text:
The Epic Battle to Save the Most Offensive Team
Few people know the history of the controversial name of Washington Redskins which once was used by Red Indians to set themselves apart from people new to their land.
By Travis Waldron | Via ThinkProgress
Washington Red skins helmet. (Photo by Keith Allison, Creative Commons License)
It was a simple declaration. With it, the owner of the Washington Redskins probably thought he was putting to bed the idea that his franchise might ever go by another name.
"We will never change the name of the team," Daniel Snyder said in May.
"We'll never change the name," he reiterated when the reporter followed-up. "It's that simple. NEVER — you can use caps."
But for all of Snyder's public bluster on the subject, the tenor of the organization's private response would shift in the months to come. Inspired in part by Snyder's own comments, a small but powerful Native American tribe would join the long fight other Native American activists and advocacy groups had waged to change the franchise's name. And in response, the Redskins would enlist a group of high-profile Republican strategists and officials to privately shape the organization's response to public pressure as Snyder sought to preserve the name the team has used for 80 years.
For forty years, a loose coalition of Native American tribal and organizational leaders had targeted the title of Snyder's football team. For the past two decades, they had waged legal fights that sought to undermine the team's federal trademark protection, arguing that laws prohibiting the trademarking of offensive racial terms should void the one that covered "Redskins." Snyder, like the owners who came before him, had no inclination towards a change. Especially not last spring, with his team coming off one of its most successful seasons during his tenure as owner and — despite questions about his star quarterback's shredded knee — with the franchise's future looking bright.
But the country was changing around him. Thanks to the persistence of those activists, names like "Redskins" had slowly begun to vanish. In March, a group of high school students had successfully lobbied their school board to quit using what Native Americans called a "dictionary-defined slur" to refer to their athletic teams. Two months before Snyder's declaration, in his own backyard, politicians had introduced federal legislation to make trademarking the name of his team illegal. The federal trademark board had heard a second lawsuit challenging Snyder's team name, and if the plaintiffs prevailed, it would leave him with little choice but to find a new moniker.
The 2013 football season, supposed to be a triumphant one, would turn disastrous on the field. Things would be even worse off the gridiron. By the middle of the season, the President of the United States would all but urge Snyder to reconsider the name of his football team.
And the simple statement meant to end the discussion instead helped ignite a major controversy that enveloped Snyder and his team.
"The stonewall by the NFL and the Washington team was shattered this year," Ray Halbritter, a representative from the Oneida Indian Nation, which conducted a wide-ranging campaign against the team's name throughout the 2013 season, said. "It's a permanent movement now."
And it's a movement with increasing chances of success. But even as changes close in on the Redskins, emails between team advisers, obtained by ThinkProgress, reveal a deep contempt for the arguments that may ultimately cost the franchise its name.
Kill The Indian, Save The Man
The etymology of the word "Redskin" is, according to a study from Smithsonian Institution Native American language historian Ives Goddard, "entirely benign." Native Americans, Goddard found, were the originators of the term, which they used to set themselves apart from people new to their land. By the early 1860s, however, whites had co-opted the term as a racial descriptor at best and, at worst, as a slur. A newspaper in Winona, Minnesota used the word as part of a bounty notice published in its evening edition on September 24, 1863. The notice, provided by the National Congress of American Indians, which claims it has been independently verified, read:
THE State reward for dead Indians has been increased to $200 for every red-skin sent to Purgatory. This sum is more than the dead bodies of all the Indians east of the Red River are worth.
Sixteen years later, a United States Army Captain named Richard Henry Pratt founded Carlisle Indian School, one of the first in a wave of Indian boarding schools meant to help the U.S. government solve its "Indian problem." Many whites at the time believed that the only way to deal with Indians was to educate and assimilate them into Euro-centric American culture. Indians could be "saved," but only if whites eradicated their cultural backgrounds. Carlisle, in the words of its founder, existed to "Kill the Indian…and save the man."
Carlisle sat on an abandoned military base and existed under the authority of the United States Army. The school found little success in educating Indians. But it excelled in replacing Indian traditions and beliefs with the English language, Western religion, and American culture. This was especially true on the football field, where Carlisle ascended to the top of America's new burgeoning obsession: collegiate football.
Carlisle regularly competed with–and beat–the powers of the day, Ivy League schools like Harvard and Yale, and military academies like Army. Though they were officially known as the Red Men or Indians, newspaper reports referred to its players by another name. "Every time the reports of Indian games are printed, hundreds of Chicagoans are heard to express 'Oh, how I would like to see those redskins play,'" a Chicago reporter wrote of the team in 1898.
By the second decade of the 20th century, Carlisle had spawned numerous other Indian boarding schools, which decades later would fall under criticism for their curriculums and cultural assimilation programs. Some who attended such schools remembered them as repressive institutions that destroyed their culture and provided little in the way of actual education. Carlisle closed in 1918. Fourteen years later, the team that is known today as the Washington Redskins played its first professional football game. The Boston Braves, as they were known then, adopted the "Redskins" name after just one season. As legend holds, the team changed names to honor its second coach, a burly Indian man named William "Lone Star" Dietz. The team moved to Washington in 1937. It has called the nation's capital home ever since.
Dietz, in the organization's version of the story, was a Sioux, and the team adopted its name "out of respect for Native American heritage and tradition." The Redskins have used the story to defend the name for decades; it plays a central role in Snyder's defense of the moniker now.
"Dietz's true identity remains a bone of contention," author and historian Linda M. Waggoner wrote in her exhaustive effort to debunk Dietz's claims of Indian heritage in the spring of 2013. But his birth certificate stated that he was born to German parents in Wisconsin. It was only later that Dietz adopted the story of his Indian heritage. Waggoner's research suggests that he did so for self-promotional reasons, first to help him sell his talents as an artist and later to help him gain prominence as both a football coach and a film creator.
Dietz gained entry into the Carlisle school, as an acquaintance put it, "thru some subterfuge" in 1907. Waggoner found that he was likely among the players illegally recruited to Carlisle for football purposes. At this point, Dietz "began crafting himself a fabulous autobiography," Waggoner found, and he appears to have made up an "astoundingly anachronistic" Indian heritage that cribbed heavily from an Indian named James One Star, who had left Carlisle in the 1890s and, based on government records, likely died as a soldier. His "heritage" had gotten him into Carlisle, though, where he played and coached football alongside the famous Pop Warner, a non-Native who coached the school's team. His time at Carlisle helped launch his coaching career — he went on to work at, among other places, Washington State and Purdue. In 1933, he joined the Redskins.
His tenure there was hardly outstanding. In Dietz's two seasons as a coach, the team's record stood at 11 wins, 11 losses, and two ties.
And Dietz's story about his heritage was already in doubt before he joined the team. It actually caught up to him the year after Carlisle closed in 1918. A Washington state-based FBI agent investigated Dietz, and he was charged in 1919 for attempting to dodge the World War I draft by falsely registering as an Indian, and for misrepresenting a business he ran. He disputed the charges during a trial that ended with a hung jury. He pleaded no contest to new charges of lying about his heritage and misrepresenting his business and served 30 days in jail in 1920. Upon his release, he stuck to his story until the day he died.
The Redskins and the team's owner, George Preston Marshall, may not have been aware of this backstory. Still, Waggoner found little evidence from the time to support the claim that Washington chose the name Redskins specifically to honor Dietz, though it changed names when it hired him, and before he coached his first season. Waggoner's research instead claims that the name was possibly a ploy "to cash in on Indian football nostalgia," a phenomenon Carlisle helped create. Home to football legends like Jim Thorpe, a member of the Sac and Fox Nation, Carlisle helped foster the belief that Native Americans had supernatural athletic talent, particularly on the football field.
Dietz died in 1964, three decades after his short stint with the Redskins and right around the time the movement against Native American imagery in sports began. In the early 1960s, groups of Native American activists and students began working with colleges and universities to change names and drop mascots, and by 1970, they had won their first prominent victory. That year, the University of Oklahoma banished Little Red, an unofficial Native American mascot, from Sooners football games. For the first time, an American sports team had listened to Native Americans who were arguing that it was inappropriate to make caricatures of their people for the entertainment of sports fans. Marquette University dropped its Native mascot in 1971 (it would take 23 years for it to change its "Warriors" nickname). Stanford University dropped its "Indians" nickname the next year. In 1974, Dartmouth College's board of trustees decided the school should quit using its unofficial "Indians" nickname and imagery.
The Redskins could have been next.
Four Decades of Fighting
As Oklahoma banned Little Red, the Redskins underwent a transition of their own. Owner George Preston Marshall — who had finally wilted and integrated his team in 1962 amid federal pressure to do so — died in 1969. The Redskins were left in the hands of Washington-based attorney Edward Bennett Williams, who owned a minority stake in the team and became its managing partner. Native American activists who wanted the name changed thought the new leadership presented an opportunity.
Suzan Shown Harjo, a member of the Cheyenne and Hodulgee Muscogee tribes who later led the National Congress of American Indians from 1984 to 1989, was one of those activists. Harjo said she "watched from the sidelines" as activists persuaded Oklahoma to change, but she followed them into the fight. She is today the most lasting and prominent voice against Native American mascots, "something of a godmother" to the cause, as the New York Times has described her. Harjo wasn't present when Williams finally met with Native American leaders, but those who were told her that Williams had been personally cordial and receptive to their criticism.
But when Canadian media entrepreneur Jack Kent Cooke became the team's majority owner in 1974, its name was still the Redskins.
Cooke refused to meet with Native leaders. So did Daniel Snyder, the businessman who bought the team in 1999. According to Harjo, Williams remains the last team owner to meet face-to-face with those who want the name changed.
Over the two decades following the initial meeting, Harjo and other activists sought ways to target the name, both legally and in the court of public opinion. The activists considered various lawsuits challenging the names on civil rights grounds, but feared they would only end in crushing and expensive defeats.
They had little idea how to proceed. Then, in January 1992, the Redskins won the Super Bowl.
Super Bowl XXVI, played in Minneapolis, was the third, and last, championship the franchise won under Cooke's stewardship. Local Native American groups held small protests against the name around the stadium. But the game is more notable because it sparked a thought in the mind of a Twin Cities-based patent lawyer named Steven Baird, who was working on a law review article and contacted Harjo for an interview. Harjo said Baird asked a simple question in the course of their talk: Why had she and her fellow activists rejected the idea of challenging the team's federally-protected trademark? A 1946 law known as the Lanham Act, she learned during their conversation, contains an obscure provision that gives the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office the authority to deny trademark protections when the terms used may be disparaging.
"I said, 'I have no idea what you're talking about,'" Harjo said. "It wasn't that we rejected them. It was, you know, I'd never heard of [that argument]."
The strategy was promising enough for Harjo, the Morningstar Institute — which she founded to promote Native American culture and help rid sports of Native stereotypes — and other groups like NCAI to adopt. They went to work, recruiting Native Americans who found the name offensive enough to join a lawsuit against it. In September 1992, seven months after the Redskins won Super Bowl XXVI, Harjo and her co-plaintiffs, seven of them in all, petitioned the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office's Trial and Appeals Board, asking it to invalidate the Redskins' trademark.
The media took notice of their efforts. "People think that it is only this past year that there has been any momentum on this, but that's not true," Harjo said. "When we filed our lawsuit in 1992, there was a tremendous number of press people. It was amazing how many people were there. It was a big deal."
Washington Post columnist Tony Kornheiser called for a name change, and others did too, giving the movement a new source of momentum. When the team responded months later, it dismissed the suit, alleging that it was without merit and that the appeals board should toss it aside.
In 1999, nearly seven years later, the trademark board agreed with the plaintiffs, finding that "Redskins" violated the Lanham Act and as such should lose its trademark, pending appeal. That same year, a young, wealthy businessman named Daniel Snyder bought the team, a move that instilled hope in the activists again. The combination of a legal defeat and new ownership, Harjo said, fostered the belief that the team might finally accept the change. Among the factors that made the activists optimistic was Snyder's Judaism, which they thought might make him open to the concerns of another minority group.
The Redskins are a brand, one carefully crafted over 80 years and among the most recognizable in sports
It wasn't so. Snyder, like Cooke before him, refused to consider a change. The franchise went about running out the clock on whatever momentum had arisen against it. The team continued to defend the name as a "tradition" and an "honor," and throughout the fight it had another major motivation for preserving the name: money. The Redskins are a brand, one carefully crafted over 80 years and among the most recognizable in sports. Though there are disputes over how much changing the name would cost, the team argued as part of the trademark case that it would cause "every imaginable loss you can think of." If the team didn't have to rebrand, why would it willingly except such an expensive undertaking?
Four years later, in 2003, a district court judge overturned the trademark board's decision, agreeing with the Redskins that the plaintiffs had waited too long to file their complaint. The office issued the trademark in 1967, 25 years before the seven plaintiffs filed their case. They hadn't been offended for years before, the judge reasoned. Why were they offended now? The youngest plaintiff, an artist named Mateo Ramero, was just a year old when the original trademark was granted. To the court, it didn't matter. For seven more years, the case wound its way through appeals. The Supreme Court refused to hear the plaintiffs' appeal in 2009. The case was dead. The name Harjo spent decades fighting was not.
Harjo wasn't going away. In between appeals, she recruited new plaintiffs to bring the same case. The new group, led by Amanda Blackhorse, was younger. Young enough, Harjo and the others hoped, to avoid what they thought was a trivial technicality that had derailed their previous victory.
If the trademark suit felt like a loss, it was actually one of few the community had suffered in the three decades since it started fighting the use of Native American imagery in sports. Students, parents, and Native Americans alike successfully argued for name changes in school districts and states across the country. A number of state boards of education have conducted a system-wide reviews of every Native American mascot in use in their schools. Miami University in Ohio, named after the Miami tribe, changed its name from Redskins to Redhawks in 1997. High schools across the country made similar changes, dumping "Redskins" and other names in favor of new monikers. In 2005, the NCAA passed a bylaw prohibiting schools from wearing any logo it deemed "hostile" or "abusive" toward Native Americans on uniforms during postseason play. Schools with such mascots wouldn't be allowed to bring them to postseason games. As a result, the University of Illinois, with much consternation, dropped its iconic Chief Illiniwek mascot, who for years performed faux-Native dances at basketball and football games. Other schools followed.
In 1970, more than 3,000 high school, college, and professional sports teams had Native American nicknames or mascots. Today, fewer than 1,000 remain.
'We don't need to comment on all of these ignorant requests'
For most of the four decades that the fight had raged, the Redskins felt little need to respond to their critics. That's changed dramatically. But that doesn't mean that the team is taking the allegations about its name to heart. To the contrary, the Redskins' position has hardened, both in Snyder's public remarks, and in private discussions about how to respond to inquiries about the controversy.
Emails obtained by ThinkProgress reveal that the team consulted with a group of high-profile Republican advisers, some of whose involvement with the team has not been previously reported, about how to handle this reporter's questions about the organization's approach to the campaign to change the team's name.
Included in the email chain were Frank Luntz, the Republican messaging consultant famous for phrases like "climate change" and "death tax"; Ari Fleischer, who served as White House press secretary under George W. Bush from 2001 and 2003 and now runs a consulting firm called Ari Fleischer Sports Communications; George Allen, the former Virginia governor and U.S. senator who now runs the consulting firm George Allen Strategies; and Bruce Allen, George Allen's brother and the organization's general manager and executive vice president. Both Allens are the son of former Redskins head coach George Allen. The web sites for neither Fleischer nor Luntz's firms include client lists. The Redskins' vice president of communications, Tony Wyllie, confirmed that while Luntz had conducted a focus group on behalf of the team, he has not been paid for other work with the Redskins, and that Fleischer and George Allen's firm do not have contracts with the team. Fleischer, Luntz, and George Allen had not responded to requests for confirmation at press time.
But the fact that the men participated in the email chain at all is revealing. Last summer, when ThinkProgress first reported Luntz's involvement in the team's efforts to focus group the name, the Redskins and Luntz declined to confirm that Luntz or his firm, Luntz Global, were involved in the project.
The email chain shows that after this reporter requested comment on a number of issues related to the Redskins name and claims made by its opponents, Wyllie forwarded the email to Luntz, Fleischer, and the Allens. George Allen's response is the first included in the chain, and it suggests that the team reiterate its story about changing its name to honor Lone Star Dietz, even though the team can't prove its claims.
"The point was that the Redskins owner at the time obviously believed that Lone Star Dietz was a Native American and named the team to honor Native Americans and be motivated by their heritage," Allen, whose 2006 Senate campaign was marked by allegations about his use of racially charged language, wrote. "All the other aspects of the story about Lone Star's adoption and other intrigue and speculation is undoubtedly beyond our ability to discern as to its veracity."
"We don't need to comment on all of these ignorant requests," Bruce Allen wrote in response. "Tell reporter to call the family of the College Hall Of Fame Coach Dietz and ask them this insulting question."
"I agree," Fleischer responded, "not [sic] need to answer any more questions or waste any more time with this outfit."
ThinkProgress' inquiries included questions about the organization's response to the idea that the campaign against its name was now "permanent" and to the fact that multiple Native American leaders and their allies had suggested that a name change was "inevitable." The others dealt with the trademark lawsuit, the fact that civil rights groups, political leaders, and media figures had criticized the name, and whether the team was aware of the research questioning the veracity of Dietz's Native American heritage.
The team's official statement in response to those questions is strikingly different from the email chain.
"As a recent national poll showed, the overwhelming majority of Americans agree with our position on our name," Wyllie wrote. "An earlier poll by the Annenberg Institute showed that 90 percent of Native Americans support our name and that's the message we have heard from hundreds of Native Americans who wrote to Dan Snyder in support of the Redskins."
The team's statement included a quotation from a Native American Redskins fan in support of the team's name that the franchise has circulated to many other media outlets as evidence of Native American support for the franchise's name.
"We respect those who don't agree," the team's statement concluded, "but we think the voices of many Native Americans who support the Redskins should be listened to as well."
"We'll never change the name. It's that simple. NEVER — you can use caps"
The team's robust efforts to control the message trace back to the last spring. It was May 10 when USA Today sports reporter Erik Brady asked Snyder whether the name would ever change. Initially, Snyder stuck to the party line. Brady followed up, asking what would happen if the team lost the new trademark suit. Snyder went off script. He delivered the now infamous quote, telling Brady to print his answer — "NEVER" — in all capital letters.
"We'll never change the name. It's that simple. NEVER — you can use caps."
Months later, D.C. lobbyist, lawyer, and media consultant Lanny Davis, who Snyder had retained to help with communications strategy, said he regretted the tone of Snyder's comment.
"Since I left the White House, I've helped him on several matters, so I know Dan Snyder. And when I saw the all caps comment, I thought that had the wrong flavor to it," Davis said during an appearance on a local radio show. "I think saying 'we care about people's feelings, we're respectful when anyone is offended, but we have this eighty-year name that we love. … We sing 'Hail to the Redskins' every Sunday at the stadium, and we say we're part of 'Redskins Nation.' That's our vocabulary. Those are terms of honor.' And that's what he should have said, but he, I don't think, is going to say 'all caps. Never' again."
Though the context of Snyder's quote was in keeping with prior owners' stances, the tone was different — and it mattered. Snyder's retrenched intransigence made the Redskins' name less an immutable fact of life and more an expression of his personal style. This was the same combative approach to critics he had taken before, the one that led him to sue both fans who said that the Great Recession had left them financially unable to meet their season ticket obligations and a local newspaper that criticized him. By stepping out from behind the organizational justifications, and the organizational tone, for the first time, Snyder made himself an easy target.
The Redskins have been trying to shift the conversation ever since.
In June, ThinkProgress reported that the communications firm owned by Republican communications guru Frank Luntz held a focus group for people in the Washington area about the Redskins name. In October, Snyder defended the team's name in a letter to fans that followed the tone Davis had suggested. In November, the franchise asked its fans via email to contact their member of the D.C. city council and urge a vote against a resolution that would condemn the team's name. Later that month, the team honored Navajo Code Talkers at halftime of a Monday Night Football game, a gesture that may have been genuine but came across as a desperate public relations ploy.
A New Version of an Old Fight
Snyder's new tone in the spring was only part of the reason the team needed to reset the terms of the fight. The other was much larger. Snyder's comment came at exactly the wrong time. A new movement to reinsert the issue of racially charged sports team names into the public consciousness had started in February and was beginning to coalesce around Snyder. And a small but powerful tribe was newly interested in joining the movement. Amid all of this, Snyder's May comment acted as a spark to the opposition, particularly because the media had begun to pay attention again.
In February, a month after the Redskins lost in the playoffs, Harjo organized a symposium at the Smithsonian's Museum of the American Indian. The event brought together activists to talk about Native American mascots in the Redskins' backyard, and with little else to do at a slow time in the sporting calendar, the media showed up. Newspaper reporters, local television cameras, and web journalists all listened as Harjo and other activists described their new trademark case, which the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office would hear in March, and explained why they found names like "Redskins" troublesome. The event spawned a round of media coverage that reintroduced sports fans to an issue that, for the most part, had been out of the national news cycle for years. The timing was perfect.
A month later, as a small group of members of Congress prepared legislation that could strip the Redskins of their trademark, the school board in Cooperstown, New York voted to drop the "Redskins" name used by Cooperstown Central High School. The vote came at the request of students who no longer saw the name as appropriate. The board agreed, though it had a question: how was it going to afford new uniforms, signs, and everything else it would have to refit with whatever new name the school chose?
Enter one of the names now synonymous with the "Redskins" controversy. The Oneida Indian Nation of New York heard about Cooperstown and told the school board it would pay for the change. In March, the school board unanimously approved the change. Oneida donated $10,000 to pick up the tab. And there was more. Oneida didn't plan to stop in Cooperstown. There was another, much more notable team using the same name in Washington, and Oneida leader Ray Halbritter wanted them to change, too.
Oneida and its allies orchestrated a fight that looked and acted like an insurgent political campaign
Oneida is a relatively small tribe in New York, where its people lived before Europeans reached North America. Despite its size, Oneida is financially secure, thanks to the Turning Stone Casino and a network of gas stations it owns and operates in upstate New York. The tribe has attracted criticism over tax deals it struck with the New York state government, and Halbritter, the tribe's public face, has attracted both vigorous support and equally energetic criticism. In a profile of the newest face taking on the Redskins, the Washington Post described Halbritter as a man loved by supporters for "pull[ing] his people out of poverty" — the casino helped bring jobs, hospitals, schools, and other basic needs to Oneida's people — and "defending their image." But the Post found that Halbritter's adversaries, some of whom are members of the nation and others who oppose the tax, casino, and land deals he struck with the New York state government, criticize him "as an opportunist who has amassed a fortune at the expense of others."
Both his proponents and detractors, the Post wrote, acknowledge "that he is a formidable adversary who has faced tough fights before," and that is the persona Halbritter brought to Oneida's campaign against the name of Washington's football team.
Cooperstown is close to the Oneida tribe — in the Washington Post profile, Halbritter recounted a childhood memory of seeing tribe members burned alive in a trailer not far from the town — but the students' movement against the name struck Halbritter and Oneida for another reason. There are virtually no Native Americans in Cooperstown. According to the Census Bureau, Otsego County, New York is nearly 95 percent white. Native Americans make up just 0.2 percent of the county's population. Native Americans hadn't forced this change. A group of white students who didn't want to exclude another group of Americans had.
"They were kids and they did something these billionaire team owners and the nine-billion-dollar NFL won't do. That was sort of a shining light moment, a moment of clarity," Halbritter said. "That was very inspiring to us."
NCAI and smaller Native American groups had fought this name for years, both behind the scenes and in public papers and reports. Oneida was familiar with the NFL — the New York tribe sponsors the Buffalo Bills, while its Wisconsin tribe sponsors the Green Bay Packers — and its members may have even been personally offended by the Redskins' name. But the Oneida had never organized around it.
That was about to change. The symposium in Washington and the pending trademark case had re-energized the people who had worked to change these names for decades. The Cooperstown decision brought Oneida into the fold. And Oneida brought with it two things the other groups never seemed to have: an organizing strategy that would inject their cause into the mainstream and the money to fund a major advocacy campaign that no one could ignore. Oneida's Change The Mascot campaign, launched in September, marked a shift in the way Native American activists would tell and sell their story to their opponents, the media, and the broader public.
Other events helped set the stage. The 10 members of Congress who introduced The Non-Disparagement of Native American Persons or Peoples in Trademark Registration Act of 2013 in March wrote a letter to Snyder and NFL commissioner Roger Goodell in May. Goodell responded in June with a letter largely based on the historical claims of "honor" and "tradition" the activists had long opposed. In July, Eni Faleomavaega, American Samoa's delegate to Congress, blasted the name on the House floor, calling the racial implications a "moral issue" that its defenders had ignored.
And right as football season prepared for kickoff, Oneida's campaign launch blew the issue through the roof. The arguments the Oneida made weren't very different from the ones that had been presented before. Natives had used a broad, inclusive message. And they had argued that the mascots create and reinforce stereotypes with long-term consequences. They had even argued that this change was ultimately inevitable.
Oneida helped refine these messages and to craft broad media strategy that would take the arguments public in a way the movement previously hadn't. Over the next six months, Oneida and its immediate allies — Harjo, NCAI, other Native American groups, and the original members of Congress — orchestrated a media-driven push that looked and acted like an insurgent political issue campaign. Oneida placed strategic ad buys in cities across the country where the Redskins were scheduled to play road games during the 2013 season. Taking the issue outside of Washington would get it away from a public predisposed to defend the team and into other communities, some of them, like Green Bay and Minneapolis, that were already familiar with Native American issues.
The ad buys weren't solely aimed at the public, though. They were also a way to generate free coverage — earned media — that would beget more coverage. Oneida spent thousands of dollars on ads, but it knew that it couldn't go toe-to-toe financially with the Redskins, much less the NFL and its $9 billion in revenues, its own dedicated TV network, and major media influence. Oneida, like any campaign, needed organic help. The ads would give sports and news writers a reason to talk about the campaign and the issues it raised. They would give reporters a reason to ask local political leaders and influential people about the issue. The ads would generate attention that led to more attention, stories that led to more stories.
In some instances, the campaign used a broad message of racial tolerance that tied Native Americans' fight to those of other racial minorities, particularly when those fights were in the news. Oneida's first ad, targeted for Week One of the NFL season, likened the Redskins name to the racial slur Philadelphia Eagles wide receiver Riley Cooper used against a black security guard at a concert during the offseason. Cooper's slur was in the news — the Eagles, his teammates and fellow players, the media, and even commissioner Roger Goodell condemned his actions.
Oneida praised the Goodell's response, with Halbritter saying in the first ad that Goodell "is absolutely right; this kind of bigotry has no place in America." Then it asked a question. If the NFL had to condemn Cooper's form of bigotry, why did it sanction another? Halbritter used Goodell's own words against him, and it worked: the ad generated coverage in mainstream outlets, and it was both educational and effective.
In other instances, the comprehensive media strategy went on display. A protest march accompanied the ad Oneida released in Minneapolis ahead of the Redskins' Week 10 tilt with the Vikings. Children and adults alike carried signs throughout the streets around the Metrodome with messages like, "I am not a mascot," a provocative image for the web and the next day's paper. The ad and the march occurred in an area where Rep. Betty McCollum (D) had spoken out against the name — she was one of the 10 members behind the legislation targeting the trademark and the letter to Goodell and Snyder — and where tribal issues were well known. And the efforts inspired reporters to pose questions to other local leaders. At a press conference days before the game, a reporter asked Gov. Mark Dayton (D) to weigh in. "I believe the name should be changed," he said.
While its campaign focused on a deliberate media strategy, the coalition never lost sight of its educational message. The franchise and its defenders often argued that "Redskins" was merely a name and that Native Americans had larger issues to worry about. Oneida and the other groups countered with research NCAI had pushed for years showing that these mascots perpetuated harmful stereotypes that had deep psychological and social effects on a community that deals with higher than average rates of poverty, under-education, alcoholism, depression, suicide, homelessness, and mental health issues.
McCollum, the co-chair of the Congressional Native American Caucus, argued that those stereotypes made it harder for her to do her job on the Interior Committee, which deals with Native American issues.
The name "makes it much easier in the back of your mind to disregard the health care, to disregard the housing," McCollum says. "The same person you put down is the same person I'm going to be working for to make sure they have access to dialysis and diabetes prevention."
Leaders like Robert Holden, NCAI's deputy executive director, focused on the religious and cultural background to the issue.
"Look at the antics that were done in the stadium. (Fans) don fake eagle feathers and put fake war paint on. These are things that are part of our culture," Holden told ThinkProgress. "Those eagle feathers, they're a sacred item, shown by the creator to us how to treat them and how to respect this creature, what it does and how it sends our prayers to the creator. Some of these feathers are given to warriors and to people who do great things for our community. For these idiots to put these on and jump around like idiots, that's like making fun of religion and our culture. It's part of the education process, making them understand that what they did, what they have done and what they will continue to do is an affront to us."
Halbritter framed his fight as one not over a name, but over Native Americans' rights to define themselves.
"What is more important in life for anyone than their own belief in themselves?" Halbritter asked.
As the campaign progressed, it rapidly picked up allies. USA Today columnist Christine Brennan wrote in September that she'd no longer use the name. Washington Post columnist Charles Krauthammer criticized the name, and the Post's editorial board opined against it. President Obama said in October that he would consider a name change if he owned the team. NBC's Bob Costas devoted a segment to the history of the name during halftime of a Sunday Night Football broadcast and concluded it was "a slur." House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said the team should change its name. The D.C. City Council unanimously approved a resolution condemning continued use of "Redskins." Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid criticized it in December.
Along the way, the campaign's broad appeal brought in other civil rights and religious groups too. The NAACP and ACLU, which had long opposed the name, were part of a coalition of 200 civil rights organizations that condemned the name in December. Members of D.C.'s black clergy pledged to preach against it to their congregations. Sixty D.C. area religious leaders from the Christian, Muslim, and Jewish communities signed a letter to Goodell calling for a name change.
To many of the people involved in the campaign, change seemed inevitable. The only question was whether Synder would embrace it himself.
"It's going to change, but he can be a part of the change," McCollum said of Snyder. "He has an opportunity to do that. He just needs to see the handwriting on the wall and be the change that should be."
An End in Sight?
By all indications, Snyder has no interest in being a part of that change.
His organization, as it has in the past, continues to lean on public opinion polls to defend the name, citing a recent survey showing that 71 percent of Americans wanted to keep the name compared to 18 percent who wanted to change it (a previous poll by the Associated Press showed those numbers at 79 percent and 11 percent, respectively).
Oneida and other Native American groups counter by arguing that the name should not be subject to public opinion.
"I don't think this is an issue that you just vote away," Halbritter said. "How many people have to be offended for things to change? This is a defined offensive term."
But their solution might not have to rely on public opinion.
A decision in the second trademark case is due any time. The Trademark Trial and Appeals Board heard arguments in the case in March 2013; in the previous case, the board issued its ruling just less than a year after it first heard the case. There are indications that the new plaintiffs could win. They won at this stage last time, of course. And the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office recently rejected a trademark for a product called "Redskins Hog Rinds" on grounds that it contained a derogatory term.
If Harjo is right and if the issues with the first case are fixed, the plaintiffs may be able to hold on throughout the appeals process too. If they do, the Redskins name will almost certainly have to change. Losing the trademark would prevent Snyder and the NFL from protecting the Redskins brand. Anyone who wanted to market Redskins-brand gear could make their own and sell it. It would cost the team a substantial sum of money, and those costs wouldn't just hit Washington. The NFL splits merchandising revenue evenly among its 32 teams. Lose the trademark, and every team loses money. The NFL is content leaving the decision up to Snyder now. It's hard to imagine it sitting idly by if his pride in the name starts costing the league not just public support, but revenue.
But there is something tragic about that fact that financial interests will, one way or the other, ultimately decide the fate of a name that so many Native Americans have fought so long to change.
"There's no financial solution to a moral problem," Halbritter said. "Just because you're a billionaire doesn't give you the right to use a racial slur."
The article first appeared in ThinkProgress.
Native American NFL Republican strategists Washington Redskins	2014-01-31
Previous Five More States May Legalize Marijuana
Next Can Afghanistan's Economy Grow?
Will the Olympics' Green Makeover Have Lasting Effects
The Olympic Games are an ideal venue to showcase new ideas to world. In a world where reducing carbon emissions is a priority, could the Olympics be doing more?
Final Bell Sounds for Muhammad Ali: The Greatest
He moved from fearsome warrior to benevolent monarch and then benign venerated figure. Now Ali has moved on again.


September 12, 2015 I'm back in Mainz for a bit of time, before the travels start again in the few weeks before my second year at the University. Being away–it makes me realize how much Mainz has become home to me in the past twelve months. "You'll be back in America in a year! You're going home soon!" my dear parents say. But Germany is home now, too. When I get off at the sketchy Mainz train station, there are the same feelings of relief and general wellbeing I have when we take the exit off the long green highway headed into Vermont. Can you have more than one Heimat?
In the end, what makes Mainz feel the most like home is not the flashy tourist parts, all prettified and spiffed-up for an international paying public. The Augustinerstraße on a Saturday afternoon, with tour groups from Japan and selfie-taking couples from the cruise ship docked on the Rhine–all very picturesque, but somehow slightly less than authentic. I'd rather have the Augustinerstraße on a Monday morning, full of trucks making deliveries to the cafés and bike riders on their way to work, and the smell of hot bread from the bakeries.
The tiny winery in the New City is another spot that makes Mainz, for me, into Home. Owned by Marcus Landenberger and family, it opens for wine tasting for friends-of-friends-of-friends every Friday evening, rain or shine. I found out about it during my first weeks in Mainz (thanks, Max!), and have been a regular attendee ever since. Marcus opens up his tiny courtyard to guests, and serves fresh bread, meat, and cheese along with the wine on the single long table inside. You pay for as much as you think you've eaten.
The guests are a mixture of students from the University and Mainz's older generations, talking in broad dialect and ranting about local politics, the weather, the harvest season. You introduce yourself by your first name and use the informal pronouns, and laugh more than you have laughed for a long time. In the winter, everyone sits closer and wears coats indoors against the cold. If you are lucky, Marcus opens up the wine cellars across the courtyard and the entire group goes down the stone steps and look at the huge dusty barrels of Riesling and Silvaner in the half-light. Come at seven and stay until midnight.
Meat, bread, and cheese–the best of the best of German cuisine.
As always, I am astounded by the sheer knowledge and love of these people, young and old alike, for the drinking of wine–their wine, from their city, not some import from Italy or France. The wine list at Marcus' only seldom varies, but everything is reveled in anew each week.
Did you try the 2011 Riesling? It really is exquisite. Perhaps because of the rain we got that year, do you remember that? Of course.
…and the night goes on. Conversation and clean plates.
This entry was tagged Deutschland, Emily Goodling, essen, food, German culture, Germany, Heimat, home, Mainz, Marcus Landenberger, People, personal, photography, Riesling, wine. Bookmark the permalink.
I was there………didn't understand much of the talk, but did understand the friends, food, and wine. Beautiful.


text:
Jane Lead and her Transnational Legacy
Jane Lead and her Transnational Legacy pp 213-239 | Cite as
Philadelphia Resurrected: Celebrating the Union Act (1707) from Irenic to Scatological Eschatology*
Lionel Laborie
Part of the Christianities in the Trans-Atlantic World, 1500-1800 book series (CTAW)
This chapter examines the state of the Philadelphian Society in the aftermath of Jane Lead's death in 1704. It challenges the centrality of her matriarchal authority and portrays her instead as a controversial, divisive figure among the Philadelphians, whose Society had already collapsed by the time of her death. It shows how the arrival of the Camisards in London in 1706 gave the Philadelphian Society a second life, as both movements merged into the 'French Prophets' the following year in celebration of the Union Act. Yet if the Prophets became notorious for their spiritual performances, it is argued that this owed more to the Philadelphians' influence among them than to their actual French followers. Overall, this chapter concludes that the Philadelphians proved far more radical than hitherto acknowledged and that Lead's English legacy was almost non-existent.
Cohesive Movement Religious Society Female Ministry Miraculous Cure Public Assembly
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016
1.Goldsmiths, University of LondonLondonUK
Laborie L. (2016) Philadelphia Resurrected: Celebrating the Union Act (1707) from Irenic to Scatological Eschatology*. In: Hessayon A. (eds) Jane Lead and her Transnational Legacy. Christianities in the Trans-Atlantic World, 1500-1800. Palgrave Macmillan, London
Publisher Name Palgrave Macmillan, London
eBook Packages History

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


We give you impulses for your project work and for the overall development of your school.
Our materials help you find the right topic, get into action and get everyone on board.
Our proven project manuals and templates make it easier for you to work on your real-life project.
Each project gets its own project page and a cool project story print-out.
Each student can get a project certificate.
In addition, there are classroom materials, start / finish banner rentals for sponsored walks and more.
All free of charge – even donated hardware like PCs, laptops, servers etc.
We are very happy to accompany you throughout the project, advise, motivate and help, if you like. We ask questions, listen, give impulses, find solutions together and share experiences. We are looking forward to speaking to you!
Teachers experience that they can trust their students and themselves. They gain experience in communicating competencies, promoting them sustainably among students and "getting their school on the way".
Professional transition: "You are a talent!"


text:
Home > Business & Economy > Calls for action to challenge discrimination against women is STEM
Andrey_Popov / Shutterstock
Calls for action to challenge discrimination against women is STEM
Hamish Miller, May 15, 2020 4 min read
A report has shed light on the extent of inequality still faced by women who work in STEM-related professions across Scotland. Equate Scotland has published the findings of a report looking at the experiences of more than 400 women working in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering & Maths) professions. The report suggests that urgent action is required to address the issue of inequality in male-dominated workplaces, and provides recommendations on what education providers, employers and government can do to create positive change. According to the report, nearly two-thirds (60%) of respondents had experienced sexism in the workplace or in their place of educations. Similarly, one-in-three women do not feel confident in reporting experiences of exclusion or discrimination to their employers. Half of LGBT women agreed they do not feel confident in reporting these issues, while more than half of disabled and Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) women also experienced the same issue. In breaking down responses to provide an intersectional analysis, the Equate Scotland report is also the first of its kind, highlighting what women from BME backgrounds, disabled women, LGBT women and women with care responsibilities experience across STEM. Equate Scotland said this has helped to create a clearer understanding of experiences and identify those who experience overlapping inequalities in both society and the workplace. Commenting on the report findings, Talat Yaqoob, Director of Equate Scotland, said: "This report is groundbreaking as it has disaggregated the data to give us a more accurate understanding of women's experiences. By analysing it in this way, we are able to illustrate the often hidden realities for women who experience multiple discriminations. "Our report reveals the extent of inequality faced by BME women, disabled women, LGBT women and women with caring responsibilities." Yaqoob added that the report is a "call for action" to improve workplace practices – especially given the current environment. She said: "With the current Covid-19 crisis, science and technology has never been more important, to respond adequately we need the best minds working in these sectors; that is why we must tackle all and any inequalities that act as a barrier to women's participation." Around 64% of respondents said they do not feel enough is being done to create inclusive workplaces or education institutions at present. More than 80% of BME women and LGBT women who participated in the survey highlighted this problem and 90% of disabled women agree that not enough is being done to promote inclusive workplaces. Additionally, nearly three-quarters (74%) of women with caring responsibilities also experience the same in this regard. Mavis Amadi, a member of the Equate Scotland steering committee and a chartered engineer, said; "I welcome this report and the important insights it provides into the workplace experience for so many women. As a woman, a mother and a migrant, I have experienced inequality across these different parts of my identity, but I also know lots of employers are trying to change and create better working environments." Recommendations from the report include increasing the collection of data that may help influence or better-inform policymaking at a national level. Similarly, for women with care responsibilities, the provision of affordable or flexible childcare should be a key priority. ] "Both the Scottish Government's Gender Pat Gap Action Plan and the First Minister's Advisory Council have recommended/stated the need for disaggregated intersectional data to better understand women's inequality in Scotland and create policy that improves their lives," the report states. "This report reaffirms those recommendations with a call for intersectional analysis and data to become the norm in Scotland," it adds. Training schemes focusing on diversity and inclusion should also be an area which businesses and educational institutions prioritise moving forward. "Women who completed our survey emphasised the need for education on equality, diversity and inclusion in different areas across society from schools to higher education institutions, including industry and the public sector, to create social change that permeates into the workplace," the report explains. Reacting to the report publication, ScotlandIS Chief Executive Jane Morrison-Ross said: "The recent report by Equate Scotland highlights the need to break down barriers that exist and drive inclusivity and diversity in all of their forms across the business landscape. "We hope that with the empirical data available, showing the benefits of an inclusive workforce and Board will continue to encourage the adoption of working practices to drive this change." Morrison-Ross added: "We are fully supportive of the need to create truly inclusive and diverse workplaces and have been working with partners across industry for a number of years to this effect. "The work of the Tackling the Technology Gender Gap Together group, led by Skills Development Scotland is already beginning to show a decrease in the gender gap within technology-led businesses, but of course, there is always more work to be done."
Historic Environment Scotland produce PPE for NHS Scotland staff
Construction Scotland Innovation Centre launches recovery initiative
Hamish Miller
Arbnco to join Scottish delegation to New York on energy trade mission
Why GDPR is not Y2K
£10m fund launched to save high street as Covid pressure mounts
Poppy Watson, August 9, 2021 4 min read
Scotland's First Minister announces £31 million boost for global oil and gas manufacturing campus
Kevin O'Sullivan, May 30, 2018 4 min read
Huawei set to open debut office in Scotland, according to property industry sources
Scottish University to host first IEEE 5G Summit in UK
Kevin O'Sullivan, May 1, 2018 2 min read


text:
'Improving Opportunities' Legislation Passes House with Bipartisan Support
Wednesday September 29, 2021 | by Jacki Esposito
Last week, bipartisan legislation passed the U.S. House of Representatives, putting the United States a step closer to envisioning a workforce that works for all.
First introduced in August 2020 as a stand-alone bill with bipartisan support, the Improving Opportunities for New Americans Act was reintroduced in June 2021 with six bipartisan co-sponsors. The legislation directs the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) to conduct an interagency study of the barriers that limit the employment opportunities of immigrants and refugees with international credentials.
Now, as tens of thousands of Afghan newcomers arrive in the U.S., many with international credentials and experience working in high-demand fields, the legislation has found strong support as a bipartisan amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act of 2022 (NDAA). The measure passed out of the House on September 23 and has now moved on to the Senate.
"This is a historic moment," said Jina Krause-Vilmar, president and CEO of Upwardly Global, which helped spearhead efforts to advance the legislation. "For the first time, bipartisan legislation to promote the economic mobility of immigrants and refugees with international credentials has advanced in Congress. This is an important step forward in building an inclusive workforce, especially as communities across the U.S. welcome Afghan newcomers."
The U.S. is home to at least two million college-educated immigrants and refugees who are currently underemployed or unemployed; 60 percent hold international credentials, according to the Migration Policy Institute. This skill underutilization results in an estimated $39 billion in forgone wages and $10 billion in unrealized tax receipts each year. It also stymies our economic recovery, keeping valuable experience out of essential U.S. workforce sectors like health care, STEM, and education. Nearly 30 percent of Afghan immigrants living in the U.S. as of 2019 held a bachelor's degree or higher.
"We are hopeful that the Senate will pass this important legislation," said Krause-Vilmar. "We will continue to support this effort to ensure that all workers are able to rejoin their professions, rebuild their lives, and contribute to our communities."
The IMPRINT coalition has launched the #UntappedTalent campaign in support of policies that are inclusive of all workers, and to open pathways so that everyone has a fair chance of reaching their educational and career goals. Join us.
Jacki Esposito is the U.S. policy and advocacy director at WES Global Talent Bridge and the director of the IMPRINT Coalition.


Datememe is the furthest reaching dating site for meeting mature guys with more chats than bumble. Register today and start your journey to happiness. We know that finding someone close to you can be challenging, so we created the site with these things in mind: we want to make chatting simple, memorable, and 100% free. Everybody has special dating desires. Take the frustration out of dating and allow datememe to help you! Find a connection on datememe today! You might wonder how is datememe different than happn. Maybe you're looking for hookups. What we are looking for changes as we grow. Simply change your profile and feel confident that you will find exactly what you are seeking at the right time for you.
It might surprise you to find out one of the astrological signs most compatible with gemini is picses. On datememe you can search by zodiac sign to find compatible a partner.
Datememe offers personality tests to set you up with suitable someone. This means no phonies! Are you a extrovert? Find a match else who is also!


text:
Unity Principles Contact Us
Women's Wave WMNYC 2019 POLICY PLATFORM Previous Actions
Take Action Women's Wave WMNYC 2019 POLICY PLATFORM Previous Actions Unity PrinciplesContact Us
WMNYC 2019 POLICY PLATFORM FOR NY STATE
2019 Women's March New York City Policy Platform
This policy platform has been developed under the leadership of Women's March NYC (WMNYC), the local chapter of the national and global movement, Women's March ©.
In 2019 WMNYC convened a coalition of over 50 organizations (listed below), from grassroots groups to labor unions, to develop an inclusive, progressive policy platform. This equity agenda is developed with the instrumental support of a broad coalition, 2019 WMNYC Co-Chair, the New York Immigration Coalition (NYIC) and 2019 WMNYC Co-Host, Girls for Gender Equity (GGE).
As activists and allies in New York City prepare for the 3rd Annual Women's March, we have an unprecedented opportunity in New York State to advance an agenda that protects our communities from the relentless attacks on our dignity and self determination from Washington - and rectify long-standing disparities in access, outcomes and equity that existed far before the election of November 2016. A Democratic majority in both houses of the New York State legislature and especially in the New York State Senate, enable us to find places in our new political reality where the longstanding, deeply progressive goals of our movements can be realized.
From separating children from their parents at the US-Mexico border, to rolling back the protections of Title IX of the 1972 Education Amendment and Obama-era regulations on school discipline, to sidelining the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), to the most dangerous threat to the existence of Roe vs. Wade since it was decided in 1973, it is absolutely clear that the egregious attacks of the Trump Administration wield disproportionate impacts on cis and trans women and girls of color, and gender non-conforming/non binary (GNC/NB) people of color.
The following policy priorities are organized under the national Women's March Unity Principles and echo the National Women's March Policy Agenda. While the issues named in this agenda are comprehensive, this document is by no means definitive.
Let us begin at the places where disparities are the greatest, knowing that when we center those at the margins, we lift up all of our communities.
Unity Principle: Ending Violence Against Women & Femmes
Pass the Child Victims Act: Eliminate the statute of limitations so that individuals who are survivors of child sexual abuse can file a civil claim against their alleged perpetrators.
Pass the Domestic Violence Survivors Justice Act: Allow judges discretion to sentence survivors whose abuse contributed to their crime the ability to lower harsh sentences, allow sentencing to community-based alternatives to incarceration instead of prison, and allow survivors to seek early release.
Repeal the Sex Worker Exclusion in New York State's Rape Shield Law: Ensure that a sex worker's history cannot be used against them if they try bring charges against a rapist.
Strengthen Statewide Legal Definitions Related to Gender-Based Discrimination and Harassment: Add "sex and gender" to the list of classes protected from discrimination in the New York State Constitution; ease the unreasonable burden presented by the "severe or pervasive" standard for sexual harassment; expand the definition of "employee" and "employer" in the New York State Human Rights Law to include elected officials and public entities.
Pass the Equal Rights Amendment in New York State: Ensure that the state constitution gives women equal status under any New York State law.
Hold Public Hearings Across New York State for Survivors of Sexual and/or Gender Based Violence: Allow survivors to publicly disclose their experiences of sexual and/or gender based violence in their communities, at the hands of law enforcement, and in their workplaces, inclusive of former and current staff of the New York State legislature and New York State agencies
Reform and Appropriately Fund a Truly Independent New York State Division of Human Rights: Ensure an independent body oversees all discrimination policy enforcement, including sexual and/or gender based discrimination.
Launch a Comprehensive, Community-Centered Process to Amend and Improve the 2018 Sexual Harassment Legislation Requiring: In 2018, Governor Cuomo quickly passed a law in response to the 'me too.' movement to prevent sexual harassment in the workplace. Given the haste with which the law was passed, there are countless gaps with the law itself and implementation. Survivors, survivor advocates and organizations with experience in violence prevention should advise on changes to the law.
Increase Protections for Survivors of Violence Seeking Redress for Damages: Amend the New York State Human Rights Law to allow for individual liability for discrimination and amend state laws to include employer liability where a manager or supervisor has constructive notice of discrimination.
Pass a "Sunshine in Litigation" law: Pass a law to prevent serial harassers from hiding behind nondisclosure agreements and provide greater protections against victim coercion to sign nondisclosure agreements.
Grant Clemency to Survivors of Intimate Partner and Domestic Violence: Use executive power to ensure incarcerated women and trans women who survived intimate partner and domestic violence can return home to their families and communities.
Unity Principle: Ending State Violence
Repeal Civil Rights Law Section 50-A: Repeal Civil Rights Law 50-A which has been used by law enforcement agencies to hide internal discipline, including histories of gender based violence, sexual assault or other forms of misconduct, from public review.
Codify and Expand the Special Prosecutor Executive Order: Provide the Attorney General's office with jurisdiction in all cases of police killings and deaths in police custody, memorializing and strengthening Executive Order 147.
Repeal Loitering for the Purposes of Prostitution, Condoms as Evidence and the criminalization of people who share in a range of experiences associated with commercial sexual labor, commercial sexual exploitation, and/or trafficking. Assure the full decriminalization of the many ways in which individuals who engage in commercial sexual labor or are survivors of commercial sexual exploitation and/or trafficking might be harrassed, profiled or otherwise criminalized by a range of punitive laws that disproportionately target them.
Pass the Separation of Children Accountability Response (SCAR) Act: Require state-contracted facilities to provide the public with a recurring report every 15 days that outlines the number of children held within its facilities.
Pass bail and discovery overhaul legislation: End mass pretrial jailing, eliminate money bail and reduce incarceration of low-income, working class, Black & Brown people, women and girls.
Pass legislation to expand parole release: Codify presumptive release and elder release to reduce state prison populations.
Decriminalize fare evasion: Classify public transit fare evasion from a misdemeanor to a civil penalty.
Ensure that marijuana legalization employs a racial and gender equity strategy: Ensure that the impending legalization of marijuana in New York State happens alongside the expungements of criminal records, implements an equity strategy so communities disproportionately impacted by the War on Drugs have priority access to the industry, and that caregivers of children are not deemed neglectful by city or county child protective agencies because of marijuana possession.
Halt Solitary Confinement: End the destructive practice of solitary confinement.
Unity Principle: Reproductive Rights & Justice
Pass the Reproductive Health Act (RHA): Brings New York's abortion law in line with Roe v. Wade and clarify that licensed advanced practice clinicians (APCs) trained in abortion care can provide abortion services, per their scope of practice.
Pass the Comprehensive Contraception Coverage Act (CCCA): Requires insurers to cover contraception appropriate to the patient with no copay, allows pharmacies to dispense of up to 12 months of contraception, ensures affordability and timely access to contraception including Plan B.
Expand Doula coverage cross New York State: Revise and then expand the recently announced pilot program for doula care for new parents with input from stakeholders and doula care specialists who are already serving the communities in need with particular attention to health equity for Black women
Pass the New York Health Act: Implement single payer healthcare in New York State.
Unity Principle: Racial Justice
Require racial equity assessments: Establish a legislative committee on racial equity in both houses of the New York State Legislature to review and prepare a racial equity impact statement for all legislation.
Expand protections against hate crimes: Protect targeted communities from hate crimes and violence with particular attention to the needs of trans, undocumented, Black, Muslim and Jewish communities - and ensure that solutions for justice expand beyond pushing perpetrators of violence into the criminal legal system.
Unity Principle: LGBTQIA+ Rights
Codify the Gender Expression Non-Discrimination Act (GENDA): Codify GENDA, protecting LGBT New Yorkers from discrimination - and ensure that solutions for justice expand beyond pushing perpetrators of violence into the criminal legal system.
Pass a Conversion Therapy Ban: Prevent mental health professionals from providing sexual orientation change efforts to minors by defining such activities as professional misconduct.
Unity Principle: Immigrant Rights
Pass Driver's Licenses for All: Ensures that New York's "standard" licenses are accessible to all state residents, regardless of immigration status.
Pass the TRUST Act: Limit local police involvement in federal immigration enforcement
Pass the Protect Our Courts Act: Curb predatory ICE apprehension activities in New York State Courthouses.
Pass the NYS DREAM Act: Create the New York DREAM fund commission and amend eligibility requirements and conditions governing certain awards.
Adopt Freedom City Platform: Expand New York' s commitment to immigrant communities making New York state not only a sanctuary city but a Freedom City, which expands protections for all undocumented people living and working in New York State.
Expand legal protections: Double the current funding to support immigrant New Yorkers facing deportation with legal representation.
Unity Principle: Economic Justice & Worker's Rights
Pass One Fair Wage: Eliminate the tipped minimum wage in New York State.
Pass a Salary History Ban: Eliminate the ability for employers to inquire about a prospective employee's past salary history.
Ensure equal pay for "substantially similar" work.
Pass Paid Sick Days: Requires all employers in New York State to offer employees sick time to care for themselves or a family member.
Unity Principle: Civil Rights & Liberties
Support the right to free speech: Protect the right to full freedom of speech of organizations and institutions, including the right to boycott and align with social justice movements.
Fully fund 2020 Census Outreach: Ensure that New York's "hard to count" communities can be meaningfully engaged to avoid an undercount, and gaps in federal funding for the 2020 Census.
Prohibit discrimination on the basis of religious attire: Protect workers against discrimination for wearing any sort of religiously motivated attire in the workplace.
Unity Principle: Disability Rights
Ensure that New Yorkers with disabilities are not exempt from state minimum wage or overtime requirements: Eliminate New York State minimum wage laws that allow employers to pay employees with disabilities less than the minimum wage or exempt employees with disabilities from overtime requirements.
Ensure full accessibility of mass transit: Develop a plan for full accessibility of all mass transit systems across New York State, including the Metropolitan Transit Authority, ensuring compliance with the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA).
Clarify the scope of protections against discrimination on the basis of disability under the New York state human rights law: Ensure protections for New Yorkers with disabilities for employment, public accommodations and government services to be consistent with the ADA and Division of Human Rights.
Expand tuition assistance: Expand state tuition assistance coverage for students with disabilities beyond four years.
Expand access to medical marijuana for students with disabilities: Permit the administration of medical marijuana to students while at school and individuals with developmental disabilities while receiving services at a facility.
Establish a statewide system for emergency response for individuals experiencing mental health crises: Move towards replacing police departments as first responders to individuals experiencing mental health emergencies with trained mental health professionals who can respond appropriately.
Unity Principle: Environmental Justice
Advance a green new deal for New York State that includes racial and gender equity measures: Ensure New York shifts away from fossil fuels and towards 100% renewable energy, while creating new business opportunities for minority and women-owned businesses and job opportunities for communities who have the highest rates of unemployment in the state.
End contamination of public facilities: Ensure full compliance with state and federal regulations ensuring oversight of environmental hazards in public housing, schools, hospitals and public accommodations, including lead and asbestos.
Educational Justice
Implement the demands of the Campaign for Fiscal Equity: Ensure full compliance with the calls to action of the Campaign for Fiscal Equity (CFE).
Expand Title IX Protections: Expand Title IX protections beyond the federal requirements at all institutions receiving federal funding, including both K-12 schools and college campuses and expand the number of Title IX Coordinators at school districts across New York State.
Implement culturally responsive education: Implement culturally responsive education at all grade levels in New York State schools.
Implement Safe & Supportive Schools: Eliminate suspensions in grades K - 3 and implement restorative justice practices in schools statewide.
Expand adult literacy education: Invest in community-based English as a Second Language (ESOL) and other instruction with attention to enrolling immigrant women, including parents.
Expand access to the Excelsior Scholarship to undocumented students.
Fund universal high-quality, full-day early childhood education and Pre-Kindergarten across New York State.
End ICE cooperation with school safety officers.
LOCAL SPONSORS AND PARTNERS (List in formation):
African Services Committee
African Communities Together
Alliance for Quality Education (AQE)
Anti Violence Project (AVP)
Arab American Association of New York
Arab-American Family Support Center
Bangladeshi Feminist Collective
The Brotherhood-Sister Sol
Churches United To Save And Heal (CUSH)
CODEPINK
Democratic Socialists of American (DSA)
El Centro del Inmigrante
Fifth Avenue Committee, Inc.
Girls For Gender Equity (GGE)
Jewish Voices for Peace (JVP)
Lower East Side Girls' Club
LSA Family Health Service, Inc.
National Writers Union/UAW Local 1981
New Sanctuary Coalition
Northern Manhattan Improvement Corporation (NMIC)
NYS Interfaith Network for Immigration Reform
RHAVote
SEIU 1199
South Asian Fund For Education,Scholarship and Training (SAFEST)
UNITE HERE Local 100
The Women's March in New York City is an event that welcomes adults, youth, families, elders and New Yorkers from all communities.
Women's March NYC (WMNYC) is the local New York City Chapter of the Women's March Network and seeks to empower social justice work in the city. We are deeply invested in racial justice, gender justice, women's rights, and voting rights which we address through special events, cross-community dialogue and creative direct action. We aspire to be a truly inclusive chapter, led by black women and women of color engaged in direct action year round with rooted partnerships to local organizations that align with our Unity Principles. We seek to amplify existing social justice organizing, plus produce WMNYC specific events and actions in the spirit of building a more inclusive city and state.
The New York Immigration Coalition (NYIC) is an umbrella policy and advocacy organization for more than 200 groups in New York State. We envision a New York state that is stronger because all people are welcome, treated fairly, and given the chance to pursue their dreams. Our mission is to unite immigrants, members, & allies so all New Yorkers can thrive. We represent the collective interests of New York's diverse immigrant communities and organizations and devise solutions to advance them; advocate for laws, policies, and programs that lead to justice and opportunity for all immigrant groups; and build the power of immigrants and the organizations that serve them to ensure their sustainability, to improve people's lives, and to strengthen our state.
Girls for Gender Equity (GGE) is an intergenerational, advocacy organization committed to the physical, psychological, social, and economic development of girls and women. Through youth organizing, leadership development, and community-building for gender and racial equity, GGE challenges structural forces - racism, sexism, transphobia, homophobia, economic inequality - that work to constrict the freedom, full expression, and rights of trans and cis girls, young women of color, and gender non-conforming youth.


text:
Are We There Yet? Glimmers of the Renewable World.
One of the barriers to envisioning the future is not so much imagining a world powered by sun, wind and tides, but being able to pick up the outlines of that world as it emerges from the crumbling husk of the fossil fuel era. What do things look like that are in transition?
In the midst of a whole lot of admittedly very bad news, – signs of hope are increasing.
Utilities in the U.S. Northeast stand to lose as much as half of residential sales by 2030 as customers install solar and battery-storage systems and generate their own power, according to a report by the Rocky Mountain Institute.
Residential and commercial customers who opt for alternatives to traditional, utility-supplied electricity could erode power sales in the region by as much as $34.8 billion, the Snowmass, Colorado-based energy consultant said in the report released Tuesday. Fewer kilowatt-hours sold to customers also will affect utilities' abilities to raise the estimated $2 trillion that needs to be spent to maintain power grids between 2010 and 2030.
A drop in the cost of solar panels and new leasing programs that offer installation with no upfront customer payments has led to a boom in U.S. rooftop systems, which have climbed more than 50 percent annually during the past three years. Utilities in some states have sought added fees from customers who generate their own power, saying the funds will support a grid to which users sell excess supply and upon which they rely when their own systems aren't available.
Paul Gilding:
The collapse of renewable energy's costs, especially solar, will be seen historically as perhaps the single biggest driver of transformational change in energy markets, particularly when paired with the interconnected developments in batteries, storage and electric vehicles. The key is not just how far solar costs have fallen but the likelihood that they'll keep falling. Critics point to the very low share of global total energy demand provided by solar. I point to the same thing to make my case. If solar is competitive on price at less than 1% of global supply, imagine what will happen when it truly scales. That's why considering the earlier analysis on oil prices, The Economist referred to solar as a "dagger in the heart of the fossil fuel industry", particularly when combined with clever financing and business models by fast growing disruptive solar companies like Solar City and Sungevity.
Of course given all this, anyone who thinks markets are rational, at least over time, would ask "if this is all so clear, why doesn't it reflect in prices?" It is, and dramatically so. Consider these examples:
Some pure coal companies like Peabody have lost over 75% of their value in the last three years. Their carbon bubble has well and truly burst. And while prices will vary over time, the coal industry is not coming back and we should politely bid farewell. To quote a recent Goldman Sachs analysis: "Just as a worker celebrating their 65th birthday can settle into a more sedate lifestyle while they look back on past achievements, we argue that thermal coal has reached its retirement age."
The European Utility sector lost half a trillion Euros by misreading the influence of renewables and energy efficiency. There were other factors as well, as always, but it was renewables that meant, like coal, this is not cyclical but existential. The Economist again: "Renewables have not just put pressure on margins. They have transformed the established business model for utilities."
Tesla, which produced just 30,000 cars in 2013 is valued at nearly half of GM which produced around 9 million cars. And the oil price slide seems to have had no material impact. With Tesla's likely move into home storage for solar and rumours of an Apple/Tesla tie up, the future is looking very interesting. In response, the market has looked at history and concluded that old companies like GM mostly won't get it; they'll just be replaced.
So while many climate activists focus on the political power and influence of the fossil fuel industry, I see an industry scrambling to defend itself against overwhelming forces that will see it destroyed – not in a mighty moral crusade but something far more brutal and fast – the market turning on it. Of course these companies don't believe that is possible, and nor do many of us. But to quote Mandela, who knew a few things about driving change: "It always seems impossible until it's done."
A bigger question on many minds is the effect of rock-bottom oil prices on the shift towards low-carbon energy. Solar, wind and other renewables have recently benefited from unprecedented investments: an average of $260 billion a year worldwide over the past five years. Long, and wrongly, decried as mere boondoggles, they have begun to show real commercial promise in places as diverse as India, Hawaii, and parts of Africa where the climate is favourable, costs are low and other sources of power are expensive. Renewables capacity is rising even as subsidies are falling. China, for example, has already installed nearly half the 200 gigawatts (GW) of wind power it had been planning for 2020, so it is sharply cutting back the subsidies it introduced in 2009.
But the relationship is not always straightforward. Renewable electricity mainly competes with gas- and coal-fired power stations, not with oil. In North America, low oil prices may, paradoxically, lead to higher natural gas prices. Less fracking means there will be less of the associated gas that is produced along with shale oil. More broadly, much of the support for renewables has been political, and there is little sign that this is changing. Worries about climate change continue to ensure that clean energy enjoys strong political support in many developed countries. Whereas shares in oil companies have in recent months fallen along with the price, the S&P Global Clean Energy Index, which covers the industry's 30 biggest listed companies, has barely budged.
America's economy, for example, has grown by around 9% since 2007, whereas demand for finished petroleum products has dropped by nearly 11%. In Germany household consumption of electricity is now lower than it was in 1990. Global demand used to rise by 2% a year, but the rate is slowing. Even emissions in China, the world's largest and dirtiest energy consumer, may peak by 2030, thanks to huge investments in new clean-coal power generation, nuclear and renewable energy and long-distance transmission lines. Simon Daniel, an energy expert, sees two conflicting trends: on one hand greater efficiency, local production and storage, on the other increased consumption from the billions of new devices that will be hooked up to the "internet of things".
Cleantechnica:
The International Energy Agency indicated in a preliminary statement that emissions of carbon dioxide from the world's power sector accelerated less in 2014 than the global economy (see graph). While recession has caused this phenomenon several times in the past (the early 1980s, 1992, and 2009), for the first time in 40 years we are now experiencing a relative reduction in emissions during a time of economic gains.
The figures were first published by The Financial Times in an interview with Chief Economist Fatih Birol, who will succeed Maria van der Hoeven as executive director of the agency. He said:
"This is both a very welcome surprise and a significant one. [It] gives me even more hope that humankind will be able to work together to combat climate change, the most important threat facing us today…. For the first time, greenhouse gas emissions are decoupling from economic growth."
"The latest data on emissions are indeed encouraging, but this is no time for complacency—and certainly not the time to use this positive news as an excuse to stall further action," said van der Hoeven.
3 Responses to "Are We There Yet? Glimmers of the Renewable World."
redskylite Says:
In the overused phrase of Dr James Martin, (the visionary guru of mesmerizing speeches of journeys into the future, and computer case tools man) a paradigm shift is occurring in the field of energy.
If it can take hold across the States it can take place across the rest of the world (and quickly too). A whole new dimension has been added giving utilities and new homes power options that were unheard of just a few years ago. Michael Bloomberg is ploughing millions into dismissing coal, our climate's number 1 enemy, India and China have woken up. As CO2 concentrations rise, followed by temperature statistics and observed phenomena, the change to carbon free energy sources intensify. If the president of the U.S.A is understanding this, then that is one huge hurdle surmounted, if it is carried on to the next encumbered than that will be truly magnificent.
Today's technical knowledge, support and team structures are awesome and should not be underestimated by anybody, they will not tolerate the old school of corruption and negligence. That is a dying thing of the past.
"Billionaire philanthropist Michael Bloomberg has donated another $30m (£20.5m) to help the US halve its reliance on coal power over the next two years in an effort to fight climate change."
http://www.businessgreen.com/bg/news/2403494/michael-bloomberg-ploughs-another-usd30m-into-anti-coal-campaign
"So, it looks like the Energy Department is on to something after all. Despite some doubts about the market for small-scale and distributed wind energy, the agency has been quietly pushing R&D along for high-efficiency micro wind turbines, and whaddaya know, the market is ready and eager to pounce"
http://cleantechnica.com/2015/04/10/us-business-says-hello-us-wind-energy-goodbye-fossil-fuels/
« Is "Game of Thrones" Cli-Fi?
The Weekend Wonk: David Archer on Siberian Methane Feedbacks »


Welcome to this week, December 6-12, 1999.
The Tree is up in our building today.
Even in early December the olive tree and the fir behind it are green in an industrial park near us.
The Westin Hotel and entrance to Techmart at Great America and Tasman, Santa Clara, CA.
The Car Wash shapped like a river boat, near the river on Hamilton Ave., Campbell, CA.
This is an area off Tasman, south of 237 on the banks of the Guadalupe River, Renaissance Dr.
New apartments here. Close to new industry (look down!).
Cisco Systems has an interesting symbol. Is it a bridge? A waveform? A pipe-organ?
Here we are in December, and the poppies are blooming outside of our office building.
We've been here a couple times earlier. The jet contrails help tell of the colder season. There is also some color differences in the trees.
Copyright © 1999 Justin Milliun, Jr. All rights reserved. Legal Notices.


text:
News > Spokane
WSU associate dean says nursing can be healthy career choice
Anne Hirsch is shown in the teaching lab of the WSU College of Nursing in Spokane on Friday. (Christopher Anderson)
By John Stucke johnst@spokesman.com(509) 459-5419
Today's nursing school graduates continue to find good jobs even as the economy stumbles along and the uncertainty of health care reform looms. Anne Hirsch, senior associate dean of the WSU College of Nursing and a director of the Washington Center for Nursing, says the types of jobs are changing and colleges are struggling to turn out enough graduates to fill the open jobs across the state.
Q. Are there jobs for today's nursing school graduates?
A. Absolutely there are jobs. Recently we did a survey. … About 80 percent of newly licensed nurses are finding a position within one year.
Whether it (is) the exact job, location and shift they envisioned for themselves remains to be seen. Many new nurses are applying to long-term care facilities, rehabilitation facilities, and home-health centers. These are not the typical acute care jobs at hospitals that new nurses tended to gravitate toward. It's true that those jobs aren't as plentiful, especially not in Spokane right now.
Q. Where are the jobs?
A. Many nurses graduating from WSU are going to the West Side. It used to be that they would walk out our doors with five job offers in hand. That may not be the case anymore.
What we tell these graduates is to take a job in nursing, to work with other nurses and continue to learn. Sometimes that's in long-term care.
Q. What is the pay?
A. It remains very attractive to be a nurse. The average pay can be upwards of $70,000 a year. It's easily $50,000-plus even for nurses working in long-term care.
Q. With such good pay why does there continue to be a nursing shortage?
A. It's a pipeline issue at universities. There are many qualified applicants who want to be nurses. We just can't take all of them. Health care is the sector where there is job growth and we attract young students and those interested in nursing as a second career.
What's happening is that the educational institutions don't have the capacity to meet the demand. It breaks down to three problems: The first is money. It costs the state money to produce nurses. The second is clinic experiences. We have to have partnership institutions where our students can gain experience. And the last is having enough faculty.
Q. What is, or can be done to ease the nursing shortage?
A. We must not lose sight of the need of our four-year baccalaureate institutions to have increased capacity in this state. If we don't do something, we're not going to meet our goals of maintain the type of nursing care people have come to expect.
At stake, frankly, is the health of people in this state and in Spokane County. That's why this is important. We have to have a longer-range view. I know it sounds corny, but it's about Washington's health.
Q. How many students accepted into WSU's nursing school are successful?
A. We have about 95 to 98 percent retention. We get the cream of the crop.
Q. What needs to happen at the Legislature this year to bolster WSU's nursing school?
A. We just need to have the resources to continue to provide excellent education at all levels.
That includes baccalaureate program nurses, RNs coming back to school, and our masters and PhD candidates.
Published: Jan. 24, 2011, midnight
Tags: anne hirsch, education, health, health care, higher education, nurses, nursing, washington center for nursing, wsu college of nursing
Subscribe to the Morning Review newsletter
Get the day's top headlines delivered to your inbox every morning by subscribing to our newsletter.
Top stories in Spokane
CycleBar expanding to Spokane with spin studio on the South Hill
Downtown stadium back on the table, as county treasurer urges school board to reconsider …
Fluffy's Candy plans April opening in north Spokane …
Portland developer planning $18 million apartment complex in University District …
Brick West Brewing now open in downtown Spokane …


There are personal budgets marking place events taking place on the 12th, 19th and 26th of November, look at the poster link for venues and time.
This entry was posted in Uncategorized and tagged Derbyshire County Council, Derbyshire Parents, EHC plans, forum, Get Involved, involving families, Local Offer, participation, Preparing for adulthood, reforms, special educational needs, Updates by derbyshireparentforums. Bookmark the permalink.


text:
Dutch researchers: modal shift not going to happen
For many years, policymakers have pursued a modal shift of cargo to rail and inland shipping. However, this modal shift has not taken place. This was concluded by the Dutch Knowledge Institute for Mobility (KiM).
For decades, European and Dutch politics have been urging the logistics sector to make more use of trains and inland shipping. This shift is also referred to as a modal shift. Looking at Dutch policy in this matter, this goes back as early as 1990, when the then cabinet expressed its wish to reduce road transport. And policymakers still want the share of rail and water transport to grow at the expense of road transport. This is because it would reduce CO2 emissions and traffic jams.
In recent years, governments have spent millions to seduce shippers. One after the other subsidy project was set up. Although these various measures have certainly been useful, they have not led to a permanent modal shift, the KiM researchers write. Apparently, many companies are very fond of road transport and can hardly be convinced to use other modalities.
Small shifts
The knowledge institute has listed the modal share of the various hinterland modalities over the years 2005-2018, based on figures from Statistics Netherlands (see also Figures 1 and 2 below). These percentages vary only slightly over the years.
The distribution between the different modalities: spoor=rail, binnenvaart=barge, weg=road, buisleiding=pipes). Text continues under images.
Modal split per tonne/kilometre
Modal split per tonne
Two trends
Roughly two trends can be discovered. Between 2005 and 2012 there was a shift of a few percentage points from road transport to inland shipping. In the years after 2012, an inverse, slightly smaller shift took place. In the latter case, there is probably no real shift. The percentages simply changed because only road transport grew in that period, while the cargo volumes on rail and inland shipping remained more or less the same.
In addition, a temporary shift was observed in the second half of 2018, moving cargo from inland shipping to road and rail transport. This was due to the persistent drought of the time. It has now become clear that this cargo was partly transported by inland shipping last year, although a part has also been permanently moved to rail, according to a report by rail manager ProRail on freight transport by train published in 2019 this year.
The reasons that a modal shift is not happening on a structural basis are diverse, and difficult to change. Some cargo, such as dry bulk, is already largely transported by water. Because of the economies of scale, barge transports this type of cargo at a lower cost. A shift to other modalities is therefore not happening.
In addition, trains and barge are not a realistic alternative for short journeys. "Over such distances, the costs of container transport can not easily, if at all, compete with the lower transport costs per tonne-kilometer of the road," the researchers write.
"The distribution of terminals and infrastructure for freight transport also plays a role. Goods can actually only be loaded or unloaded on other modalities where a rail or inland shipping connection is an alternative to a road connection." In addition, even when using the train or ship, in many cases part of the transport must take place by road. "A shipper who makes the switch to rail or inland shipping therefore always needs a piece of road transport."
Feasible goal?
Is a growing share of rail and barge transport a feasible goal at all? Yes, the researchers think; but especially in the long-distance transport of containers. They refer from concrete policy recommendations. The report does come with some predictions. In the medium term (until 2024), KiM expects rail and inland shipping to see a small increase, partly due to the increasing congestion on Dutch roads.
The KiM report also quotes some predictions about the distribution between the different modalities for the longer term. In this, road transport can expect a slightly increasing volume, which amounts to approximately two thirds of the total hinterland cargo in 2050, measured in tonnes. Slightly less than a third will continue to travel via inland shipping, with the percentage possibly dropping below 30. Rail must be happy with 4 to 5 per cent of the load.
If transport by pipeline is not taken into account, the percentages for road, rail and water in 2050 hardly deviate from the distribution in recent years. Without major changes, there seems to be little of a modal shift.
Tags: KiM, modal shift, modal split, The Netherlands
Author: Tom van Gurp


Fact that the diets offer pregnant it is not each day you come referred to as "Strip That.
Just Add This campaign on Facebook, HERE carbohydrates, and may reduction in incidence of type 2 diabetes by lifestyle intervention in a middle eastern community play an element in the blood indicate.
Through Induction is not to exceed an intake 20 net david Katz the record, we have.