulating our own agriculture and fish, and in the near future we'd even be able to negotiate our own trade deals. And best of all, we can use the Vienna Convention to force the EU to agree this deal with us – ah.
As you may have guessed, this is almost entirely untrue. The purpose of the single market is regulatory homogeneity; allowing for the sale of goods and services across the EEA without regulatory barriers getting in the way, and without countries undermining common standards. If you are in the single market without following the rules, then the structure springs a leak. If the country not following the rules is as large as the United Kingdom, that leak turns out to be on par with the one that sunk the Titanic.
2. Strategically placed figleaves
Nick Boles, High Priest of the Norway+ revivalists, was not always so keen on the model. As he noted in 2016, following Norway would see us "still in the single market, still bound by freedom of movement laws, and still subject to rulings by the European Court of Justice". Far from receiving all the marvelous benefits of sovereignty listed above, "we would have gained almost nothing while losing any say over future developments in EU rules".
If you were to ask Boles what changed since, it's likely that he would tell you about his journey of discovery; how his naive preconceptions about the Norway model fell aside; how he came to see the light. In reality, Boles has discovered cargo-cult legalism.
To be fair to the member for Grantham, the EEA agreement is written in ways that are meant to confuse the reader into believing the non-EU member states retain considerably more sovereignty than they really do. Understanding the document relies on understanding the distinction between sovereignty de jure – the formal legal status – and de facto; where the power actually lies.
Norwegians have had plenty of time to experience this distinction, and a report produced by a government commission unsurprisingly takes a dim view on the sovereignty fig leaves offered by the agreement. Norway "formally retains its sovereignty", but signs up to "a supranational and dynamic political union" with "continuous adaptation to its rules". The agreement "has never been viewed as an agreement between equals", and features "a substantial gap between formality and reality". While Norway transfers no formal lawmaking powers, in reality "there is massive delegation of legislative power to the EU, a considerable delegation of judicial power to the EU Court… and some delegation of executive power… to the Commission".
The Norwegian Parliament is reduced to the status of an Apple customer; new terms and conditions are downloaded, and it can either accept the new terms or end the agreement. It is this "choice" that Norway+ advocates believe would make Britain more sovereign. The only reason they do not see it more clearly is the power of cargo-cult legalism; "for political and constitutional reasons", the arrangement works through international law agreements that "consequently give the impression of conceding less power than actually is the case". The gap between formal legal structures and real world outcomes – between the incantation and the reality – is huge, and concealed.
At the same time, it's clearly there if you know where to look. We might not be able to see tectonic plates moving over one another, but we can follow the fault lines by watching the hills.
3. When Storegga slides (Follow the hands)
At the core of the Norway model is a marvellous conjuring trick. The single market works because the EU countries involved pool sovereignty; they set rules collectively, and agree to follow them. Norway doesn't take part in the first part of the process; it doesn't get to vote on the rules, but under the terms of the EEA agreement is still bound to follow them. Understandably, this is a constitutionally and politically difficult position for a country to put itself in; a formal surrender of sovereignty has all sorts of negative connotations.
To get around this, the EEA agreement adopts a very particular structure. The EU countries sit in one pillar. Under their agreement, common market regulations take 'direct applicability' in national law; once the EU passes them, they are in effect without further action needed. Directives – larger and more sweeping pieces of law that need a more nuanced approach to fit them into different national frameworks – do not. Instead, EU countries transpose their intent into domestic law. If EU countries deviate from the rules, then the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has the right to issue fines.
The EFTA countries – Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein – sit in a second pillar. They do not transfer any formal powers to the EFTA authorities, but commit to aligning themselves dynamically to EU legislation relevant to the maintenance of the single market. This is where the trick begins; watch the magicians hands carefully. EU legislation is not 'directly applicable' in the EFTA countries, the European Commission does not make decisions for the EFTA countries, and the European Court of Justice does not have jurisdiction. Instead, a second set of institutions — an EFTA Court and Surveillance Authority — are created.
When the EU passes a law, the new legislation is incorporated into the EEA agreement by the EEA Joint Committee — a forum of EFTA ambassadors and EU officials. At this stage, some alterations may be needed to account for the unique status of the EFTA countries; references to EU external trade policy might be removed, and the powers given to EU authorities are adjusted to the appropriate EFTA authority. The core of the law, however, is unaltered.
For some laws this is the end of the proces. For others, the EFTA states may need to win parliamentary approval due to the contents of the law, and their own constitutional requirements.
This is the aspect of the agreement that Common Market 2.0 advocates believe gives Norway a vote and a right of refusal; the UK's constitutional requirement is likely to be that all new laws are approved by Parliament (assuming no 'conduit' for new laws is created by one overarching act of legislation), and the EFTA countries do have the right to refuse new EU legislation.
This can take place in one of three ways. The first is that only single market relevant legislation is included in the agreement (although EFTA countries have voluntarily decided to include legislation the EU failed to flag as relevant). This opens the option of contesting the single market relevance of legislation, as Norway has done with some regulations on the trade in seal products.
The second is that the EFTA countries can delay the process, failing to take necessary national steps, dragging out negotiations with one another and the EU, failing to reach a conclusion in the Joint Committee, and so on.
Finally, the EFTA countries reach decisions on the addition of new laws to the EEA agreement by unanimity. If one disagrees, they have the formal power to veto the addition of new laws.
On the face of it, the EFTA countries have performed a remarkable feat; they are inside a homogeneous trade area without formally having to follow the rules. And if you believe this, you haven't been watching the conjurers hands.
One small aspect of the structure of the agreement de jure means that in practice, the EFTA countries are bound to follow the EU's rules. If after a year of attempts to resolve a dispute over a refusal to incorporate legislation no decision can be reached, then the EU can begin to suspend parts of the EEA agreement.
Clearly, the EU can suspend the directly affected parts of the agreement. In some cases, this can be remarkably far reaching; the integrated nature of financial services, for instance, means that refusal to incorporate one act can lead to massive suspensions of access. But as the European Parliament notes, suspensions do not have to halt there; to "effectively oppose" attempts by an EFTA partner to incorporate legislation "in a selective manner", the EU can aim to suspend related parts of the agreement in an attempt to "impact negatively on the partner's interests".
And there, ultimately, is the trick. This process has never been brought, because there has been no need to; the threat is sufficient. To understand what this means, think of it as a cliff-edge Brexit in miniature for the affected sector. Overnight, access to the EU market is lost. And it is lost in a way which may well be unpredictable. As Erik O Eriksen writes, "the cost of applying [the veto on legislation] is considered so high that none of the EEA countries have used it so far". The Norway model offers the illusion of sovereignty through a succession of Hobson's choices; take this rule, or lose all access for that sector. And once a rule is in place, there is no unilateral mechanism for its removal.
To see the collision of the de jure 'right to refuse' with the de facto reality, look at what happened when Norway decided to deviate from the EU in the most minute way possible.
Norway has vetoed legislation once, refusing to implement the EU's postal services directive in 2011. In response, the EU threatened to cut Norway's access to the single market. Norway caved. The trick with the EEA agreement is to remember that you cannot take issues in isolation; while you can only suspend parts of the agreement affected by delay or refusal, at any given time there is usually a backlog of EU legislation waiting to make its way into the EEA agreement. There is little stopping the EU ending its lenient stance on delays on one issue to put pressure on the EFTA countries over another.
One substantive clash on a relatively minor matter of homogeneity, and the fundamental imbalance of the EEA agreement is laid bare. The artful edifices constructed to give the illusion of retained sovereignty fall down. When Storegga slides, Doggerland is washed away.
4. In the European Free Trade Association, no-one can hear you scream
Once the fundamental imbalance of power between the EFTA countries and the European Union is understood, the value of Norway's "voice" is similarly laid clear. Norway and the other EFTA countries have no vote in the EU's legislative process. They take no seats in the European Parliament, or in the Council, and Norway cannot suggest that new laws be brought in, or changes be made to those that already exist.
Instead, they are invited to participate in expert groups and committees put together by the European Commission during the drafting of laws. Once this stage is completed, one of two things will happen. Either the rules will be adopted by the Commission – in which case national experts act as state representatives in an EU-only process where Norway is excluded – or they will be passed on to the Council. In the latter case, Council working groups are formed, EU member states begin the process of horse-trading, and Norway is shut out from the most important stage of the process entirely.
The only influence Norway has from this point on is through diplomacy; relying on "detailed knowledge of the priorities and positions of individual member states", informal mechanisms for contact with the European Parliament, and the goodwill of friends and neighbours.
Norway has a voice in the process until the stages where most of the major trade-offs are made; at that point, they must leave the drafting room and wait in the corridor – sometimes quite literally.
In turn, this means that no matter how hard Norway works to stay on top of developments in EU law it can still be taken by surprise. On one end of the scale, new rules on central heating boilers forced companies "to make multimillion investments overnight". On the other, Norway's most crucial industry – oil and gas – is regulated by Brussels without the Norwegian government being able to vote on its future.
The fundamental problem is that when it comes to the crunch, Norway's voice is absent and the country is out of the loop. And with no votes to back its position, its best hope is that another country's interests will align with it.
If you want to know how this works out, you can ask Norway's prime minister: "We are not at the negotiating table when the EU is assembled and we're lucky if we've made it into the hallways of Brussels". There is a notable "political deficit" for the EFTA members.
On any reasonable metric, the UK has been extremely influential in persuading the EU round to its point of view. Quite how the UK would do when excluded from the bulk of the decision-making process and stripped of its large vote share (~13% of the total) is another matter entirely.
5. Overruled
Suppose that the Norway+ advocates accept the arguments put forward so far. They agree that the veto is, in practice, unworkable, and that Norway's voice is severely limited by its lack of votes. But as true devotees of cargo cult legalism, they have one last strand of argument to advance: EFTA has its own court to interpret EU laws, enjoys safeguard mechanisms, and can work legislation to be closer to its needs. Through careful invocation of these loopholes, Norway gains sovereignty relative to EU members.
The reality is that the existence of the EFTA court is precisely why Norway cannot work legislation to its advantage; it will be consistently overruled if it attempts to deviate from EU law.
Return again to the subject of fig leaves. Because Norway, Liechtenstein, and Iceland do not formally cede power to the EU, the ECJ cannot make decisions for them. Instead, the three countries have their own separate EFTA court. Advocates of the Norway model frequently tout this as a significant benefit, liberating the UK from the all-powerful ECJ. The reality is that it would do no such thing.
The core principle of the EEA agreement is homogeneity. The aim of the EFTA Court is not to provide Norway and the other EFTA countries with a mechanism for deviating from the law of the single market while remaining within it, but to ensure that they hold up their end of the bargain.
To this end, the EEA agreement makes some explicit provisions. The first is that the EFTA Court is bound to the case law of the ECJ prior to the signing of the EEA treaty in 1992. The second is that the Joint Committee keeps an eye out for deviations between ECJ and EFTA case law. Where these arise, the EU and EFTA can try to negotiate a common consensus. If this fails, they can agree to refer the case to the ECJ for an agreement. And if that fails, then the EU can turn back to the old standby: suspending the relevant parts of the EEA agreement.
If the case law of the EFTA Court and the ECJ diverges, the overwhelming weight of political power is with the latter. The EFTA/EU agreement is a partnership of equals, where one partner happens to be holding a gun to the others' head. So long as everyone plays nice, everything is fine. And if they disagree, it's pretty clear about which side is going to get its way.
In practice, these divergences don't arise. As one study notes, the EFTA Court is often accused of being more "Catholic than the Pope"; in order to avoid undermining the agreement, the EFTA Court essentially asks itself what the ECJ would rule if it was in its place.
Even when legal principles in EU law are not transferred to the EFTA states – such as the concept of "Union Citizenship" – the EFTA Court works to preserve homogeneity with the EU, and has read the EEA provisions in a "citizenship-friendly" manner.
It's the existence of this Court that means that attempts to 'work' single market rules to the national interest simply aren't a feature of the agreement. The aim of the agreement, in every sense, is to preserve homogeneity. National sovereignty is incompatible with this. If Norway twists the rules, then the mechanisms for enforcement swing into play. That the Court's rulings are advisory rather than binding is irrelevant; if Norway is in breach of the agreement, that hands the EU a large stick with which to bring it back into line.
For all the talk of the EFTA Court lacking a principle of closer union, it enforces the same rules as the ECJ, aspires to homogeneity, and is in a politically subordinate position. To sing its praises as a mechanism for supervising the EEA agreement relative to the ECJ is to plead for a prison on account of the attractiveness of the jailer.
Even the doctrine of primacy of EU law sneaks into the EEA agreement by the backdoor; all EFTA states participating in the agreement agree to introduce a principle "to the effect that EEA rules prevail in cases of conflict with other statutory provisions".
The safeguard mechanisms – such as the much-touted emergency brake – are a non-starter when it comes to seriously deviating from EU law. They exist to correct major detrimental effects, when they can be shown to exist, and entitle a proportionate response from the other party. Going into the agreement with the intent of pulling the metaphorical handbrake on immigration is unlikely to be met with approval from any party involved.
6. Yes, Commissioner.
A staple of cynical conversation is that voting makes no difference; politicians are all the same, and civil servants hold most of the power anyway. In Norway, this is at least partially true. The EEA agreement guts domestic democracy and distorts the relationships between the various branches of government.
By the time EU laws reach the Norwegian Parliament, there is no room for decision making. Either they accept the laws as they stand, or they face the suspension of the relevant part of the EEA agreement. This being very little choice at all, the role of Parliament in debating issues vital to the national economy is significantly reduced; why discuss an area where you have no regulatory power?
The Parliament has no role in Brussels, and no incentive to take part. Where there is influence, it lies with the civil service and ministers; with expert groups and conversations with other governments. There is no direct impact of voting on EEA laws; no-one can be held to account for them. The influence of Norway on the rules governing it is reduced to a tenuous set of connections with ministers vulnerable to reshuffles and elections, and the work of the foreign office overseas. As a government commission notes, "the arenas where Norwegian politicians can involve themselves… are few and far between… they do not represent the main development and often are not even particularly important". Policy, meanwhile, becomes disjointed; Norwegian positions "are to a great extent formulated by civil servants in individual government agencies often at a low level".
The balance of power between parliament, the civil service, and the executive is distorted, with the only Norwegian influence in some areas coming from the latter two branches. While all branches are weakened in absolute terms, central government benefits relative to the others.
The effect of the deal on domestic politics is also unappetising. Because the EEA agreement is written to preserve an illusion of sovereignty where none exists, the exact nature of the pact is at best obscured for votes. The structure is designed to give the necessary fig leaves to politicians who want to proudly proclaim sovereignty without doing the hard work of governing, with the result that "few comprehend the real scope and depth of Norwegian integration".
The end result is by the time an issue reaches public attention, "Norwegians are presented with a fait accompli". When the EU brings in the Services Direction, the debate is "what would happen if Norway were to say no, rather than on the merits of the Directive itself".
One might think in turn that the EEA agreement would be considered controversial in Norwegian politics, an ever-present issue in electoral politics. On the contrary; coalitions generally form with "suicide clauses" breaking up the government if membership of the EEA is ever put on the table.
Every criticism levelled at the EU – that it is undemocratic, and unaccountable – comes back at the Norway model tenfold. And it is very difficult to argue that it is in any way unjustified. To many intents, Norway is trapped in a permanent political adolescence; neither fully independent nor involved in the decision-making process.
7. The Perks
The Norway model is a terrible fit for the UK. The sections above have gone out of their way to demonstrate this. That does not, however, mean it is a terrible fit for Norway; the two countries interests are very different.
The key benefit for Norway is that while it enjoys full integration in most of the single market, its key industries enjoy a certain special status. The deal excludes agriculture and fisheries, meaning one large industry is entirely under Norwegian control. While EU tariffs make high added value exports to the bloc uneconomic in many cases, Norway judges the trade-off to be worthwhile.
The second major Norwegian industry is petrochemical; oil and gas. This sector accounts for 22% of GDP and 67% of exports, and while it is regulated under the EEA agreement there is a limit to the amount of damage that can be done. Oil and gas deposits don't move across borders simply because a new regulation says they must. The end result is that the Norwegian government judges the trade-off to be worthwhile; a loss of control in some sectors is worth the opt-out for key industries, particularly given the lack of support for joining.
To illustrate the difference between the UK and Norway, look at each country's goods exports. Norway sells fish, oil, and gas. The UK exports cars and pharmaceutical products; industries where small regulatory tweaks can shut off exports and create massive headaches for firms.
Cast your mind back to the regulation that proved so costly to Norwegian boiler manufacturers. Now imagine something similar taking place for financial services. Mark Carney, for one, has clearly thought about this and decided he doesn't much like the possibility, saying he would not be comfortable "outsourcing supervision of this incredibly complex, incredibly important financial sector".
The opt-outs in the agreement would be worth significantly less to the UK. While would still end up following the majority of EU rules (approximately 75% by one measure) we would find our hands tied when it comes to managing the most important parts of our economy. When Nick Boles tells his readers that "most EU rules would not apply to us at all", he is being deeply dishonest, and also missing the point; counting rules is a fool's game. What matters is their import.
Norway wields much of its influence through friends and countries with similar interests. The UK is already an outlier within the EU, and has spent the last three years thoroughly irritating the countries who would be setting the rules for us under the Norway+ proposal. Do we really think that the EU wouldn't take the chance to snatch a few crown jewels from the British economy? The EU27 have already tried to offshore euro clearing activities with the UK as a full member; once the UK leaves, there is very little to stop the bloc attempting to regulate activity 'onshore'.
There is also, at the core, a fundamental difference in the view Norway and the UK take of their relationship with the EU, and this is particularly highlighted by the way Norway has sought time and again to join EU programs outside of the EEA agreement. Norway is on the outside but wants to be as integrated as it possibly can be; Norwegians even pay roughly the same amount that we do, on a per capita basis. The UK, on the other hand, is on the inside but wants to be less integrated. The two parties are coming at the model from very different directions, and this could cause frictions.
8. Off-the-shelf, off the table.
The one great advantage of the Norway+ model – as described by its advocates – is that it would be simple to negotiate. I suspect the EU would certainly be keen on the framework, with suitable adjustments; the problem is the other EFTA countries.
Remember that essential difference in outlook; the UK is on the way out and wants to be less integrated, while the EFTA countries are on the outside but want to be as close as possible. Combine this with the UK parliament's reluctance to be backed into a corner, the hugely disproportionate size of the UK relative to the other EFTA countries, and the controversy surrounding the EU within the UK, and the net result is that the EFTA agreement could well take on a different feel if the UK were to join.
The nature of EFTA – and its unanimous adoption of regulation – means that when one country refuses a change in the law, every other member is dragged to the cliff-edge. As one Norway politician notes, "letting the UK join EFTA and the EEC agreement to veto parts of it could undermine the agreement for all of us".
Neither the EFTA countries nor the EU would be keen on the UK using the EFTA agreement to cherry pick single market access. Joining with the explicit intent of slowly diverging one sector at a time is unlikely to win us many friends. In turn, the EU could well take a far more robust approach to enforcement to an enlarged EFTA, making use of the rights afforded to it by the treaty rather than merely threatening to do so.
If the EFTA countries don't want the UK to join, it is extremely unlikely that cargo cult legalism will carry the day; the most likely interpretation of the agreement is that the UK has no automatic right to remain within the EEA after leaving the EU. If the UK does enter into a Norway style arrangement, it is likely to have certain key differences.
9. Enter Norway+
The Common Market 2.0 proposal does not stop at single market membership. Unlike the existing EFTA countries, proponents of the scheme envisage the UK staying locked in a customs union with the EU so as to remove any barriers between Northern Ireland, the Republic, and Great Britain.
This would of course prevent the UK operating an independent trade policy; between regulatory alignment through the single market, and the binding obligation to keep tariff rates at those set by the EU, there would be no room for the UK to make concessions to other countries when attempting to win access to their markets. At the same time, we would lose our say on the EU's trade policy.
This problem is compounded when you recall that leaving the EU involves losing our existing trade deals we hold through our membership of the bloc. While the customs union would force us to lower tariffs for countries the EU signs deals with, there would be no reciprocal obligation for them to lower their tariffs on UK goods.
Considering the size of the UK, it is unlikely that the '+' element of the plan would stop there. The EU is likely to insist on elements of agricultural and fisheries policy being added to the agreement at least insofar as Northern Irish farmers are concerned, and for enforcement of the deal to be far more stringent than the current arrangement with Norway.
The UK is a large and important economy. Norway, bluntly, is not. If the UK is within the single market but not playing by the rules, it has the potential to create political havoc. As EU sources told the Guardian, we would have to follow the rules. We would be bound tighter to the current rulebook, with less room for manoeuvre. Norway has occasionally decided to delay rules, and taken time to back down; "with the UK we cannot accept such a slippage".
The other EFTA states – and the EU – are unlikely to be particularly keen on the idea of the UK merrily vetoing EEA legislation. Not only would this be economically disruptive, it is likely to be politically toxic: as Hans Petter Graver puts it, "The UK is likely to politicise the EEA agreement and in doing so may render more starkly apparent the fact that EEA countries are not EU members, but must accept EU law."
One measure the EU could adopt to handle the potential for Britain to diverge is a 'guillotine clause'; if the UK pulls the emergency brake to control immigration, or diverges sufficiently for part of its single market access to be suspended, the entire agreement with the UK is suspended. This is the approach that the EU has taken in its relations with Switzerland, and so far the leverage granted by the clause has forced the Swiss into backing down on an attempt to end an agreement on free movement with the EU.
And then there is the ever-present issue of the Irish border. It is not beyond the realms of possibility that the EU either insists on the withdrawal agreement as a precondition for agreeing to the EEA model – locking the backstop into law – or seeks to have it written into the UK's accession.
10. Norway for now, Norway forever?
There is a school of thought that sees EFTA as a staging post to some better future agreement with the EU; Norway for now, but in the future nirvana.
Amusingly, this is precisely how Norway found itself in its current situation. Pro-EU membership parties viewed the EEA as a stepping stone on the way to membership, and a way to prevent Norway from slipping into euroscepticism.
The EEA has ended up "a second choice that nobody particularly likes but that they can live with". It keeps EU membership from being on the agenda, but prevents anti-EU parties from getting what they want. Norway can't leave the agreement without all the agonies of leaving the EU. And at the same time, it can't go in further because there is no political will to do so; it ends up "committed to co-existing in an undemocratic association with the EU, because this is the only solution on which it has democratically managed to agree".
British parties interested in Norway as a temporary solution should take note.
11. The UK's interest
A Norway+ Brexit would be the worst possible outcome for the United Kingdom. We would end up effectively following the majority of EU rules without any vote on their contents, and with very limited ability to influence them. The illusion of sovereignty granted by the veto and safeguards does not make the consequences of their use any less painful or practicable, assuming they even make it into an adjusted model.
Economically, we would be trapped within an inferior customs union, and likely to face an extended period of reduced access to overseas market. Regulations would not written with our interests in mind, and may well be designed specifically to draw economic activity back to the continent.
If the UK enters the EEA arrangement with the explicit intention of deviating from EU law – using it as a way to slowly diverge over time – the EU is likely to take strict enforcement measures. If British businesses face a series of unpredictable cliff-edges in business with the EU, they will be at a significant disadvantage. Those that can do so may simply up sticks for the continent in order to preserve continuity.
It is worth remembering too that the UK is the loud free market voice within the EU. Even with the best intent, rules set solely by the EU27 are likely to be significantly more interventionist than those set in a bloc where the UK has full participation and a hefty set of votes. The Norway model works for Norway – with its independent trade policy – because of its exclusions and the makeup of the Norwegian economy. It would be a very poor fit for the United Kingdom. It would not even be a model necessarily available off-the-shelf.
Democratically, the Norway+ model would reduce Parliament to the status of a chamber for rubber stamping the regulation of our key industries. In preserving EU law, the jurisdiction of a European court closely aligned to the ECJ, free movement of people, and significant budget contributions, it would run contrary to every promise made during the referendum to take back control of the UK's money, borders and laws. While leaving the EU to join EFTA and stay in the EEA would fulfil the technical interpretation of the instruction to leave, it would run explicitly counter to its spirit.
Nick Boles previously described attempts to pass a Norway style deal as a "guerilla war" waged "in the not-so-secret hope a future government… will be able to take us back in". I believe he is probably correct in judging this as a potential outcome.
It is likely that the Norway model would prove to be unstable if applied to Britain; we would end up rejoining, or leaving the EEA. Either way, we would simply be postponing the pain of refighting the 2016 referendum until significant further damage had been done.
And the world would not stand still while we make our decision. In our absence the EU is likely to push ahead with further political integration, and may well make our participation in all aspects of the EU – Schengen and the Euro included – a precondition for rejoining.
Whatever Brexit model we choose, Norway+ should not be on the table. To make my own views clear, I personally do not want to leave the EU. My judgement is that the withdrawal agreement and makeup of Parliament make it likely that a model similar to Norway may be the end result, eroding our democracy in exchange for very little gain. The alternatives – no deal, or a deal that separates Northern Ireland and Great Britain to the detriment of the Union – are unappealing in their own way.
What I will say is this; any Brexit outcome fixed in the next few weeks is likely to be catastrophically bad. What we have seen time and time again in the years since 2016 is the consequence of under-preparing; triggering Article 50 without setting a negotiating position, an end goal, or making any serious effort to prepare for a no deal. This in turn put us in a position where we were utterly reliant on the passing of a withdrawal agreement and granting of a transition period, and gave the EU very little incentive to give way. Signing the backstop agreement just to move talks on with a deadline looming in turn has given the choice of accepting a new status as a rule-taker, or dividing our country. Understandably, when this choice was presented to Parliament, both outcomes were rejected.
With very little time left until we leave without a deal, the EU has us at a heavy disadvantage. Whatever outcome you want – WTO, Super Canada, Remain, anything in short other than Norway+ – the best way to see it through is to revoke Article 50, halt the clock, and begin the process again as if we mean it.
Leaving the European Union is going to reshape the British constitution for a generation at the very least. Whatever form Brexit takes should not be dictated by a weak Prime Minister in thrall to her back benches. It certainly shouldn't be trusted to a geriatric Stalinist. A genuinely cross-party approach is needed, drawing on expertise from around the country. Years, not months, of preparation would be required before we could think of triggering Article 50 again.
I acknowledge that this approach would be slow, but we have wasted three years on May's efforts. If we had adopted this approach in beginning, we could now be about to trigger Article 50 with our destination set, a viable no-deal plan, and a great deal of leverage. Such is life. The most important thing to remember is that if a thing is worth doing, it is worth doing right; rushing through Brexit to find ourselves trapped in the EFTA twilight zone would be a very poor return to so much effort.
Header image courtesy of AlvaroPrieto, used under a creative commons license.
Category: Brexit, British Politics, Uncategorized
Previous Post: To the brink we go.
Next Post: Embers


If you are a woman loving a guy you don't understand... buy this ebook and discover his true secret feelings, even if you don't think you have an intuitive bone in your body!
How to keep your relationship truly happy long term.
How to make a clearer choice about staying or leaving and NOT wait for 'the right time' to break it off.
How to ENSURE harmony in your relationship.
How to understand your boyfriend deeply, creating TRUST and bonding.
How to explode your and your date's LOVE POTENTIAL.
How to find out if he MATCHES YOUR TRUE NEEDS as a woman.
How to check his deepest SOUL style - happy or troubled!
How to QUICKLY KNOW if your boyfriend is the right guy for you.
How to help your heart feel genuinely happy, stable and secure.
How to stay RELAXED (zero stress) because of these skills.
How to always KNOW the truth below the surface.
LOVE TEST: How to instantly FIND OUT if your man loves you.
How to find out WHY he's confusing or hurting you!
How to find out what his deepest fears or dreams are.
How to stay sexier by empowering your OWN heart.
How to switch on intuitive senses in a SUPER smart way to read anyone!
How to check if he understands what YOU are trying to tell him.
When he is talking business or sport how to listen to his heart.
How to spot a negative 'troubled soul' at a thousand paces!


text:
David Hinckley
@David_Hinckley · Guitar · Boston, MA
David Hinckley is a guitarist, composer and educator outside Boston, MA. He maintains a full roster of private students and is always open to taking on new students. Please be in touch to book a lesson. https://www.davidhinckleymusic.com/
The Weasil (Jimmy Ponder Solo) - Jimmy Ponder w/ Donald Byrd
View full version
Jimmy Ponder is a guitarist who does not receive nearly the attention he deserves. Here is one quick chorus from the Donald Byrd jam "The Weasil" from Byrd's 1970 release Fancy Free. More…
Western Nights (solo) - David Hinckley
Here is the outro solo to my tune "Western Nights." This is the B side to my 2020 single "Your Man (On The Inside)." It's full of slick soul jazz lines I've lifted off everyone from George Benson to Cornell… More…
Give The Women What They Want - The Isley Brothers - Ernie Isley (guitar)
Two For One - Grant Green
Grant Green's 1st chorus from "Two For One" from his 1961 record Gooden's Corner (released in 1980). The song form is an exact copy of the Miles Davis classic "So What" with Green only changing the main… More…
All The Things You Are - Grant Green
1 chorus of Grant Green's solo on "All The Things You Are" from his Standards record. More…
OGD (Road Song) - Wes Montgomery
One chorus of Wes' solo on "OGD (Road Song) from Further Adventures of Jimmy and Wes. More…
90% of Me Is You - Gwen McCrae w/ Willie Hale aka Little Beaver
Willie Hale, aka Little Beaver, showing us how they did it in Miami on Gwen McCrae's "90% of Me Is You" from her killing 1974 debut record. Great octave melody at the intro, loose 16th funk rhythms at… More…
Why When Love Is Gone - The Isley Brothers (written by Ivy Jo Hunter)
Ernie Isley's fuzz guitar part on The Isley Brothers' "Why When Love Is Gone" from their 1967 release Soul On The Rocks. A great example of how to use fuzz guitar in a non-rock situation. Here the guitar… More…
Fight The Power, Pt. 1 - The Isley Brothers (Ernie Isley - guitar)
Ernie Isley is relentless in his rhythm guitar track on The Isley Brothers 1975 hit "Fight The Power, Pts. 1 & 2" … More…
Special Occasion - Smokey Robinson & The Miracles / Marv Tarplin (guitar)
Marv Tarplin takes a fairly loose approach to his guitar track on "Special Occasion" from the Smokey Robinson & The Miracles record of the same name. Besides the Intro riff he is playing fills throughout… More…
Trying to Make a Fool of Me - The Delfonics / Bobby Eli electric sitar part
Bobby Eli's Electric Sitar part from the Delfonics "Trying to Make a Fool of Me" from their self titled 1970 record, written by Thom Bell and William Hart.… More…
I Forgot To Be Your Lover - William Bell / Booker T Jones (guitar)
Steve Cropper is usually the first name that comes to mind when talking about the guitars on Stax records but there are times when Booker T Jones took over the guitar chair. His playing here has a gentle… More…
Yester Love - Smokey Robinson & The Miracles / Marv Tarplin (guitar)
An overview of Marv Tarplin's guitar parts on "Yester Love" by Smokey Robinson and The Miracles. I have added in some chord hits here and there and harmonized some melodic phrases with 6ths or simple… More…
Jealous Guy - Cornell Dupree
Cornell Dupree's guitar fills (and some piano) from Donny Hathaway's live version of the John Lennon classic. More…
I'm Loving Nothing - Curtis Mayfield (w/ The Impressions)
Never has a guitarist played the instrument so sweet and pretty while still dripping with grease than Curtis Mayfield. … More…
Rainy Night In Georgia - Brook Benton/Cornell Dupree (guitar)
Cornell Dupree's guitar parts on Brook Benton's 1970 recording of "Rainy Night In Georgia" by Tony Joe White. A masterclass on using double stops in Soul music, plus plenty of hammer on/pull off fills… More…
Baby, Baby Don't Cry - Smokey Robinson & The Miracles / Marv Tarplin (guitar)
An overview of Marv Tarplin's parts on the The Miracles' "Baby, Baby Dont Cry" plus a few extra fills most likely added by one or more of the Funk Brothers guitar section (Robert White, Eddie Willis &… More…
Kissing My Love - Benorce Blackmon / Bill Withers
"Kissing My Love" by Bill Withers with Benorce Blackmon on guitar is a must learn tune for anyone working on getting their right hand sixteenth note technique together. It also never hurts to practice… More…
Never Can Say Goodbye (solo) - Grant Green
Grant Green's solo section to "Never Can Say Goodbye" from his 1971 release "Visions" More…
Ease Back (Solo) - Grant Green (The Meters)
A quick two choruses of Grant Green's solo on "Ease Back" More…
I'm In Love - Bobby Womack
An overview of Bobby Womack and Reggie Young's guitar parts from the Bobby Womack penned "I'm In Love"… More…
Party Down - Pt. 1 - Little Beaver (Willie Hale)
Chord solo arrangement of the great Little Beaver (AKA Willie Hale) track Party Down - Pt. 1 More…
I'm A Ram - Teenie Hodges/Al Green - Teenie Hodges/Al Green
Teenie Hodges' parts from Al Green's "I'm a Ram". Easily in the Top 10 greasiest guitar vamps ever. More…
Hung Up On My Baby - Isaac Hayes
Triple guitar transcription of the Isaac Hayes super jam "Hung Up On My Baby." This track appears on the "Three Tough Guys" soundtrack from 1974 and I believe features Michael Toles, Skip Pitts , and… More…
I Believe In Your Love - Charles Bradley/Thomas Brenneck/Leon Michels
Overview of the fantastic guitar parts played by Thomas Brenneck on Charles Bradley's "I Believe In Your Love." On the record each part is played loosely with variations throughout. In the transcription… More…
Notation & tab editor
Embed sheet music
Introducing the visual trombone and trumpet ∙ Jan. 14
Top community slices of 2020 ∙ Dec. 22
New features and fixes, Dec. 10 ∙ Dec. 10
© 2021 Soundslice LLC


It's hard and impossible to predict exactly how long the travel time you should take from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia.
Well, it is very subjective question?
BUT, you can avoid the traffic jams by viewing Live Traffic Camera For Woodlands Causeway Checkpoint & Tuas Second Link Checkpoint before you begin your journey to Malaysia from Singapore.
That's a smart strategy when you drive your own car.
If you hire a ride with private car service company, then you probably need to ask them to give suggestion.
Below, I'm going to share with you the estimated travel time from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia based on my experience.
It is the cheap and budget option to take public bus from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia. But, how long does the bus ride from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia? Now, I going to sorting out the travel time depart from different location in Singapore.
10-15 minutes bus ride from Boon Lay to Singapore Tuas Checkpoint.
30-40 minutes bus ride from Lavender MRT to Singapore Tuas Checkpoint.
After that you need to queue and get passport stamp at Singapore-Malaysia Immigration for about 15 to 20 minutes. Another 15 minutes bus ride from CIQ 2nd Link (Kompleks CIQ Sultan Abu Bakar Tanjung Kupang) to Legoland Malaysia.
Passengers need to get off twice from the bus for Singapore & Malaysia immigration.
You need to queue long line in Singapore-Malaysia immigration approximately 1 to 2 hours for immigration clearance. Second Link is flooded with car, motorcycles whereas custom is flooded with passengers.
Taking public buses or causeway buses, it will take approximately 1 hour ride from your hotel to Woodlands Checkpoint and immigration.
After that, you need to take 15 to 30 minutes for immigration clearance.
Then, you can take local taxi from Johor CIQ to Legoland Malaysia about 20 to 25 minutes or taking local bus. The bus journey may take 30 to 45 minutes.
It will take about 90 minutes to reach Woodlands Checkpoint.
After that, you need to queue long line in Woodlands Checkpoint and Immigration approximately 1 to 2 hours again for immigration clearance.
Causeway is flooded with car, buses and motorcycles whereas custom is flooded with passengers.
2.) Try to avoid going on weekends as both side of causeway will be quite crowded and you may take longer time to reach Legoland Malaysia.
3.) Besides queues for tickets at Singapore Flyer and Singapore-Malaysia customs, you need to queue for rides (average 1 to 2 hours). Return journey may take about 60 to 90 minutes.
You cannot take the regular taxi from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia. Instead you can take private car from any point in Singapore to Legoland Malaysia. SGMYTAXI is popular cross-border private transport. It's easy to reserve online and get the service.
Hong much time we should take from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia?
Well, it is a good and subjective question.
The shortest journey estimated time spend from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia include immigration clearance, drive through causeway or 2nd link is about 40 minutes.
The length of time spend may increase depend on your departure location in Singapore.
If you take train from Woodlands Train Checkpoint to JB Sentral Checkpoint, then the journey is just 5 minutes.
Unfortunately, there is no train service from JB Sentral to Legoland Malaysia.
There are 2 transport options you can choose either by public bus or local taxi.
For public bus, you can take Causeway Link Bus, LM1 to Legoland Malaysia from JB Sentral. The journey may take up to 1 hour.
For local taxi, the journey may take about 20 to 25 minutes to reach Legoland Malaysia.
If you want to drive yourself from Singapore to Legoland Malaysia, the journey may take 45 to 60 minutes during off period and 2 to 3 hours during peak period.
I wonder Singapore to Legoland Malaysia how long?
How long the distance or time spend to reach there?
Anywhere, it depends on your departure location.
Below, I 'm summarized out the time spend to reach Legoland Malaysia from different popular pick up location in Singapore.
The distance is estimated 29.4km and require 39 minutes drive.
*above estimation are based on google map with the condition no traffic jams.
If you take cross-border private car from Changi Airport to Legoland Malaysia, the journey will take about 60 to 90 minutes (non-holiday period or off peak) and worse case is up to 3 hours (holiday period or peak period).
Singapore-Malaysia border traffic towards Johor Bahru is smooth on a usual Sunday afternoon or non-holiday period.


text:
Tag: Mental health
Eleanor McEvoy & Mary Black – Only A Woman's Heart
Frances Black
@frances_black
"After A Woman's Heart"a Mind The Gap Documentary Directed by Garry Keane on RTE 1 tonight (27th Dec) @ 9.30pm Here's a photo of all of us at the woman's heart album launch in the early 90's. #themwerethedays @MaryBlackSinger
@SharonShannon99
@momaura
@eleanormcevoy
#DoloresKeane
My heart is low, my heart is so low
As only a woman's heart can be
As only a woman's, as only a woman's
As only a woman's heart can know
Tears that drip
From my bewildered eyes
Taste of bitter sweet romance
You're still in my hopes
You're still on my mind
And even though I manage on my own
Restless eyes
Reveal my troubled soul
And memories flood my weary heart
I mourn for my dreams
I mourn for my wasted love
And while I know that I'll survive alone
Songwriters: Eleanor Mcevoy
Dolores Keane – Caledonia (A Woman's Heart)
Dolores Keane – Caledonia (With On-Screen Lyrics)
Beautiful version of this Scottish love song by Irish singer Dolores Keane.
Lorde – Green Light
I do my makeup in somebody else's car
We order different drinks at the same bars
I know about what you did and I wanna scream the truth
She thinks you love the beach, you're such a damn liar
Those great whites, they have big teeth
Hope they bite you
Thought you said that you would always be in love
But you're not in love no more
Did it frighten you
How we kissed when we danced on the light up floor?
On the light up floor
But I hear sounds in my mind
Brand new sounds in my mind
But honey I'll be seein' you 'ever I go
But honey I'll be seein' you down every road
I'm waiting for it, that green light, I want it'
Cause honey I'll come get my things, but I can't let go
Oh, I wish I could get my things and just let go
Sometimes I wake up in a different bedroom
I whisper things, the city sings 'em back to you
All those rumors, they have big teeth
Oh, honey I'll come get my things, but I can't let go
Yes, honey I'll come get my things, but I can't let go
Songwriters: Jack Antonoff / Joel Little / Ella Yelich – O'connor
Green Light lyrics © Emi Blackwood Music Inc., Sony/atv Songs Llc, Ducky Donath Music, Kmr Music Royalties Ii Scsp
Sharon Shannon, 'Galway Girl' Finale, Fleadh Cheoil 2010. Cavan
Vincent Lyons
Exciting, high energy end to a great gig, & intriguing to watch Sharon Shannon interact dynamically with musicians, people backstage, and members of the audience simultaneously , while effortlessly delivering amazing music, with the same warmth as her captivating smile. Video work is a bit shaky, but hopefully shares the wonderful spirit of the fleadh cheoil, that evening in Cavan, on Sunday August 22nd, 2010. The town was full to capacity, when Sharon performed, with many people listening from a distance, down 'packed' streets. There were so many people in the town (organizers mentioned 85,000), that the show ended early to ensure safety of music fans. From Sharon's website: Sharon has recorded and toured with….Bono, Adam Clayton, Sinead O'Connor, Jackson Browne, John Prine, Steve Earl, Mark Knopfler, The Chieftains, The Waterboys, Willie Nelson, Nigel Kennedy, Alison Krauss, and Shane Mc Gowan… Featuring: Sharon Shannon: Accordion Dezi Donnelly: violin Jack Maher: electric guitar Jim Murray: acoustic guitar Guest: banjo Related websites: http://www.sharonshannon.com/ http://www.myspace.com/sharonshannon http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sharon_S… http://www.dezidonnelly.com/ http://www.myspace.com/jackmaher1976 http://www.fleadh2010.ie/Default.aspx… http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fleadh_C… http://comhaltas.ie/ From Wikipedia: The Fleadh Cheoil (Festival of Music) is an Irish music competition run by Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann (CCÉ). There are various stages to the competition. In Ireland there are county and provincial competitions leading to the All-Ireland Fleadh. In Britain there are regional then national stages of qualification for the All-Ireland. Competitions are divided into the following age categories: under 12, 12-15, 15-18, and over 18 (senior). The first national festival of Irish traditional music was held in Mullingar in 1951. At its inaugural meeting in September 1951, CCÉ came up with the title of Fleadh Cheoil, aiming to make this a great national festival of traditional music. The fleadh has been held in many different venues. In the years that followed, the number of would-be competitors grew so large that qualifying stages had to be arranged at county and provincial level. Since then, Fleadh Nua (the new fleadh), Fleadh na Breataine (an All-Britain fleadh) and regional fleadhanna in Britain, and two major fleadhanna in the USA have also become annual CCÉ events. From its beginning, the goal of the Fleadh Cheoil was to establish standards in Irish traditional music through competition. The Fleadh developed as a mainly competitive event, but it also included many concerts, céilíthe, parades, and sessions. Today, nearly 50 years on, fleadhanna at each level provide a platform and a meeting place for the thousands of musicians (around 20,000 performers compete in fleadhanna each year), singers and dancers who carry on the tradition. Sharon Shannon Sharon Shannon Sharon Shannon Galway Girl Galway Girl Galway Girl fleadh cheoil ceoil na hEireann Cavan 2010 fleadh cheoil ceoil na hEireann Cavan 2010 fleadh cheoil ceoil na hEireann Cavan 2010
Peter Gabriel & Sinead O'Connor – Don't Give Up, Chile 1990
Andrés Aguilar 2 years ago
Ok. Let me explain what happend: Vinnie Colaiuta is playing the right rhythm, but he's putting accents too loud in order to help the keyboard player to feel the 6/8 compass over the 4/4 secuence of harmony. Then, the keyboard player, played the chords out of time (not out of tune). Sting did not knew what to do neither, it seems that those guys learned the song like 15 minutes before playing it. At the end, Sting finally catches the right scale, which all of us can hear a well played bass (even with slaps). Gabriel is used to play this song in a full 6/8 time, with a higher pitch, and only a bass drum playing every last 5 and 6th beats of the 6/8 compass, which actually helps a lot to him to sing it properly. That's what happend. Pure Confusion. Cheers to everyone, and you're all right… THIS SOUNDED SOOOOO AWFUL… which prooves that you can be the best player in the world, but if you do not do your homework, you will sound like shit!
Mandatory Credit: Photo by James Shaw/REX/Shutterstock (3991497d) Sinead O'Connor Sinead O'Connor at BBC Radio Studios, London, Britain – 29 Jul 2014
David Brophy's #FrontlineChoir | RTÉ- Sometimes You Can't Make It on Your Own @tyronetv_irl
David Brophy's Frontline Choir | RTÉ
7,212 viewsAug 26, 2021
RTÉ – IRELAND'S NATIONAL PUBLIC SERVICE MEDIA
320K subscribers In March 2021 conductor David Brophy formed a choir entirely made up of healthcare workers from across Ireland.
Sometimes You Can't Make It on Your Own
You think you've got the stuff
You're telling me and anyone
You're hard enough
You don't have to put up a fight
You don't have to always be right
Let me take some of the punches
For you tonight
Listen to me now
I need to let you know
You don't have to go it alone
And it's you when I look in the mirror
And it's you when I don't pick up the phone
We fight all the time
You and I, that's alright
We're the same soul don't need, I don't need to hear you say
That if we weren't so alike
You'd like me a whole lot more
I know that we don't talk
I'm sick of it all
Can you hear me when I sing?
You're the reason I sing
You're the reason why the opera is in me
Hey now
Still got to let you know
A house doesn't make a home
Don't leave me here alone
And it's you that makes it hard to let go
Sometimes you can't make it
Best you can do, is to fake it
Songwriters: Clayton Adam / Evans David / Mullen Laurence / Hewson Paul David
Sometimes You Can't Make It on Your Own lyrics © Polygram Int. Music Publishing B.v.
Arcade Fire – Everything Now (Official Video)
rcade Fire 436K subscribers Arcade Fire – Everything Now (Official Video) Listen on Spotify http://smarturl.it/ArcadeFire/spotify… Listen on Apple Music http://smarturl.it/ArcadeFire/applemu…
Arcade Fire accepts the Album of the Year Award for The Suburbs onstage during The 53rd Annual Grammy Awards.
Garth Brooks – To Make You Feel My Love
Garth Brooks – To Make You Feel My Love (LIVE at Academy of Country Music 1999)
Eduardo Barbosa
Artist: Garth Brooks Music: To Make You Feel My Love Live at the 1999 Academy of Country Music