text:
The great human expansion
Brenna M. Henn, L. L. Cavalli-Sforza, and Marcus W. Feldman
PNAS October 30, 2012 109 (44) 17758-17764; https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1212380109
Brenna M. Henn
aDepartment of Genetics, Stanford University School of Medicine, Stanford, CA 94305; and
L. L. Cavalli-Sforza
Marcus W. Feldman
bDepartment of Biology, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305-5020
For correspondence: mfeldman@stanford.edu
Edited by C. Owen Lovejoy, Kent State University, Kent, OH, and approved September 25, 2012 (received for review July 19, 2012)
Genetic and paleoanthropological evidence is in accord that today's human population is the result of a great demic (demographic and geographic) expansion that began approximately 45,000 to 60,000 y ago in Africa and rapidly resulted in human occupation of almost all of the Earth's habitable regions. Genomic data from contemporary humans suggest that this expansion was accompanied by a continuous loss of genetic diversity, a result of what is called the "serial founder effect." In addition to genomic data, the serial founder effect model is now supported by the genetics of human parasites, morphology, and linguistics. This particular population history gave rise to the two defining features of genetic variation in humans: genomes from the substructured populations of Africa retain an exceptional number of unique variants, and there is a dramatic reduction in genetic diversity within populations living outside of Africa. These two patterns are relevant for medical genetic studies mapping genotypes to phenotypes and for inferring the power of natural selection in human history. It should be appreciated that the initial expansion and subsequent serial founder effect were determined by demographic and sociocultural factors associated with hunter-gatherer populations. How do we reconcile this major demic expansion with the population stability that followed for thousands years until the inventions of agriculture? We review advances in understanding the genetic diversity within Africa and the great human expansion out of Africa and offer hypotheses that can help to establish a more synthetic view of modern human evolution.
human population growth
hunter-gatherer demography
molecular evolution
Genetic data indicate that, approximately 45 to 60 kya, a very rapid population expansion occurred outside of Africa, and spread in all directions across the Eurasian continents, eventually populating the entire world. We dub this event the Great Expansion (Fig. 1). The precise location of the exit from Africa, and the relative timing of the southern coastal migration vs. the expansion into northern Eurasia, are still under intense debate (1⇓–3). However, as we discuss here, many parameters of the Great Expansion are now well understood, including the general timing of the exit, the magnitude of the associated bottleneck, and the mode of subsequent expansion. We review the history of the Out of Africa (OOA) expansion, with an emphasis on recent genomic data, and highlight future avenues of research.
Ancient dispersal patterns of modern humans during the past 100,000 y. This map highlights demic events that began with a source population in southern Africa 60 to 100 kya and conclude with the settlement of South America approximately 12 to 14 kya. Wide arrows indicate major founder events during the demographic expansion into different continental regions. Colored arcs indicate the putative source for each of these founder events. Thin arrows indicate potential migration paths. Many additional migrations occurred during the Holocene (11).
It is important first to distinguish between the presence of early near-modern humans in the Near East and the very distinct OOA exit associated with the Great Expansion. It is clear that anatomically near-modern humans occupied the Levant (4) during a warm interglacial period 130 to 80 kya, when this region was ecologically similar to northeastern Africa (5). However, current evidence indicates that this near-modern population did not persist in the Near East and was subsequently replaced by Neanderthals during the following glacial period, with little evidence of temporal overlap (5, 6). It is not until at least 50,000 y ago that evidence of behaviorally modern humans occurs in the archaeological record in the Near East. Only after this point do anatomically and behaviorally modern human remains become widespread in Eurasia. It is unclear what precipitated the tremendous population growth associated with this second occupation of the Near East and subsequent dispersal (7); possibly, cultural advances accumulated to a "tipping point" that supported extreme demographic growth (8), or anatomical changes that are not reflected in the paleoanthropological record [e.g., neuroanatomy (9)] occurred in the ancestral population. The geographic range expansions of humans outside of Africa were almost certainly associated with climatic fluctuations (10); however, the Great Expansion was an unprecedented demic success that occurred when the climate remained substantially colder than the previous interglacial. As discussed later, we know that the ancestral population for this expansion was African, but the rate of growth and structure of the ancestral population remain poorly understood.
An enormous wealth of genetic information about many populations has been generated in the century since the discovery of blood groups (11). The defining genetic feature of populations historically residing outside of Africa is the tremendous reduction in genetic diversity compared with populations residing in sub-Saharan Africa. Recent studies of autosomal polymorphisms are remarkably consistent in demonstrating the loss of diversity in OOA populations and in estimates of the parameters of this bottleneck (12⇓⇓⇓⇓–17) [also demonstrated clearly in the phylogenetic patterns of mtDNA and Y-chromsomal variation (18)]. Resequencing studies have estimated the ancestral effective population size at 12,800 to 14,400, with a 5- to 10-fold bottleneck beginning approximately 65,000 to 50,000 y ago (although see ref. 15 for a bottleneck to only 450 individuals). It is generally assumed that the bottleneck occurred as a small group(s) with an effective population size of only approximately 1,000 to 2,500 individuals moved from the African continent into the Near East. It should be noted that effective population sizes will generally be less than census population sizes, especially under extinction and recolonization (19).
The loss of genetic variation during the Great Expansion is assumed to have resulted from the way the world was settled by hunter-gatherer groups that, after colonizing a new habitat and expanding there, shed small groups that founded new colonies nearby. This genetic sampling process led to the successive reduction of variation in the newly founded colonies, with the reduction being proportional to the number of founders. A set of 52 populations from all continents [the Human Genetic Diversity Panel (20) has been studied with two large sets of markers: 784 microsatellites (21, 22) and 650,000 SNPs (23)]. In a single reasonably homogeneous population, genetic diversity of biparentally transmitted DNA can be assessed efficiently by counting heterozygotes for all variants. The pattern of average heterozygosities of today's populations suggest that, during the Great Expansion, there was a continuous decrease of genetic diversity with geographic distance from the place of origin in Africa (this takes account of the likely path of migration over land). The linear correlation between loss of genetic diversity and geographic distance from the origin of expansion in Africa is close to 90%.
The Great Expansion is thus consistent with serial colonization and concomitant loss of genetic heterozygosity, a process called a serial founder effect (Fig. 2) (21, 24, 25). A serial founder effect model involves three explicit assumptions. First, migration after the initial founder expansion was sufficiently limited that the populations in the series did not reach demographic equilibrium. This assumption appears warranted by the detectable substructure among continental and subcontinental populations throughout the globe (Fig. 1) (22, 23, 26⇓–28). Second, the serial founder populations migrated into virgin territory or had no substantial admixture with other resident, and presumably divergent, populations. In the context of human evolution, admixture could potentially occur between humans and Neanderthals or other archaic species. Ancient DNA from Neanderthal and Denisova specimens remain subject to mixed interpretations. Ancient DNA sequences suggest that these hominin species were highly diverged from the ancestors of modern humans, more than 400 kya (29), and their unique haploid mtDNA and Y-chromosome signatures are not present among any modern humans (30, 31). On the contrary, analysis of several genomes indicated 1% to 7% differential archaic admixture among populations outside of Africa (32, 33). Importantly for the serial founder effect theory, a limited amount of archaic admixture does not destroy our power to detect a serial founder migration of the kind modeled for humans (24, 25). Archaic admixture of 10% or greater would produce a discontinuous relationship between heterozygosity and distance and inflate long-range linkage disequilibrium measures (24).
Schematic of a serial found effect. We illustrate the effect of serial founder events on genetic diversity in the context of the OOA expansion. Colored dots indicate genetic diversity. Each new group outside of Africa represents a sampling of the genetic diversity present in its founder population. The ancestral population in Africa was sufficiently large to build up and retain substantial genetic diversity.
The third assumption is that there have been no dramatic postexpansion bottlenecks that differentially affected populations from which the serial migration began. If the source population for the expansion suffered a severe bottleneck that reduced its genetic diversity, we should see a poorer linear fit to the decline of heterozygosity with distance from Africa, or erroneously assign a population with higher genetic diversity as the source population. It is this third assumption we believe deserves additional consideration.
The African fossil record is consistent with a gradual accumulation of anatomically modern osteological features during 200 to 50 kya (34⇓⇓–37). By 195 to 160 kya, the Omo and Herto skulls from Ethiopia closely anticipate the form of contemporary humans, although they tend to be more robust overall. Multiple near-modern populations were present across the African continent at that time. This delay between the origin of the modern anatomical form and the successful expansion of humans ∼100,000 y later has been the subject of intense paleoanthropological debate. Genetic data can directly address the time and rate of population growth in the African ancestral population; however, despite recent interest in this topic, current analyses are extremely limited and produce conflicting results.
Assuming a single step model of population growth and with full genome sequence data from one western African population (Yoruba), Gravel et al. (16) estimated a doubling in effective population size from approximately 7,000 to 14,000 that occurred 150 kya. Their model, however, did not separately account for more recent episodes of western African population growth that likely occur 30 to 40 kya and again at 5 kya (associated with the adoption of agriculture and subsequent expansion of Bantu-speaking agriculturalists) (38⇓⇓–41). Allowing for multiple episodes of population growth in the model would likely reduce the time of initial growth from 150 kya to a more recent estimate. In stark contrast, recent coalescent analysis of full genomic haplotypes within Yoruban individuals (17) estimates an effective population maximum occurring 50 to 150 kya, followed by bottleneck from which they begin to recover 40 kya. Two eastern African genomes from the Luhya and Maasai show an identical signal to the Yoruba, supporting a bottleneck model for all human populations between approximately 60 to 30 kya, whereby African populations experience a modest bottleneck and non-Africans a severe one (42). Coalescent analysis could be more sensitive to population structure than allele frequency-based estimates, which may help resolve the discrepancy between the two methods (see also ref. 43 for evidence of a 150-kya African bottleneck).
Unfortunately, genomic data from most populations in Africa remain limited. Whole mtDNA genomes suggest a low level of growth overall in Africa from 200 to 100 kya, but the timing of population growth estimated from mtDNA is sensitive to the geographic regions sampled. Southern Africa generally displays population stability while retaining a high estimated population size; western Africa shows multiple episodes of population growth, perhaps with the 30- to 50-kya period being the most relevant; and eastern Africa also displays marked population growth during this time period, potentially predating that in western Africa. A dramatic population growth signature is clearly evident only in L3 mitochondrial lineages likely originating in eastern Africa 60 to 85 kya (44, 45). Atkinson et al. (44) interpret this signature as evidence that population growth began in Africa, before the OOA expansion. It should be emphasized that these estimates have large error bounds and variation in parameter assumptions such as generation time and mutation rate are not fully incorporated. The mtDNA and (limited) autosomal data are not perfectly congruent regarding the timing of population growth and bottlenecks, in part because the same populations have not been surveyed for both mtDNA and autosomal loci. However, it is fair to say that estimates of divergence time among groups are generally more concordant.
For example, autosomal and X chromosome sequence data from five agricultural, four Western Pygmy, and three Eastern Pygmy populations produced an estimate of approximately 60 kya for the divergence of the farming and the hunter-gatherer groups and 20 kya for the separation of the two Pygmy populations (46). The estimated size of the population ancestral to all 12 sampled populations was approximately 7,000 to 15,000. This analysis also inferred population bottlenecks, with a decrease of 80% of the Western Pygmies between 2.5 and 25 kya, and a later 90% bottleneck of the Eastern Pygmies. [Cox et al. (47) obtained similar results with a smaller data set of autosomal sequences from fewer African populations.] Analysis of mtDNA variation in a different (but partially overlapping) set of Pygmy and farming populations produced similar divergence time estimates. However, estimates of the strength of population bottlenecks are greater with the autosomal and X chromosome data, and the timing of the bottlenecks in the Eastern Pygmies is estimated from mtDNA polymorphisms to have been earlier than that of the Western pygmies, reversing the order found with autosomal and X data (48). A third analysis (49) of microsatellite variation in Eastern Pygmies and farmers estimated a divergence time between these groups that was statistically similar to those found by using DNA sequence and mtDNA data.
In addition to the time of population growth, population substructure within Africa is important for fully understanding the OOA migration (50). Relative to populations outside of Africa, contemporary African populations retain an enormous amount of genetic variation. Furthermore, the genetic variation varies substantially from region to region as a result of the relatively deep substructure within Africa. Studies of patterns of autosomal DNA polymorphisms in present-day African hunter-gatherers show that they maintain exceptionally high genetic diversity, and several of these groups (e.g., KhoeSan, Hadza, Sandawe, Forest Pygmies) were the first to diverge from the ancestors that went on to become the larger agricultural groups in Africa and all populations outside Africa (27, 46, 51). In particular, the speakers of southern Khoisan or "click" languages (sometimes referred to as bushmen) show the greatest nucleotide diversity and the lowest association between pairs of nucleotides (i.e., linkage disequilibrium) along the same chromosome.
Henn et al. (51) showed a strong negative correlation within Africa of genetic diversity with distance from southwestern Africa, which is also consistent with a serial founder effect model for African populations. The initial divergence of African populations, inferred to be the separation between the ancestors of southern African KhoeSan and other Africans, was possibly twice as old as the time of the OOA migration (52). A recent study by Schlebusch et al. (53) analyzed genotype array data from additional samples of KhoeSan populations; they find linkage disequilibrium patterns to be more variable than reported by Henn et al. (51) and highlight the importance of recent demographic bottlenecks and agripastoralist migrations during the past 2,000 y. Gene flow between populations within Africa could have important effects on these estimates. However, coalescent analysis of their African dataset continue to support a model whereby the earliest population divergence is between KhoeSan and the rest of African populations approximately 100 kya. The time depth of substructure within Africa has been only minimally explored, and it will require more sophisticated methods to jointly estimate migration and divergence within a complex set of demes. That the southern African KhoeSan hunter-gatherers represent the most divergent group of Africans does not preclude an exit and subsequent expansion from northeastern Africa by a group that eventually spread to all continents (54, 55) [although it is possible that North Africa may have been largely depopulated and resettled by OOA populations (56)]. Indeed, a serial founder model for Africa suggests a successive budding of populations as they moved into eastern, central, western, and eventually northern Africa (Fig. 1). Autosomal studies that estimate the time of divergence between African and OOA populations have almost exclusively used data from western Africans. However, a serial founder effect model predicts that different populations in Africa will produce different estimates of divergence between OOA populations.
An important assumption under the serial founder effect model, as mentioned earlier, is that subsequent population bottlenecks do not differentially affect populations near the origin of the expansion. It is possible that eastern African populations experienced a postexpansion bottleneck that decreased their diversity profile relative to other regions. The KhoeSan populations of southern Africa appear not to have contracted during the past 100,000 y or to have contracted minimally compared with other populations. (We note, however, that their present-day population numbers are dwindling.) Analysis of ancient DNA from eastern or northern African bones might establish that the genetic diversity was as great as that of present-day southern African KhoeSan populations. However, no ancient human DNA from Africa of great antiquity currently exists. From the currently available data, we conclude that the expansion of modern humans began within southern Africa and spread to other regions of Africa; then, a small group of humans exited northeastern Africa and continued this expansion throughout Eurasia, Oceania, and eventually the Americas.
Independent Evidence of Out of Africa Model
Human DNA variation is not the only evidence that supports a serial founder effect model OOA. Both Plasmodium falciparum (a malarial parasite) and Helicobacter pylori (a bacterium that occupies the human digestive tract) follow a strikingly similar pattern to the human DNA. The geographic pattern of P. falciparum genetic variation was found to be similar to that for humans, exhibiting a serial founder effect; forward simulations of the parasite's exit from Africa was estimated to be between 40 and 80 kya (depending on the assumed divergence rate from the chimpanzee parasite Plasmodium reichenowi) (57). H. pylori also shows a clear decline in genetic diversity with distance from eastern Africa, with an OOA estimate of 58 kya (58). [Interestingly, the most divergent and genetically diverse clade was from South Africa, although Linz et al. (58) eliminated this as an outlier in some analyses]. Even morphological variation of human crania supports a serial founder effect model OOA (59⇓⇓–61). In summary, multiple independent lines of genetic evidence thus support a serial founder effect mode of dispersal. Additionally, another large body of data may provide an independent test of the pattern of expansion and subsequent migrations around the globe: variation among languages.
Concordance Between Genes and Language.
The evolution of languages is rapid—in a few hundred years, a language may change enough to destroy mutual understanding between neighboring populations, or even between ancestors and their descendants 1,000 y later. Families of languages that are similar enough that most linguists recognize them as such have a common origin in the range of 10,000 y ago. There is a remarkable similarity between the linguistic tree and the genetic tree, confirming Darwin's speculation that, if we knew the biological tree of humans, we could predict that of their languages (62). The first attempt to connect the two trees was made at a time when the linguistic tree was incomplete (63), but the similarity was clear and later shown to be statistically real (64). As might be expected, the geographical distribution of language families and that of genetic groupings of indigenous populations are also reasonably closely related.
Beyond congruence in phylogenetic topology, other aspects of genes and languages show correlations stemming from deep population processes. A recent analysis of phonemic diversity in 504 worldwide languages shows that this diversity exhibits the same serial founder effect discussed earlier for genetic variation, namely a loss of phonemic diversity proportional to distance from Africa (65). Moreover, within Africa, the greatest diversity is in the southern central region. Although the regression of phonemic diversity on distance from Africa is not as strong as seen with DNA polymorphisms, this finding nevertheless suggests that the genetic and linguistic expansion from Africa could have been part of the same process.
Ruhlen (66, 67) has extended greatly the linguistic tree that goes back to a single origin, and connects all 15 language families for which validity is fairly widely accepted. How do genetic data constrain a hypothesis of a single origin of modern language? Genetic evidence indicates that the vast majority of our ancestry is likely derived from a recent, common ancestral population that gave rise to modern humans (even estimates of archaic admixture remain very small). Even if African substructure dated back 100,000 y, most models indicate a single common ancestral population by 150,000 y (17). As all modern human populations maintain the ability to acquire and speak complex language, it is clear that, before the Great Expansion, language must have been fully developed in the ancestral population. Although it is unknown when language became fully developed, the necessary organs must have taken considerable time to reach the degree of complexity that is now common to the whole species. This includes the capacity to learn and use complicated syntax (perhaps completed even before 100,000 y ago and certainly before the origin of the Khoisan languages).
Demographic Models of OOA Expansion
Having established the basic pattern of the OOA expansion, we turn now to the local demographic processes that occurred during the expansion: how rapidly did population move across a geographic range, and what constraints on population growth seem likely from ethnographic studies? Deshpande et al. (25) simulated the serial founder effect process numerically, confirming that it is a good fit to worldwide autosomal microsatellite data. Archaeological information only approximates the precise route of the Great Expansion from its origin to its conclusion 25,000 km away, over a period of 50,000 y, so that the average rate of advance of 0.5 km/y or 15 km per generation on the most direct overland route is probably an underestimate. A minimum estimate of the number of colonization events that took place between these two extremes is then calculable from the average distance between two contiguous groups, which is approximately 140 km, or approximately 180 successive colonization events between the beginning and the end of the Great Expansion. With a rate of advance of 0.5 km/y, the time difference between successive colonization events is, on average, 280 y (approximately 10 generations). This gives an idea of the minimum time between one colonization and the next, and if we assume that, at the beginning of a new colony's life, the population doubles every generation, the rate of population increase must have decreased to zero when the new colony reached the stable size of 1,000 and produced a new colony. The simplest assumption for this process is logistic growth, beginning with doubling and a subsequently decreasing rate until the stable size is approached. However, there is considerable room for improvement of this type of simulation by incorporating more realistic migration, social structure, and even competition (68) among the simulated colonies.
The use of contemporary human genotypic variation to infer the time of onset and rate of expansion of the human population during the past 25,000 y has produced a wide range of estimates. Most studies that are based on sample sizes of less than 100 individuals place the onset of expansion of Europeans, for example, at 10 to 25 kya and subsequent growth at approximately 0.2% to 0.7% per generation (16, 38). These small sample sizes dictate that most of the variants detected must be at frequencies of 5% or higher. Recent analyses of next-generation sequence data in large samples of Europeans in the 2,000 to 10,000 range have detected many nucleotide variants that occur in only one or very few individuals (69⇓⇓–71). This distribution of rare alleles is compatible with explosive growth from the past 1,000 y at 9% per generation (69) or the past 5,000 y at 2% per generation (70). Ethnographic and archaeological evidence will be useful in providing known growth rates in historic populations. From genomic data, it appears safe to infer that the human population has recently expanded at a much faster exponential rate than was believed before the discovery of large numbers of rare variants.
However, genetic models tend to infer minimal population growth in most regions of the world between the OOA expansion and the last glacial period (approximately 21 kya). Additionally, most African populations appear to have remained relatively constant in size until the invention of agriculture in Africa and the associated growth and bottlenecks that occurred after 12 kya. How did human hunter-gatherer populations historically maintain stability? We consider two models, each of which could explain the apparent stability [see Read and LeBlanc (72) for additional hypotheses]. First, as a population enters a new, pristine environment, the birth rate rises as a result of the abundance of resources. Then, as growth occurs and the population increases in density, epidemiological risks also increase until there is a constant death rate over short or longer episodic time scales. Alternatively, the birth rate could be carefully regulated by cultural practices, and only allowed to exceed replacement when resources are abundant, for example, when a population moves into a new environment or when subsistence strategies improve.
Demography of Foragers
Why should population growth that occurred exponentially during the OOA expansion stop? The growth rate of a population is the difference between its birth rate and its death rate; the human birth rate is largely determined by the interaction between culturally transmitted customs (as detailed later) and resource limitations of the environment. When birth rates do not change, the change in growth after the population attains a stable size must be controlled by changes in the death rate. If the death rate is largely affected by disease, it is likely to be very low in a new environment, which is uncontaminated during the initial growth period and when the population density is low. We discuss the hypothesis that, as population density increases, the population increasingly contaminates its environment and has greater risk of communicable infectious disease and parasites.
Population Density.
In a recent survey of 32 global hunter-gatherer populations, mean band size (i.e., the residential unit) averaged only 28 individuals (73). Bands are organized into larger interactive and reproductive units, sometimes referred to as tribes, among which dispersal occurs. Lee and DeVore (74) and Birdsell (75) proposed that surviving hunter-gatherer tribes have a fairly regular size of approximately 500. The dependence of population size on ecological conditions imposes limits on population density. Consider, for example, the tropical forest-dwelling central African Pygmies: population density estimated from ethnographic data on the Baka of Cameroon is 0.47 individuals per km2 (or 35,000 individuals over 75,000 km2) (76). The population density of western Pygmies in the Mbaiki area is even lower, 0.14 people per km2. A hunter-gatherer family can travel approximately 50 km/d unloaded, and approximately 25 km/d loaded (estimated in a tropical forest environment). However, the effective dispersal distance between parents' place of birth and offsprings' place of birth among the Baka Pygmies is estimated to be only 12 to 64 km2 (76). This is likely to be on the lower end of dispersal distances because it is derived from a population of forest-dwelling hunter-gatherers who today have extensive contact with farmers.
Although population density is often thought to be so low among hunter-gatherers that disease played little role in early human evolution, densities of the type observed among the central African Pygmies still affect spread of disease. The epidemiologists Pampiglione and Ricciardi (77) studied African Pygmies who live in camps in the forest when they hunt but spend part of the year in farmers' villages, during which they build their traditional huts in inconspicuous parts of the farmers' villages, behind the villagers' houses. Pygmies' huts are usually invisible from the main road, around which farmers' houses are built, often in one or a few rows on each side of the road. Even though farmers' wives frequently sweep to keep the soil in front of their houses clean, this soil is very highly contaminated with all sorts of potential pathogens. Most residents, and all Pygmies, walk with bare feet. In stool, urine, and other excrement of Pygmies and farmers, there is an extremely high load and great variety of parasites, with some difference between the two ethnic groups [mostly because of many parasites are acquired by Pygmies in the forest (77)]. Pygmy camps in the forest are sometimes built in fresh areas, but old camps are often reused. Such sanitary conditions are not limited to the denser population described in the forest environment. Among the Dobe !Kung in the Kalahari desert, Howell noted that individuals moved to a new camp site when their current site was considered contaminated by insects and excrement (78).
Many forms of infectious disease are also known to be density-dependent; as such, death rates from communicable infectious disease would also increase as populations established themselves in new environments. The frequency of infectious diseases among hunter-gatherers is difficult to estimate by using current ethnographies because the primary diseases often appear to be recently introduced. For example, although infectious and parasitic disease accounted for approximately 70% to 80% of deaths among the Dobe !Kung, tuberculosis, influenza, and sexually transmitted diseases are likely to only have been recently introduced (78). In the Hadza of Tanzania, approximately 45% of deaths from illness are ascribed to diseases that are likely recently introduced, such as tuberculosis and measles (79). When the Plains Native Americans' primary food source, bison, was eliminated, and they were moved to reservations where the population density increased, huge tuberculosis epidemics ensued (where the TB vector was originally transmitted from Europeans) (80, 81).
In summary, it seems reasonable to assume that, when a new colony is founded, its environment is reasonably clean and largely uncontaminated by human-specific diseases. Under these conditions, death rates are lowest and the population grows at a fairly high rate. However, as parasites brought in by the colonizers multiply and are spread through the camp or village environment, contamination grows and death rates increase. We note that the death rate need not be constant to produce apparently long-term population stability; episodic epidemiological catastrophes could also act to reduce population sizes.
Culturally Mediated Population Stability.
Social customs can affect birth rate in the few hunter-gatherer groups that have been investigated, and these may have been inherited from the ancestral population. One such custom is that women may stop having children 10 to 12 years before biological menopause. At least in central African Pygmies, women stop reproducing when their first daughter has a child (82). This custom tends to limit the number of children born per family to six or seven, and approximately two thirds of these die before reproduction, so only approximately two children per family survive to reproduce, and population size remains constant. Mace and Alvergne (83) show that a similar phenomenon occurs among Gambian agriculturalists; as reproductive spans overlap between mothers and daughters, mothers reduce their fertility when their daughters begin have their own children, even if the daughters are dispersed outside their natal home. This custom of premature menopause also has the property of being elastic and responding to changes in death rates of the young. More detailed research is needed to test whether this cultural menopause fluctuates with death rates in families. Another custom that limits birth rates derives from spacing births by extending lactation over a period of 3 or 4 y. This occurs in part because a child can only walk with parents during transitions from one territory to another after (s)he is approximately 4 y of age—otherwise (s)he has to be carried by one of the parents, who already have a heavy load of hunting and cooking tools. Finally, we note that delaying the age at first marriage is an important cultural custom, which tends to reduce overall fertility. We stress that fertility rates among hunter-gatherer populations are not uniform, total fertility rates vary from 4.7 to 8.2 depending on the population (79).
In summary, we have suggested that, during the Great Expansion, birth rate may have been more culturally regulated than the death rate, which is more constrained by biological phenomena. Additionally, these two rates may have opposite patterns of stability. As populations disperse into new, abundant environments, the birth rate may increase initially and then eventually stabilize if resources are limited by density. The death rate, however, will remain low after the founding of a new colony, and, although it is smaller than the birth rate at the beginning of growth, it will then increase as a result of epidemiological stresses, which can result from a contaminated environment and/or increased population density. Therefore, after several generations, a new colony can reach and maintain a constant population size. There may be other cultural customs and biological constraints than those mentioned earlier that may help to stabilize the size of a hunter-gatherer group at its apparent optimum value. The genetic studies referred to here suggest that modern human populations experienced long-term population stability for thousands of years (between 45,000 ya and 15,000 ya) with changes in growth rate primarily linked to the adoption of agropastoralism during the Holocene (38).
Human genetic, linguistic, and phenotypic data strongly support a serial founder effect model for the Great Expansion OOA approximately 45 to 60 kya. Significant gaps in our knowledge of human population history still exist. Additional sampling and sequencing of African populations remains a priority to address the number of African exits, the depth of substructure among African populations and differential geographic pattern of population bottlenecks (with implications for the location of origin within Africa). In addition, refined measures of environmental variability and its temporal/spatial changes across Africa would help clarify when human dispersals were likely. Computational models incorporating multiple episodes of growth and capable of inferring migration/divergence among more than three demes will need to be developed for this next wave of genomic data. We stress, however, that a synthesis among genetic, demographic, and anthropological models is important for a full understanding of many parameters of human prehistory, as illustrated here with population stability. For example, studies of natural selection could pair selection statistics with current phenotypic data, and model the time of selective pressure based on archeological information. Many genetic projects still ignore the rich background of archaeological and ethnographic data when testing genetic models, or tend to highlight only those findings that are consistent with the genetic conclusions. Information from all of the sources mentioned here will be necessary to constrain the complex hypotheses surrounding modern human origins.
The authors thank Christopher Gignoux for assistance in creating the map (Fig. 1). This research was supported in part by National Institutes of Health Grants GM28016, HG003329, and 3R01HG003229.
↵1Present address: Faculty of Philosophy, Universita Vita-Salute San Raffaele, 20132 Milano, Italy.
↵2To whom correspondence should be addressed. E-mail: mfeldman{at}stanford.edu.
Author contributions: B.M.H., L.L.C.-S., and M.W.F. designed research, performed research, analyzed data, and wrote the paper.
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You are going to email the following The great human expansion
Brenna M. Henn, L. L. Cavalli-Sforza, Marcus W. Feldman
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences Oct 2012, 109 (44) 17758-17764; DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1212380109


BABY KILLER owns this human at 1217 points.
You have been given Cheers!.
You have been given A check In At The Asylum.
You have been given A Nightmare Before Christmas.
You have been given You Make Me Laugh.
You have been given I love your darkness.


have entered before and had a great reading from another film.
A married couple are separately lured to a remote location by a gifted but troubled composer, who uses music to reveal his hidden agenda.
Rodney is thrust into a bizarre situation when his older self arrives to try to change time and prevent millions from dying, including himself.
Two time travelers find themselves in conflict as they aim to bring Hitler to justice, although in vastly different ways.
In this suspense/comedy, Bill Egan, a crusty Alcatraz corrections officer, suddenly finds himself in a waiting room along with a one-armed Medal of Honor award winner-turned hitman, a ditzy bank teller and a Bronx street hoodlum. From different time periods, they try to piece together the events that brought them there.
Little do they know they are about to face the ultimate judgement.


Siem Reap is a town built for tourists. The logic goes: You've come to see Angkor Wat, the famed temples, and now you will also get a massage, a 75-cent beer, and a ride in a tuk-tuk. Also you will get your feet eaten up by fish.
Janelle and I saw many temples on the first day, became severely templed out on the second day, and by the third day were ready for more adventuring. We thought we'd hire a driver to take us to sunrise at Angkor Wat and to a few other spots.
I've been trying to describe this driver but keep failing. Here's some facts: 44 years old, maybe 5'6″, slicked-back greasy black hair, wiry frame, smokes cigarettes with a James Dean squint, talks to everyone who will converse with him, speaks just a few English words, mostly: same, big, small, hello, like, love, thank you.
He drove a red Toyota Corolla. He got lost a lot. Most of the time he mumbled the few English words he knew, in rapid succession: I like you, hello, small small, same. At one point he got stuck on the phrase: I love you for about five minutes.
I realized this is probably how I sounded practicing Chinese.
He tried to set us up with all of his nephews. We politely declined.
We took one of many wrong turns when he turned into the parking lot of Wat Thmey. We were looking for a fashion designer who makes his chique little silk clothing outpost in a dusty corner of Siem Reap. Instead we came upon a memorial to the survivors of the Khmer Rouge and – hell, why not take a rest and read the display. Our driver had been in work camp during that time, at age 14, and he missed a lot of school, and it was very bad.
Ok, we couldn't understand much of what he said. But we stood there at the memorial, next to a glass box the size of a washing machine full of skulls and bones, and learned just a little more about humanity.
Mary here. We met at the Golden Angel the night Dean spent about 2 hours waxing poetic on doing it 65 miles north of Santa Fe.
I got an e-news from the Healthy Schools Campaign and went to the website, saw your name and thought it looked familiar. I googled it. Found this. And now am hooked on your blog.
I spent a month in Siem Reap in 2008 and enjoyed the heck out of your posts. Too bad I didn't know you were going- I could have hooked you up with a top notch tuk tuk driver. I still have his business card.
Janelle getting hit by a moto cracked me up and I don't even know Janelle. I can totally see it happening. In fact, I'm shocked I avoided it. Glad you're ok, Janelle.
We'll have to get together and swap Cambodia stories when you're back. That place amazes me.
Woo! Mary, I am sending you an email.


text:
Updated: 02-Apr-2003 March 2003
Lord Robertson visits Croatia
During a visit to Zagreb on 31 March NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson said NATO's door remains open and encouraged Croatia to carry on with key reforms.
Lord Robertson met with President Stjepan Mesic, Prime Minister Ivica Racan and other ministers. He also addressed a joint session of the Croatian Parliament's Foreign Affairs and Internal Affairs and National Security Committees.
The Secretary General praised the progress Croatia has made to date and encouraged its leadership to carry on with reforms. He highlighted in particular the need for further progress in restructuring Croatia's armed forces. He also said Croatia must ensure the full protection of minorities, facilitate the return of refugees and cooperate fully with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Croatia has been a NATO partner country since 2000 and in May last year joined NATO's Membership Action Plan, which is designed to assist those countries which wish to join the Alliance in their preparations.
NATO Press Release (2003)033 - 31 March 2003
NATO Secretary General to visit the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 1 and Croatia
OTAN Communiqué de presse (2003)033 - 31 mars 2003
Visite du Secrétaire général de l'OTAN dans l'Ex-République Yougoslave de Macédoine 1 et en Croatie
Turkey recognises the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Creating filtered version of banner image.
Girl in the Garden
By Beachsloth on October 26, 2018
Girl In The Garden New Video/Single 'Casual Glances'
by Skope • October 26, 2018
https://skopemag.com/2018/10/26/girl-in-the-garden-new-video-single-casual-glances
Girl In The Garden goes for a hard, plastic pop elasticity with "Casual Glances". Vocals stun featuring an intense commanding delivery. By keeping things to the absolute essentials, the song's hard grooves possess an incredible physicality. The minimalism employed throughout means that the few effects feel particularly affecting. Melodies merge with rhythm in a way that feels so satisfying. Every single moment has a carefully curated quality to it. With this usage of magnification, the song's many twists and turns become ever more meaningful. Inspired in equal amounts by tech house, synth-pop, and electro, the song's message feels particularly palpable.
Synthesizer introduces the piece with a raw intimate quality. Creating a great pattern, the rest of the track follows suit. Truly the heart and soul of the piece comes from the clear-eyed focus of the vocals. Nearly cutting at times, there is a tremendous sense of yearning that propels the whole piece forward. Upon the beats entering the equation the song begins to jump, if only a little bit. Using the buildup carefully and with great consideration the whole of the piece unfolds in a mysterious aura. Atmospherics work wonders for the track moves at its own pace, never rushing a thing. For the final stretch of the piece Girl In the Garden lets it all get stripped away again in a most fantastic way.
http://www.girlinthegardenmusic.com/about/
On "Casual Glances" Girl In The Garden shows love for its surroundings, creating a fully formed futuristic piece of pop.
https://www.instagram.com/kwelkate/
By Beachsloth
Celemix.com
By Jonathan Currinn on August 09, 2018
Please click Celebmix to go to full article
Vents Magazine
By RJ Formeta on May 22, 2018
Hi G, welcome to VENTS! How have you been?
I've been great! Lots of exciting things going on right now.
Can you talk to us more about your latest single "Casual Glances"?
Yeah! Casual Glances was a super fun song to write and record. It all started with this huge frustration that I had for boys at my high school. I wrote this freshman year so it was tricky to find a nice, confident, mature guy! When you liked someone and they liked you back, instead of just I don't know TALKING to you, they'd throw these "casual glances". I was so fed up with this to the point where we ended up with a super cool, vibey song!
Did any event in particular inspired you to write this song?
Yes this song was definitely directed at one person but it could apply to many.
Any plans to release a video for the single?
There are no solid plans to release a music video as of now but it is definitely something I look foreword to doing!
How was the recording and writing process?
The recording and writing process was intense and SO fun! Every song on the POLAROID EP was written and recorded in one day each. My producer Matt and my co-writer Kayliann and I would come into the studio and just talk about our mood for the day and decide what kind of tone we want the song to be. Then we'd mess around with the lyrics as Matt started building the song. We would all add our input into everything and it really all came together at once. Sometimes we'd even record some of the vocals before we finished all the lyrics! I would be exhausted by the end of the day but came back with even more excitement for the next.
Do you tend to take a different approach when you are covering someone else rather than in your own?
I do take different approaches to songs when I do covers. 95% of the time they will be acoustic and I will accompanying myself. I play about 6 gigs a month singing and playing my keyboard. It's more of a chill vibe than my produced originals which are very pop and electronic. When I perform my originals I'll do about half with acoustic and half with backing tracks. I really feel like I'm performing more with my originals rather than just singing a pretty song in the background.
Does the new single mean we can expect a new material – how's that coming along?
I've been writing a new song with my piano and I'm constantly writing down ideas or recording a voice memo of a cool lyric or melody. Nothing has been recorded in the studio yet as far as new music but I'm also working on some EDM collaborations and alternative/pop with artists in the treasure valley.
Any tentative release date or title in mind?
Not solid on any release dates but you will definitely be hearing some music from me this year.
Any plans to hit the road?
I'm actually in a competition right now that will open up some very big opportunities for me to travel and open for other artists this year!
What else is happening next in Girl In The Garden's world?
The biggest thing I'm focusing on right now is getting my name out there and making connections with people along with creating some new music!
Celebrityhautespot
By Jenna on May 09, 2018
We recently had the chance to chat with Girl in the Garden about getting started in the industry, her new single "Casual Glances," and more! Check it out!
1.How did you get your start in the entertainment industry?
I decided I really wanted to start sharing my passion with people so I auditioned for my local talent show and ended up winning as well as being asked to sing backup vocals on another artists CD! This is when I fell in love with the studio. I then was selected to be in a showcase in LA where I made lots of connections and ended up in an artist development program. I then went back and forth between LA for acting and Nashville for music, where I recorded my first EP with some really amazing people! Now I perform a mix of originals and cover songs in my home town area about 6 times a month.
2.What was your first project?
My EP Polaroid was my first big project but I did sing backup vocals on a CD a few years ago.
3.What is your new song "Casual Glances" about?
Casual Glances was a phrase that really stuck out to me and was a fast song for me to write. It came from all those times you have a mutual liking for someone else and everyone knows it, but nothing ever happens and you're in that frustrating middle ground of not being just friends but not being together. I was little agitated by this when I wrote the song which brought out some sass in me.
4.What was the recording process like?
I worked with my producer Matt and my lyricist Kayliann. The first thing we would do when we got to the studio would be to have a conversation about our moods that day and what vibe we thought we could really pull out of our emotions. Then Matt, would start messing with some instruments and rhythms while Kayliann and I would start building the lyrics. We would constantly be building off each other and adding input to morph this music into the sound we wanted. Everything really just happened all at once. Sometimes we would record a part of the vocals before we even finished writing the song! Everyone of the seven songs on the Polaroid EP were each written and recorded within one day. By the end of the week we were exhausted! One of the most fun experiences I've ever had.
5. How is it different from your other music?
This was a very big change for me because at home I had just been messing around with covers and my acoustic instruments. Very laid back and relaxed. In the studio I got this sort of adrenaline with the headphones and the music pulsing threw me and I could just close my eyes and pretend to be a pop star.
6. What is your favorite part about creating and sharing your music?
My favorite part of sharing my music is hearing how it really does affect others. One of my friends told me that my song More Than Temporary became her newly engaged sister and her fiancés song. They even wanted to see if I could come to the wedding! Stories like these are really what makes me want to write and create more.
7. Who are your musical inspirations?
Selena Gomez has been my idol ever since I was in elementary school. She's just an all-around amazing person. Some of my biggest inspirations for my EP were Halsey, Bebe Rexha, Lorde, and Clean Banditt. Although lately I have been really digging Billie Ellish and her more relaxed, almost haunting tone.
8.Are you working on any other upcoming projects at the moment?
I'm constantly writing down ideas and have started some new originals on the keys. I'm also focusing on meeting as many people as I can to expand my relationships in the industry and taking every opportunity possible no matter how big or small.
9.Where can fans purchase or stream your music?
Fans can find my music on Apple Music, Amazon, Spotify, and SoundCloud.
10. What are your social media accounts?
All my social media accounts are under the name Girl In The Garden Music and have my EP cover as my profile picture.
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Girl-in-the-Garden-Music-142820659697125/
Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UClYJ3ezPzwEg29-CRsb4D8A
Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/girlinthegardenmusic/
Soundcloud: https://soundcloud.com/user-606930304
Subscribe to see more on our channel!
See my artist web site
kateplaisted.com
What's New with Girl in the Garden
October 26, 2018 Interview with Skope
© 2019 Girl in the Garden. All Rights Reserved. Powered by HostBaby.


text:
Was the washing of feet of the disciples by Jesus, part of a Jewish tradition?
At John 13:3-6 (RSVCE) we read:
Jesus, knowing that the Father had given all things into his hands, and that he had come from God and was going to God, rose from supper, laid aside his garments, and girded himself with a towel. Then he poured water into a basin, and began to wash the disciples' feet, and to wipe them with the towel with which he was girded. He came to Simon Peter; and Peter said to him, "Lord, do you wash my feet?"
That the towel and the basin were already there, suggests that Jesus was enacting a traditional ritual of washing of the feet of the participants of Passover feast, by the elder. The assumption is also corroborated by the fact that only Simon Peter, who was not the first one to have his feet washed by Jesus, registered his objection.
My question is: Are there any teachings from the side of Catholic Church confirming that Jesus was in deed reinforcing a Jewish tradition of washing the feet of one's dear ones at Passover ?
gospel-of-john judaism
curiousdannii
Kadalikatt Joseph SibichanKadalikatt Joseph Sibichan
On the contrary, the towel and basin were there for feet to be washed by themselves (Genesis 18:4 & 19:2, Judges 19:21, 1st Samuel 25:41 and others). In that culture (and as an externality of wearing sandals), it was custom to have the feet of people who entered one's home washed. It had nothing to do with Passover specifically, but rather out of both respect and general desire for cleanliness. For example, look at the other known foot washing incident:
Luke 7:37 And behold, a woman of the city, who was a sinner, when she learned that he was at table in the Pharisee's house, brought an alabaster flask of ointment, 38 and standing behind him at his feet, weeping, she began to wet his feet with her tears, and wiped them with the hair of her head, and kissed his feet, and anointed them with the ointment.
then later
Luke 7:44 Then turning toward the woman he said to Simon, "Do you see this woman? I entered your house, you gave me no water for my feet, but she has wet my feet with her tears and wiped them with her hair.
Emphasis mine. It was a custom to have the things around for anyone entering the room - that a person entering the home would wash their own feet, or perhaps a servant would wash it for them. In addition, in Luke's account of passage at hand, you'll notice a different reason for Jesus getting his wash on, emphasis mine:
Luke 22:24 A dispute also arose among them, which of them was to be regarded as the greatest. 25 And he said to them, "The kings of the Gentiles exercise lordship over them; and those in authority over them are called benefactors. 26 But not so with you; rather let the greatest among you become as the youngest, and the leader as one who serves. 27 For which is the greater, one who sits at table, or one who serves? Is it not the one who sits at table? But I am among you as one who serves.
While the disciples jockey for whomever is the best, Jesus lowers and humbles himself, stripping down like a servant to wash those same disciple's feet. John records this dialogue as well, emphasis mine:
John 13:12 When he had washed their feet, and taken his garments, and resumed his place, he said to them, "Do you know what I have done to you? 13 You call me Teacher and Lord; and you are right, for so I am. 14 If I then, your Lord and Teacher, have washed your feet, you also ought to wash one another's feet. 15 For I have given you an example, that you also should do as I have done to you. 16 Truly, truly, I say to you, a servant is not greater than his master; nor is he who is sent greater than he who sent him.
There was no tradition here, until this point. This actually starts a Christian tradition, a sense of inward and outward humility. Paul's letter 1st Timothy 5:10 included "washed the feet of the saints" in instructions for the selection of widows who wish to be provided by the church. Paul also writes in Philippians 2:7 that Jesus took "the form of a servant, being born in the likeness of men." Peter objected to this because he didn't understand what Jesus was trying to do (Jesus says this to his face in John 13:7), which is totally within his character.
(all references in RSVCE)
VogieVogie
Not the answer you're looking for? Browse other questions tagged gospel-of-john judaism or ask your own question.
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Was Judas a partaker of the feet washing by Jesus?


The NoMad Hotel has enjoyed two wonderful pieces of news in recent weeks that once again confirm its status as one of the best drinking and dining options in the world.
In October, Chef John Taube IV of The NoMad was awarded the winner of the S.Pellegrino Young Chef U.S. regional competition at 4 World Trade Center in New York City. The panel of judges for the competition, including April Bloomfield of The Spotted Pig and NoMad eatery The Breslin Bar & Dining Room, were reportedly convinced by the chef's squab and beet dish. Chef Taub IV will travel to Milan, Italy to compete in the Grand Finale in May of 2018 for the chance to become the S.Pellegrino Young Chef 2018. We wish Chef John Taube IV the best of luck and will be sure to report on the results here at Experience NoMad.
In addition to having one of the best "Young Chefs" in the world, The NoMad can also say it has the best bar in North America.
"The World's 50 Best Bars" awards are run each year by William Reed Business Media, which tallies votes from 500 Academy members from around the world. After receiving a No. 8 ranking in 2016, The NoMad climbed all the way to No. 3 in the world this year, ahead of any other bar on its home continent.
Although everyone has his/her favorite watering hole, and it is something of a personal preference, NoMad certainly makes it tough to choose with so many great options. Regardless of your preference, there still is no other neighborhood in the city where you can just take a stroll down Broadway and walk into the best bar in North America!
Congratulations to The NoMad team, especially Will Guidara and Daniel Humm!


Authentic Organic Mexican Cuisine and more..
We invite you to come to the Green Enchilada and enjoy a regular taco for $2.00 each. (seafood tacos not included). Offer is not available online.
We have $2 regular tacos. (seafood tacos not included). Offer is not available online.
We are an award-winning caterer and will help make your event memorable.
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Fully Funded PhD Programs in History
May 05, 2017 • Views 35,965
Georgetown University is one of many universities offering a fully funded PhD in history
As part of my series on How to Fully Fund Your PhD, I provide a list of universities that offer full funding for a PhD in History. "Full funding" is a financial aid package for full time students that includes full tuition remission and an annual stipend or salary for the three to six-year duration of the student's doctoral studies. Funding is typically offered in exchange for graduate teaching and research work that is complementary to your studies. Not all universities provide full funding to their doctoral students, which is why I recommend researching the financial aid offerings of all the potential PhD programs in your academic field, including small and lesser-known schools both in the U.S. and abroad.
You can also find several external fellowships in the ProFellow database for graduate and doctoral study, as well as dissertation research, field work, language study and summer work experience.
Boston University, Department of History (Boston, MA): All applicants accepted for the Ph.D. program will receive full funding for 5 years which includes tuition and University related fees, travel fellowships also available.
Columbia University, Department of History (New York City, NY): Every student entering the Ph.D. program will receive a full fellowship (tuition, fees, and a stipend) upon admission. Students awarded such funding upon admission will receive five years of support (except for those entering with advanced standing, who will receive four years of support).
Cornell University, College of Arts and Sciences (Ithaca, NY): Admitted Ph.D. students are guaranteed five years of full funding from Cornell, which will cover tuition, living stipend and health insurance. This includes four summer living stipends.
Georgetown University, Department of History (Washington DC): Stipend ($29,000 in 2018-2019) and tuition support (nine credits) for five years, two additional years of tuition support, and health insurance for the duration of the fellowship.
New York University, Department of History (New York City, NY): History doctoral students receive full funding support for five years (four for students entering with an M.A. who choose to count those credits) fellowships cover tuition, registration, service fees for degree program, student health insurance, and a 9-month stipend towards expenses.
Pennsylvania State University, Department of History (State College, PA): Guaranteed four to five years of funding to every student admitted and teaching lectureships offered for another two years for students in good standing to finish up their doctoral program.
University of Notre Dame, College of Arts and Letters (Notre Dame, IN): All graduate students admitted to the Ph.D. program are guaranteed funding for full tuition and a stipend for five years. Funding is also available to support travel to present research papers at conferences and for summer research fellowships.
University of Virginia, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences (Charlottesville, Virginia): Students admitted to the Ph.D. program are awarded fellowship packages renewable for up to five years, financial packages include a stipend for living expenses, tuition remission, and cover the cost of University fees and single-coverage health insurance.
University of Washington, Department of History (Seattle, WA): Students in their first five years of study at the University of Washington are guaranteed financial support via Academic Service Employment (TA, RA, SA) that includes a stipend, tuition, and benefits at the rates set by the Graduate School.
Need some tips for the application process? See my article How To Get Into a Fully Funded PhD Program: Contacting Potential PhD Advisors.
Also, sign up to discover and bookmark more than 800 professional and academic fellowships in the ProFellow database.
Fully Funded PhD Programs in English
Fully Funded PhD Programs in Sociology
Fully Funded PhD Programs in Biomedical Engineering
Fully Funded PhD Programs in Chemistry
Fully Funded PhD Programs in Mathematics
Fully Funded PhD Programs in Social Work
Doctoral Fellowships, Fellowships For Doctoral Study, Fully Funded PhD Programs, History Fellowships
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Professor Arpad E. Elo – a fond remembrance
by Elmer Dumlao Sangalang
8/25/2020 – If Arpad Elo were still alive he would be 117 years old today – 15 years past the age of 102 that he was supposed to survive to, as foretold by a Budapest gypsy when he visited Hungary in 1970. In reality, he died in Wisconsin, USA at the age of 89. A close associate and family friend, Elmer Dumlao Sangalang, looks back at the man who revolutionised chess. | Pictured: Arpad Elo and Fred Cramer
The Grünfeld Formula
Naturally, a universal approach using ...Nf6, ...g7-g6 and ...d7-d5 as the base would be very useful for players of all classes, saving time and energy and promising a fluid, dynamic position.
[This article was originally published on August 25, 2008]
Now that Professor Elo is gone, I often think that the prediction of the gypsy had pleased him so much because it expressed his subconscious desire to be remembered for at least that long. If such is the case then his wish has been fulfilled and even surpassed, for he will remain a part of our fond memories undimmed by the passage of time.
August 25, 2008 marks Professor Elo's birth. He was born in Egyházaskeszo, Hungary, as Árpád Imre Élö. His family emigrated to the United States of America when he was ten. Educated in public primary and secondary schools, he earned his BS and MS degrees, in Physics, from the University of Chicago. He spent the better part of half a century teaching various courses in physics and astronomy at university level in Marquette University and the University of Wisconsin.
A visionary, Professor Elo was a founding father of the United States Chess Federation and he promoted chess activity in the early 1930s through a program that offered evening classes in chess to adults and children in park social centers of dozens of cities across the country. His most important contribution, however, was the development of the rating system that bears his name. It provided the stimulus that propelled chess activity to unprecedented heights, permeating the traditional chess centers of Europe and spilling over onto all the continents of the world. And to monitor and protect the statistical accuracy and integrity of his system, Professor Elo served as Secretary of the Qualification Committee of the World Chess Federation (FIDE) for many years. Former FIDE President Florencio Campomanes described Professor Elo's legacy best when he wrote that, "The chess world owes him no less than the enjoyment chess players derive from chasing and earning the Elo numbers."
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When Professor Elo passed away on November 5, 1992 at the age of 89, the chess world suffered an irreparable loss. It was, for me, emotionally devastating. We had been in correspondence regularly for over ten years, during which time I had always eagerly awaited his letters, which would contain his characteristic words of wisdom. I was not ready to accept that such an exhilarating experience could come to an abrupt end.
Death has its own way of reminding us how frail and vulnerable human life is. And how invaluable! Pleasant memories of the departed loved one return spontaneously, at random, without regard to the chronology of real events. We feel a certain urge to share them with others. Perhaps we are afraid that, otherwise, these memories will be lost on us. Or maybe it is the subconscious expression of how fortunate we had been to have had a personal encounter with him in his lifetime. It is with such a feeling that I share my memories of Professor Elo. He was a contemporary legend in the world of chess and I owe it to my and future generations to learn as much as possible about him.
Unique Friendship
In many ways my friendship with Professor Elo was unique. In 1973, when it started, I was 26 and he was 70 – much older than my father was then. More than a whole generation in time and of ideas separated us but our mutual interest in chess, mathematics, statistics and history – disciplines that transcend the vicissitudes of fashion – bridged the wide age gap. We were destined never to meet each other in person. But a personal encounter did not seem to be a necessary condition for a warm relationship to develop. When some tragic events befell his family in 1985, he revealed his feelings to me in a letter. "I feel very sentimental about the friendship and rapport that we have established over these few years. Here we are, half a world apart, never having met face-to-face, of different race and different cultural background, and we communicate as brothers or as father and son – it is truly touching. I treasure this friendship now especially when my life has reached such a low ebb."
Humility is an unmistakable trait of a truly great man. Professor Elo remained unaffected by the celebrity status and international fame his remarkable achievement, the Elo Rating System, brought him. When in 1979, after reading his book, The Rating of Chessplayers, Past and Present, I wrote to compliment him on explaining the concepts of statistics exceptionally well, he responded humbly saying, "It is rarely that one receives such appreciation for one's work during his lifetime, so I am naturally gratified that you found my book a significant contribution to the literature of chess as well as of statistics."
He did not hide his embarrassment when I requested him to send me the score of his favorite chess games that he, himself, played. He obliged, modestly remarking that they were interesting but would not qualify as masterpieces.
Few are aware that Professor Elo met Bobby Fischer twice across the chessboard. Their first encounter was on July 4, 1957 in the New Western Open, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Of this game, which he almost drew, he recalled that what he felt most was a constant and relentless pressure – exactly what all who played Fischer experienced. They met again, and for the last time, in the 1970s when Fischer beat him in a simultaneous exhibition. Professor Elo drew two games with Reuben Fine in 1935 Milwaukee and 1940 Dallas, when the latter was at the peak of his chess career, yet Professor Elo did not thump his chest over this achievement. Instead, he self-deprecatingly commented:
"The 1935 Elo-Fine game was a sloppy exhibition with no credit to either player and best forgotten" and the other draw "could be classed as a grandmaster draw agreed when the game had no bearing on the standings."
Professor Elo was a man of culture. Folk and classical music were his constant interest. He kept an extensive library of classical music recordings in his suburban home in Brookfield, Wisconsin. I once treated him to a sampling of Filipino folk music by sending him a couple of tape cassettes filled with kundimans and native classical tunes. It took a long while, and after several letters, before I received his commentary on them. I learned that this was because his tape recorder/player was the vintage reel-to-reel type, and that he had to borrow one that could play modern-day recordings.
He had an equal degree of fondness for literature that does not make it surprising to find his technical work infused here and there with apt literary quotations. His exceptional expository ability undoubtedly had the stamp of the literati.
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Starting out in chess is difficult, and this DVD aims to reduce that stress. Designed for beginner levels in openings, a brief introduction to the reasons we play some of the most common moves in popular openings like the Spanish and Sicilian is given.
He was witty. Every so often Professor Elo's letter would contain unusual witticisms. When I was editing the second edition of his book,
The Rating of Chessplayers, Past and Present (1986), I sincerely believed and therefore carelessly remarked that I would make it 100% free from computational and typographical errors. He was quick to make me realize my empty boast when he subtly censured me in a manner only a physicist would do. He told me:
"The search for errors in any manuscript follows the law of exponential decay. If on the first reading one finds a certain percentage of errors, (say 80%), then on the second reading one will find only the same 80% of the remaining errors. So there would always be a residual number of errors after any number of readings. This law of exponential decay really enters our lives in all sorts of curious ways. Take, for example, the dishes one uses in everyday living. If a newlywed couple received a wedding gift of a set of dishes the breakage rate of those dishes will be, percentage-wise, constant throughout the lifetime of the dishes. At first the breakage will be high in numbers, but by the time of the golden anniversary of the couple there will still be at least one piece left around of the original set and which seems to lead a charmed existence by defying every effort to break it."
True enough, after his book was printed, I found out I had overlooked nine typo errors!
Politics, in general, was one topic we both gladly avoided but, inevitably, chess politics entered our correspondence. At one time I complained to Professor Elo about the poor marketing support I was getting for his book from some English-speaking chess federations. He did not hide his disappointment:
"I have always been rather naïve politically in the mistaken belief that meritorious work or service will receive the proper recognition and acceptance. And I always thought that my work would speak for itself and become apolitical. But this was not to be, either in the USCF in the 1960s or in FIDE in the 1970s. It seems to be part of human nature to turn every advance, whether in science or religion, into a political issue."
On another occasion, when the controversial match between Karpov and Kasparov in 1984-85 was a hot item, I unwittingly provoked him into commenting about Mr. Florencio Campomanes' leadership of FIDE. I was pleasantly surprised that Professor Elo liked him. He was aware that there was a movement in FIDE to unseat Mr. Campomanes as president at the next congress. Professor Elo regretted this, as it was his opinion that Mr. Campomanes had been the most effective FIDE president during Professor Elo's association with the organization:
"I don't think it is dictatorial policies which have produced the alienation from the Europeans, but rather the shift of power within FIDE from the Europeans to the chess developing countries. After all, the late Folke Rogard was the strongest dictator FIDE ever had and who acted as an absolute monarch. But then he was a European ruling Europeans. Now the Europeans still see themselves as the chess powers (in playing strength) but see the power within FIDE politics controlled by non-Europeans."
Still on Karpov-Kasparov, with each protagonist claiming superiority over the other, Professor Elo had this to say:
"Just reading about the various opinions concerning the conduct of the recent championship matches convinces me that the only thing to which two chessplayers could agree is that a third one is over-rated."
Man of Science
Professor Elo was a scientist, always in pursuit of the ultimate truth. He devised a near-perfect rating system that greatly stimulated chess growth, resulting in rapid and expanded tournament activities worldwide. The success of the system should have brought glowing satisfaction to its inventor. But such was not the case for Professor Elo. At times, he thought that what he had created with the rating system was some kind of Frankensteinian monster when he saw the young players so preoccupied with their ratings. They reminded him of racetrack habitués who go to the races and spend their time poring over the tout sheets at the betting windows – and never see a race.
He was bothered by the inordinate importance being ascribed to the sporting aspect of chess. He regretted that his system contributed greatly to the prevailing opinion that regards chess as first and foremost a sport. Most grandmasters consider it their profession, hence victory in the game, and the consequent improvement of their rating, overrules any desire to create and innovate.
Perhaps Professor Elo was being too harsh on himself. It cannot be denied that the excellent quality of contemporary chess games and the very high level of technical skill with which the game of chess is currently being played are attributable in no small measure to the strong competitive spirit engendered by the knowledgeable employment of his rating system.
Family man
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Professor Elo was a genuinely devoted husband. When he learned in 1982 that the 1983 FIDE Congress was going to be held in Manila, the Philippines, we were both excited about the prospect of meeting each other in person. This was not meant to be. His wife, Henrietta, fell ill and he had to remain by her side.
He succeeded in attending the FIDE Congress in Thessaloniki the following year, but because of his wife's condition he could give up only six days for the congress, two of which were spent traveling. Early in May 1985 Henrietta Elo experienced some "black-outs" and was hospitalized. While in the hospital, under intensive care, she suffered a cardiac arrest. She was pulled through by heroic means but when she left the hospital a month later she was a total wreck, physically and mentally, since she also suffered some brain damage. She was taken to a nursing home where she would have to stay under skilled care for the rest of her life. Her physical condition somewhat improved but her mental health continued to decline. She still had periods of lucidity but would lapse into confusion of fact and fancy.
There was no real hope that Mrs. Elo would ever be able to leave the nursing home, and the only thing she could look forward to was Professor Elo's daily visits. Notwithstanding his advanced age and his own deteriorating physical condition, Professor Elo fulfilled this emotionally-draining obligation religiously until death mercifully claimed Henrietta in 1989.
Strong player
For one who did not take his chess playing seriously, Professor Elo achieved incredible results at the chessboard. He was the Wisconsin state champion eight times between the ages of 32 and 58! Using his own rating system to estimate his playing strength, he calculated his best five-year average rating at 2230 – enough to have earned for him the national master title.
Some of Professor Elo's games that appeared in prominent chess publications in the United States were circulated elsewhere through foreign subscriptions. But in all likelihood, a great majority of those familiar with his rating system have not seen any of this famous man's games. I am fortunate to have in my possession a few of them which Professor Elo himself chose for being most interesting. It is with pleasure that I share them with his legion of admirers. They may pale in quality and brilliance alongside a Spassky or Fischer game, but nonetheless they reflect the personal enterprise and enthusiasm of an authentic chess lover.
True character
A person's true character is revealed not only through his deeds but also through his thoughts and his words. By sharing what little I have been privileged to know about the life of Professor Elo, no matter how insignificant or shallow, I am taking a big step towards perpetuating his memory. Future generations of chessplayers and non-playing chess fans, I hope, will not merely understand the theory, application, and significance of the Elo Rating System, but will also appreciate and revere the amiable human qualities of the gentle genius behind it.
Are Elo ratings going down?
FIFA introduces an Elo system
History of top chess players over time
Elmer Dumlao Sangalang Elmer Dumlao Sangalang studied engineering, taught mathematics and taught engineering courses at the university level, then entered the corporate world, becoming an actuarial specialist. Now retired, he performs consulting work in actuarial and applied mathematics. Elmer was one of the co-creators and consultants regarding FIDE's Elo rating system.


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( St Paul\'s University) Tokyo Japan. Alumni : Hiroshi Sugimoto / Haruomi Hosono, etc.
1994 Based in New York. Studied at Art student league of New York.
Eiji Sumi\'s creativity first originated in the realm of fine art, which was later extended to design and lighting and installation. Sumi creates visual arts in the various fileds such as drawing, painting, graphics and lighting design and installation. He started his art training as a child in Japan, which culminated with the study of painting with various commissioned art works in New York. He has created visual art and design for various clientele including, mural painting for The Maritime Hotel, and The Bowery Hotel, Graphic Art for Nike Japan, Asashi Beer, Greenwich Hotel and Duncan Quinn, Lighting fixture for the Maritime Hotel, and many more.
Those period influenced in many aspect of his work and as result, his work has less boundary in his medium.
He had exhibited his work in New York, Tokyo, Osaka, Hong Kong, Toronto and in 2012 Bangkok.
Art direction and Photography for \"Chinatowns \" at Storefront for Art and Architecture, Soho New York, Lighting Installation \" Light it up\"/"Limited Edition Unlimited Design" at Salomon Arts Gallery Tribeca 2009/2010, Nuit Blanche/ Bring to Light art festival "Chimera of Meteoshower/ Diaphaspectrum 2010/2011, \"Speed of Life\" Invisible Dog Art Center \". and more.
Currently Sumi continuously tap into the full range of creative resources to express conceptual, yet innovative view of visual art and design.


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Canada Foundation for Innovation announces funding for the Community Mobile Media Lab at NSCAD
NSCAD is proud to share that Solomon Nagler, Professor of Media Arts and Film at NSCAD, has received a $75,000 Canada Foundation for Innovation (CFI) John R. Evans Leaders Fund grant to fund the Community Mobile Media Lab (CMML).
The CMML is a purpose-designed mobile media production hub that will facilitate participatory research and mentorship in film and media arts throughout Mi'kma'ki. The lab will be utilized for the numerous community-based research projects currently being conducted by our faculty, which prioritize collaborative methodologies of co-creation and collective authorship. It will create innovative means of disseminating research to our immediate community, while also permitting alternative forms of outreach and education, which will further advance our equity, diversity and inclusion priorities by providing informal, community-based education with under-represented communities.
Currently, we are collaborating on a diverse set of community-based media art projects, which have been funded by the SSHRC-funded Counter-Memory Activism Inter-University Group. This research cluster is a collaboration between NSCAD University and the University of King's College. Given the priority of CFI to support youth and research, we see this project as aligned directly with the promise of "How can research forge the future you want?". Our research cluster has partnerships with several community organizations, such as the Membertou Heritage Park, The Nova Scotia Museum, Cape Breton University's Centre for Sound Communities, Saint George's Youth Net and In My Own Voice (iMOVe) Community Art Organization. Our funded research projects involve the creation of collaborative work, which explores concepts of first-person documentary and works of memory activism. Hands-on training and mentorship are integral to these processes of collaboration.
The unique design of the CMML as a mobile research, training and production tool will enable us to explore media art research-creation projects that decentralize accounts of history, transforming encounters with community members through innovative forms of collaborative projects. This methodology involves collective acts of research-creation that will become integral toolkits for community focused reconciliation and social justice. Investment in this infrastructure will impact the way post-secondary research can be produced and disseminated. Having faculty and research assistants embedded in populations who are underrepresented in post-secondary institutions will have an enormous impact on the media arts industries, and the Canadian economy as a whole. Through conference papers and publications our research methodology will provide a valuable framework for allyship and decolonialization.
The CMML's primary community partner, Sobaz Benjamin, is the Founder and Executive Director of iMOVe Arts Association, as well as a film-director, community worker, advocate, mentor, program facilitator and educator. He was honoured in 2014 by the Provincial Justice Department with a Minister's Award for Individual Leadership in Crime Prevention. Benjamin has also received a Humans Rights Award for his work with youth, a Crime Prevention Award from the Province of Nova Scotia and film directing awards from the National Film Board of Canada and the Canadian Academy of Cinema and Television.
This grant is part of more than $64 million in research infrastructure funding committed by the CFI to help drive innovation and spark discoveries at 40 universities across the country.