text:
Elevator to the Gallows (), also known as Frantic in the U.S. and Lift to the Scaffold in the U.K., is a 1958 French crime thriller film directed by Louis Malle, starring Jeanne Moreau and Maurice Ronet as illicit lovers whose murder plot starts to unravel after one of them becomes trapped in an elevator. The scenario was adapted from the 1956 novel of the same name by Noël Calef.

Associated by some critics with film noir, and introducing new narrative, cinematographic, and editing techniques, the film is considered an important work in establishing the French New Wave and the New Modern Cinema. The improvised soundtrack by Miles Davis and the relationship the film establishes among music, image, and emotion were considered ground-breaking.

Plot
Lovers Florence Carala and Julien Tavernier make a plan to kill Florence's husband Simon, a wealthy French industrialist who is also Julien's boss. Staying late at the office one Saturday, Julien, an ex-Foreign Legion parachutist and veteran of the Indochinese and Algerian wars, uses a rope to climb up the outside of the building to Simon's office and shoots Simon with Simon's own gun, afterward arranging the room to make it look like a suicide. He then makes his way back to his office and leaves the building with a secretary and security guard, who are to be his alibis. When he gets into his convertible, he glances up and sees he left the rope hanging from the building. Leaving the engine running, he rushes back into the building and boards the elevator. As it ascends, the security guard switches off the power and locks up for the weekend, trapping Julien between floors.

Moments later, Julien's car is stolen by Louis, a young small-time crook, and his girlfriend Véronique, a flower shop assistant. Waiting for Julien at a nearby café, Florence sees the car go by, with Véronique leaning out the window. Assuming Julien could not go through with their plan and has picked up Véronique, she wanders the Paris streets despondently all night, searching for him in local bars and clubs.

Louis puts on Julien's coat and pockets Julien's revolver, which Véronique finds in the glovebox. They drive back and forth on the highway for hours, until some Germans in a sporty Mercedes challenge Louis to a race. He follows them to a motel just off the highway, and the German driver, the jovial Horst Bencker, invites Louis and Véronique to have a drink with him and his wife Frieda. Both couples check in and, while they chat, Frieda takes a few pictures of Louis and her husband with Julien's camera. She finishes the roll, so Véronique drops the film off at the motel's photo lab.

After the Benckers go to bed, Louis, worried because Horst had figured out he is not Julien Tavernier and annoyed because Horst had not taken him more seriously, attempts to steal the Mercedes, but Horst catches him and threatens him with a Cigar Tube held like a gun. Louis impulsively shoots and kills both Horst and Frieda with Julien's gun, firing until it is empty. He and Véronique return to Paris in the Mercedes and hide in Véronique's apartment. Convinced they will be caught and separated, Véronique persuades Louis they should commit suicide, so they both swallow phenobarbital pills and go to sleep.

Because Véronique registered at the motel using the names "Mr. and Mrs. Julien Tavernier" to avoid problems for Louis, who is wanted for petty crimes, and Julien's car, gun, and raincoat are found next to the Benckers' corpses, the police name Julien as the prime suspect. Officers go to search his office, escorted by the security guard, who eventually discovers Simon's body. Meanwhile, with the building's power back on, Julien finally escapes from the elevator. Unaware his picture is in the morning newspapers in connection to the Bencker case, he goes to the café for some breakfast, but is quickly recognized, arrested, and charged with killing the Benckers, the police refusing to believe his alibi of being stuck in an elevator.

Florence, determined to clear Julien, gets Véronique's address from the florist. She finds Véronique and Louis drowsy, but alive, and calls the police with an anonymous tip. Louis reads the newspaper and thinks he has gotten away with murder, until Véronique reminds him of the roll of film. He rushes to the motel's photo lab, tailed by Florence, but finds the pictures have already been developed, and he is arrested. Florence enters the lab, and the police show her the photographs of her and Julien that were on the roll, which make it clear they were secret lovers and give them a motive for killing her husband. Commissaire Cherrier says Florence will probably get a harsher sentence than Julien, but she, almost in a trance, replies that she did what she did for love and she and Julien will one day be reunited.

Cast

 Jeanne Moreau as Florence Carala
 Maurice Ronet as Julien Tavernier
 Georges Poujouly as Louis
 Yori Bertin as Véronique
 Jean Wall as Simon Carala
 Lino Ventura as Police Commissaire Cherrier
 Félix Marten as Christian Subervie
 Iván Petrovich as Horst Bencker
 Elga Andersen as Frieda Bencker
 Micheline Bona as Geneviève, the secretary
 Gérard Darrieu as Maurice, the daytime security guard
 Charles Denner as Commissaire Cherrier's Deputy
 Hubert Deschamps as Deputy Prosecutor

Jean-Claude Brialy makes an uncredited appearance as a motel guest.

Production
This low-budget black-and-white production was 24-year-old Louis Malle's first feature film. He had previously worked with Jacques Cousteau for several years, and was credited as co-director of the documentary The Silent World (1956).

Malle cast Moreau after seeing her in the Paris stage production of Tennessee Williams' Cat on a Hot Tin Roof. She had already been in a number of films, but her role in this film is often considered her breakthrough. Malle filmed her without the heavy makeup and extreme lighting that previous directors had demanded. Scenes of Moreau wandering down the Champs Elysees at night were shot on fast film from a baby carriage using only available light from the street and shop windows.

Miles Davis's score for the film is considered by many to be groundbreaking, with jazz critic Phil Johnson describing it as "The loneliest trumpet sound you will ever hear, and the model for sad-core music ever since. Hear it and weep." Recorded in one night, it was improvised by Davis and four other musicians while they watched the relevant scenes from the film. The music influenced the later development of Davis's music and jazz in general, as well as soundtracks in later movies.

Critical response
For Time, the journalist Barry Farrell wrote:

In a review written for the film's 2005 theatrical re-release, Roger Ebert observed that Moreau's face when Florence is pondering Julien's whereabouts "is often illuminated only by the lights of the cafes and shops that she passes; at a time when actresses were lit and photographed with care, these scenes had a shock value, and influenced many films to come." He further argued that Louis and Veronique were a precursor to the young couple in Jean-Luc Godard's Breathless (1960).  In a 2016 article, New Yorker film critic Richard Brody claimed the film is more important for its place in French film history than for its own artistic merits, with the exception of Miles Davis' score, which he said "is worth hearing entirely on its own. It's better than the film itself, by far, and there are better ways to hear it than in the movie—namely, by listening to a CD that features the entire studio sessions from which the score was edited." Brody then went on to discuss the music in some detail.

On Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds a 93% "Certified Fresh" rating, based on 56 reviews, with a weighted average of 8.08/10. On Metacritic, it holds a rating of 94/100, indicating "universal acclaim".

Remakes
There have been two film adaptations of Calef's novel since Malle's version: Shikeidai No Erebêtâ (2010), by Japanese filmmaker Akira Ogata, and Weekend (2013), by Russian filmmaker Stanislav Govorukhin.

References

External links

 Chef du Cinema: Elevator to the Gallows an essay by Terrence Rafferty at the Criterion Collection

1958 films
1958 directorial debut films
1950s crime thriller films
1950s psychological thriller films
Adultery in films
French black-and-white films
French psychological thriller films
1950s French-language films
French crime thriller films
Film noir
Louis Delluc Prize winners
Films based on French novels
Films based on crime novels
Films directed by Louis Malle
Films scored by Miles Davis
Films set in Paris
Films shot in Paris
Films with screenplays by Roger Nimier
1950s French films


text:
Topic Infrastructure and cloud
SubTopic Mobility software
Mobility software
With MDM platforms, tech hurdles start with juggling devices, security
Deploying a mobile device management (MDM) platform is no easy task. Here's a rundown of the tech challenges companies need to know before considering implementation.
Chris Maxcer, contributor
Getting control over a mobile device management (MDM) deployment has several key components, starting with understanding the fractured nature of the mobile devices themselves, finding the right level of security and usage policies, and implementing the infrastructure needed to support MDM platforms, according to experts.
MDM technologies create a cross-platform layer that IT can use to secure, monitor and support mobile devices used by employees, even if the devices aren't owned by the company.
For one, built-in management tools, particularly for the market-leading Android and iOS platforms, were initially created with consumers—not enterprises—in mind, according to Christian Kane, an analyst for Forrester Research Inc. in Cambridge, Mass.
"There's a big challenge because most MDM solutions leverage the native APIs [application programming interfaces] or management hooks built into the operating systems of the devices," Kane said.
"So IT then has to look for better controls around data and applications, which you don't really have in a consistent form today—just given the diverse landscape of platforms and how apps are currently developed," Kane added. "That makes it tricky."
A Complicated and Fractured Nature
IT pros charged with managing mobile devices must work through various releases of multiple operating systems such as iOS, Android, BlackBerry and Windows Phone. These systems typically also reside on various models of hardware from different manufacturers.
For example, although Apple's iOS is almost the same on iPhone 4 as it is on the iPhone 4S and the iPad, Google's Android splinters off in different directions. Some Android-based phones and tablets running Honeycomb 3.x may not be upgradable to Ice Cream Sandwich 4.x, and new smartphones and tablets often run customized versions of Android.
"It can be very confusing," noted Mark Jordan, senior product manager for Sybase Afaria.
Plus, he explained, the device manufacturers often deliver their own methods for managing the devices in enterprise environments, using different APIs or encryption, which can even vary among their own products.
MDM technologies can help enterprises manage all of these dizzying types of operating system, hardware and configuration possibilities.
Forrester's Kane said there are approximately five dozen MDM platform vendors with such options. SAP's Sybase Afaria is often considered by Forrester's clients, he said, particularly organizations that use other Sybase products or SAP ERP systems.
For more on mobile device management:
Read about the development of the Sybase Unwired Platform ecosystem
Learn more about SAP's roadmap built around mobile, cloud, and in-memory technology
Because today's market-leading "bring your own devices," or BYODs, were first aimed at the consumer-oriented experience, MDM platforms have to find secure methods to sandbox corporate assets from a constantly changing range of apps and device features, according to Kane.
For example, both Google and Apple offer their consumers app stores full of consumer-oriented apps, and both iOS and Android are designed to let smartphone owners buy and install their own apps, at will, at any time. Some apps are not secure or may let employees expose private corporate data too easily. In addition, smartphones can be completely backed up to unsecure consumer-owned PCs or cloud-based services that are beyond the control of the enterprise.
Because of these complexities, Forrester is seeing firms start by starting with company email, contacts and calendaring.
"They just want to get familiar with the devices, to get baseline policies set around security, to get a PIN on the device, to be able to wipe it, and then work through their mobile app strategies," Kane said, noting that these basics are a critical starting point for companies unsure where to begin.
Two Sides of the Coin
According to Jordan, the first obstacle a company must hurdle is ensuring it has a comprehensive security plan in place.
"Before IT can put any type of corporate asset on a device, IT has to have security," Jordan said. "The other challenge is configuration."
Security typically starts with a strong password or PIN to unlock the device, which some MDM systems can help enforce. Other key security factors MDM implementors should consider include the following:
Data wiping. If a device is lost, stolen, or an employee leaves the company, data and access can be removed remotely. Selective data wiping lets a company wipe only the enterprise-related data, leaving the rest of the device intact for the BYOD owner.
Jailbreak detection. "Jailbreaking" (also called rooting) a device occurs when someone hacks the phone in order to bypass security and configuration controls and install apps or use the device for purposes unintended by the manufacturer. Jailbreaking can also reduce IT's ability to manage the device.
Virtual private network (VPN). If a company wants secure connections between devices and corporate assets, an MDM system will need to work with existing VPN systems and bridge gaps between various devices to enable secure access.
Encryption. Some devices can encrypt data at rest while others can't, and MDM technologies can help IT organizations enable encryption applications.
The ability to configure devices, report on those configurations and make changes to fix, warn or remove access is where MDM technologies really shine, Jordan said. The best MDM platforms offer over-the-air configuration and report back with real-time inventory configurations to protect against unsecure or "blacklisted" applications. For example, some companies blacklist cloud-based storage technologies because it's so easy for employees to store sensitive information that's out of IT's control. For instance, few organizations would trust a salesperson's price list or customer contracts enough to store them in a consumer-oriented cloud storage account.
How do MDM Platforms Work?
As enterprises strive to deliver apps and data to mobile employees by means of increasingly powerful smartphones and tablets, the challenge to secure sensitive corporate data is driving the implementation of mobile device management (MDM) solutions—and according to Cambridge, Mass., analyst group Forrester Research Inc., to implement an enterprise mobile strategy, companies must usually invest in an MDM system.
"This essential technology lets IT infrastructure and operations professionals support multiple platforms and form factors, extend management and security policies to both corporate-liable and employee-owned devices and automate service desk support," explained Forrester analyst Christian Kane. "We've seen significant traction of MDM solutions in the last few years. It's been fueled by the entrance of new consumer devices—iOS and Android—and enterprises are feeling they need to get a handle on them."
MDM technologies typically use a server to provide secure communications to and from the devices, and let them connect to enterprise data and applications. MDM often includes over-the-air application distribution, portal-type access for enterprise applications and client-side mobile applications that let the MDM management tools monitor, communicate with and wipe lost, stolen or insecurely modified devices.
Meanwhile, the desire to extend enterprise applications is leading to the need for more complicated MDM deployments.
"We're seeing a lot of enterprises adding applications exponentially," Jordan explained. "We're seeing the typical MDM market going more toward mobility management, and that's broader than device management. There is also application management, content management and expense management, and these are coming into the device management fold," he added.
Servers to the Rescue
To let mobile devices integrate fully with enterprise applications and data—far beyond the relatively shallow delivery of email—MDM platforms solutions typically overcome the challenge by requiring companies to install a server between the devices and the enterprise apps and data.
In the case of Afaria, Sybase's solution is to use "relay servers" that use DMZ gateways to let secure communications into an enterprise network—these remove any need to push inbound ports into the network. "Everything is outbound through the DMZ, so you have secure communications with your devices," Jordan explained.
According to Oliver Rogers, a London-based NetWeaver consultant for Bluefin Solutions Ltd. who has been working on mobile device technologies for clients, the desire to access specific SAP-based enterprise applications, however, can increase the number components a company will need to implement—especially when it comes to custom enterprise applications. These applications are typically already behind firewalls and are only accessed internally.
"This means that the type of security imposed on these SAP systems—no Internet access, limited virus scanning—is all geared for attacks that would only come if someone breached the internal network. Or there is no security there at all, just user accounts to restrict authorizations," Rogers said.
"Obviously, when you want to mobilize the process and/or data, then you need to expose this somehow, and this is where products like the Sybase Unwired Platform come in, as it provides security and encryption for both data at rest and data in transit," he said. "This does require additional infrastructure and this can sometimes be a great headache trying to secure it as it will be exposed to the outside world."
Despite the benefits of enterprise control over mobile devices that MDM packages bring, Rogers said that some companies still prefer to invest in more custom and focused apps in the hope that a less-managed device—that's still secure—will increase user adoption. This was the case for one company he worked with.
"Not using mobile device management software means that we actually have no control over the device. So the application needs to be a secure sandbox that can be remotely deactivated without any effect to the users' other apps or their phone," Rogers explained. "It also means that we had to build in detection for jailbroken phones and provide an alternative method to provision the application to the device."
While not all the desirable enterprise controls are built into mobile devices today, Forrester recommends that companies start slow and roll out access using a staggered approach, beginning with a single mobile policy that covers both corporate and employee-owned devices.
"A really big chunk of this effort, though, will be on the nontechnical side, really understanding how employees interact through these devices to get their jobs done, and then figuring out your mobile policy—the written policy and corporate approval," Forrester's Kane noted. "Joining the technology capabilities together with a mobile policy is the most important part—and really the most difficult."
Dig Deeper on SAP mobility software
Understand the basics of mobile device management products
By: Matthew Pascucci
Three enterprise scenarios for MDM products
What EMM tool is on your short list?
By: Peter Loshin
Tempered Networks' HIPswitch tackles IoT management
Manufacturing mobility rises while MDM adoption lags ... – SearchERP
IBM enters mobile device management market via BigFix... – SearchSecurity
Symantec acquires Nukona for MDM, mobile application ... – SearchSecurity

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


In the modern world, men would hesitate to express the place of a woman as that of the kitchen. This is due to the extent of equality between men and women which has continued to progress over the years. Children are not aware of the conflicts that exist in the society. It is for this reason that children's movies and fairytales are being used to educate children about issues regarding history, social equality, and moral values and so on. The stories and movies used are meant to be fun-filled and witty as they seek to educate children about women empowerment and the historical aspect behind the characters involved.
Disney's Mulan relates to The Little Mermaid since both depict the female as being independent and with unique personalities. Ariel who is the lead character in the Little Mermaid is seen as being adventurous, courageous and daring with the way she decides to act concerning the love she had for the seafaring Prince Eric. Disney portrays Mulan as being an exceptional and brave woman who does not only fights for her happiness, but also takes into consideration the well-being of her family as well as that of the entire country. Mulan is determined as she ventures to find self-definition. This propelled her to disguise herself as a man and eventually manages to save her country. Both stories introduce children to the women empowerment. Both ladies are seen to be selfless, brave and independent.
Disney's Mulan is often seen as a feminist movie while that of the Little Mermaid is seen as a love story. The reason being Chinese's history is one that has uncountable restrictions placed upon women. Women are often restricted from acquiring any position of power and awarded such duties as cleaning, cooking and caring for her family. Mulan sought to reverse this. Mulan is injured in the struggle to win the battle and the secret of her disguise is revealed. She is left behind despite her injury while her company proceeded to celebrate the victory which actually belonged to Mulan. The Little Mermaid story is however different with characters involved in love issues. The Mermaid is in love with the Prince who in turn marries another princess with the belief that she is the one who saved his life. It is because of love that Ariel did not kill the prince in order to save herself. She went to an extent of signing her soul away if the prince were not to fall in love with her.


Hebden Bridge GB second city??
Where you there in 1979 ?
For the Photography members - help?
Ian Wright on TV tonight.
Not even played but feels like we won.
Playoff spot confirmed by saturday?
Are we up or what?
Currently the lowest Goals against!
Anyone in Leeds need lift to Brum?
Online Betting - can you take over someone's account?
Leeds or Rovers? Who do you hate the most?
Ings at end of game.
Why the panic and negativity?
Is this our best season ever?
Home fans back in the cricket field stand if we go up..
To the boss of the highways agency.
Pete's Magic Numbers - Don't panic Mr Mainwaring!
Does anyone have any experience of planning applications?
what does promotion mean to you?
Any Leeds players in our club shop?
Should we start Stan next week?
Have we ever taken 6 points off weeds??
Who would be your 'player of the season' and why?
How do you stop these rediculous adverts!
Would you offer Junior Stanislas and Keith Treacy another contract?
10 bookings 2 match ban cut off point?
Is the Bundesliga the new Scottish Premier League?
Amazing what beating leeds can do!!
When's the Championship Manager of the year?
Best players seen at Turf this season.
Car parking at the Valley?
Town supporters on our Scotty.
Will SD eclipse OC in your heart?
Leeds fans On Saturday. How low can you get!
Is Sean Dyche the best ?


text:
THE MIGRATION OF LYMPHOCYTES ACROSS THE VASCULAR ENDOTHELIUM IN LYMPHOID TISSUE : A REEXAMINATION
G. I. Schoefl,
G. I. Schoefl
From the Department of Experimental Pathology, The John Curtin School of Medical Research, The Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2601, Australia
With an Appendix by R. E. Miles
G. I. Schoefl, With an Appendix by R. E. Miles; THE MIGRATION OF LYMPHOCYTES ACROSS THE VASCULAR ENDOTHELIUM IN LYMPHOID TISSUE : A REEXAMINATION . J Exp Med 1 September 1972; 136 (3): 568–588. doi: https://doi.org/10.1084/jem.136.3.568
An electron microscope study was made of the mode of lymphocyte migration across the endothelial layer of venules in the Peyer's patches of mice and rats. Single and serial sections were examined.
Of a total of about 800 lymphocytes observed in single sections, 91% were located between endothelial cells and 9% were surrounded by endothelial cytoplasm in the particular plane of section. 62% of the lymphocytes occurred in groups of two or more. In long sequences of serial sections through 21 endothelial cells, all lymphocytes were located external to the endothelial cells though some appeared "internal" at certain levels of sectioning.
The probability that a lymphocyte which appears to be surrounded by endothelial cell cytoplasm actually lies within the cell was analyzed with a mathematical model derived from data obtained from single sections. The results of this analysis suggested that at least 93–99% of lymphocytes (within 90% limits of confidence) take an intercellular path in their migration from blood to lymph.
It is concluded that lymphocytes migrate across the vascular endothelium by insinuating themselves between endothelial cells and not by passing through them. Rather than constituting an increased barrier to cell migration, the unusual height of the endothelial cells in these vessels is interpreted to be a special adaptation which allows sustained cell traffic without excessive fluid loss taking place concomitantly.
Mononuclear phagocytes egress from an in vitro model of the vascular wall by migrating across endothelium in the basal to apical direction: role of intercellular adhesion molecule 1 and the CD11/CD18 integrins.
THE EFFECTS OF ENDOTOXIN ON VASCULAR ENDOTHELIUM
Vesiculo-vacuolar organelles and the regulation of venule permeability to macromolecules by vascular permeability factor, histamine, and serotonin.


text:
The Science Of Convertkit
Active Campaign Where To Find Api
activecampaignreview / By Jimmy Wright
Join our unique early-adopter Slack community, to assist form the future of our ventures & get early access to brand-new products.
As a one-stop email marketing service, ActiveCampaign, which starts at $9 each month has a lot to provide, consisting of limitless e-mails with all of its strategies, third-party combinations, and a range of auto-responders. This leads to a rather busy user interface, which can be difficult to take in in the beginning look.
ActiveCampaign has a big library of online assistance resources and onboarding services, and you can receive aid via live chat, but not by phone. It's similar to Project Display in numerous ways, though each bests the other one in some locations. For the very best email marketing experience seek to our Editors' Choice choices in this classification: Advocate and MailChimp ($ 10.
Like a number of other e-mail marketing programs, ActiveCampaign likewise extends its functions into marketing automation as you'll see listed below. The company arranges its plans depending on the number of customers you're aiming to reach. Active Campaign Where To Find Api. Strategies start at $9 per month for approximately 500 contacts and endless e-mails. At each subscriber level, you can upgrade to a Plus strategy that adds numerous features consisting of consumer relationship management (CRM), a custom-made domain, and custom-made branding.
Strategies go all the way up to 100,000 contacts; if you require more, you can call ActiveCampaign for a custom strategy. In between, you can choose 2,500 contacts for $29 per month, 5,000 contacts for $45 monthly and so on. All plans consist of unrestricted emails, unlike Project Screen, which provides both standard plans with limited e-mails, and more expensive unrestricted strategies.
ActiveCampaign offers a 14-day complimentary trial that does not need a credit card. To get going, all you require is your business name and email address. Next, you established a password and after that select the service you're looking forin addition to email marketing, it provides marketing automation, CRM, and sales automation.
The dashboard is frustrating in the beginning glimpse. It's difficult to know where to look first. On the ideal rail is a social activity feed, including social shares, unsubscribes, click rates, and more. To the left of that is an overview of your project activity. Part of the confusion is that it's filled with sample details that disappears when you mouse over it.
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From here you can import and export CSV files or import from a third-party service, such as Asana ($ 0. 00 at Asana), Base CRM , Zoho CRM ( Go To Site at Zoho CRM), and a lot more. This is another area where it bests Project Screen, which has no 3rd party combination (Active Campaign Where To Find Api).
Before you include any contacts, however, you have to produce a list, just like with Project Display. When you develop a list, you require to offer it a name, offer your business's mailing address for the footer, company URL, and a note letting customers understand why they're receiving the email (this might reduce spam reports from absent-minded users.) Next, you can import contacts to that list.
You can also decide not to import a particular field. I checked out adding email, name, and birthday. It recognized e-mail, however not the other 2, however I was able to quickly develop customized fields. You can likewise tag contacts for easy browsing. Click the campaigns tab to develop a newsletter.
You'll most likely send out basic emails the most, but you can also choose automated (based on logic you create), autoresponder (based upon an action by the subscriber), A/B test, RSS-triggered, or date-based (Active Campaign Where To Find Api). Then select the list you desire to send out to; you can also segment that list utilizing contact details, area, pages they went to on your site, and more.
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Then you can send out test, or schedule shipment (Active Campaign Where To Find Api). At the bottom of this screen, you can see your spam rating. In my very first newsletter, I was warned about using a complimentary email supplier. Customized emails are typically much better for trust. You can also preview by email client and on desktop.
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Note that, like all email marketing services, you will just be able to see views if your email shows images or if a recipient clicks a link. Active Campaign Where To Find Api. There are numerous methods to get assist in ActiveCampaign. On every screen, you'll see a button with a concern mark on it with links to the knowledgebase, training resources, and live chat with support.
The knowledgebase includes videos and articles on ActiveCampaign functions. Under training, you can arrange a 30-minute call or an in-person meeting in Chicago to get a detailed walkthrough of the service ($ 65 or free with Plus or Business account). You can likewise sign up for a webinar, which are usually set up as soon as a week.
ActiveCampaign stands amongst the very best marketing automation tools in the industry. Although it's not as complete as our Editors' Option tools Pardot ( See Site at Salesforce. com) and HubSpot ( 50. 00 Per Month at HubSpot), ActiveCampaign, is sufficient to assist most companies achieve basic and mildly intricate goals.
Join our unique early-adopter Slack community, to assist shape the future of our ventures & get early access to brand-new items.
As a one-stop email marketing service, ActiveCampaign, which starts at $9 per month has a lot to use, including unlimited e-mails with all of its strategies, third-party integrations, and a range of auto-responders. This leads to a rather busy interface, which can be tough to take in in the beginning look.
ActiveCampaign has a large library of online assistance resources and onboarding services, and you can receive aid through live chat, but not by phone. It's similar to Campaign Display in lots of ways, though each bests the other one in some locations. For the very best email marketing experience appearance to our Editors' Option choices in this category: Advocate and MailChimp ($ 10.
Like a number of other email marketing programs, ActiveCampaign also extends its features into marketing automation as you'll see below. The business organizes its strategies depending upon the variety of customers you're seeking to reach. Active Campaign Where To Find Api. Plans start at $9 monthly for approximately 500 contacts and limitless emails. At each customer level, you can update to a Plus plan that adds a number of functions including consumer relationship management (CRM), a custom domain, and custom branding.
Strategies go all the method approximately 100,000 contacts; if you need more, you can call ActiveCampaign for a custom-made plan. In between, you can choose for 2,500 contacts for $29 monthly, 5,000 contacts for $45 per month and so on. All plans consist of unlimited e-mails, unlike Campaign Display, which uses both fundamental strategies with restricted e-mails, and more pricey endless plans.
ActiveCampaign provides a 14-day totally free trial that does not need a credit card. To begin, all you need is your company name and e-mail address. Next, you established a password and then select the service you're looking forin addition to email marketing, it offers marketing automation, CRM, and sales automation.
The dashboard is overwhelming at first glance. It's tough to understand where to look first. On the best rail is a social activity feed, consisting of social shares, unsubscribes, click rates, and more. To the left of that is a summary of your project activity. Part of the confusion is that it's filled with sample details that disappears when you mouse over it.
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INDIA viii. RELATIONS: QAJAR PERIOD, THE 19TH CENTURY
viii. POLITICAL AND CULTURAL RELATIONS: QAJAR PERIOD, THE 19TH CENTURY
By the time of Āqā Moḥammad Khan's (q.v.) founding of the Qajar dynasty in 1796, Persia's diplomatic relations with the Mughal empire and other territories in the Indian subcontinent were gradually passing under the supervision of British authorities in India, even though occasional missions continued to be exchanged between the Qajar court and a number of independent or semi-independent states in the region. Along with British interests in the Persian Gulf and increased British (and Indian) commercial relations with Persia in the 19th century, the rapid expansion of British imperial hegemony in India during the opening decades of the century (in the shape of both direct and indirect rule) was a primary factor in the evolution of the "Persian Question" in British foreign and imperial policy making (see also GREAT BRITAIN i.-iii.).
Meanwhile, diverse trends in Indo-Persian cultural and intellectual encounters and exchanges continued throughout the Qajar period (1796-1925), albeit with increasing European-influenced attributes (in both secular and religious arenas), and chiefly flowing from India to Persia. This was largely due to much greater direct contact with European legal, bureaucratic, social, intellectual, political, artistic, technological, educational, and scientific currents in India, given the British imperial, commercial, and missionary religious presence in the subcontinent. Among other factors, there was more extensive multi-directional travel between India and Britain as well as between India and other parts of the British empire and the rest of the world. In addition, the more widespread availability of the printing press in India (in various languages), the imposition of English as the official imperial language in the subcontinent in 1835 (replacing Persian, which had served as the lingua franca in the territories formerly ruled by the Mughal empire and some other parts of India and had earlier been adopted as the administrative language by the English East India Company and the British authorities throughout India), and the generally much greater degree of freedom of expression prior to 1905 further facilitated the more widespread dissemination of ideas. Without discounting the consequential flow of European thought into Persia via Russia and the Ottoman empire (including Egypt), and the substantial travel between Persia and these other adjoining lands, as well as the presence of sizeable Iranian émigré communities in Russia and the Ottoman empire (including Egypt), contacts with the Indian subcontinent in the 19th century had a marked intellectual and political impact on Persia (whether through travel in both directions, émigré communities, or the distribution of printed matter). Among numerous other ongoing and dynamic Indo-Persian cross-cultural influences were such things as the continued Mughal influence on the design of Qajar coinage (Soucek, 2001), or the syncretic, modernist infusion of Mughal and pre-Mughal Iranian artistic styles and Iranian literary and poetic themes and imagery in the works of the early 20th-century Indian pan-Islamist painter Abdur Rahman Chughtai (Mitter, pp. 336-39).
Another notable cultural-commercial development in Indo-Persian relations during the Qajar period was the introduction of tea (see ČĀY) cultivation in Persia from India by Hājj Moḥammad Mirzā Kašef-al-Salṭana ("Čāykār") in 1901, during Moẓaffar-al-Din Shah's reign (Kāẓemi, pp. 30-37; Jalāli-Farāhāni, passim), although it would be decades before domestic cultivation could meet a modest share of the consumption volume in Persia. From the 19th century, Persia constituted the largest single tea consumption market in the world, despite its relatively small population of around 10 million by 1900.
India also continued to serve as a major location of emigration for Iranians (including Zoroastrians, Armenians, Nestorians, and Jews). It also was a primary center of proselytization for the newly founded Baha'i faith (q.v.) in the latter part of the 19th century, with one of largest Baha'i communities in the world today. The emigrants consisted of merchants, those in search of better economic opportunities, political dissidents or other fugitives from local and state authorities, clergy of various religions assuming charge of émigré and/or Indian congregations, a small number of naturalized British subjects who entered the service of the English East India Company (EIC; q.v.) prior to its administrative dissolution in 1858 or the British diplomatic service, as well as those fleeing religious persecution by regional authorities, the state, and/or the conservative Shiʿite clergy. For instance, in the 1880s, after the official removal of the religious poll-tax (jezya) on Zoroastrians by the state (see below), two hundred Zoroastrian families fled the maltreatment of the governor of Yazd, Moʿaddel-al-Molk Širāzi. They settled in Bombay, where they received assistance from the Zoroastrian Parsi community. In the first half of the 19th century, Iranian Jews in cities such as Mašhad or Tabriz experienced intensified harassment and pressures to convert to Shiʿite Islam. As a result, some opted for emigration to India, among other locations. Babi (see BABISM) and Baha'i believers were subject to some of the most harrowing spates of communal, clerical, and official persecution, while Armenians appear to have experienced a much lesser degree of religious discrimination than in the 18th and the early 19th centuries. Some members of these religious communities, too, chose to emigrate in search of greater religious freedom. To these groups should be added members of Sunnite Muslim and non-official Shiʿite sects, including the Nezāri Ismaʿili Shiʿites (see below). In addition to their relatives and friends, the minority religious émigré communities (in India or elsewhere) frequently provided financial assistance to their co-religionists in Persia in times of crisis, as during the 1870-71 famine in southern Persia. However, it should be stressed that emigration among Persia's minority religious communities was not entirely the outcome of religious restrictions and persecution; similar to their majority Shiʿite compatriots, many migrated for other reasons, including economic incentives. (See also Eršād, p. 157; Cole, 1988, passim; Pirnazar, passim; Afary, passim; Issawi, pp. 57-66; Bournoutian, passim; Garlington, passim). In the ranks of volunteer or coerced, "economic" migrants from Persia to India should be included "prostitutes," who were also the subject of some Persian diplomatic correspondence in the early 20th century (e.g., see the documents in Kāẓemi, pp. 141-42, passim).
PERSIA AND THE BRITISH IMPERIAL HEGEMONY IN INDIA
Persia first assumed significance in British foreign and imperial policy calculations in 1800, in the midst of the Anglo-French wars in the European continent (the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, which pitted Britain against France from 1793 to 1815 with a brief interlude from 1802 to 1803). Due to rumors of a possible Franco-Russian invasion of British India, British policymakers in London and British India concurred that Persia's regional stability and improved British relations with the Qajar court were indispensable for securing and expanding British hegemony in the Indian subcontinent and preserving British interests in the Persian Gulf and the region as a whole. In addition, British authorities in India were concerned that continued Russian acts of territorial aggression against Persia and Afghanistan would politically and militarily destabilize the regions neighboring the northwestern frontiers of British-controlled territories in India, diverting attention and military resources away from the continued expansion of British hegemony in India at the turn of the century, alongside efforts to contain native challenges to British imperial rule (see GREAT BRITAIN iii. BRITISH INFLUENCE IN PERSIA IN THE 19TH CENTURY; Yapp, 1980, p. 19; 1987, pp. 647–48; Ingram, 1984, pp. 205-8; idem, 1992, passim.
The first Anglo-Persian treaty of friendship was concluded in January 1801, pledging British military assistance to Persia. However, given the fighting in Europe and the shifting European alliances, including improved relations between London and St. Petersburg, Britain was to renege on the terms of the treaty. It likewise neglected other promises of assistance outlined in a subsequent Anglo-Persian treaty, after war broke out between Persia and Russia (1804-13), which ended with the cession of the northern Caucasus to Russia under the Golestān (q.v.) treaty. The end of the war in Europe in 1815 once again focused British attention on regional rivalry with Russia and on Persia's strategic position for the defense of British India and of British interests in the Persian Gulf. In 1822, due to both a mood of post-Waterloo repose and financial considerations, the conduct of official British diplomatic relations with Persia was transferred from London to the Government of India.
Although Britain was to again abandon Tehran to its own devices after the outbreak of another Russo-Persian war in 1826—this time in contravention of the 1814 Anglo-Persian treaty of friendship—the additional Persian territorial losses to Russia under the 1828 treaty of Torkamānčāy and a Russian military victory against the Ottoman empire (1829 treaty of Adrianople) led to the evolution of what came to be coined as the "Great Game in Asia." In spite of periodic disagreements between London and Calcutta on formulation and conduct of Persian policy, British policymakers resolved to create buffer states (namely in Persia and Afghanistan) between Russia, on the one hand, and British India and the Persian Gulf, on the other. In 1835 Britain secured an agreement with Russia guaranteeing Persia's "independence." In the same year, the Foreign Office in London resumed direct control of Anglo-Persian diplomacy from the Government of India, signaling Persia's growing importance in British foreign and imperial policy. The Persian Question had become a key component of the "Great Game" in Asia (see GREAT BRITAIN iii.).
To underline its full-fledged commitment to the preservation of regional status quo, in 1838 Britain severed relations with Tehran and initiated the first Anglo-Persian War in order to reverse the Persian siege of Herat in Afghanistan (see HERAT vi. THE HERAT QUESTION). After this conflict, London too obtained "most-favored nation" status in trade with Persia when normalizing relations with that country in 1841; thus Britain was placed on equal footing with Russia, which had enjoyed a preferential trade status in Persia since 1828. The imposition of a 5 percent tariff ceiling on British goods imported into Persia was a boon for Indian trade, which accounted for the bulk of "British" trade with Persia at the time (see xiii. below).
The Crimean War (1854-56), a forceful display by London of its resolve to check Russian ambitions in the Ottoman empire as well as in the European balance of power, was shortly followed by a second British declaration of war against Persia in 1856 (see ANGLO-PERSIAN WAR), when the temptation of capturing Herat in Afghanistan proved too enticing for the new shah (Nāṣer-al-Din, r. 1848-96). This time around, it was Persia which had reneged on its 1841 pledge to Britain to abandon territorial claims in Afghanistan. As the war drew to a close the most serious blow to British imperial prestige since the loss of the American colonies took place in India. This was the Indian uprising ("sepoy mutiny") of 1857 in reaction to the vagaries of British imperial rule. In their search for regional allies, Indian insurgents also sought Persian military assistance, which failed to materialize. British authorities (relying on detachments of loyal sepoys, Gurkhas, and Sikhs among other imperial forces) eventually quelled the uprising in 1858. Some of the British officers involved in the suppression of the uprising had participated in the recent military expedition against Persia; they included Sir James Outram (who also had directed the British annexation of the kingdom of Awadh [Oudh] in 1856) and Sir Henry Havelock (see also Pemble, pp. 176, 192). It should also be mentioned that Indian sepoys (British-officered native soldiers) and sowars (British-officered native cavalry) served as British consular guards and in various British military units active in Persian territory in the 19th and 20th centuries, including the South Persia Rifles (1916-21; see FĀRS iv.), established as a British-officered occupation force in southern Persia with native Iranian troops during World War I.
After the Indian uprising, in 1858 control of the British legation in Tehran was transferred to the newly restructured Government of India, only to be "returned yet again to the Foreign Office in 1859, [although] in recognition of the strong interest which the Government of India retained in Persia, India still appointed many of the Persian consular posts, and made substantial subvention towards the expenses of the Legation well into the twentieth century" (Platt, 1968, pp. 220-21). Meanwhile, by the time London had foiled Persia's territorial ambition in Herat, Britain (including British India) had become Persia's leading commercial partner, accounting for at least one-half of Persia's volume of foreign trade (Issawi, p. 71).
Political developments in India, among other places, contributed to the evolution of emergent nationalist and/or nativist ideologies in Persia, respectively directed against imperialist and/or European economic and perceived cultural "incursions." The Indian uprising of 1857, occurring in the immediate aftermath of the Second Anglo-Persian War, was closely followed by various groups in Persia (see also Amanat, pp. 313-14). Evidently, the Indian uprising and signs of mounting Indian Muslim hostility towards British rule at the time were instrumental in shaping the pan-Islamic ideology formulated by Sayyed Jamāl-al-Din Asadābādi (Afḡāni; q.v.) and his politicization in general (see Keddie, 1983, pp. 11-14). In addition to espousing pan-Islamic resistance to European imperialism, Sayyed Jamāl-al-Din emerged as a major catalyst in the political "awakening" of Iranians in the second half of the 19th century. In the late 19th century, he also attempted to influence "Islamist modernists" in India, though he eventually found himself at odds with leading figures of the movement, such as Syed Ahmad Khan, whom he regarded as excessively pro-Western (ibid., pp. 21, 23, 176-80; A. Ahmad, 1960, pp. 65-66).
The importance of maintaining a direct and express communication link between India and London, particularly in the aftermath of the Indian uprising, resulted in the formation of the Indo-European Telegraph Department (q.v.) in 1862, with the telegraph line (completed in the mid-1860s) passing through Persia and further reinforcing Persia's importance in British foreign and imperial policy. Despite forcing Tehran into debt (to Britain) for constructing the Persian stretch of the line (Issawi, p.153), the introduction of the telegraph in Persia and subsequent addition of new lines throughout the country contributed to improved communication between Tehran and the provinces and eventual bureaucratic restructuring, particularly given the inadequate condition of most roads in the country. The telegraph also availed the means for opposition movements during the Tobacco protest of 1891-92 and the Constitutional Revolution of 1906-11 (q.v.) to maintain contact across the country. In effect, the introduction of telegraph was among numerous developments that fostered the emergence of nationwide political movements in Persia. What is more, along with traditional locations of sanctuary (bast; q.v.) in Persia and the more recent addition of European consulates and commercial missions as places of refuge for those at odds with the authorities, telegraph offices too emerged as choice locations of asylum.
The British opium trade via India, on the other hand, was to have an unanticipated, devastating effect in southern Persia. Since the 18th century, the English East India Company had developed a lucrative opium export trade to China, principally to finance the EIC's purchase of Chinese tea. After the authorities in London refused to renew the EIC's monopoly charter for trade with India in 1813, the company—which still financially contributed to the maintenance of the sepoy forces and played a notable part in the British administration of India and diplomatic relations with neighboring territories—was allowed to retain its monopoly of the British tea trade with China. The Company eventually dissolved in 1874 after being deprived of its political-military function in India in 1858 following the reorganization of the Government of India. Nevertheless, the British opium trade, which contributed to two Anglo-Chinese wars (1839; 1856-60), continued to prosper. Opium was also shipped to Britain itself—after the early 19th century chiefly for medicinal and pharmaceutical use. British traders obtained opium in India and, by the middle of the century, increasingly from the Ottoman empire and Persia as well. By 1870, the profitability of opium cultivation had encouraged many landowners and ordinary planters in southern Persia to abandon crops such as cotton and cereals in favor of opium as a cash crop (see also Issawi, pp. 238-41). This pattern was to exacerbate the effect of a severe famine in 1870-71, after a draught that destroyed much of the food crops in southern Persia, with an estimated death toll of one-third of the population of the south (see also Okazaki).
A consequence of the British naval presence in the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea coast of India in the 19th century was the British attempt to end African slave trade in the region. Following Britain's abstention from the slave trade in 1807 and the abolition of slavery throughout the British empire in 1833-34, under intense pressure of the anti-slavery campaign at home, the British government committed itself to curbing slave trade wherever the British navy maintained a presence. By the late 18th century, Iranian participation in African slavery was already in decline, with a much larger ratio of slaves obtained from the Caucasus (e.g., Georgian, Circassian, and Armenian). Territorial losses in the Caucasus to Russia in the early decades of the 19th century and the proviso in the 1828 Torkamānčāy treaty with Russia, obliging Tehran to repatriate captives from the Caucasus, resulted in a modest increase in importation of African slaves, mainly purchased from Arab slave-traders in the Persian Gulf. Under British pressure, in 1851 the Persian government permitted the British navy to intercept suspected Persian vessels and remove any slave found on board. Persian authorities officially banned the slave trade in 1890, even though slavery in Persia continued well into the 20th century on a small scale (see also BARDA, BARDADĀRI iv; Issawi, pp. 124-26).
British concern with the security of India, along with the mutual British and Russian anxiety over their commercial and strategic competition in the region, and the desire of each power to control any substantial railway project in Persia, were leading factors in preventing the construction of more than a few miles of railroads in Persia by the early 20th century. After 1890, the two European powers repeatedly imposed moratoriums on any major railway construction in Persia (see also Galbraith).
In 1902, with further Russian territorial annexations in the Ottoman empire and Central Asia in the last decades of the 19th century and augmented Russian influence in Persia after the extension of a Russian loan to Tehran in 1900, Lord George Hamilton, the secretary of state for India (apparently seconded by the British representative in Tehran, Arthur Hardinge) pressed for an immediate demarcation of Persia into Russian and British spheres of influence to safeguard Britain's existing interests in that country (McLean, pp. 40-41; Monger, pp. 87-92). Given the substantial military estimates by the Government of India and the Committee of Imperial Defense in the event of an Anglo-Russian war in the region, Arthur Balfour, the new British Conservative (Unionist) prime minister (1902-05), and Lord Lansdowne, the foreign secretary, were convinced the only viable solution, short of a disastrous military conflict, to the problem of securing British interests in Persia and Central Asia was an understanding with Russia for the creation of inviolable British and Russian spheres of influence in the region (Monger, pp. 95-99). Fear of Germany further hastened London's desire for mending its differences with St. Petersburg. By 1904 London had managed to bring St. Petersburg to the negotiation table, and the two sides were reaching some form of bilateral consensus on the need to preserve the regional status quo.
It was Lansdowne's Liberal successor, Sir Edward Grey (1905-16), who finally managed to conclude an agreement in August 1907 between Britain and Russia respecting the interests of the two powers in Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet (see ANGLO-RUSSIAN CONVENTION; GREAT BRITAIN iv. BRITISH INFLUENCE IN PERSIA, 1900-21). Persia, which was in the midst of the Constitutional Revolution (q.v.), was divided into two spheres of influence, with the Russian zone in the north and the British zone in the southeast. To alleviate British imperialist concerns, Grey secured the endorsement of Lord Morley, the secretary of state for India (1905-10), in denying that the Agreement, which extended Russia's influence closer to the Indian frontier, was detrimental to India's security, despite continued private objections from the Government of India and the viceroy, Lord Minto (1905-10; see also Mahajan, pp. 175-91). The Agreement facilitated increased Russian military and political intervention in Persia in support of the Persian autocracy and in opposition to the constitutional/nationalist camp and the young Majles (national assembly), which convened in 1906. After a series of changing fortunes, Russian machinations, with London's acquiescence, finally resulted in the termination of Persia's constitutional experiment in December 1911.
Indo-Persian frontier demarcation. In the meantime, after the British arbitration of the Perso-Afghan frontier in Sistān in 1872, at the joint request of Tehran and Kabul (and in Persia's favor), Britain had engaged in earnest negotiations for settling the boundaries of Persia's southeastern frontier with India. By 1905, the demarcation of the Indo-Persian frontier in Sistān-Baluchistan was completed to Britain's advantage (see BOUNDARIES; see also Curzon, I, chap. 9). The delineation of this Indo-Persian frontier was the outcome of British imperial annexation of Sind (northwest India) in the middle of the 19th century. The occupation of Sind was carried out with the assistance of a recent Iranian émigré to India, the Aga Khan (q.v.). Form 1840 to 1841 the Nizari Ismaʿili Shiʿite leader, Hassan Ali Shah Aga Khan Mahallati (Aga Khan I), had engaged in military confrontations with the Qajar state, following his dismissal as the governor of Kermān in 1837. Defeated, he fled to Afghanistan in 1841 with an army of his followers during the Anglo-Afghan War of 1839-42 (q.v.), where he established a long-lasting association with British military authorities and officials. Following the disastrous rout of the British army by the Afghans, Aga Khan and his followers settled in India, where in 1843 he abetted the British annexation of Sind in present-day Pakistan (See also Daftary, pp. 196-99; Algar, 1991, p. 729).
INDIA AND THE EVOLUTION OF REFORM MOVEMENTS IN PERSIA
Alongside the Russian Caucasus and the Ottoman empire (including Egypt, which gained an autonomous status in 1805 and was occupied by Britain in 1882), India was a major location of Iranian émigré communities. Merchants, students, and scholars from Persia, as well as those fleeing religious or political persecution or those seeking new economic opportunities, traveled to, or settled in, India. After the late 18th century, India served as an important conduit for the flow of Western scientific, political, and social thought into Persia, which proved instrumental in the political "awakening" of Iranians. Moreover, political developments in India contributed to the evolution of emergent anti-imperialist nationalist and/or nativist ideologies in Iran.
Some of the earliest Persian-language accounts of encounters with European and Western ideas and cultures were composed by Iranians residing in India—e.g., Abdu'l-Laṭif Šuštari Jazāyeri's 1801 Toḥfat al-ʿālam (The gift of the world); the Indo-Iranian, Mirzā Abu Ṭāleb Khan Eṣfahāni's 1812 Masir-e ṭālebi fi belād-e afranji, originally published in English in London in 1810 as Travels of Mirza Abu Taleb in Asia, Africa and Europe; and Āqā Aḥmad Behbahāni Kermānšāhi's 1810 Merʾāt al-ahwāl-e jahān-nemā (The world-revealing mirror; Wright, 1985, chap. 5; A. Ahmad, 1967, pp. 6-12; Tavakoli-Targhi, pp. 12-14, 41, 45-53, 56-61, passim; Cole, 1992, passim; 1996, passim; Hairi, 1975, p. 155). Numerous historical accounts of Persia were also published in India after the 18th century, including works by Indian Zoroastrian Parsi authors, frequently accentuating Persia's pre-Islamic past (see also Kershasp, 1905; Tavakoli-Targhi, chaps. 5 and 6; Shepherd, pp. 38-44). These accounts, along with other "counter-Islamist" contributions to the historiography of Persia by the likes of the Russian-Azari intellectual Mirzā Fatḥ-ʿAli Aḵundzāda (1812-78; q.v.; Swietochowski, pp. 26-28), helped engender new conceptions of Iranian identity as well as nationalist/nativist, "modernist" trends in the Iranian historical imagination, even if many of these works were historically tendentious and often analytically inconsistent. Related to this development was the emergence of the mytho-historical, perso-centric "Aryan" national-racial identity in Persia by the turn of the century. This was inspired by the profusion of European, and subsequently also Indian and other, studies on Aryan linguistic and "racial" interconnections following the late 18th-century European orientalist "discovery" of the Aryan roots of Indian civilization (see ARYA and ARYANS; Kopf; Trautmann; Ballantyne). Based on these Aryan theories of the "racial" bond between Persians and Europeans, a number of early 20th-century Iranian secular-nationalist reformers, such as Yaḥyā Dawlatābādi, would also claim an underlying civilizational affinity between Iranians and the West, which allegedly signified an intrinsic Iranian historical receptivity to contemporary Western socio-political and scientific "progress" (Dawlatābādi, p. 145). On the other hand, it should be noted, the concept of the Aryan "race" served as further rationalization of British imperialism in India and Persia by the likes of George Nathaniel Curzon. Writing in 1892, Curzon—later a Conservative politician and the viceroy of India (1899-1905)—asserted that Britons (as the more advanced Aryans) were establishing hegemony over the lands of their now civilizationally dormant kinfolk "in the continent whence our emigrant stock first came, and to which as conquerors their descendants have returned" (Curzon, I, pp. 3-4).
Given the very slow development of the printing press in Persia and the use of Persian by many educated Indians, particularly in the Bengal province and in Bombay (even after British authorities replaced Persian with English as the language of official transactions in India in the 1830s), the Persian-language printing press in India played a crucial part in the dissemination of texts composed by Iranians and Indians as well as European historical, religious, scientific, and political manuscripts translated into Persian by Indians, Europeans, and Iranians residing in India. Moreover, given the strict governmental control of the press in 19th-century Persia, India emerged as one of the key locations of the Iranian oppositional press in exile. Upwards of fourteen Persian-language newspapers geared primarily towards an Iranian readership were published in India after the middle of the 19th century (Browne, 1914, passim), with a much higher number aimed at general readers of Persian in India itself (Browne, 1913, pp. 15-16). The very first Persian-language newspaper (weekly), Mirāṯ al-aḵbār, was founded in India in 1822 by the celebrated Bengali (Hindu) social reformer Rammohun Roy. Various Persian-language papers printed in India also published works by Iranians. Among the best-known pro-reform Persian-language newspapers intended for Iranian readers, as well as for Indians, was the Calcutta Ḥabl al-matin (The firm cord; q.v.), founded in 1893 by the émigré Iranian Sayyed Jalāl-al-Din Kāšāni, better known as "Moʾayyad-al-Eslām," who also opposed British rule in India, even after he became closely embroiled in India's post-1905 sectarian Muslim nationalist politics (see below; Rahman, pp. 75, 227, 229, 242, 261; The Times, 29 October 1909, p. 5; Fraser, p. 153). After the outbreak of the 1906 revolution in Persia, which set in motion the rapid proliferation of constitutionalist and nationalist press in Persia itself (CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION vi. THE PRESS), British authorities were still gravely concerned with the propaganda influence of Ḥabl al-matin (PRO, FO 371/304, p. 6, Cecil Spring-Rice to Grey, 27 February 1907). The paper, along with other reformist émigré press, assumed added importance for Iranian reformers during the period of the "lesser autocracy" (i.e., the period from Moḥammad-ʿAli Shah's coup d'état against the first Majles in June 1908 until his ouster from the throne in July 1909), as well as in the immediate aftermath of the Russian-instigated, Baḵtiāri-led closure of the second Majles in December 1911, when Persian authorities cracked down on the reformist press at home (Browne, 1913, pp. 13-14). In April 1909, during the "lesser autocracy," British authorities even considered pressuring Ḥabl al-matin to curb its anti-Russian and anti-autocratic tone (Grey Papers. PRO, FO 800/70, p.193, Sir G. Barclay to Grey, 5 April 1909).
With the outbreak of the Persian Constitutional Revolution in 1906, Indian and Persian 'nationalist' politics came to intersect in more direct and dynamic ways (see ix. below).
Unpublished sources. Great Britain, official documents and correspondence: PRO, Grey Papers. F.O. 800/70 (Public Records Office, Kew, England).
Published sources. Janet Afary, "From Outcasts to Citizens: Jews in Qajar Iran," in Sarshar, ed. 1991, pp. 137-74.
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Idem, "Sayyid Ahmad Khān, Jamāl al-dīn al-Afghānī and Muslim India," Studia Islamica 13, 1960, pp. 55-78.
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Idem, "Sīstān in British Indian Frontier Policy, BSOAS 49/1, 1986, pp. 90-102.
Abdul-Hadi Hairi, "European and Asian Influences on the Persian Revolution of 1906," Asian Affairs 6/2, 1975, pp. 155-64.
Idem, Shi'ism and Constitutionalism in Iran: A Study of the Role Played by the Persian Residents in Iraq in Iranian Politics, Leiden, 1977.
Idem, Noḵostin ruyāru-ʾihā-ye andišagarān-e Irān bā do ruya-ye tamaddon-e buržuāzi-e ḡarb, Tehran, 1987. John R. Hinnells, Zoroastrians in Britain, Oxford, 1996.
Francis Harry Hinsley, ed., British Foreign Policy Under Sir Edward Grey, Cambridge, 1977.
Edward Ingram, The Beginnings of the Great Game in Asia 1828-1834, Oxford, 1979.
Idem, Britain's Persian Connection 1798-1828: Prelude to the Great Game in Asia, New York, 1992.
Idem, In Defence of British India: Great Britain in the Middle East, 1775-1842, London, 1984.
Farhang Eršād, Moḥājerat-e tāriḵi-e Irāniān be Hend, Tehran, 2000.
Mirzā Abu Ṭāleb Khan Eṣfahāni, Masir-e ṭālebi yā safar-nāma-ye Mirzā Abu Ṭāleb Ḵān, ed. Ḥ. Ḵadiv-Jam, 2nd ed., Tehran, 1984.
Charles Issawi, ed., The Economic History of Iran 1800-1914, Chicago, 1971.
Ṯorayyā Kāẓemi, ed., Hājj Moḥammad Mirzā Kāšef al-Salṭana "Čāʾikār,"pedar-e čāʾikāri-e Irān, introd. Jaʿfar Pažum, Tehran, 1993.
Firouz Kazemzadeh, Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864-1914: A Study in Imperialism, New Haven, 1968.
Nikki R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani ": A Political Biography, Berkeley, 1972.
Idem, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani," new ed., Berkeley, 1983.
Pheroze Kershasp, Studies in Ancient Persian History, London, 1905.
Mohammad Aslam Khan, Ravinder Gargesh, and Chander Shekhar eds., Indo-Persian Cultural Perspectives, Delhi, 1998.
David Kopf, British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The Dynamics of Indian Modernization 1773-1835, Berkeley, 1969.
Ram Nandan Kumar, "Economic Background of British Diplomacy in Persia, 1858-1907," Islamic Culture 50/4, India, 1976, pp. 229-36.
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(Mansour Bonakdarian)
Vol. XIII, Fasc. 1, pp. 26-32
INDIA i. Introduction
INDIA ii. Historical Geography
INDIA x. RELATIONS: PAHLAVI PERIOD
INDIA iii. RELATIONS: ACHAEMENID PERIOD
INDIA iv. RELATIONS: SELEUCID, PARTHIAN, SASANIAN PERIODS
INDIA v. RELATIONS: MEDIEVAL PERIOD TO THE 13TH CENTURY
INDIA vi. Political and Cultural Relations (13th-18th centuries)
INDIA vii. RELATIONS: THE AFSHARID AND ZAND PERIODS
INDIA ix. RELATIONS: QAJAR PERIOD, EARLY 20TH CENTURY
INDIA xi. RELATIONS: ISLAMIC REPUBLIC
INDIA xii. ISLAMIC DYNASTIES OF
INDIA xiii. INDO-IRANIAN COMMERCIAL RELATIONS
INDIA xiv. Persian Literature
INDIA xv. Persian Correspondence Literature
INDIA xvi. INDO-PERSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY
INDIA xviii. PERSIAN ELEMENTS IN INDIAN LANGUAGES
INDIA xvii. PERSIAN PRESS IN
INDIA xix. INDIAN LITERARY INFLUENCES ON PERSIAN LITERATURE
INDIA xx. PERSIAN INFLUENCES ON INDIAN PAINTING
INDIA xxi. INDIAN INFLUENCES ON PERSIAN PAINTING
INDIA xxii. PERSIAN INFLUENCE ON INDIAN ARCHITECTURE
INDIA xxiii. INDIAN INFLUENCE ON PERSIAN CINEMA
INDIA xxiv. PERSIAN CALLIGRAPHY IN
INDIA xxv. MUTUAL MYSTICAL INFLUENCES
INDIA xxvi. MUTUAL MUSICAL INFLUENCES
INDIA xxvii. MUTUAL SCIENTIFIC INFLUENCES
INDIA xxviii. IRANIAN IMMIGRANTS IN INDIA
INDIA xxix. SHIʿITE COMMUNITIES IN
INDIA xxx. INDIAN MERCHANTS IN CENTRAL ASIA AND IRAN
INDIA xxxi. INDIAN MERCHANTS IN 19TH-CENTURY AFGHANISTAN
INDIA xxxii. PARSI COMMUNITIES
INDIA xxxiii. INDO-MUSLIM PHYSICIANS
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text:
11th hour surge as deadline looms for Obamacare sign-up
By Paige Rentz Staff writer
Mar 31, 2014 at 12:01 AM Mar 31, 2014 at 8:44 PM
Candace Carter has been trying to sign up for insurance since October, but website troubles and then problems accessing her account kept delaying the process and frustrating Carter.
"I've called; I've tried; I couldn't do it," said the 48-year-old administrative assistant from Fayetteville, who spent most of Sunday trying to complete the application she began in January before the enrollment deadline Monday at midnight.
Carter, like many last-minute consumers, sought in-person help to see the process through and avoid being without insurance and subject to a penalty.
Under the Affordable Care Act, most Americans are required to purchase insurance by March 31 or face fines of $95 per person or 1percent of their taxable income, whichever is greater.
Carter said she's eligible for a $396 tax credit, and Monday she went to the Blue Cross Blue Shield retail store in the Westwood Shopping Center to make sure she is able to take advantage of it.
Six people were lined up outside the store before the doors opened at 8:30 Monday morning, said owner Craig Autry, and at times the store was standing room only.
The surge in enrollment sent HealthCare.gov reeling once more, which meant Autry and his staff resorted to signing up people with paper applications much like they did during the Health Insurance Marketplace's disastrous rollout.
The HealthCare.gov website, which was receiving 1.5million visitors a day last week, had recorded about 1.2million through noon Monday.
Though March 31 was the last day officially to register, millions of people are potentially eligible for extensions granted by the administration.
Those include people who had begun enrolling by the deadline but didn't finish, perhaps because of errors, missing information or website glitches.
The government says it will accept paper applications until April 7 and take as much time as necessary to handle unfinished cases on HealthCare.gov.
The website stumbled early in the day - out of service for nearly four hours as technicians patched a software bug. The system came back up shortly before 9 a.m. EDT, then another hiccup in early afternoon temporarily kept new applicants from signing up.
The system, overwhelmed by computer problems when launched last fall, has been working much better in recent months, and officials said it was operating at full capacity Monday.
At the Fayetteville Blue Cross Blue Shield store, Autry said the site was working early in the day, but staff and customers began to encounter issues with identity verification, and then the entire site went down.
As staff could access it intermittently, they processed applications through the website on a first-come, first serve basis.
Once the store closed at 9 p.m., Autry said, he and his staff would work to process as many paper applications as possible until midnight.
The demand for last-minute help getting insurance by the deadline was high enough that even Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina saw disruption to its website.
Lew Borman, a spokesman for Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina, said in an email the company's website was down briefly but was back up by mid-afternoon and taking record numbers of enrollments.
N.C.exceedsprojection
The White House and other supporters of the law were hoping for an enrollment surge that would push sign-ups in the new health insurance markets to about 6.5million people. That's halfway between a revised goal of 6 million and the original target of 7 million.
The first goal was scaled back after the federal website's disastrous launch last fall, which kept it offline during most of October.
North Carolina, already has exceeded enrollment expectations projected by the administration based on the original 7 million target.
As of March 1, more than 200,000 North Carolinians had selected plans through the Marketplace.
The administration hasn't said how many of the 6 million people nationally who had signed up before the weekend ultimately closed the deal by paying their first month's premiums. Also unknown is how many were previously uninsured - the real test of Obama's health care overhaul.
The Associated Press Contributed to this story.
Staff writer Paige Rentz can be reached at rentzp@fayobserver.com or 486-2728.


text:
Share this Story: FaceApp makes you look older — what else is it doing with your face?
FaceApp makes you look older — what else is it doing with your face?
While selfie-takers obsesses over what they'll look like in the future, privacy experts are concerned about the photos they send today
Bobby Hristova
Data security experts say Canada should adopt consumer protection strategies similar to that of the EU. Photo by Lindsey Wasson /Reuters
No, all your friends and favourite celebrities didn't miraculously reach retirement age — they used FaceApp, a mobile app that uses filters and artificial intelligence to edit photos of people.
While the app has been around since 2017, and previously went viral thanks to features that let you swap genders or make someone smile, this week everyone is sharing photos using the app's aging filter.
FaceApp makes you look older — what else is it doing with your face? Back to video
But, as people obsess over what they might look like in a few decades, privacy experts and developers are concerned about what's happening to the photos they send today.
"You basically have no personal control relating to who they could share this information with, sell it, et cetera," said Ann Cavoukian, a privacy expert in residence at Ryerson University.
"Sensitive information like your biometric — your facial image — you want to control that completely. You don't want it floating around to third parties, without your positive consent. You don't know how that information will be used."
Best caption wins ovo tickets
A post shared by champagnepapi (@champagnepapi) on Jul 16, 2019 at 1:36am PDT
Saw this #FaceApp on @BTtoronto & @CP24Breakfast and thought I'd try it. Barb seems not to have changed but I guess serving four terms as Mayor aged me a bit! 😉 #faceappchallenge #AgeChallenge pic.twitter.com/pZK6Z1lSCN
— John Tory (@JohnTory) July 17, 2019
#FaceApp with my two favourite leaders @JustinTrudeau and @BarackObama 🇨🇦 🇺🇸 pic.twitter.com/bD6uAXnMUn
— EJay Stuart (@HiItsEJay) July 17, 2019
FaceApp came under scrutiny over its privacy policy after social media sleuths pointed out that the app was developed by Russian company Wireless Labs.
The privacy agreement effectively allows the app to collect a user's browser history, location, cookies, log files, metadata and more. FaceApp can also use uploaded photos for advertising, without compensation.
The policy says it can also share users' details with third-party partners for targeted advertising. While the agreement notes the app will not rent or sell your information to third parties, the policy does not specify if businesses legally part of the same group of companies as FaceApp, or companies that join the group in the future are considered third parties.
It's a joke — they can do virtually anything they want
While FaceApp did not respond to a request for clarification from the National Post, the company did release a statement in the wake of the social media outcry.
In it, the company dispelled any concerns about its connection to Russia, stating that while the core research and development team is located there, the company does not transfer any user data to Russia.
The statement also clarifies that most of the photo processing is done in the cloud and only photos selected for editing are uploaded to the cloud, rather than all of the photos on a user's phone, as some had feared. The company also explained why the app uses the cloud to store some photos.
"We want to make sure that the user doesn't upload the photo repeatedly for every edit operation. Most images are deleted from our servers within 48 hours from the upload date," the company said in the statement.
Carlisle Adams, a computer security researcher at the University of Ottawa, said it isn't enough.
"'Most' could mean anything from 51 per cent to 99 per cent (of photos)," he said. "Anything less than 100 per cent is bad and even at 100 per cent, 48 hours is longer than necessary."
While FaceApp said that 99 per cent of users don't log in before using the app, meaning the company doesn't have access to data that could identify the user, Adams said the information collected from users' phones, like cookies, file logs and metadata can be enough to identify someone.
When you take a trip to the Year 3000.
A post shared by Jonas Brothers (@jonasbrothers) on Jul 16, 2019 at 2:38pm PDT
https://twitter.com/SKadkoy/status/1150255777791303681
FaceApp said it plans to improve the app's interface to make it easier for users to make requests for the company to scrub their information from its servers.
Eric Cowperthwaite, the vice president of professional services at the Herjavec Group, says this problem isn't limited to FaceApp.
"Online quizzes that tell you 'what kind of pirate captain you'll be' are gathering personal identifying information," he said. "As a general rule, I'd be against doing those things with real information."
I'd be against doing those things with real information
Cavoukian says Canada needs to catch up with the European Union's General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) which puts user privacy first, setting tight parameters on what companies can do.
Cowperthwaite thinks a version of those policies could come soon with California recently adopting a consumer protection law that borrows from about 75 per cent of the GDPR.
"This is probably what the U.S. and Canada will do," he said.
This creepy AI website automatically generates fake human faces — that look real
Police in China are wearing high-tech sunglasses to match faces in the crowd to criminal suspects
Did Sidewalk Labs overstep with their masterplan? It certainly raised concerns at Waterfront Toronto
• Email: bhristova@postmedia.com | Twitter: bobbyhristova


text:
Miss Universe Georgia 2012, Tamar Shedania, prepares backstage at the 2012 Miss Universe National Costume Show on Friday, December 14th at PH Live in Las Vegas, Nevada. The 89 Miss Universe Contestants will compete for the Diamond Nexus Crown on the LIVE NBC Telecast of the 2012 Miss Universe Pageant set for 8:00 PM ET on December 19, 2012.
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Miss Universe Ukraine 2012, Anastasia Chernova, prepares backstage at the 2012 Miss Universe National Costume Show on Friday, December 14th at PH Live in Las Vegas, Nevada. The 89 Miss Universe Contestants will compete for the Diamond Nexus Crown on the LIVE NBC Telecast of the 2012 Miss Universe Pageant set for 8:00 PM ET on December 19, 2012.
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Miss Universe Romania 2012, Delia Monica Duca, prepares backstage at the 2012 Miss Universe National Costume Show on Friday, December 14th at PH Live in Las Vegas, Nevada. The 89 Miss Universe Contestants will compete for the Diamond Nexus Crown on the LIVE NBC Telecast of the 2012 Miss Universe Pageant set for 8:00 PM ET on December 19, 2012.
HO/Miss Universe Organization L.P., LLLP
Miss Universe Ghana 2012, Gifty Ofori, prepares backstage at the 2012 Miss Universe National Costume Show on Friday, December 14th at PH Live in Las Vegas, Nevada. The 89 Miss Universe Contestants will compete for the Diamond Nexus Crown on the LIVE NBC Telecast of the 2012 Miss Universe Pageant set for 8:00 PM ET on December 19, 2012.
HO/Miss Universe Organization L.P., LLLP
Miss Universe Jamaica 2012, Chantal Zaky, prepares backstage at the 2012 Miss Universe National Costume Show on Friday, December 14th at PH Live in Las Vegas, Nevada. The 89 Miss Universe Contestants will compete for the Diamond Nexus Crown on the LIVE NBC Telecast of the 2012 Miss Universe Pageant set for 8:00 PM ET on December 19, 2012.
HO/Miss Universe Organization L.P., LLLP
Chantal Zaky, Miss Universe Jamaica 2012; and Marcelina Vahekeni, Miss Universe Angola 2012, prepare backstage at the 2012 Miss Universe National Costume Show on Friday, December 14th at PH Live in Las Vegas, Nevada. The 89 Miss Universe Contestants will compete for the Diamond Nexus Crown on the LIVE NBC Telecast of the 2012 Miss Universe Pageant set for 8:00 PM ET on December 19, 2012.
HO/Miss Universe Organization L.P., LLLP
Miss Universe Peru 2012, Nicole Faveron, prepares backstage at the 2012 Miss Universe National Costume Show on Friday, December 14th at PH Live in Las Vegas, Nevada. The 89 Miss Universe Contestants will compete for the Diamond Nexus Crown on the LIVE NBC Telecast of the 2012 Miss Universe Pageant set for 8:00 PM ET on December 19, 2012.
HO/Miss Universe Organization L.P., LLLP
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