A car repossession can definitely affect your credit. Here is how the process works. Let's say you can no longer afford to make your monthly payments. By the time your discover that you are probably two or three payments past due. This is already showing up on your credit report as 30 or 60 days past due. It gets even worse if the repossession takes place.
Now ABC company repossesses your car and let's assume you owe $9,000 on your auto loan. Once the company repossesses your car they will sell it for whatever they can. If they sell it for $5,000 you still owe $4,000 and they will bill you and expect you to pay the balance even though you no longer own the car. This shows up on your credit report as a repossessed item and it will show up as a charged off account or an I-9. An I-9 stands for an installment loan, ( I), and when a loan is charged off that means company ABC is submitting your loan account as a loss because they feel it is no longer collectible.
If you ever try to apply for credit for another company they will take a look at your credit report and see that you have a repossession and this will severely impact your ability to get credit in the future. This could remain on your credit file for seven years.
This will also lower your credit score again reducing your ability to receive additional credit from other organizations. Even if you clear this matter up by paying it off in full it remains on your credit file for seven years. Sometimes you can negotiate with creditors if you pay off such a debt. However if you do decide to negotiate so that this does not show up on your credit file make sure you do so in writing. Also you want to make sure the creditor puts their agreement in writing. There have been some creditors that promised not to report certain things on your credit file but have done so anyway. That's why it is so important to get all information in writing.
Wants your credit file gets destroyed it is very hard to correct it. That does not mean it can never be corrected it just means it will take some time to do so. The best way to correct this situation is to payoff any debts remaining and then after a year you may want to apply for a secured credit card. This is a card where the creditor will approve you for a credit card with a $500 line of credit. And you have to leave $500 on deposit with their organization in the event you default they have your money on hand to cover the delinquency. After you have paid on this account for one year with on time payments the organization will more than likely increase your credit limit and not require you to have money on deposit with them as security.
Bad credit can sometimes stop you from getting a job, a credit card and sometimes you will be forced to pay higher premiums on your auto insurance.


"A city that has been carved out of the forest should maintain somewhere within its boundaries evidence of what it once was, and so long as Stanley Park remains unspoiled that testimony to the giant trees which occupied the site of Vancouver in former days will remain"
I've had the good fortune of living in Lotus Land for over 20 years. Sun filled days and City lights have flooded my loving lens with constant warmth and everlasting hope.
As I wander this Global village, I renew my vows with Vancouver, at every sighting, marvelling at one more English Bay sunset or watching the sun come up over Coal Harbour. Please allow me to guide you.


Everything you need to know to build with rammed earth in warm and cold climates. Rammed earth - sand, gravel, and clay or lime/cement binder packed into forms - is a low-energy, high-performance building method, yielding beautiful, sustainable results. It's thermally stable and can be insulated, can actively modulate humidity, provides a healthy indoor environment, and allows site materials to be used for major structural and building envelope elements. Essential Rammed Earth Construction covers design, building science, tools, and step-by-step building methods for any climate, with a special emphasis on building in cold climates of the northern US, Canada, and northern Europe. Coverage includes: Overview of earthen building Appropriate use of rammed earth walls Stabilized versus raw rammed earth Design considerations, including structural, insulation, and building envelope details Special considerations for cold and freeze-thaw climates Construction drawings, with step-by-step building instructions Tools and labor covering industrial methods, low-tech techniques, formwork options, mix design, budgets, and schedules Codes, inspections, and permits. This guide is an essential resource for experienced builders, DIY home owners, designers, engineers, and architects interested in learning about rammed earth construction.


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Kevin Woo (coréen : 케빈우), né Woo Sung-hyun (coréen : 우성현, le ) est un chanteur, acteur et animateur de télévision américano-coréen, principalement actif en Corée du Sud.

Il est surtout connu pour avoir été membre du boys band sud-coréen U-Kiss de 2008 à 2017. Il a été co-animateur aux côtés de Jimin Park et Jae de Day6 du talk-show de K-pop After School Club, qui est présenté en anglais afin de faire appel aux fans de K-pop internationaux.

Biographie

Jeunesse
Kevin est né et a grandi dans la ville de Danville (Californie), aux États-Unis, où il a vécu avec ses parents et sa sœur aînée Deanna. Il a participé à des auditions au cours d'un voyage en Corée du Sud et il a été retenu. Lorsqu'il avait 15 ans, il a décidé de partir vivre en Corée du Sud avec sa mère, afin de poursuivre son rêve.

Carrière
En 2008, il intègre le groupe U-Kiss composé de 5 autres membres : Soohyun, Alexander, Eli, Kibum et Dongho.

En juillet 2016, Kevin fait ses débuts en solo au Japon avec deux singles, Make Me et Out Of My Life.

En mars 2017, il annonce son départ de U-Kiss et souhaite continuer une carrière en solo. Il continue son parcours en intégrant diverses comédies musicales :
 En mai 2017, Woo joue dans la comédie musicale Maybe Happy Ending avec le chanteur S7VEN.
 En septembre 2017, il intègre le casting de la comédie musicale ALTAR BOYZ aux côtés de Chansung de 2PM, Takuya de Cross Gene et Seyoung de MYNAME.

En avril 2018, il annonce son départ de l'émission After School Club qu'il animait depuis 5 ans. Depuis son départ, il poursuit une carrière de chanteur principalement au Japon.

Discographie

En groupe

Singles

Filmographie

Séries télévisés

Émissions télévisées

Comédies musicales

Références

Liens externes

 Kevin sur Instagram
 Kevin sur Twitter

Chanteur sud-coréen
Chanteur de pop
Danseur sud-coréen
Acteur sud-coréen
Naissance en novembre 1991
Musicien de K-pop
Chanteur américain du XXIe siècle
Naissance à San Francisco
Animateur sud-coréen de télévision

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


As counselors at Cucamonga Middle School, we are here to help support you during your experience at CMS. We are advocates for students and work with teachers and parents to assist students in their personal and educational growth during the exciting and turbulent middle school years. We are here to help students understand and deal with social, behavioral and personal problems. Peer conflicts are common in middle school and we will be of assistance to students that need help managing these conflicts.
We are responsible for the class schedules of students and will assist teachers, parents and students with issues that may occur within the classrooms. We and the Teachers consult and collaborate throughout the year regarding students and their needs. We provide support to our Special Education students and will assist parents of Special Education students with IEP management.
It is exciting to see the academic, social and physical growth of our students as they blossom from sweet, little 6th graders to mature, eager for high school 8th graders!
Parents, thank you for sending your child to CMS and entrusting us to work with your child during their middle school years.


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Home » Aviation » Navy, Marines put V-22 to the Test in Carrier Experiment
Navy, Marines put V-22 to the Test in Carrier Experiment
By: Gidget Fuentes
August 3, 2016 10:49 AM • Updated: August 4, 2016 3:31 AM
MV-22B on the deck of USS Carl Vinson (CVN-70). Gidget Fuentes Photo Used with Permission
ABOARD AIRCRAFT CARRIER USS CARL VINSON — Ten days into a two-week fleet battle experiment on this aircraft carrier off the California coast, the Navy is getting a good look at how the V-22 Osprey tiltrotor can fit into flight and deck operations of its carrier fleet. So far, the outlook is promising.
The Osprey is slated to replace the C-2A Greyhound as the carrier onboard delivery aircraft, doing the COD logistics mission of hauling cargo, mail and passengers between aircraft carriers and beach detachments ashore. After that decision in January 2015, the Navy approved an engineering change for a naval variant of the V-22, and this year is working with the Marine Corps as it supports Osprey operations this summer for the fleet battle experiment (FBE).
The Marine Corps is flying four MV-22B aircraft aboard USS Carl Vinson since the experiment began July 22. Three of the Ospreys belong to Marine Helicopter Squadron 1 from Quantico, Va., and the fourth belongs to Marine Operational Test and Evaluation Squadron 1 (VMX-1) from Yuma Marine Corps Air Station, Ariz.]
This initial "proof of concept" will begin to show how to employ the Osprey, which blends rotary and fixed-wing flight, and see how it affects cycles of launch and recovery operations and overall deck handling on a carrier, officials said. "This is an opportunity to go out and see how this is going to do," said Vice Adm. Mike Shoemaker, Naval Air Forces commander, speaking with a group of reporters Tuesday before boarding an HMX-1 Osprey for the flight to the Carl Vinson conducting training in the offshore ranges.
So far, it seems, initial tests don't reveal any glaring problems that time and experience couldn't smooth out. "I think it's going very well," Shoemaker said. Some worries about downwash from the Osprey's beefy rotors haven't materialized, perhaps in part from more handling and simple adjustments with pilots moving the nacelles to ease the heat and deflect the exhaust on the flight deck surface. He said the downwash is "comparable" to that of the MH-53 helicopter.
One good thing: Landing and launching an Osprey, which can land and take off vertically like a helicopter, lightens the deck crew load since it requires no wire trap and isn't catapulted off the deck. Plus, it isn't limited to just flying during fixed-wing operations. Only five personnel are needed on deck, several Carl Vinson officers told a group of reporters Tuesday, far fewer than the 30 to 50 hands usually on position when the Greyhound is operating on deck.
A concern: Turnaround time to unload or load the Osprey might take longer than the Greyhound, potentially cutting into the deck cycling window between flight operations. That's because deck crews would offload and load the Osprey while it's still in the landing and launching spot — spots 6 at the "waist" or 9 by the fantail — rather than outside the landing area where the Greyhound and cargo go when being moved or pre-staged for delivery. Both spots will require different approaches to safely move cargo and passengers.
MV-22B landing on the deck of USS Carl Vinson (CVN-70). Gidget Fuentes Photo Used with Permission
"It becomes how fast can you offload the Ospreys to get fuel and put the people back on so it can be off the flight deck, and then I'll deal with the rest," said Lt. Cmdr. Reynaldo Stanley, the flight deck handler. "The impact is on deck time." In flight deck control, Stanley briefly described deck operations using a "ouija" board, with silhouette cutouts of each aircraft scaled to the flight deck to help track and position aircraft. He had no cutouts of the Osprey but used those of the now-defunct H-46 Sea Knight tandem-rotor helicopter.
"The C-2 is a big plane… It takes a lot of real estate in the parking area," Stanley said. "The Osprey takes up a lot of real estate in the landing area." The V-22 and C-2 have similar-sized footprints (one's width is roughly the other's wingspan) when operational so they take up similar space. The V-22 lands but can't taxi and park with its wings folded like the Greyhound since its engines are shut down when it's folded up. "When the C-2 lands, the intent is to park," and then offload, reload and refuel before taxiing for another flight, he said, but most Osprey flights will entail landing and offload followed by any reloading and subsequent takeoff.
Vinson's flight deck crew got their first familiarization with the Osprey in June when Marines brought several Ospreys for a sea trial of sorts. So far, "I think it's gone pretty smoothly. But nothing's happened, that is the key," Stanley said.
"The most difficult thing we have is the aircraft would be on deck a little bit longer than was expected, which would eat up into the launching of the aircraft," he said. "The longer it takes to take off, then the longer it takes for us to actually set up for cats (and fixed-wing flight ops) if we're stuck up here and can't launch" if the Osprey is on spot 6.
Navy officials cautioned that the experiment is starting to sort out and determine the Osprey's operations and deck procedures in doing the COD mission. As of Tuesday morning, the carrier had handled 23 flights that moved 598 people and 33,000 pounds of cargo, said Cmdr. Clarke "Cosmo" Cramer, the fleet introduction team leader. The Center for Naval Analyses is collecting data from flight and deck operations during the experiment, including the timing between flight ops cycles andimpacts on moving cargo and passengers.
Cmdr. Lucas Kadar, Vinson's Air Boss, said the Osprey "brings us flexibility and options. It's easier from a flight deck point of view to operate with the MV-22… We don't have to go into fixed-wing flight ops." It provides more options, Kadar said, and has the "best of both worlds" since it can conduct flight missions faster than helicopters but also land or launch regardless of the flight deck status and also between launches and recoveries.
A short utility assessment conducted aboard USS Harry S. Truman in 2013 gave the service an initial look at whether the Osprey might fulfill the COD mission when the C-2A is retired. "Our C-2 community is like the masters of global logistics," Shoemaker said, with detachments supporting ships and ashore units.
"What we're trying to do is help inform the future," Shoemaker added. That includes determining "how will we employ this airplane, maybe differently or similar to the C-2." The Navy hasn't yet tested flying the Osprey to smaller ships like destroyers or cruisers, although the V-22 could hover over ships' flight decks. "We are just kind of scratching the surface in how we'll use this platform," he said.
Another difference is that unlike the C-2A, the Navy would use the Osprey to carry cargo at night. The V-22B carries a bit less internal cargo than the Greyhound, but it can lift more and haul cargo by sling load. The Osprey has three fewer seats available, 23 compared to 26 in the Greyhound. The C-2A can fly higher, above bad weather, with its pressurized cockpit that the Osprey lacks.
"I think it's still a very good fit for the mission," Shoemaker said of the Osprey.
The Navy is looking at how to make cargo handling more efficient, officials said, with specialized metal bins, the Joint Modular Intermodal Container (JMIC), that can be rolled onto the Osprey and also corrugated cardboard boxes and palletized cargo that can shorten the turnaround time. The C-2A has a cage that contains loose items, but containers on the V-22 will allow pre-staging of cargo rather than sailors packing it in "hand over hand, stacking it in where they can," said Lt. Cmdr. Matthew Miller[cqgf], Vinson's principal assistant for logistics.
The testing, done closely with VMX-1, is led by a fleet introduction team from Point Mugu, Calif.-based Airborne Command, Control and Logistics Wing, which manages the C-2 and E-2 fleet. Between October and February, the first group of 77 C-2 pilots, aircrewmen and maintainers will get training with the V-22B and will "start flying the airplane," said Capt. Val Overstreet, the wing commodore and veteran E-2 pilot. "We are really excited about that." They will provide the first training cadre and become instructors for follow-on crews at New River Marine Corps Air Station, N.C. They will be followed by helicopter pilots who plan to transition to the V-22, she said.
Shoemaker said the Navy expects to reach initial operational capability (IOC) in fiscal 2021, with the first detachment deployed during 2022. "We'll do it very similar to how we are set up now with the C-2 community," he said, with east and west coast-based squadrons providing V-22 dets to carriers. He said he thinks the Navy might, at some point, stand up its own V-22 training squadron.
The Navy's version of the Marine Corps' newest rotary-wing aircraft would be designated CMV-22. It would mirror the aircraft that the Marines fly but will include extended range fuel tanks, high frequency radio and a public-address system. Unlike the COD it's replacing, the Navy's Osprey variant potentially could operate off other gray hulls.
Article Keywords: Bell-Boeing, C-2A Greyhound, Carrier Onboard Delivery, CMV-22V, MV-22, Naval Air Systems Command, V-22
Categories: Aviation, Budget Industry, News & Analysis, Surface Forces, U.S. Marine Corps, U.S. Navy
About Gidget Fuentes
Gidget Fuentes is a freelance writer based in San Diego, Calif. She has spent more than 20 years reporting extensively on the Marine Corps and the Navy, including West Coast commands and Pacific regional issues.
View all posts by Gidget Fuentes →
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Gaius () is a Latin praenomen, or personal name, and was one of the most common names throughout Roman history. The feminine form is Gaia. The praenomen was used by both patrician and plebeian families, and gave rise to the patronymic gens Gavia. The name was regularly abbreviated C., based on the original spelling, Caius, which dates from the period before the letters "C" and "G" were differentiated.  Inverted, Ɔ. stood for the feminine, Gaia.

Throughout Roman history, Gaius was generally the second-most common praenomen, following only Lucius. Although many prominent families did not use it at all, it was so widely distributed amongst all social classes that Gaius became a generic name for any man, and Gaia for any woman. A familiar Roman wedding ceremony included the words, spoken by the bride, ubi tu Gaius, ego Gaia ("as you are Gaius, I am Gaia"), to which the bridegroom replied, ubi tu Gaia, ego Gaius. The name survived the collapse of the Western Empire in the fifth century, and continued into modern times.

Origin and meaning
The author of De Praenominibus ("Concerning Praenomina") states that Gaius is derived from the same root as gaudere, "to rejoice". Although Paris and the unidentified authorities whom he consulted probably relied on folk etymology, modern scholars generally concur with this derivation.

The original form of the name was probably Gavius, in which form it was also used by the Oscans; in Faliscan we find it as Kavios on the fifth-century BC Acquoria Cippus.  However, in Latin it had already lost its medial "v" by the time of the earliest inscriptions. The older three-syllable pronunciation given above, in which the long "a" and short "i" are pronounced as full vowels: , is evidence of the original form. This pronunciation persisted, alongside the later two-syllable form in which "a" and "i" have concatenated to a diphthong: , throughout the period of the Roman Republic. The existence of the patronymic gens Gavia also indicates the original form of the name, although it could be argued that this family's name was derived from the Oscan praenomen Gavius. But as Gaius and Gavius are apparently based on the same root, this distinction is of limited importance.

In the form Cae, this praenomen was also popular amongst the Etruscans, who borrowed many names from both Latin and Oscan.

Spellings
The following personal names are derived from Gaius:

 Catalan: Gai
 Croatian: Kajo
 French: Caïus
 German: Kaius
 Greek: Γάιος (Gáios)
 Italian: Gaio
 Latin: Gaius
 Portuguese: Caio
 Romanian: Caius
 Spanish: Cayo or Gayo

See also
 Roman naming conventions

References

Bibliography
 Liber de Praenominibus, a short treatise of uncertain authorship, traditionally appended to Valerius Maximus' Factorum ac Dictorum Memorabilium (Memorable Facts and Sayings).
 Marcus Fabius Quintilianus (Quintilian), Institutio Oratoria (Institutes of Oratory).
 Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus (Plutarch), "Quaestiones Romanae" (Roman Questions), in Moralia.
 George Davis Chase, "The Origin of Roman Praenomina", in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. VIII, pp. 103–184 (1897).
 Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiquities, Harry Thurston Peck, ed. (Second Edition, 1897).
 Jacques Heurgon, La Vie quotidienne chez lez Etrusques (Daily Life of the Etruscans), Hachette, Paris (1961, 1989).
 Mika Kajava, Roman Female Praenomina: Studies in the Nomenclature of Roman Women, Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae (1994).
 Fred C. Woudhuizen, "Traces of Ethnic Identities in Etruscan Onomastics", in Talanta, vol. xxxviii–xxxix, pp. 259–276 (2006–2007).

Ancient Roman praenomina


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J. C. B. Petropoulos, Heat and Lust: Hesiod's Midsummer Festival Scene Revisited Foreword Preface Abbreviations 1. The Problem Stated: A Look at Hesiod's Feast and Beyond 2. The Harvest 3. The Threshing 4. The Village of Avdemi: A Case Study in Wanton Women? 5. Enter the Cicada 6. Hesiod's Festival Reconsidered 7. Towards a Conclusion: The Farmer and His Wife Appendix 1. Commentary on WD 582-596 Appendix 2. On Zephyros (WD 594) Appendix 3. On the Fountain, Sexual Mischief, and the Migration of Reapers Appendix 4. Commentary on WD 448-452 Appendix 5. Commentary on WD 486-490 Appendix 6. Commentary on Athenaeus 8.360B = carmen populare 848 (PMG) Appendix 7. Harvest Songs Appendix 8. The Avdemi Songs Table: Canicular Period Bibliography
4. The Village of Avdemi: A Case Study in Wanton Women? [1]
... cicadas acerrimi cantus esse et mulieres libidinis avidissimas virosque in coitum pigerrimos scripsere.
... "they [sc. Hesiod and Alcaeus] have written that the cicada's songs are sharpest and women are most lustful and men most sluggish in sexual relations."
Pliny Natural history 22.86
'Άνδρα θέλω, τώρα τὸν θέλω.
I want a man, I want him now.
Chian proverb, said of the impatient. Originally, it would seem a charm; a woman recited this naked under a quince tree at sunrise as a cure for the prickly heat of the Dog Days.
The harvest occurs in June: hence the month's name, θέρος ('Harvest'). The men form loose groups (ὅμιλοι) which effectively operate as primitive "labor unions" that elect a chief negotiator, the δραγουμάνος. Himself a harvester, the δραγουμάνος approaches the various landowners of the region and after considerable haggling arranges the terms of hire. It is noteworthy that other groups compete for hire as well; thus the δραγουμάνος has to pare down his own group's demands to a tolerable minimum, while taking care not to expose the workers to exploitation. (Curiously, the Greek for this crucial consideration is νὰ μὴν τοὺς κάψῃ, that is, 'he mustn't burn the workers.') The workers determine whether the proffered amount is χάκι ('fair'), and generally are unwilling to work for more than twenty-five days consecutively.
As the village's fields are unsuited to the cultivation of wheat, the harvest entails large-scale movements of male workers, often as far as the Turkish hinterland. Usually, however, the reapers temporarily settle in the surrounding Thracian plains. Each band takes along three or four young boys, each responsible for a particular task. The ψωμᾶς ('bread-boy') fetches bread from the landowner's house, the νερᾶς ('water-boy') fetches water, and two other boys are put in charge of the mules and asses of the ὅμιλος ('group,' 'band'). Harvesters, as a rule, take along their animals, including their sheep and goats, in order to graze them in the outlying richer regions. Additionally, the reapers set up a regular "relay station" of errand boys who are dispatched to and from the village. These messengers often travel twice daily, bringing back clean clothes and fruit, raki, and even an occasional carnation—the traditional love-flower—from their loved ones. Cast in the form of a wife's love missive to her husband, this song reflects the practice of sending tokens and food to the "exiled" harvesters:
Σοῦ στέλνω χαιρετίσματα,
σταπίδες καὶ κανέλλα,
ξεθέρισες, πουλάκι μου,
πάρ' τὸ δρεπάνι σ' κ' ἔλα.
I send you greetings,
currants, and cinnamon,
as soon as you finish harvesting, my darling
[lit., my little bird],
grab your sickle and come back.
On the eve of their departure, the harvesters go from house to house, bidding neighbors and relations good-bye. This is hardly feigned sentimentality, however; the prospect of hard work in sweltering heat weighs heavily on all, not least the reapers. [2] The refrain of the night expresses this grim thought aptly:
Σαράντα δράμια σίδερο καὶ δέκα δράμια ξύλο.
Forty drams [3] of iron and ten drams of wood.
The reapers work in pairs as ὀρακτςῆς, i.e., 'main harvester,' and δεματςῆς, who is in charge of binding the stalks. Many work even at night in order to finish sooner and return home.
Their respective tasks completed, the harvesters return home en groupe or individually after some twenty-five or thirty days. The first one to return is given a hero's welcome. As the others arrive within a few days of each other, the village's enthusiasm grows; on his arrival, each harvester sings one of the seasonal songs (τραγούδια τοῦ θέρου). [4] Finally, with the majority now returned, reapers and villagers meet at the house of the δραγουμάνος, who treats everyone to raisins and raki. The last reaper to return—by now a buffoon in the village mind—is treated to hoots and catcalls, the clanging of tins, and even the sight—and smell—of burning ass manure. The harvest season closes with an exodus into the surrounding fields, often to the seashore, where the villagers feast on lamb and perform their dances.
The month-long separation causes the wives to yearn for their husbands. As already noted, this longing informs song 1. Like many of the songs, this song is stylized in letter form and may even be sung by the women as they dispatch the errand boys with their packages. Whatever the details of the song's performance, it remains a cipher for the women's emotions at harvest.
During these nondescript, lonely days, the women of Avdemi turn to song with singular effectiveness. We may distinguish: [5]
I. Songs describing the loneliness and inconsolable state of the women:
A Σαράντισες, πουλάκι μου, καὶ θὰ πενηνταρίσῃς,
καμμιὰ γραφὴ δὲν μοὔστειλες νὰ μὲ παρηγορήσῃς.
It's been forty days, my darling [lit., my little bird], and it'll soon be fifty
since you sent me a letter to console me.
B Στὸ θέρο ποὺ θερίζει
τὸ τελατίνι μου
δὲ βγαίνει ἀπὸ τὸ νοῦ μου
κι' ἀπὸ τὰ χείλη μου.
During the harvest when
my flower reaps,
he doesn't leave my mind
or lips.
C Στὸ θέρο σὲ θυμήθηκα καὶ δὲν μπορῶ νὰ κάμω,
τὰ δυό μου χέρια σταύρωσα κὶ' ἔπεσα νὰ πεθάνω.
At harvest-time I remembered you and couldn't bear it,
I crossed my two hands and lay down to die.
D Ὁ Μάης φέρνει τὰ καλὰ κὶ' ἡ θέρος τὰ φαρμάκια,
ποὺ ξενητεύε ι τὰ παιδιὰ καὶ τὰ παλληκαράκια.
May brings good things, but harvest-time brings poisons,
because it sends abroad boys and young men.
E Περικαλῶ τὴν Παναγιά, στὸ θέρο ποὺ θερίζει,
νἄχῃ καλὰ τ'ν ἀγάπη μου ὡσότου νὰ γυρίςῃ.
I beg the Virgin Mary in the name of the month of the harvest
to keep my love well until he returns.
F Ἔλα ἔλα ἀπὸ τὸ θέρο
γιὰ θὰ στείλω νὰ σὲ φέρω.
Come back, come back from harvesting,
or I'll dispatch someone to fetch you.
G Λάβε τὸ γραμματάκι μου μαζὶ καὶ ματζουράνα,
σὲ περιμένω γιὰ νἀρθῇς αὐτὴ τὴν ἑβδομάδα.
Receive my little missive along with some marjoram,
I'm waiting for you to come back this week.
Η Ἔλα μὴν τὸ κάνῃς
βάλτηκες νὰ μὲ πεθάνης.
Come, don't do this—
you're bent on killing me.
II. Songs in which the women wish to be metamorphosed into a particular detail of the harvest landscape:
I Πῶς νἄμνα πῶς νὰ γένουμα στάχυα νὰ μὲ θερίζῃς,
χερόβολο νὰ μὲ κρατῇς καὶ νὰ μὲ λαχταρίζῃς·.
If only I could become wheat stalks for you to harvest,
you'd hold me like a handful and yearn for me.
J Πῶς νἄμνα πῶς νὰ γένουμα στὸ θέρος κρύα βρύση,
νὰ πίνῃ ἡ ἀγάπη μου ὡς ποὺ νὰ ξεθερίςῃ.
If only I could become a cold spring at harvest
so that my love could drink until he finished harvesting.
K Πῶς νἄμνα πῶς νὰ γένουμα στὸ θέρο ἕνα δεδράκι
νὰ κάμνω γήσκιο καὶ δροσγιὰ γιὰ ἕνα παλληκαράκι.
If only I could become a tree at harvest
so that I could provide shade and cool for a young man.
L Πῶς νἄμνα πῶς νὰ γένουμα δεξί σ' χέρι δρεπάνι
καὶ στὸ ζερβί σ' παλαμαριὰ ἄλλη νὰ μὴ σὲ πάρῃ.
If only I could become a sickle in your right hand,
and a rope in your left to prevent another woman from taking you.
Μ Νἄξερα ἡ ἀγάπη μου σὲ ποιὸ χωράφ' θερίζει,
γιὰ τὸ δρεπάνι τ' ἀκουνεῖ γιὰ μένα λαχταρίζει.
If only I knew on what field my love is reaping,
for the sickle which he brandishes yearns for me.
ΙΙΙ. Songs in which the women express sympathy for the men's trials at harvest:
N Μὴν ἔρριξες τὰ νειᾶτα σου μὲς τοὺ' Αγᾶ τὰ ἔρμα,
ξεθέρισες, πουλάκι μου, πάρ' τὸ δρεπάνι σ' κὶ' ἔλα.
You've plunged your youth into the Agha's desert lands,
as soon as you finish harvesting, my darling, grab your sickle and come back.
Ο Νἄξερα τὸ πουλάκι μου σὲ ποιὸ χωράφ' θερίζει
νὰ στείλω χρυσομάντηλο τὸν ἵδρω τ' νὰ σκουπίζῃ.
If only I knew in what field my little darling is reaping,
I'd send him a golden handkerchief to wipe his sweat.
P Ἡ θέρος κὶ' ἡ παλαμαριὰ καὶ τὸ βαρὺ δρεπάνι
ποὺ πῆρε τὴν ἀγάπη μου καὶ θὰ τήνε μαράνῃ.
The harvest and the long rope and the heavy sickle
have taken my love and will make him wither. [6]
Q Σαράντα δράμια σίδερο καὶ δέκα δράμια ξύλο
κάμανε τὴν ἀγάπη μου σὰ μαραμένο φύλλο.
Forty drams of iron and ten drams of wood
have made my love into a withered leaf. [7]
Now these songs sound innocent enough; or so they may seem at first sight: wistful, allusive, even witty. The first group calls for brief comment. Song A has a plangent tonality, achieved, one might say, by the rhyming of two prominent (and emotive) words: πενηνταρίσῃς ('spend fifty days'), resonant with its liturgical associations, [8] and παρηγορήσῃς ('console'), a technical funerary term in Greece. This month-long separation then becomes a metaphorical widowhood for the farmer's impatient wife. As might be expected of a widow, she suffers from the usual flashbacks; she states this in song C:
At harvest-time Ι remembered you and couldn't bear it.
Song H repeats this death-wish ('you're bent on killing me'), though here, too, it is possibly exaggerated. In this same group we may note another conventional conceit: the husband's absence is likened to ξενητειά—absence abroad, usually on a ship. [9] Song D explicitly states this theme. Song E reads almost like a prayer to the Virgin for the safe voyage of one's beloved:
And F—'Come back, come back from harvesting/or I'll dispatch someone to fetch you'—with emphasis on the woman's impatience might just as easily have come from the lips of a mariner's wife. The wife thus plays Penelope or reminiscing widow and gestures at, indeed begs for, her husband's return from the θέρος.
These latter roles—faithful Penelope and respectable widow—are the most convenient for a woman to don in traditional society, as indeed in demotic song. [10] To be sure, a woman cannot assume the garb of any but the "normative" wife. To do otherwise in demotic song, let alone in actual society, would be an affront to acceptable codes of behavior. Moreover, such an infraction would make little sense in songs intended to encourage men at harvest. The metaphorical ξενητειά ('absence abroad'), in particular, turns into a flexible medium, as can be seen from its use in the non-maritime context of the harvest. But it is limited, and so is supplemented by songs cast in the form of wishes (Group II). [11]
Taken as an aggregate, these songs depict—grosso modo—a harvest landscape. And certainly the details of the locus amoenus which are singled out— the wheat stalks and the sickle, the cool spring and shady tree—are traditional, with WD 582-596 a clear analogue. The preoccupation with heat and thirst, and their opposites, is only natural at this time. The WD, too, uses a typical ring-structure (571-581; 582-596; 597-608) to show the alternation of hard work in the sun and welcome refreshment afterwards. [12]
Of course the desiderated metamorphosis into a spring or shady tree has to do with the man's fatigue—a state the woman well understands, as the songs of Group III show. But more than genuine empathy is at work here. Conceivably of sexual import, songs I and L point to a woman subconsciously discarding the traditional garb of a "normative" wife or widow. Song I, which expresses the wish to be "harvested" by the husband, recalls the Aristophanic double-entendre of τρυγᾶν ('to pick fruit')· [13] Here, we might say, the woman becomes sexually frank about herself, despite the known social constraints of rural Greece. For the first time in this cycle of harvest songs, she speaks her mind. The chain of associations elicited by some songs may lead in several directions. It may be that in song L the woman wishes à fond to be one of her husband's permanent accessories (a sickle or a rope) in order to be near him. She may simultaneously feel murderous towards the hypothetical "other" woman, in which case the two implements are also meant as weapons. Ἔρριξες ('you've plunged') in song N certainly implies violent motion and so the Agha's lands may likewise be envisaged as a female rival. 'Sickle' in song M, on the other hand, is undoubtedly a sexual emblem; the song betrays the woman's sexual urges and possibly her husband's:
Such self-expression is the rare gift indeed of demotic poetry. Her husband's absence at the harvest prompts a symbolic widowhood for the woman, which is traditionally conveyed in song. In a serious sense, she is temporarily bereft and now entertains the thought of sex. The songs in Group II make plain this sexual longing. Her husband's physical rigors cause the woman to offer him the comforting images of the songs in this group. At the same time, however, these images betoken more than a wife's empathy; song I, in particular, strongly suggests the rarely spoken μαχλοσύνη of a mariner's wife or young widow, though even here the expression is subdued in accordance with propriety.
Finally, the dimension of male-female contrast which is only implicit in the songs of Group II becomes explicit in Group III. The former songs hold out comforts for the chafing men without stating their condition. Their pitiable condition is at length described: practically sacrificial victims on the Agha's lands (song N), the men sweat (song O) and slowly wither like the vegetation at this season (songs P, G). Thus in their own words, the women wax wanton while their men-folk "wither."
⁂
To return to Works and Days. True to form, Hesiod gives us very few details, other than chronological ones, about the harvest. We already know from WD that the harvest was the annual ἔργον par excellence and consequently Hesiod's chief concern, for 'prosperity' (ἀρετή, cf. 289, 313) [14] was reckoned principally in terms of a 'plentiful supply' (ἄφενος 24, or ἀφθονία, cf. 118 ἄφθονος) of wheat and barley, to last until the following year: see WD 22-24 (w. Verdenius, p. 26 on ἄφενος), 31-32 (w. Verdenius, pp. 32-33), 44 (w. Verdenius, p. 43 on ἔχειν), 117- 118 (w. Verdenius, pp. 82-83), 126 (w. Verdenius, p. 87 on πλουτοδόται), 299-301 (w. Verdenius, p. 154 on βιότου), 306-307, 312- 313, 577. [15] Although WD does not tell us directly, we may be sure that reaping was an arduous affair. Stripped to their khitones, [16] reapers performed gruelling work, which their modern counterparts have likened to the hardships of war. [17] It is equally certain that the farmer himself (cf. WD 22, 289-290, 576-577, 601-607) and his permanent male slaves (WD 573, cf. 597, 608)—and his (free-born) hired hands [18] —had to rise before dawn and hurriedly set about reaping (576-577). [19] They had to take advantage of the crucial three or so hours after daybreak, [20] when the stalks were still moist and so more pliable and the heat still bearable. Work in the morning must have been especially fruitful. It is likely that the farmer, fresh from rest and unimpaired by the heat, could at this time achieve at least one-third of a day's output. [21] He and his crew stopped at midday, when the heat grew intense. [22] They resumed work after lunch [23] and probably a siesta and finished around sunset or even later. [24]
Works and Days informs us that the farmer's permanent male slaves were engaged in reaping and threshing. But did women reap and thresh? Women undoubtedly were peripheral to farm activities in the archaic and classical periods. There seems to be no literary (or iconographic) evidence suggesting the contrary: with the exceptions of grinding grain [25] and tending cows or sheep, [26] women, even those of poor social standing, apparently never ventured afield to do agricultural work. [27] Indeed, there would be no positive reason for them to do so, for women were scrupulously secluded within or near the οἶκος ('house,' 'household') and thought constitutionally unfit to perform any but household chores. All remaining work fell to the menfolk, who included slaves. In a slave-owning society of this type the division of labor was bound to be unequal from the start.
It is scarcely unusual that plowing, which demanded muscle- and staying-power, was assumed to be a man's job in a Homeric simile (Odyssey 13.31-34; cf. WD 441). No less telling is the harvest vignette portrayed on Achilles' shield at Iliad 18.550-560. There unspecified women are not reaping but rather preparing a lunch of barley broth for the hired workers. [28] Two further testimonia may concern us. When at Odyssey 16.313-318 Odysseus and Telemakhos are plotting against the suitors, Telemakhos at once assumes that the manservants (δμῶες ἄνδρες, 305) are away at their farms and that the maidservants, by contrast, are in the palace. [29] Second, Hesiod's uncomplimentary comparison of women to idle, avaricious drones in a bee-hive (Theogony 594-599), presupposes that a wife remained at home, where she was expected to work. [30] Farm work was, then, man's work indeed, and no less an authority than Xenophon's Socrates (in the Oeconomicus) subsequently confirmed this when he noted that agriculture is a manly παιδεία ('training'), inuring body and soul to heavy effort in the heat or cold (Oeconomicus 5.4,13).
Alongside this fact we should also reckon with the possibility that Hesiod's peasant farmers may have worked on distant fields, travelling some distance from, say, the hilly north or rugged south to the central Boeotian plains. It may, however, be the case that the agrarian structure to be envisaged for archaic Boeotia is scattered settlement of small populations in farmsteads or villages (κῶμαι) relatively near to abundant cultivable land. [31] If so, the example of Avdemi, though not strictly parallel, will still serve to illustrate the conceivable social and other effects wrought by the lopsided distribution of labor between the sexes at this pivotal season. For confirmation of the relative disparity between men and women—and of the men's practical and emotional reactions to this—we may consider further comparative evidence drawn from another Thracian village. The farmers of Petrochori (in western Thrace) live within a short distance of their fields. Hourmouziades 1939. 347-413, especially 378, notes that harvesting and generally most of the heavier farming tasks fall to the men; while the men spend most nights away from home at harvest-time, the women set about the lighter, domestic chores and "only very rarely reap with a sickle, though they often pull out the sparser and shorter cereal crops." [32] Hourmouziades also remarks that male harvesters apparently think it ill-omened to have sexual relations with their wives at this period: "… the harvesters avoided sexual relations with their wives because long-standing experience had taught them that whoever violated this rule was 'held-up/ that is, he did not manage to finish harvesting, but left his work half-finished … they spent their nights in the fields and only rarely did they go to the village." [33]
Some serious disequilibrium in the respective states of the sexes must have resulted (almost literally) in the aftermath of the harvest. It is conceivable that the disparity was due to their separation for long periods during the harvest and the far more rigorous regimen imposed upon the men. By the time Sirius rises the men, we are told, are ἀφαυρότατοι, that is, extremely weak or feckless. [34] The fact that (i) the women are (or are reported to be) correspondingly μαχλόταται ('wanton in the extreme'), and (ii) the men's head and knees—both seats of virility and vigor in general [35] —have been parched by the sun, must suggest that ἀφαυρότατοι connotes a diminution of sexual responsiveness over and above fatigue. [36] Now the fatigue which Hesiod's men experience during the Dog Days tallies well with the heat exhaustion bound to afflict them at the height of the harvest, ὅτε τ' ἠέλιος χρόα κάρφει (575, 'when the sun withers the skin'). It is as if the June fatigue carried over, by a kind of "thematic attraction," into the description of midsummer. (As we shall note in ch. 6, the festival scene itself arguably complements the prescriptions for the harvest which immediately precede it in vv. 571-581.) But perhaps there was also an external reason for the "persistence" of this fatigue. The threshing and winnowing, which followed so soon on the harvest and had to be finished by the rising of Sirius, [37] would have tired the men out even more: threshing, it has been noted, must be done in high temperatures, and winnowing can be as tiring as reaping. [38]
A male-female imbalance, which was born of an unequal harvest regimen, patently informs WD 585-588. The women of Avdemi can manage no more than to hint at this state of affairs. And their cumulative version of the "facts," as far as they can be made out, at least seems honest and, more important, plausible. [39] Hesiod, however, can unreservedly state the seasonal disparity between the sexes because he is operating within the genre of παραίνεσις ('exhortation'). But how fair is such straightforward "reportage" of the relations between the sexes, particularly with regard to the women? Is Hesiod as "honest" as the women of Avdemi seem to be?
Here it may be as well to suggest two possible answers, both equally alluring, of which the second may raise implications as to the composition of WD:
Hesiod is fair in his description of the men but unfair as regards the women. Though hardly overdrawing the men's exhausted state, [40] the poet misrepresents the state of their opposite numbers at home, once again betraying the misogyny so richly documented for the archaic and classical periods. We know from Xenophon that men resented the unequal allocation of labor. [41] As resentment grew with the realization that they had instituted this asymmetry themselves, the men must have rationalized it by entertaining various misogynous suspicions and fears. They feared that, left idle and unsupervised at harvest season, their wives were availing themselves of younger men in their absence. What is more, their own physical condition probably lent an element of anxiety to their reactions. After long hours of backbreaking work in blistering heat the men naturally must have felt sexually debilitated over and above their actual fatigue—backache [42] could easily have been a disincentive to sex. The statement in 586 f. is on this view little more than seasonally-inspired misogyny.
Hesiod is quite fair on both scores: In reporting specifically that women are wanton, the WD may be integrating non-epic, that is, local lyric traditions comparable to the one that motivated the songs of Avdemi. These subliterate traditions would have contrasted, from the female perspective, the state of the sexes at the harvest. [43] Further, allusions to female desire—whether outright or veiled—may have been a common feature of these traditions.
Needless to say, the content of these implied traditions cannot be reconstructed except by extrapolation from demotic sources. At the same time it must be remembered that this historical "backtracking" can only suggest a probable source for the diction at WD 586-587. The actual details of the song traditions presumably assimilated into the WD will remain unknown.
What is more, the evidence of Avdemi hardly supports the view that similar songs have been in continuous existence from antiquity to modern times, although one need not question whether the harvesting of grain has been done in largely the same way. If the Avdemi songs at all resemble in point of content certain ancient songs performed at harvest, this may be put down to a similar pattern of farming activities instead of preservation through oral tradition. Rather like certain modern Greek work-songs, whose content is strikingly similar to that of their ancient analogues, the songs of Avdemi are scarcely "primitive survivals." [44] To the extent that certain types of song are directly dependent on a practical function, we may assume that, if the women of Hesiod's day were segregated from their men during the harvest, certain themes would necessarily have been adopted in song, and then just as inevitably readopted over two millennia later by Thracian women.
Once it is acknowledged that oral poetry, ancient and modern, may consist of functionally generated traditions, this kind of comparative analysis becomes practicable. That is to say, we may account for the diction at WD 586 in terms of a set of harvest practices and song traditions very similar to those which apparently engendered the Avdemi songs. The exact content of the lyrical traditions surrounding the harvest in Hesiodic times can never be conclusively known. But the survival of harvest practices and, moreover, the existence of songs dealing with female sexuality at harvest-time are difficult to deny, particularly in a village where women represent themselves in song as waxing wanton. In the end, the demotic tradition with its unity and internal consistency must have the "last word," and the comparison between this tradition and the Hesiodic one is valid.
[ back ] 1. This section is a reconstruction of harvest practices as recorded by Zises 1939.356-362. Both in this section and elsewhere, I adhere to the present tense, although many details are today anachronistic. The village in question was known in Byzantine times as Εὐδήμιοι (Eudemion) and was located on the shoreline of the Sea of Marmara. It was burnt down in the Fourth Crusade (1204) and entirely rebuilt on a site farther inland. Until the First Balkan War (1912) it numbered 400 Greek Orthodox families; its 1,000 inhabitants were evacuated in 1923 following the Greek defeat in Asia Minor. At the time of Zises's article (1939), this village was reported to have abandoned the cultivation of wheat in favor of viniculture and silk-growing. Zises gives no date for this change, but simply notes local topographical names such as Ἁλῶνι (the village piazza), 'Αλώνια (the outlying vineyards), Ἁλωνάκι (the village's old threshing-floor), etc., and suggests that wheat-growing must have been prominent two or three generations earlier. Also, the seasonal songs of the harvest performed at Avdemi even as late as 1938 show—according to Zises—that the wheat harvest was still distinctly remembered.
[ back ] 2. Hence the Thracian proverb: θέρος, τρύγος, πόλεμος ('wheat harvest, vine harvest, war'). According to both Zises 1939. 358 and Papathanasi-Mousiopoulou 1980. 138, the import of the proverb is that the harvest, like a war, is an urgent situation calling for physical hardship and the suspension of all other regular activities.
[ back ] 3. Cf. ch. 2 n. 17.
[ back ] 4. None are recorded by Zises.
[ back ] 5. These are rhyming distichs.
[ back ] 6. Indeed, μαραίνω ('wither,' 'dry up') and its derivatives are seasonal terms, inevitably called to the popular mind by the summer heat; see below. Villagers link the verb μαραίνω to 'Αγία Μαρίνα ( 'St. Marina') whose feast is celebrated at the height of the threshing season (July 17): further, Loukatos 1981. 79-80. This paretymologia serves to reinforce the ban on threshing on St. Marina's feast. Those who thresh on this day, μαραίνονται, i.e., are destroyed or withered.
[ back ] 7. Μαραμένος can mean anything from 'drained, dried up, withered, spent, sterile' to 'aggrieved, love-sick, destroyed.' As a sexual allusion in song, μαραμένος refers more frequently to men and represents demotic tradition at its frankest. Compare the Homeric ἀφαυρός/ἀφαυρότατος, used (with two exceptions) of men: Appendix 1, n. on 586.
Finally, we may note the equation of thirst and exhaustion with death and bereavement, respectively, in the demotic miroloi. a dead woman can speak of herself as τὸ διψασμένο ('the thirsty one'), while ἡ μαραμένη ('the withered one' [feminine]) will refer to her grieving mother. For more on the thirsty dead in the MG lament, see Alexiou 1974. 202-205; on the ancient (cross-cultural) evidence, see Vermeule 1979. 57 (with n. 28).
[ back ] 8. The word itself recalls Πεντηκοστή ('Pentecost'); no less overt is its lugubrious usage as a term denoting the fifty days since the death of a loved one. Also, σαράντισες ('you've spent forty days') connotes the fortieth-day church commemoration of a death.
[ back ] 9. 9 The theme of ξενητειά ('absence,' 'exile') is pervasive in Greek literature; cf. especially Sappho fr. 96 (LP), where the theme of Atthis' absence in Lydia motivates what in effect becomes a love poem. Cf. also the theme of going abroad (στὰ ξένα) used in demotic wedding songs (of a daughter being married) and in the miroloi where absence abroad signifies death: see especially Saunier 1983.
[ back ] 10. On women in modem Greek society, see especially Dubisch 1986, and Loizos and Papataxiarchis 1991.
[ back ] 11. This is a widespread popular genre, which is attested in ancient Greek and Byzantine sources: cf. J. C. B. Petropoulos (forthcoming), ch. 5.
[ back ] 12. Cf. ch. 6.
[ back ] 13. Peace 1339-1340, on which see J. C. B. Pciropoulos (forthcoming), ch. 4.
[ back ] 14. See Verdenius, pp. 149-150 on 289, p. 157 on 313 ἀρετή and κῦδος.
[ back ] 15. The foregoing passages would seem to support Snodgrass's hypothesis that the transition from pastoralism to a cereal culture had occurred by the eighth century B.C., the probable date of WD: consult Snodgrass 1980. 35-36.
[ back ] 16. Cf. WD 392 γυμνὸν δ' ἀμάειν ('reap without clothes'). Γυμνός· is here probably a relative term, meaning, as it does elsewhere, 'without a himation,' i.e., wearing only the khilon: see Dover 1968. 163 on Aristophanes Clouds 498. The folk belief that prevented one from urinating towards the sun (cf. WD 727) probably prevented farmers from harvesting stark naked. Exposure would have been insulting to the sun and dangerous to the reaper.
[ back ] 17. Cf. n. 2 above.
[ back ] 18. WD 602-603 refer to the hiring of hands (θῆτες) some time after threshing; cf. 370.
[ back ] 19. For Hesiod as a member of a category of better-off peasants who, like the Russian kulaks, could afford slave and hired labor and at least one plow, cf. Millett 1984. 89-90.
[ back ] 20. Cf. West, p. 303 on 574 ἐπ ' ἠῶ κοῖτον.
[ back ] 21. Cf. WD 578, discussed in ch. 2 n. 7.
[ back ] 22. Cf. WD 575.
[ back ] 24. Cf. Dover 1971. 77 on Theocritus 1.15.
[ back ] 25. Cf. Odyssey 7.103-104, 20.105-110; Semonides fr. 7.59 (W).
[ back ] 26. The cases documented by West, p. 260 on 406 are all eccentric.
[ back ] 27. For the classical evidence and bibliography, see Des Bouvrie 1990. 53 n. 2.
[ back ] 28. Consult Willcock 1984. 271-272 ad loc. Iliad 5.500 cites only ἀνδρῶν λικμώντων ('when men are winnowing') but nothing about women in relation to winnowing.
[ back ] 29. Cf. immediately below.
[ back ] 30. Similarly West, p. 260 on WD 406.
[ back ] 31. Consider Halstead's findings in relation to many prehistoric and classical sites: Halstead 1987. 83, et passim.
[ back ] 32. Hourmouziades 1939. 371-372.
[ back ] 33. Ibid., 378.
[ back ] 34. Cf. Appendix 1 on 586.
[ back ] 35. Presumably because the cerebro-spinal fluid of the head and the synovial fluid secreted by the knee joint were classed as sources of life: see the bibliography assembled by West on 587 (p. 305).
[ back ] 36. Cf. Appendix 1 ad loc. By contrast, Homer's generic plowman at the end of a hard day's work experiences weakness in his knees with no implication of sexual "impotence": see Odyssey 13.31-34.
[ back ] 37. Cf. below.
[ back ] 38. Halstead and Jones 1989. 47.
[ back ] 39. Some of the women's complaints may sound implausibly, even sickeningly maudlin to North American or British wives. It may be objected, not without methodological circumspection, that the songs give an ideal, or expected, version of the women's emotions. This may or may not be correct, yet the other facts which emerge from the songs - the long separation of the sexes and the isolation and sheer fatigue of the men—cannot be seriously called into question.
[ back ] 40. But compare Athanassakis 1983. 103 on 582 f.: "Hesiod would probably be nearer the truth if he had said that the summer heat is conducive to increasing the sexual urge in both men and women …" this statement is a "way of overdramatizing the plight of men".
[ back ] 41. Memorabilia 2.7.7-10 and Oeconomicus 7-10 treat of the resentment felt by men towards leisured ladies in particular.
[ back ] 42. So as to avert backache Rhodian reapers rub their lower back with sandy soil which has been blessed in church on Pentecost: Vrontes 1938-1948. 116. Before setting out for their fields reapers in eastern Thrace pluck a tuft of the basil plant and place it behind their ear in the homeopathic hope that their head will remain as cool as the sweet basil. Once they reach their plots they tuck the basil into their belt, this time in order to ward off backache. If backache nevertheless ensues during the harvest, they resort to a remarkable cure—they attach a tortoise together with a clove of garlic to their belts. See D. A. Petropoulos 1941-1942. 157.
[ back ] 43. Cl. Appendix 8 below.
[ back ] 44. Compare Beaton's arguments with regard to MG work-songs: Beaton 1980. 147.


Sometime back in the late 1980's, I read Moldavite: Starborn Stone of Transformation by Robert Simmons and Kathy Warner, ordered a raw moldavite pendant from their company, Heaven and Earth Jewelry, and on the day it arrived, I put it on and wore it to a class I was taking that night. Sitting in class, I suddenly found myself thoroughly ungrounded, feeling like I was about to leave my body, that I could sense the individual atoms in my body racing around; and truth be told, I felt a little high and had no idea why. Something was happening to me physically and mentally–it was an initial reaction to the moldavite.
As I started wearing my moldavite daily and my vibrational level gradually adjusted to the stone, I no longer felt like I was about to leave my body at any moment–which made it much easier to drive to work. During meditation sessions, I started putting the moldavite on my third eye, while holding a piece of clear crystal quartz in one hand and an amethyst point in the other.
Moldavite is a glassy-like stone, classified as a tektite, and in its raw state, it is not smooth, but actually rather rough. It is usually green, and sometimes brown. Many believe that it came to Earth as part of a meteorite and is therefore, extraterrestrial in origin.
Speaking for myself, I meditate with moldavite on my third eye to help open up to direct communication with Spirit; and I wear a moldavite pendant which falls right over my heart chakra, which I believe helps me open my heart to what I receive from Spirit. When someone asks me which stones to use to help them open up to communication with Spirit, I never hesitate: a main course of moldavite with sides of clear quartz and amethyst are my crystals of choice.
My advice: get yourself a piece of moldavite, create your own personal way of interacting together, and see where your journey takes you next. Just don't drive while you're doing it!


Sorry. I know that summer is still limping along but in decorating to a deadline terms, Christmas is just around the corner!
So bookings are being taken now so that you can be sure that your project will indeed be completed in time for the big day, or the arrival of the new sofa!


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Caroline Thomas first came to Madagascar in 2006 while working as a midwife when she joined YWAM (Youth With A Mission) to help set up a clinic in the bush of Madagascar. After delivering many beautiful Malagasy babies and falling in love with Madagascar, she returned to the UK until she attended Harvest School of Missions in Mozambique in 2008. It was here that God called Caroline back to Madagascar, and into her destiny caring for orphaned and abandoned children, when he gave her a vision of babies being thrown away in rubbish skips and dying in Madagascar, but with the promise that He would transform their lives.
She returned to Madagascar directly following mission school and found that it was true that babies were being abandoned and thrown away in piles of rubbish, and made plans to return to Madagascar long-term and pioneer Iris Madagascar's first base in the capital city of Antananarivo. In 2010, Iris Madagascar was birthed with a heart to take in every abandoned and unwanted child in Madagascar, and seeing God heal, restore, and transform them in a loving family. Since pioneering Iris Madagascar, she has continued to serve as the Director of the base and "Mama Caroline" to a big, happy family of 146 children, over 110 national staff, 5 missionaries, and many people in the community. She is now also has three Malagasy children of her own, Andry, Esti, and Jeremy, of whom she has legal guardianship.
Phone: +261 32 12 669 00
Email: caroline@irisglobal.org
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Iris Ministries Madagascar is part of Iris Global, a mission organization founded and led by Heidi and Rolland Baker.
The center was founded in 2010 by Caroline Thomas in the capital city of Antananarivo and is recognized and welcomed by the government as a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO).
Ministries at Iris Madagascar vary but are primarily centered on caring for children and the poor, including running a children's center for abandoned and orphaned kids.
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Nowadays the job market is very competitive, because many job seekers have a strong CV with finished studies, certifications and work experience thanks to the advantages of following internships and other study programs. We can all agree that when it comes to job hunting the people that you know have a big impact on helping you to get a job. It also broadens up your chances on getting a job if you use the contacts as referrals or if the contacts that you already have can recommend you to anybody they know.
In countries such a Spain there is a term used frequently in the job market: 'Enchufe'. This word can be translated to 'network', most of the people that have Enchufe struggle less to land a job, thanks to the people they know. Many people can see it as something unfair, but as young professionals we can all agree that is something that is needed and the sooner we learn about it, the better chances we have in growing in our career journey.
The main advantage is that in such events you're able to meet other professionals who are there exactly for the same reason as everybody else: 'To make new contacts'. Having a wide list of contacts will help you not only to get yourself known, but also to get to know other companies and have wide options for future ideas on how to collaborate. When doing an internship in such events company, the advantage is that getting to know other professionals will open new doors for you after graduation, especially if you are an outgoing person who likes to talk and get to know new people.
Attending such events is like waiting for a piñata to be broken so you can see what kind of unknown gifts are inside, the excitement is inevitable. In such events you're able to see every kind of businesses, some of them that are new to the market. Thanks to the variety of entrepreneurs and professionals who attend such events you will widen up your perspective in the businesses that exist and even inspire you on what career path to follow.
This benefit is mainly for all those who follow internships abroad, we know how difficult it is to get to know local people, especially if you're most of the time working and exploring around. Attending network events will give you the opportunity to meet people from the city that you're at, it is easier because all the people attending the event are open to meet you and there is no awkwardness when it comes to approaching them. In Spain people are very social so it can be quite fun to attend such events, because of the friendliness of the people in this country.
Even for those who are not social butterflies have the opportunity to develop those skills that are necessary in nowadays work environments. One of the main skills that employers are looking at when finding the perfect match for a certain position, are their social and people skills. The work environment is changing, even companies are adapting an open office culture, where having a small separated corner as an office is becoming part of the past. So having extra social skills is becoming a must. Attending networking events will improve your social skills in a safe environment, because there is no chance of getting rejected like the typical situation in any other social event, people in networking events are all there to make contacts, so rejecting to talk to someone is just not part of the environment.
Don't forget that most of these events are during out of office hours, mostly after work; therefore people are also there to have fun. These events usually include a variety of entertainment, companies that offer networking event services make sure to make the networking experience as enjoyable as possible. Some of the events include interactive presentations, contests, and interactive activities, drinking, eating and sometimes even dancing (in Spain).
This is absolutely true. I found my internship through the contacts within my network and the contacts I created throughout my years at uni. It is extremely important to listen what the other person has to say and remember how their skills and talents can become handy one day as you never know what kind of projects can present to you in the future! Awesome post!
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Come Back Daily CBD: Products That Can Help Couples Stress Less and Sleep Better
By: Hayley Matthews | Posted: August 4, 2020
The Scoop: CBD is a byproduct of the hemp plant that relieves pain and anxiety but without psychoactive effects. That's why CBD products make great gifts for anyone suffering from stress, chronic pain, or problems falling asleep. New York's Come Back Daily CBD is an advocate for CBD and its many benefits and offers powerful products to individuals and couples. Whether someone prefers a chewable gummy or a topical tincture for joint pain, Come Back Daily CBD helps clients shop online or in its New York stores for the right gifts for their partners or products for themselves.
When Come Back Daily CBD opened its newest store in White Plains, New York, a customer arrived on opening day in pain. She'd been having considerable ankle problems and wanted to see if CBD products could help her.
Co-Founder Steven Phan, who started the shop with his friend Waseem Ghattas, recommended that she apply CBD oil directly to her ankle. Steven, an advocate for the beneficial effects of CBD and marijuana, suspected that the direct application would help her pain considerably.
"After 10 to 15 minutes, she kept saying, I really feel it. I feel my ankle loosening up. It's working so fast," Steven said.
Come Back Daily CBD offers products that help with pain, anxiety, sleep, and many other ailments.
The woman's story is one of many that Steven has heard from clients who rely on Come Back Daily CBD to help them with everyday ailments. The shop offers high-quality CBD products, including oils, gummies, vaping liquid, balms, and even dog treats and bath bombs.
"Running this shop is a gift I can't describe. CBD is a gift for our clients because it relieves their pain. For us, the reward is seeing people benefit from this — be it relieving pain, bad sleep, or stress," Steven said.
For those looking for a gift to help a partner improve their quality of life, CBD products can make a world of difference. People can browse Come Back Daily CBD's online store or visit a brick-and-mortar location in White Plains or in the Tribeca/Soho neighborhood of New York City to learn more about the products and process.
Those who want to visit the store should make an appointment, as it is now taking precautions to slow the spread of Covid-19.
Natural Ways to Soothe Chronic Issues
CBD is short for Cannabidiol, a substance derived from cannabis but that doesn't cause the high associated with THC, the compound that has a psychoactive effect. In the United States, CBD is currently legal in all 50 states at the moment.
CBD can treat many different ailments. One of its most common uses is mitigating the effects of epilepsy in children, though it is also used to treat insomnia and anxiety. Notably, research has shown that CBD can help treat chronic pain. When applied to the skin, CBD can reduce inflammation and neuropathic pain, especially connected to arthritis.
One of Steven's goals is to educate the public about the benefits of CBD and marijuana.
"We wanted to find a way to fill a void in the industry. When we experienced CBD ourselves, we knew this was something for everyone and something we needed to educate people about," he told us.
Steven is also an advocate and activist for marijuana and wants to see the public develop more respect for CBD. While he knows that most people connect marijuana with letting loose and having a good time, CBD can offer real help for pain and stress.
For instance, he wants parents of children with epilepsy to know they can try CBD and that parents won't be giving their children illicit drugs.
The Come Back Daily CBD team is often tasked with recommending products to customers based on the issues they're having, and that's where the education side comes in.
"The trust our customers put in us to show them quality products is amazing. Our team has the knowledge to disseminate and find out which products fit their personal preferences," Steven said.
The Shop Has a Relaxed Family Atmosphere
Come Back Daily CBD isn't a pot shop. Instead, its family atmosphere, which starts with the management team, makes everyone feel welcome at both the online and physical stores.
In addition to Steven and Waseem, the store's team is rounded out by Will and Sean, recent college graduates and friends. Sean also happens to be Steven's little brother.
"Sean has handled all of the graphics. He's taken everything on himself, and it's amazing to work with my brother and have him produce quality designs," Steven told us.
Come Back Daily CBD offers a wide variety of oils and gummies.
That supportive atmosphere appeals to a crowd of people who may not feel comfortable buying marijuana products elsewhere. Compared with other shops, Come Back Daily CBD attracts an older demographic — ages 25 and up. Its crowd also differs based on the symptoms from which they need relief.
"Younger people are dealing with anxiety, stress, and sleep problems, while the older demographic is dealing with chronic pain, including rheumatoid arthritis," said Steven.
And Steven offers a few recommendations for those shopping for a partner with chronic pain, sleep issues, or anxiety. He said he likes the Life Flower Care massage oil and bath bombs as unique gift options. He also recommends the Terrestrial Roots pain relief balm, which helps with aches, pains, cramps, and inflammation.
He also suggests Wyld Gummies for stress relief and anxiety management.
"They're vegan and gluten-free, and they're priced just right," said Steven.
Another best-seller at the store is the Nu Bloom Sleep Spray. Users can spray the product three to five times onto their tongues before they want to fall asleep.
Come Back Daily CBD: Advocating for Its Many Benefits
Steven recommends people think about what their partners like before settling on a CBD product. For instance, if they take a daily gummy vitamin, someone could purchase a CBD gummy with a similar flavor and texture.
"Everything comes down to personal preference," said Steven.
Another part of Come Back Daily CBD's core mission is to simplify product choice. It doesn't have a wide range of gummy products because it doesn't want clients to spend extra time choosing between similar products. The team chooses the best products, so marketing materials or other unimportant factors don't sway customers.
Come Back Daily CBD Co-Founder Steven Phan wants to help people understand the benefits of CBD.
No matter what they choose, Steven thinks CBD products can make transformative gifts for a special someone. That's because it is something that can improve their health. And feeling better can have a trickle-down effect on so many other parts of their lives.
"The domino effect is you're not anxious or stressed out so you can just rest," Steven said.
Come Back Daily CBD already has added considerably to the New York cannabis market. But it's not resting on its laurels. Once the Covid-19 pandemic is under control, the company plans to expand to more suburban areas, as it did in White Plains, and is in talks to open a shop in Astoria.
The team also wants to help others who want to open their own CBD shops.
"Hopefully, we'll find ways to connect with people who want to be operators. We've learned a lot, and we want to share that with others," Steven said.
Hayley Matthews
Hayley is the Editor-in-Chief of DatingNews, and she handles editorial schedules, interviews, social media, and partnerships, among other things. She's been in the dating industry for more than six years, and her work has appeared in numerous publications, including Bustle, Cosmo, the Huffington Post, AskMen, and Entrepreneur.


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Bids for Maryland's Cheltenham Juvenile Detention Center Tainted by Big Labor Favoritism
0 November 11, 2011 State & Local Construction, Uncategorized
Today the ABC Maryland Joint Legislative Committee issued this release in response to the Maryland Department of General Services' (DGS) decision to include a provision in a Nov. 11, 2011, request for proposal (RFP) regarding a juvenile detention center in Cheltenham, Md. (Prince George's County) that unfairly favors construction managers (CMs) promising to mandate a project labor agreement (PLA) on contractors building the estimated $48 million project (Follow solicitation online here).
Maryland's merit shop employees and businesses will be locked out from a $48 million jail project because of the O'Malley administration's favoritism towards Big Labor.
This is the first time Maryland DGS has included a pro-PLA provision in any RFP for a state-funded construction project. DGS included the use of a PLA in the technical evaluation portion of this RFP to reward firms that use a PLA and penalize firms that don't. The PLA will be one of several factors evaluated to determine a CM at risk for a project using Maryland's best value procurement process.
CMs agreeing to mandate a PLA on contractors and subcontractors will receive preferential treatment (i.e., extra credit) and are almost 100 percent guaranteed to win this contract against CMs unwilling to mandate a PLA. In short, it is a de facto PLA mandate.
The DGS' "bonus for PLA" system is modeled off a policy adopted by the U.S. General Services Administration resulting from President Obama's Feb. 6, 2009, pro-PLA Executive Order 13502, which encourages federal agencies to mandate PLAs on a case-by-case basis for federal construction projects exceeding $25 million in total cost.
The GSA's PLA preference policy has resulted in increased costs, delays and other problems, such as those exposed in a U.S. House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing earlier this summer.
Union contractors and union construction workers benefiting from special interest PLAs continue to receive a considerable advantage when competing for federal contracts to build taxpayer-funded GSA construction projects. Numerous GSA projects have been awarded to contractors submitting PLA bids at the expense of qualified firms opposed to PLA mandates. Full and open competition has been curtailed in violation of federal law. Taxpayer dollars have been wasted, and skilled nonunion craft professionals have been denied jobs as a result of this needless policy.
Does Maryland really want to copy this failed policy from the federal government?
Maryland's taxpayers, businesses and construction industry deserve better.
PROPOSED JUVENILE DETENTION CENTER PROJECT TO FAVOR UNION LABOR
RFP discriminates against 90% of the construction workforce which has chosen not to join a union
November 11, 2011 – The O'Malley Administration's decision to favor union labor on the construction of a new juvenile detention center in Prince George's County will "have a negative impact on local hiring and inflates the cost of the project," said Mike Burlas with Associated Builders and Contractors (ABC).
ABC represents more than 1,600 construction and construction-related firms in four different chapters in Maryland and is the largest such organization in the state.
The State is seeking Requests for Proposals from interested contractors to provide 'Construction Management at Risk' services for the construction of the $48 million center to be located in Cheltenham, Maryland. Contained within the RFP is a stipulation that the project will be built exclusively with union labor. According to the RFP, proposals that do not include such a promise could be disqualified.
"We are very disappointed in the Administration's actions," said Burlas. "There's never a good time to shut out local businesses and workers, but with construction unemployment at near-record highs, the timing couldn't be worse."
Burlas, chairman of ABC's Joint Legislative Committee, pointed out that since more than 90% of Maryland's construction workforce has chosen not to belong to a union, a great number of the workers on this project are going to have to come from outside the state.
"That's precisely what happened when the District of Columbia agreed to build the National's baseball stadium with a union-only project labor agreement (PLA). Even though (the unions) promised the City that the majority of the workers would be from the District, most of the workers were, in fact, from outside the area, including many from Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York."
Moreover, minority and women-owned contractors, the overwhelming majority of which are nonunion, are going to be particularly hurt by this action, Burlas said.
Burlas also pointed out that union-only construction also drives up the cost of the project. According to a number of independent studies, PLAs increase the cost of construction by 10-20%. "The unions will dispute this, but you don't have to be an economist to figure out that when you eliminate 90% of the competition, the price is going to go up."
For more information, contact Debbie Schoonmaker, President, ABC of Metro Washington, (301) 595-9711, Calverton, Md.
ABC of Metro Washington represents the interests of more than 500 contractors, specialty contractors, and suppliers throughout the Washington metropolitan area who support and believe in the principles of merit shop and open competition. Merit Shop is a way of doing business in which companies reward employees based on performance while encouraging them to reach their highest level of achievement, and in which contracts are awarded based on safety, quality and value—regardless of labor affiliation
This post was written by Ben Brubeck and tagged Tags:ABC Metro Washington, Cheltenham, Department of General Services, Gov. O'Malley, GSA, Lafayette Building, Maryland, MarylandPLA, PLAs, Prince George's County, Project Labor Agreements