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May 1968: The 50th Anniversary
10 May 2018 by Nicholas Cox 2131 2
Every uprising, revolt or revolution in France draws inspiration from the previous one, so technically all can be traced back to the Jacquerie, a revolt by French peasants in the early summer of 1358, which predated the English Peasants' Revolt, of 1381 by 23 years. But I'm sure this wasn't the first; the Parisii must have revolted against their Lutècian Roman overlords– Asterix the Gaul isn't totally fiction. So French revolutions must be older than France itself. It is therefore unwise to try to pinpoint a trigger for the 1968 uprising, but its inevitability was ensured by the events of 17 October 1961, when up to 300 Algerian demonstrators were massacred by French National Police and their bodies thrown into the Seine on the orders of the head of the Parisian police, Maurice Papon. The event was downplayed in the media and no one was prosecuted, resulting in the Parisian police becoming a criminal gang, unaccountable and above the law. A further massacre took place on 8 February 1962, at Charonne métro station when nine communist members of the CGT trade union were murdered by police, again directed by Maurice Papon, who by this time was no better than Al Capone, the gangster who ran Chicago in the 1930s. It is perhaps surprising that it took another six years for the uprising to begin and that it didn't start in the liberal / socialist Latin Quarter of Paris. The 1968 uprisings actually started in Warsaw, Poland. (The election of reformist Alexander Dubček as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on 5 January 1968, hardly counts as an uprising!) On the 8 March, a crowd of over a thousand demonstrating students at Warsaw University was violently attacked by a state organised "worker squad" (plainclothes police) as well as police in uniform. A demonstration the next day at the Warsaw Polytechnic ended in further police violence and arrests. Within a few days protests spread across Poland. The crisis resulted in the suppression of student strikes by security forces in all major academic centers across the country and the suppression of the Polish dissident movement. It was followed by mass Jewish emigration due to an anti-Semitic campaign waged by the minister of internal affairs. Yet Paris remains the iconic image associated with that year. The Paris uprising was not inspired by the events in Warsaw but was entirely due to home-grown grievances. France was very different in 1968 – married women were not allowed to open bank accounts without written permission from their husbands, and students were not allowed to entertain the opposite sex in their rooms. Even so, it did not start on the left bank, and it was not even started by a Frenchman! The following timeline is a brief summary of the extraordinary events of Paris '68: 22 March Sociology students at Nanterre University in a grim north western suburb of Paris, led by a 22 year old German, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, occupied the administration block in a protest against political, spiritual and sexual oppression. The authorities called the police, who surrounded the university. After publication of their demands, the students left without trouble. 2 May Following continued unrest, Nanterre University was shut down by the authorities. 3 May Students at the Sorbonne University met to protest against the closure of Nanterre. A far-right group, Occident, enflamed tempers by threatening to attack the manif' (demo).The police scattered the "righties" and then began to remove the "lefties", about 400 were brutally arrested. Demonstrators gathered, and the first pavés (cobble stones), were thrown at police. The Paris police, supported by the notorious CRS riot police, responded with indiscriminate baton charges and volleys of tear gas, assaulting students, journalists, passers-by, tourists, cinema-goers and even those just sitting at café terraces. 5 May Radicals occupied the Sorbonne administration building and held a general assembly. The police surrounded and closed down the university. 6 May Over 20,000 members of the National Students' Union and the Union of University Teachers marched towards the Sorbonne, still sealed off by the police, who charged, wielding their batons, as the marchers approached. The crowd built barricades and threw pavés, forcing the police to retreat. The police responded with tear gas and hundreds more students were arrested. 7 May A 50,000 strong march against police brutality turned into a day long battle through the narrow streets and alleys of Paris' Latin Quarter. When the police fired tear gas, some protestors responded with Molotov cocktails. 10 May Another huge crowd congregated on the Rive Gauche. When the riot police blocked them from crossing the river, the crowd again threw up barricades. 11 May The police attacked the barricades at 02:15 in the morning. The confrontation, which resulted in hundreds of arrests and injuries, lasted until dawn. A large crowd of students tried to "liberate" the Sorbonne, which had been ringed by the CRS. Trees were ripped up, cars overturned and pavés hurled – exposing the sand below, and leading to the best known anarcho-libertarian slogan of 1968: Sous les pavés, la plage (Literally; under the cobbles, the beach, but metaphorically; after the battle, a better life). 12 May The Education Minister started negotiations. The police withdrew from the Latin Quarter. Students seized the sections of Paris which police had sealed off and created an assembly to spread the struggle. Occupations and demonstrations spread throughout France. The Parti Communiste Français (French Communist Party) reluctantly participated with the major union federations – the Confédération Générale du Travail and the Force Ouvrière. 13 May The trade unions, against the advice of their own leaders, called a one-day strike and demonstration. Over a million…
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Every uprising, revolt or revolution in France draws inspiration from the previous one, so technically all can be traced back to the Jacquerie, a revolt by French peasants in the early summer of 1358, which predated the English Peasants' Revolt, of 1381 by 23 years. But I'm sure this wasn't the first; the Parisii must have revolted against their Lutècian Roman overlords– Asterix the Gaul isn't totally fiction. So French revolutions must be older than France itself.
It is therefore unwise to try to pinpoint a trigger for the 1968 uprising, but its inevitability was ensured by the events of 17 October 1961, when up to 300 Algerian demonstrators were massacred by French National Police and their bodies thrown into the Seine on the orders of the head of the Parisian police, Maurice Papon. The event was downplayed in the media and no one was prosecuted, resulting in the Parisian police becoming a criminal gang, unaccountable and above the law. A further massacre took place on 8 February 1962, at Charonne métro station when nine communist members of the CGT trade union were murdered by police, again directed by Maurice Papon, who by this time was no better than Al Capone, the gangster who ran Chicago in the 1930s. It is perhaps surprising that it took another six years for the uprising to begin and that it didn't start in the liberal / socialist Latin Quarter of Paris.
Maurice Papon, 1967
The 1968 uprisings actually started in Warsaw, Poland. (The election of reformist Alexander Dubček as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on 5 January 1968, hardly counts as an uprising!) On the 8 March, a crowd of over a thousand demonstrating students at Warsaw University was violently attacked by a state organised "worker squad" (plainclothes police) as well as police in uniform. A demonstration the next day at the Warsaw Polytechnic ended in further police violence and arrests. Within a few days protests spread across Poland. The crisis resulted in the suppression of student strikes by security forces in all major academic centers across the country and the suppression of the Polish dissident movement. It was followed by mass Jewish emigration due to an anti-Semitic campaign waged by the minister of internal affairs.
Yet Paris remains the iconic image associated with that year. The Paris uprising was not inspired by the events in Warsaw but was entirely due to home-grown grievances. France was very different in 1968 – married women were not allowed to open bank accounts without written permission from their husbands, and students were not allowed to entertain the opposite sex in their rooms. Even so, it did not start on the left bank, and it was not even started by a Frenchman! The following timeline is a brief summary of the extraordinary events of Paris '68:
Sociology students at Nanterre University in a grim north western suburb of Paris, led by a 22 year old German, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, occupied the administration block in a protest against political, spiritual and sexual oppression. The authorities called the police, who surrounded the university. After publication of their demands, the students left without trouble.
Following continued unrest, Nanterre University was shut down by the authorities.
Sorbonne University Today
Students at the Sorbonne University met to protest against the closure of Nanterre. A far-right group, Occident, enflamed tempers by threatening to attack the manif' (demo).The police scattered the "righties" and then began to remove the "lefties", about 400 were brutally arrested. Demonstrators gathered, and the first pavés (cobble stones), were thrown at police. The Paris police, supported by the notorious CRS riot police, responded with indiscriminate baton charges and volleys of tear gas, assaulting students, journalists, passers-by, tourists, cinema-goers and even those just sitting at café terraces.
Radicals occupied the Sorbonne administration building and held a general assembly. The police surrounded and closed down the university.
Over 20,000 members of the National Students' Union and the Union of University Teachers marched towards the Sorbonne, still sealed off by the police, who charged, wielding their batons, as the marchers approached. The crowd built barricades and threw pavés, forcing the police to retreat. The police responded with tear gas and hundreds more students were arrested.
A 50,000 strong march against police brutality turned into a day long battle through the narrow streets and alleys of Paris' Latin Quarter. When the police fired tear gas, some protestors responded with Molotov cocktails.
Another huge crowd congregated on the Rive Gauche. When the riot police blocked them from crossing the river, the crowd again threw up barricades.
The police attacked the barricades at 02:15 in the morning. The confrontation, which resulted in hundreds of arrests and injuries, lasted until dawn. A large crowd of students tried to "liberate" the Sorbonne, which had been ringed by the CRS. Trees were ripped up, cars overturned and pavés hurled – exposing the sand below, and leading to the best known anarcho-libertarian slogan of 1968: Sous les pavés, la plage (Literally; under the cobbles, the beach, but metaphorically; after the battle, a better life).
Demonstrations of may 1968 in Bordeaux (Gironde, France) – Rue Paul-Bert. Photo: Tangopaso, Wikipedia (public domain)
The Education Minister started negotiations. The police withdrew from the Latin Quarter. Students seized the sections of Paris which police had sealed off and created an assembly to spread the struggle. Occupations and demonstrations spread throughout France. The Parti Communiste Français (French Communist Party) reluctantly participated with the major union federations – the Confédération Générale du Travail and the Force Ouvrière.
The trade unions, against the advice of their own leaders, called a one-day strike and demonstration. Over a million students and workers marched through Paris. Prime Minister Georges Pompidou personally announced the release of prisoners and the reopening of the Sorbonne.
The strikes did not end as the union leaders planned. Eight million workers went on indefinite, wildcat strike. Students occupied the Sorbonne and declared it an autonomous "people's university". Around 400 popular action committees were set up in Paris to take up grievances against the government and French society.
The National Theatre in Paris was seized and made into a permanent assembly for mass debate.
The numbers on strike escalated to ten million, roughly two-thirds of the French workforce. 4,000 students marched from the Sorbonne to support Renault strikers, but union officials locked the factory gates and the Parti Communiste Français urged their members to stop the revolt.
An attempt was made on to burn down the Bourse (the Paris stock exchange). The Prime Minister, Georges Pompidou, began negotiations with the unions. Cohn-Bendit was expelled from France. Army generals readied 20,000 troops to take Paris by force and police occupied TV stations, Post Offices and other communications centres. Parti Communiste Français officials helped coerce strikers into returning to work.
The Grenelle agreements were signed at the Ministry of Social Affairs. These provided for an increase in the minimum wage and average salaries. The offers were rejected as inadequate by workers and the strike went on.
De Gaulle left France for Baden-Baden in West Germany for talks with the French military high command.
Graffiti at The University of Lyon, 1968
500,000 protesters marched through Paris.
De Gaulle announced by radio (the national television service was on strike) the dissolution of the National Assembly with elections to follow. He ordered workers to return to work, threatening to institute a state of emergency if they did not. A huge counter-demonstration by De Gaulle supporters blocked the Champs Elysées.
Most workers returned to work or were ousted from their workplaces by the police. The National Student Union called off street demonstrations. The government banned a number of leftist organisations.
The police retook the Sorbonne. The trades unions accepted a 10% increase in general wages and a 35% increase in the minimum wage, a shorter working week and mandatory employer consultations with workers.
De Gaulle triumphed in the elections and the crisis in France came to an end.
No political group can claim '68 – it was a spontaneous mass outburst, not instigated or led by any external power. Its weakness was that it allowed the unions and the Parti Communiste Français to limit and fragment the movement. Ten million workers participated in the largest wildcat strike in history, but they allowed communist union officials to keep control. The occupations of workplaces were used by the unions to keep the workers separated from the wider movement of students.
Graffiti on the school of law, "Vive de Gaulle" (Long live De Gaulle) with, at left, the word "A bas" (down with) written across "Vive". Photo: BeenAroundAWhile (CC BY-SA 3.0)
Slogans and graffiti
Sous les pavés, la plage. (Literally; under the cobbles, the beach, but metaphorically; after the battle, a better life).
Je suis Marxiste, tendance Groucho. ( I am a Marxist of the Groucho variety.)
Soyez réalistes, demandez l'impossible. (Be realistic, demand the impossible.)
La barricade ferme la rue mais ouvre la voie. (The barricade blocks the street but opens the way.)
Pas de replâtrage, la structure est pourrie. ( No replastering, the structure is rotten.)
Le patron a besoin de toi, tu n'as pas besoin de lui. (The boss needs you, you don't need him.)
Travailleur: Tu as 25 ans mais ton syndicat est de l'autre siècle. (Worker: You are 25, but your union is from the last century.)
Il est interdit d'interdire. (It is forbidden to forbid.)
La poésie est dans la rue. (Poetry is in the street.)
Ne me libère pas, je m'en charge. (Don't liberate me, I'll do it myself.)
Si vous pensez pour les autres, les autres penseront pour vous. (If you think for others, others will think for you.)
The death which featured most in the media was that of Police Commissioner René Lacroix in Lyon, "crushed by a truck in which the accelerator pedal had been stuck", according to police statements. Yet contrary to reports at the time, the commissioner might not have been struck by the vehicle, but may have died of a heart attack after his arrival at hospital.
Mainstream French media continues to claim that there were no demonstrator fatalities during May, while socialist / liberal media point to a small number of fatalities in June:
Gilles Tautin, a 17 year old high school student, drowned in the Seine at Flins after a brutal beating, trying to escape a CRS charge outside the Renault plant in Meulan.
Pierre Beylot, shot dead, and Henri Blanchet, killed by a grenade, during a CRS attack on the Peugeot factory in Sochaux.
Marc Lanvin, an 18 year old communist activist shot dead by assassins hired by the Union des Démocrates pour la République, (UDR), a Gaullist political party. The murder weapon had been provided by the Service d'Action Civique (SAC), a Gaullist militia responsible for covert actions in North Africa.
Surprisingly, both main stream and left wing media ignore the following:
Philip Mathérion, aged 26, who died on the barricade in Rue des Ecoles, 75005 Paris. He left an orphaned son who gave this poignant interview 30 years later:
"On May 24, 1968, between the rue des Ecoles and the Sorbonne, my father was wounded by a burst of offensive grenade, which caused internal bleeding. The relief brigades were overwhelmed, he waited between three and four hours before being rescued, a time that was fatal. To attribute my father's affiliation to various political movements is certainly related to the troubled times when everyone had to choose an ideology. My father sought instead to be in the movement of existence, movement that had already taken the life of his wife, dead three years ago, and left him alone with a little boy." — Gilles Mathérion 09/04/1998
Of course history is written by the victors but the 1968 uprising in general and the death of Philip Mathérion in particular have been air brushed out of French history in a way that the Paris Commune and the massacre of the last 147 communards has not. There is no memorial to the 1968 uprising anywhere within the Boulevard Périphérique which defines central Paris. The only one that I could find was in the communist controlled outer suburb of Malakoff, and this was specifically dedicated to Marc Lanvin, a Parti Communiste Français member.
It took 40 years for Paris to erect a memorial to the Algerians killed in the 1961 massacre, in only two years it will be the 50th anniversary of the 1968 uprising, surely long enough to wait for a memorial to Philip Mathérion and his comrades?
Memorial for the Algerians who died in 1961
So apart from six dead and more than a few bruised heads, what did the uprising achieve? Who actually won?
On the one hand, De Gaulle won his election and was able to cling to power for a little longer. On the other, France joined the permissive society, and the swinging sixties finally started to swing. The workers achieved a huge pay rise, a shorter working week and improved conditions. By joining together to fight De Gaulle and the ancien régime, the students and workers won better lives for themselves. France became something of a workers' paradise in a way that the Soviet Union never was. Even today, standards of living in France are comparable with Britain and Germany, while the quality of life is significantly better. Compare France to its Mediterranean neighbors, Spain and Italy, and its economy is spectacularly miraculous! So everyone was a winner and all the players walked away with prizes? Up to a point yes, but there were serious consequences for Paris, France and the rest of the world:
The main boulevards in the Latin Quarter were tarmacked over rather than re-cobbled, you now have to walk the back streets to find traditional cobbled roads.
The Parti Communiste Français and unions were exposed, to those who didn't know already, as agents of the establishment, counter-revolution and status quo.
The Sorbonne was broken up and divided into 13 universities managed by a common rectorate, the Chancellerie des Universités de Paris. Three universities now have the word in their name: Panthéon-Sorbonne University, Sorbonne Nouvelle University and Paris-Sorbonne University.
Worse was the destruction of Montparnasse on the orders of Georges Pompidou, trying to demonstrate that he was tougher than De Gaulle and wanting to inflict punishment on the left bank for supporting the uprising. The artists' quarter and beautiful old railway station, where the Nazis surrendered Paris to the Allies and scene of the famous train accident, were bulldozed and replaced by a 209 meter 59 floor brutalist tower symbolizing a huge grey tombstone in reference to the adjacent Montparnasse cemetery. It casts its malevolent shadow over the left bank as a warning and deterrence against future unrest.
An excerpt adapted from an article on Nick's blog, Memoirs of an English Expat in Paris. Read the full article here.
Lead photo credit : May 1968/ The 50th Anniversary
More in 1968, Latin Quarter, Paris, Revolution, Sorbonne, Students
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Hi Marilyn, Many thanks for your kind comments. I've received similar comments from Algerian nationals, embarrassingly grateful that a european is drawing attention to an appalling event that has largely been forgotten. But the more you study Paris's tragic history, the Paris Commune, Les Miserables, the more remarkable the city's beauty and ambience becomes, a sort of Ying and Yang, you can't see the light without darkness.
Marilyn Brouwer
Excellent article-especially the reminder of the Algerian atrocities, so little talked about and still difficult to believe they happened in Paris in the early 60's.


Selecting quality tools for coffee preparation goes a long way towards satisfaction in brewing and the end result. I recommend buying the best equipment you can afford. Keep in mind that quality gear is more enjoyable to use, and often lasts longer as well.
I have used everything covered in this section, and recommend any of the items detailed here. However, I do not endorse or represent any of the vendors listed in this guide.
Some of the equipment here is expensive, but it is all top quality, and you are investing in tools that you might use multiple times a day. In the end it will be worth it to get the best gear you can afford.
I have not moved up to the exciting world of roasting my own coffee beans, so I don't have any tips for such equipment right now, but stay tuned. I am definitely planning to do so and will add information about my experiences to this section.
"World barista champions use the AeroPress to make coffee on the folding tray tables of airplanes."
From the modest little hotel room plastic drip coffee maker, to elaborate espresso machines costing well north of ten-thousand dollars, the equipment for brewing coffee is important.
This section focuses on battle-hardened and time tested gadgetry for perfecting your brew.
Grinding coffee beans seems a simple enough concept, but you should be aware that it is best to use a particular type of grinder. There are a couple popular styles of grinder for coffee beans, blade based and burr based grinders.
While blade based grinders are generally less expensive, they produce an uneven grind that is incompatible with preferred brewing methods and the spinning blade friction can actually heat the beans enough to add negative flavor effects while grinding.
A burr based grinder produces a nice even grind, and is the preferred type of grinder to use for the most delicious coffee flavor. Not to mention, when you need to dial in the grind size for various methods, a burr grinder allows for this while a blade grinder does not.
The electric models are fancy and can be expensive, while manual models are far less expensive, more compact, and useful anywhere even without access to electricity (great for camping!).
Porlex JP-30 is a brilliant little stainless steel and ceramic manual burr grinder from Japan. You can get them from numerous online retailers for approximately $50. There is also a mini version that is even more compact.
Baratza Encore Coffee Grinder is an entry level with the same great Baratza quality for under $150.
Baratza Sette 270 is a professional strength, quiet, and fast grinder.
Capresso Infinity Conical Burr a quality electric conical burr grinder for under $100.
Note that burr based grinders need frequent cleaning to operate at their full potential. You should consult the grinder's user manual for a recommended cleaning cycle. Typically, you'll want to thoroughly clean your grinder about once a week.
I use the Porlex JP-30; I prefer the manual action for many reasons, such as using less electricity and doing things the old fashioned way. Getting used to grinding beans this way also means that I can use the same grinder in my kitchen and in a tent on a mountainside. Due to its all metal construction, it's more rugged than other similar grinders too.
A couple negative things I can report about the JP-30 is that the detachable handle appears made of a soft steel alloy, and the hexagonal hole that mates with the grinding action can become worn and loose, which causes the handle to climb, and eventually pop off during grinding.
Perhaps making the handle out of a more robust steel or even a titanium alloy or using a Torx type pattern could address the rounding out of the hexagonal hole.
Protip: It's worth noting that the Porlex JP-30 or Porlex Mini will fit inside the plunger part of an AeroPress, making for a compact and neat travel setup.
I am going to try using the Hario MSCS-2TB as my daily home grinder, and stick to using the Porlex for camping and travel since it is more compact.
Prepare your hot water in some kind of vessel optimized for coffee preparation. In a pinch, one could use a stainless steel cooking saucepan to heat water, or a tea kettle. Microwaves are not recommended for serious coffee water preparation.
Hario V60 Coffee Drip Kettle "Buono"
Bodum Chambord 8 cup French Press The classic chrome Bodum is a great classic French Press model that brews a fine cup of coffee.
Needless to say, you should not be drinking fine coffee from a plastic or polymer cup. Use ceramic, glass, stainless steel, or titanium for cups which preserve the coffee taste and offer the performance characteristics you require for daily use.
I usually drink my coffee from a Snow Peak 450 double walled titanium mug with matching lid.
It's an expensive imported mug, but well worth it and particularly so for enjoying coffee in the great outdoors while camping or while out on the water.
I will also sometimes drink from typical stoneware mugs as well.


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Health and Safety Code - HSC
DIVISION 10. UNIFORM CONTROLLED SUBSTANCES ACT [11000 - 11651]
( Division 10 repealed and added by Stats. 1972, Ch. 1407. )
CHAPTER 6. Offenses and Penalties [11350 - 11392]
( Chapter 6 added by Stats. 1972, Ch. 1407. )
ARTICLE 4. Miscellaneous Offenses and Provisions [11364 - 11376.5]
( Article 4 added by Stats. 1972, Ch. 1407. )
(a) Any person convicted of a violation of, or of a conspiracy to violate, Section 11351, 11351.5, or 11352 with respect to a substance containing heroin, cocaine base as specified in paragraph (1) of subdivision (f) of Section 11054, or cocaine as specified in paragraph (6) of subdivision (b) of Section 11055 shall receive an additional term as follows:
(1) Where the substance exceeds one kilogram by weight, the person shall receive an additional term of three years.
(2) Where the substance exceeds four kilograms by weight, the person shall receive an additional term of five years.
(3) Where the substance exceeds 10 kilograms by weight, the person shall receive an additional term of 10 years.
The conspiracy enhancements provided for in this subdivision shall not be imposed unless the trier of fact finds that the defendant conspirator was substantially involved in the planning, direction, execution, or financing of the underlying offense.
(b) Any person convicted of a violation of, or of conspiracy to violate, Section 11378, 11378.5, 11379, or 11379.5 with respect to a substance containing methamphetamine, amphetamine, phencyclidine (PCP) and its analogs shall receive an additional term as follows:
(1) Where the substance exceeds one kilogram by weight, or 30 liters by liquid volume, the person shall receive an additional term of three years.
(2) Where the substance exceeds four kilograms by weight, or 100 liters by liquid volume, the person shall receive an additional term of five years.
(3) Where the substance exceeds 10 kilograms by weight, or 200 liters by liquid volume, the person shall receive an additional term of 10 years.
In computing the quantities involved in this subdivision, plant or vegetable material seized shall not be included.
(c) The additional terms provided in this section shall not be imposed unless the allegation that the weight of the substance containing heroin, cocaine base as specified in paragraph (1) of subdivision (f) of Section 11054, cocaine as specified in paragraph (6) of subdivision (b) of Section 11055, methamphetamine, amphetamine, or phencyclidine (PCP) and its analogs exceeds the amounts provided in this section is charged in the accusatory pleading and admitted or found to be true by the trier of fact.
(d) The additional terms provided in this section shall be in addition to any other punishment provided by law.
(e) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the court may strike the additional punishment for the enhancements provided in this section if it determines that there are circumstances in mitigation of the additional punishment and states on the record its reasons for striking the additional punishment.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


From the 'X-Files' Dept: Alien IQ — Could We Measure the Level of Extraterrestrial Intelligence?
How could we assess the intelligence of an extraterrestrial civilization? A team of Spanish and Australian researchers have come up with the answer. They have taken a first step towards use a scientific method to measure the intelligence of a human being, an animal, a machine or an extraterrestrial.
"We have developed an 'anytime' intelligence test, in other words a test that can be interrupted at any time, but that gives a more accurate idea of the intelligence of the test subject if there is a longer time available in which to carry it out", said José Hernández-Orallo, a researcher at the Polytechnic University of Valencia (UPV).
"It can be applied to any subject –- whether biological or not –- at any point in its development (child or adult, for example), for any system now or in the future, and with any level of intelligence or speed", points out Hernández-Orallo.
The researcher, along with his colleague David L. Dowe of the Monash University, Clayton (Australia), have suggested the use of mathematical and computational concepts in order to encompass all these conditions.
The study has been published in the journal Artificial Intelligence and forms part of the "Anytime Universal Intelligence" project, in which other scientists from the UPV and the Complutense University of Madrid are taking part.
The authors have used interactive exercises in settings with a difficulty level estimated by calculating the so-called 'Kolmogorov complexity' (they measure the number of computational resources needed to describe an object or a piece of information). This makes them different from traditional psychometric tests and artificial intelligence tests (Turing test).
The most direct application of this study is in the field of artificial intelligence. Until now there has not been any way of checking whether current systems are more intelligent than the ones in use 20 years ago, "but the existence of tests with these characteristics may make it possible to systematically evaluate the progress of this discipline", says Hernández-Orallo.
And what is even "more important" is that there were no theories or tools to evaluate and compare future intelligent systems that could demonstrate intelligence greater than human intelligence. The implications of a universal intelligence test also impact on many other disciplines. This could have a significant impact on most cognitive sciences, since any discipline depends largely on the specific techniques and systems used in it and the mathematical basis that underpins it.


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♠ Herodotus, Histories 8.55
I will tell why I have mentioned this. In that acropolis is a shrine of Erechtheus, called the "Earthborn," and in the shrine are an olive tree and a pool of salt water. The story among the Athenians is that they were set there by Poseidon and Athena as tokens when they contended for the land. It happened that the olive tree was burnt by the barbarians with the rest of the sacred precinct, but on the day after its burning, when the Athenians ordered by the king to sacrifice went up to the sacred precinct, they saw a shoot of about a cubit's length sprung from the stump, and they reported this Greek Text.
♠ Simonides fr 534 PMG – Poetae Melici Graeci, p. 277, ed. D. L. Page. Oxford 1962.
Simonides [says] that Oreithuia was from Brilessos and that she was snatched and carried away from Thrace to the Sarpedonian Rock (Transl. Aaron J. Ivey).
♠ Akusilaos 2F30 – Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 1, p. 55, ed. F. Jacoby, 2d ed. Leiden 1957.
♠ Pausanias, Description of Greece 5.19.1
In the fourth space on the chest as you go round from the left is Boreas, who has carried off Oreithyia; instead of feet he has serpents' tails. Then comes the combat between Heracles and Geryones, who is represented as three men joined to one another. There is Theseus holding a lyre, and by his side is Ariadne gripping a crown. Achilles and Memnon are fighting; their mothers stand by their side Greek Text
♠ Hellanikos of Lesbos 4F38 – Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 1, p. 119, ed. F. Jacoby, 2d ed. Leiden 1957.
♠ Parian Marble 239 FGrH – Fragments of the Greek historians cited according to F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Leiden 1923-58)
♠ Rhodian Kastor 250F4 – Fragments of the Greek historians cited according to F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Leiden 1923-58)
Revised by Elena Bianchelli, Retired Senior Lecturer of Classical Languages and Culture, Univ. of Georgia, February 2021


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Social Mobility positions available: Only "Super-talented weirdos" need apply
The news this week that 10 Downing street was considering a major overhaul of the civil service comes as little surprise (originally reported in the Telegraph on 14th December 2019). The big surprise lay in what it might become. With Johnson thousands of miles away on holiday in sunnier climes, it seems that Dominic Cummings can carry on regardless of any democratic oversight. His vision of what officials and advisors should be has raised eyebrows. Meanwhile, the Social Mobility Commission has woken up to the dangers to its existence that the new administration threatens.
The Cummings and goings at No10.
The attempt to recruit staff as civil service officials and government advisor positions by Blog is certainly a departure from the usual practice to date. Indeed, a departure from the current labour law and worker's rights. The 'hire and fire' culture we might expect to infiltrate our society is made clear with "I'll bin you within weeks if you don't fit — don't complain later because I made it clear now". But then it may be that Brexit means the Government ditches most rights for workers anyway. The blog itself is very entertaining but would be funnier of it had not come from the heart of our Government. The call for 'Junior Researchers' states that "In many aspects of government, as in the tech world and investing, brains and temperament smash experience and seniority out of the park". Seniority may be, but experience, definitely not. Then, he piles on the irony with, "I don't want confident public school bluffers". Coming from someone who runs a real risk of being called precisely that, it seems the irony has eluded him. Next, the call for "Super-talented weirdos" is astounding. In needing "some true wild cards, artists, people who never went to university and fought their way out of an appalling hell hole" he also displays his affinity with Russia by using the example of a "Chinese-Cuban free runner from a crime family hired by the KGB." There have been many suspicions of people 'hired by the KGB' close to our government in the past but there has been no KGB since 1991. Thus the "Chinese-Cuban free runner" is likely to be a bit long in the tooth and well past his or her best by now. With reports of Russian business interests donating millions to the Conservative party since 2010, the irony of past parallel rumours of Soviet interference in, and plots of a coup against, the Wilson Labour administrations in the 1960s and 1970s also seems to have escaped attention. The most likely outcome is that Cummings will crash straight into the Civil Service ramparts manned by the current Cabinet Secretary, Mark Sedwill. He has a science undergraduate degree, a Master's degree in Economics and something called 'experience'.
Social Mobility progress?
There has been little evidence that the Social Mobility Commission (SMC) made much progress in the second half of 2019. The trauma of Brexit and a highly divisive election may have impeded its activities, but the issue will simply not go away. However, as this blog was being prepared, it seems that it has stirred a little. A tweet on 31st December announced that "Over the next few days we will set out more of the findings and proposals from our key reports." Since then there has only been a reference to its report, 'State of the Nation 2018-19: Social Mobility in Great Britain' in April of last year (See also report by TEFS 30th April 2019). But much of the report would have been compiled before the new commission got going. The same is the case for its belated report 'Elitist Britain 2019' that was finally released by the Sutton Trust in June 2019. Its main message was nothing new in further reporting how the top jobs are acquired.
The SMC web site has had few updates since then and it seems to have been slumbering. It's Social Mobility Commission strategy 2019' is very short on detail and despite its fine ambitions its aspiration to be "a campaigner on tackling inequality while galvanising others to work with us" seems distant. When interrogated by the Parliamentary Education Committee in June 2019, the failings of the SMC became all too apparent. The 'car crash' of a hearing started when the Chair of the SMC and her officials failed skidded off on the first bend by failing to define 'Social Mobility'. (TEFS 18th June 2019 'Social Mobility Commission boarding up the windows.'). Since then, despite protestations, the 'Commissioners register of business interest' was published in November of 2019. But there have been no monthly meetings reported since May 2019 and last quarterly meeting notes are from June 2019.
The idea of replacing the SMC with a Social Justice Commission might come to the fore soon. Although it seems to be a Labour policy it actually emerged from a recommendation of the Parliamentary Education Committee itself back in May 2018 (TEFS 'Justice for the Social Mobility Commission: A fresh start?' 24th May 2018). It was championed by Conservative Robert Halfon who was re-elected in December.
Cummings, Genetics and 'Social Mobility'.
The attitude of Cummings to the idea of 'Social Mobility' might be pivotal in sealing their fate. In his Essay on an 'Odyssean' Education from 2013 he defends criticism of a much longer treatise ('Some thoughts on education and political priorities'). Therein he entangles genetics, ability and social mobility into one boiling pot. As a result, he concludes that "Most of those who now dominate discussions of issues such as 'social mobility' entirely ignore genetics and therefore their arguments are at best misleading and often worthless."
However, he also makes the mistake of the SMC by not adequately defining what he means by 'Social Mobility' in the treatise. That is partly because it means different things to different people. TEFS explored this phenomenon in detail in 'Social Mobility: It's the economy, stupid' (4th May 2018). The 'Economist's Tale' and the 'Socialist's Tale' seem to occupy either end of a definition spectrum. Defining 'Social Mobility', and the means by which it is measured, is necessary as a first step.
However, not deterred by definition boundaries, in February 2019 Cummings produced 'Genetics, genomics, predictions & 'the Gretzky game' — a chance for Britain to help the world'. He concluded that "A useful heuristic is to throw ~100% of what you read from social scientists about 'social mobility' in the bin." Instead, it seems he is convinced that a person's genetic makeup is the main driver of success and most interventions would not work; such as providing disadvantaged children with books. He dismisses the argument that "Kids who can read well come from homes with lots of books so let's give families with kids struggling to read more books" and replaces it with the "truth" that "children and parents share genes that make them good at and enjoy reading, so causation is operating completely differently to the assumptions". There are many reasons why this is a somewhat simplistic approach to understanding our society and its many social advantage drivers. Experience of climbing out of disadvantage would be a start in understanding. Starting from a position of advantage and making assumptions is not conducive to understanding.
Cummings is correct in stressing that the science of genomics is fast-moving and complex. But dismissing politicians with "almost everything written by MPs about 'social mobility' is junk" is surely going too far. They are after all elected with a mandate; the rest of us are not. Yet, the science is at an early stage and scientists do not deal with 'truth' per se. It would be a mistake to seek to reach 'truth' as a conclusion. Instead, scientists deal with theories and models of how nature works based on the current best information available. Thus, there appears currently to be a connection between numerous single nucleotide polymorphisms (i.e. single variations in DNA sequences of genes at numerous loci) and human cognitive ability. But in most cases, there is little evidence to connect brain function biochemistry with the genes and their regulation. Without this causal link, some of the conclusions could be based simply upon assumptions and conjecture. This is not 'truth' just the best model available at this time. Also, the role of selection, neutral and stochastic effects on population genetics alongside environment and epigenetic effects is downplayed. Some of these issues were explored by TEFs last year in 'Augar and the dark side of Robbins (7th June 2019) and are now worthy of further explanation if government policy is changing.
However, Cummings himself hits the nail on the head with "Courses such as Politics, Philosophy and Economics (and economics in general) do not train political leaders well. They encourage superficial bluffing, misplaced confidence (e.g. many graduates leave with little or no idea about fundamental issues concerning mathematical models of the economy".
Similarly, TEFS in its review of the 'Labour Party Conference 2018: National Education Service and a tale of Two Cultures' concluded that there was a considerable shortfall in scientific understanding in parliament. The 'Two Cultures', as originally identified by Charles (C P) Snow in 1959 was originally a Rede Lecture and grew into an influential eponymous book that resonates today. Indeed, it's our politicians that have the shortfall in their understanding of science and mathematics.
The problem resides in Westminster and Cummings might remember this or his days at Number 10 are surely numbered.
Mike Larkin, retired from Queen's University Belfast after 37 years teaching Microbiology, Biochemistry and Genetics.
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Qfqual builds a concrete wall: UPDATED
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Bring back Augar and put students first to offer hope: UPDATE Augar speaks out
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