Dynamite Curb Appeal...Super location! The charm of this home begins the minute you pull up to a generous lawn and mature greenery. This Turnkey 3 bedroom 2 bath stunner has an Awesome floor plan perfect for the growing family. Upon entry you are welcomed to a spacious living room with lots of natural light...Your choice of original Hardwood Floors or Deluxe Berber Carpet Flooring! The kitchen is a Chef's Delight with plenty of counter space and tons of storage. An over sized family room/dining room off the kitchen is the perfect space to unwind and relax. Beautiful French Doors opening to a fabulous back yard with a covered patio perfect for entertaining your guest. Handsomely landscaped front and back, with gorgeous flowers, plants and lots of green grass! This location is commuter friendly, close to shopping and dining, come visit your new home today!
I am interested in 1514 W H Street, Ontario, CA 91762.


Glengormley High School is set to benefit from a major building improvement project in the coming months, thanks to a £220,000 investment.
The funding package - granted under the Department of Education's minor works scheme - will pay for the installation of new windows at the Ballyclare Road school.
Speaking about the funding announcement, Education Minister John O'Dowd said: "My Department has agreed investment of nearly £220,000 to replace the windows at the school.
Minor works are schemes costing less than £500,000 and are projects ranging from minor repairs to more significant work projects and extensions.
In conclusion the Minister said: "I am confident that the substantial investment in minor works projects will continue to help in the drive to improve educational standards in addition to providing a boost to the local construction industry.
The department has confirmed that the contract for the improvement works to be carried out at Glengormley High School has been awarded to WJM Building Services Ltd, Belfast.
The total approved cost of the window replacement project is £219,608.


text:
Pupina é um género de gastrópode  da família Pupinidae.

Este género contém as seguintes espécies:
 Pupina brenchleyi
 Pupina complanata
 Pupina coxeni
 Pupina difficilis
 Pupina pfeifferi

Pupinidae

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


AR is an all around model for any conditions. Wave side shore, on-shore, off-shore; it's the fin that does it all having a wave shape for the smaller sizes and going to more of a freewave shape for the bigger sizes. Speed and early planning are great characteristics of this fin.
WAVE FIN - Wave side shore, on-shore, off-shore; it's the fin that does it all having a wave shape for the smaller sizes and going to more of a freewave shape for the bigger sizes. Speed and early planning are great characteristics of this fin.


text:
Insurance center opens at Saint Joseph Regional
Residents can receive health law information, help
Heidi Prescott
HPrescott@SBTinfo.com
MISHAWAKA -- Saint Joseph Regional Medical Center wants to make it easy for area consumers to talk face-to-face with someone about their health insurance options.
Those options, after all, might seem confusing or overwhelming to people who are gaining access to health care for the first time, said Janice Dunn, the hospital's chief financial officer.
"People have to have health care next year, and we want to get them in the right insurance plan, with the right coverage, at the right cost," Dunn said.
Today, a community open house will be held at the new Saint Joseph Regional Medical Center Health Insurance Services LLC Center, located in the main lobby of the hospital in Mishawaka.
The event -- to officially introduce the free service to the public -- is scheduled for 2 p.m. at 5215 Holy Cross Parkway. The office quietly opened in early July.
As people prepare for the Affordable Care Act, the hospital designed the new insurance center to give them a place to learn about their health insurance options. People can meet in private, one-on-one sessions with licensed insurance agents.
The insurance specialists staffing the center, some of whom are bilingual, have received their state licenses in Indiana and Michigan, said Sondra Gardetto, manager for Health Insurance Services, which is a separate entity operating under the hospital's umbrella.
These specialists have received extensive training to explain and enroll people in the Health Insurance Marketplace, a key component in the Act. Enrollment in that plan begins Oct. 1 and ends in late March 2014, Gardetto said.
They also are trained in other insurance programs, including Medicare and Hoosier Healthwise/Medicaid.
"We'll complete some demographics and income information with them first, so it will be helpful to schedule an appointment and we'll tell you what to bring," Gardetto said. "Then we will let them know what types of programs would be available. The entire process should take about an hour."
The storefront-like concept is a vision of Al Gutierrez, president and chief executive officer of Saint Joseph Regional Medical Center, who visited a health care insurance information desk in a Florida shopping center.
Dunn said the desk Gutierrez saw in the mall, however, was operated by health care insurance provider Blue Cross and Blue Shield.
"We want to offer an unbiased approach to assist our community constituents," Dunn said.
The insurance service center may be a relatively new concept, but Saint Joseph Regional Medical Center has been enrolling both patients and nonpatients in health insurance plans since 1998 as a community outreach program, said Andre Waddell, the hospital's director of consumer assistance.
"In other words, we didn't get from the mall to here in lightning speed," he said. "And we are not driving anyone to one particular plan or another. We want to steer you through the process and figure out what's best for you. This ties into our mission and core values. The goal is to educate the community."
Depending on consumer demand, Dunn said, additional insurance specialists may be hired to staff the new Mishawaka insurance center, which will remain open indefinitely.
Another insurance center is slated to open in October at the Marshall County Community Resource Center, 510 W. Adams St., Plymouth, and a future insurance center location in South Bend is being considered.
More than 15,000 residents across the region are uninsured or underinsured and might seek assistance in selecting a health care package, Dunn said, "so we know this impacts a lot of people."
The free service is available from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. weekdays. Appointments are recommended and can be made by calling 855-900-0024 or scheduling an appointment at the counter. Walk-ins are also welcome.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Lights! Camera! Action!
Feeling Famous? It's pretty clear what L.A. is known for...No, not the Kardashians. FILMS! ACTING! STUDIOS! If you're strolling through Beverly Hills, make sure you stumble upon The Paley Center for Media. If you're an entertainment fan, or even if you're not, the Paley Center is a fun place to learn about the significance of television and radio in our culture and the impact media has on society! Similar to a museum, The Paley Center contains archives of television shows, movies, historical moments, AND often times you can find original costumes and cool "behind the scenes" props you won't see anywhere else! From the uplifting Martin Luther King's famous "I have a dream" speech and the devastating assassination of JFK, to the best Nickelodeon shows of the 90's and the heartfelt moments televised during 9/11, The Paley Center archives have something for everyone of all ages. THE BEST PART? Besides the awesome props and flashbacks from your favorite shows, it's FREE! The Paley Center is open Wednesday through Sunday from 12:00pm-5:00pm and they offer guided tours that elaborate on the history, collections, and current programs offered. Located perfectly at 465 North Beverly Drive with FREE PARKING, it's a must see for people of all ages. ACTION.


Food freedom doesn't mean that you're a perfect eater, however. It doesn't mean you always make the "right" decision. It doesn't mean you always stay on track, and never fall back into old habits. Food freedom means that when you fall off course, you don't let it ruin your day (or your week), physically or emotionally. It means you always have a plan for returning to a place of healthy balance, gracefully. It means you recognize that life happens, but every "slip" is actually a learning experience, and your food freedom plan is that much more robust for these lessons.
Food freedom demands that you're in this for the long haul. There is no hack for food freedom; no shortcut or quick fix. It's you, working my 3-step Food Freedom plan, day in and day out, every single day. There are no weeks off. There is no "I'm on vacation, so I'm just not going to think about it." You can't disconnect from your body or your relationship with food when things get hard. Food freedom demands more attention than that.
Get a copy of Food Freedom Forever from your favorite bookseller, or check it out from the library. We're reading the book according to this schedule: the week of 2/5, Section One. The week of 2/12, Section Two. The week of 2/19, Sections Three and Four. The week of 2/26, Section Five.
Follow Whole30 on your favorite social media platform. We have special content planned for Instagram, Facebook and Twitter.
When you see a #MyFoodFreedom post … comment. Interact. Share it. Participate in the community discussion by reflecting on the material in Food Freedom Forever and sharing those reflections with the rest of our Whole30 community. The material in Food Freedom Forever is intimate and vulnerable, and by discussing it together in community, we will help one another along the journey to true food freedom.


Literally, in Italian sotto means under, and casa home. And that's where we are nestled at the very bottom of a brick townhouse. But being "sottocasa", is less about a physical location and more about a feeling: it involves being convenient, close, friendly, warm. That's how you feel when you step through our door: welcome home!
Join a Weleet Supper Club as a Weleet Premium or Platinum member and enjoy a great dinner and conversation here for free!


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Српска демократска барањска странка (краће: СДБС) је бивша политичка странка у Републици Хрватској која је заступала интересе српске националне мањине у Осјечко-барањској жупанији.

Странка је основана 13. новембра 1998. године у Белом Манастиру а угашена је 12. јуна 2007. године. Поред Белог Манастира деловала је у општинама Јагодњак и Дарда. Оснивач и председник странке био је Љубомир Мијатовић.

Странка се декларисала као политичка странка предана идеалима слободе, владавине права и мира, споразумевању међу људима и народима, изградњи, јачању и учвршћивању демократије, хуманизма и еколошке свести те заштити и афирмацији људских, грађанских и политичких права. Залагала се за вредности мултиетничког и мултикултуралног друштва као темеља за очување и коегзистенцију различитих идентитета у атмосфери толеранције и узајамног уважавања.

Програм странке је истицао да је странка деловала као странка демократске оријентације која једино у сарадњи и партнерству с другим српским и хрватским политичким странкама је могла остварити своје програмске циљеве и испунити интересе и очекивања својих бирача, остварујући право на опстанак Срба и партнерство у изградњи демократских институција и демократске политике у Републици Хрватској.

Странка је заједно са још две политичке партије, Партијом подунавских Срба и Српском народном странком, те још неколико српских организација основала Народно вијеће Срба почетком 1999. године. Циљ удруживања био је алтернатива политици СДСС-а.

Референце

Бивше политичке странке у Хрватској
Барања
Организације Срба у Хрватској


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RS Components Selects Orange Business Services as Service Provider
RS Components' network transformation is central to its digital strategy as it creates future-proofed workspaces for customer service centres.
By Joel Davies - April 13, 2021 in Featured, Industry News, MV Pro, News Feed
RS Components (RS), a global omnichannel solutions partner for industrial customers and suppliers, has chosen Orange Business Services as its single end-to-end managed services provider. Orange will carry out a major transformation of RS' entire global infrastructure, digitise its sales processes and move its contact centre activities to the cloud.
These projects are a central part of RS' digital transformation, which is designed to reduce costs, modernise its network capabilities and bring new technologies onboard. They include SD-WAN and telephony upgrades to future proof its business. With a fully integrated ecosystem that integrates connectivity, cybersecurity, collaboration and customer experience within a single managed platform, RS says it can run its business online remotely across thirty-two countries. It also allows the company to create new services and maintain its position in a highly competitive marketplace.
"The transformation journey with Orange has so far been very effective. It is one of true collaboration and partnership. The new Orange Business Services infrastructure supports a secure, resilient, futureproofed omnichannel offering while supporting our remote working strategy", said Jes Riley, vice president IT Operations, RS Components.
The company says its solution increases business agility, meets PCI DSS regulatory compliance mandates, simplifies RS' business processes and ensures that customers and partners have a consistent experience through multiple channels of engagement, both telephony and online. Orange has upgraded the company's workspace capabilities through the integration with Microsoft Teams, which enables contact centre agents to work remotely.
Orange Business Services is providing RS with a fully integrated cloud-based collaboration and contact centre platform, bringing convergence and seamless communications between front and back-office business functions. This is in addition to RS choosing Orange Business Services as its single managed services provider, covering Flexible SD-WAN, LAN, security, conferencing, video, voice and contact centre services and support.
Orange Business Services is a network-native digital services company and the global enterprise division of the Orange Group. Image: Orange.
"With their contact centre solution providing a significant revenue stream and vital to their future business success alongside their network infrastructure, it was important that RS chose a partner that could support them to achieve their digital ambitions. Orange, through its flexible approach, has helped provide the answers to the business challenges they were looking for", said Kristof Symons, executive vice president, International, Orange Business Services.
RS Components is a trading brand of Electrocomponents plc, a global omnichannel solutions partner for industrial customers and suppliers who are involved in designing, building or maintaining industrial equipment and facilities.
Orange Business Services and its 28,500 employees is a network-native digital services company and the global enterprise division of the Orange Group. It connects, protects and innovates for enterprises around the world to support sustainable business growth, leveraging its connectivity and system integration expertise throughout the digital value chain in areas such as software-defined networks, multi-cloud services, Data and AI, smart mobility services, cybersecurity.
You can find more information about Orange Business Services and RS Components on their respective websites.
Stay up to date with the most recent automation, machine vision and robotics news on MVPro. Read the best stories every Friday with our newsletter.
Tags: automationImagingMachine VisionmanufacturingOEMSroboticsScience NewssoftwareTech News
Teledyne DALSA has introduced the Linea ML 8k, a multispectral Camera Link HS (CLHS) line scan camera part of the...
Automation Technology, the German developer of camera and sensor solutions, has appointed Daniel Seiler as its new Chief Executive Officer...
Infineon Technologies AG and Sleepiz AG, a Swiss digital health company, have entered into a collaboration to provide a solution...


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{
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Image: Adobe Stock
Building a digital picture of the UK's data landscape: Data ecosystem project launched
Wed Jun 16, 2021
Data publishing and use
Public service design
Working with ODI Leeds and The Data City, in June and July, we're setting out to produce a proof-of-concept visualisation; to make it easier for people to find – and understand – the role of different organisations in the UK data economy
Working with ODI Leeds and The Data City, in June and July, we're setting out to produce a proof-of-concept visualisation; to make it easier for people to find – and understand – the role of different organisations in the UK data economy.
One of the priorities of the UK government, described within the National Data Strategy, is to unlock the value of data across the economy, and the government's Plan for Growth includes a vision of the UK as a data services hub. But what role is data already playing in our economy? Which organisations are collecting, sharing or selling data? Which are using it to provide valuable services, insights and digital tools? We want to find out.
In this new project, we aim to visualise part of the UK's data ecosystem and to build our own and others' understanding of it. We work internationally but in this first phase, we will focus on the UK, in part because we have a good dataset to work with by partnering with The Data City.
This project is a dive into data about UK companies using advanced analytics to visualise part of the data economy in 2021. Whilst the majority of the Companies House data we'll be using in the project concerns private sector organisations, a surprising number of publicly funded bodies are also included. Over the next two months, we want to gain a broader perspective of how the data economy works, is structured and is evolving to inform national and local strategies. We don't know what we'll find along the way, and we'll be working in the open to encourage others to get involved.
We know we're not the first to tackle a project of this kind. Gavin Freeguard worked on mapping a data ecosystem of UK government in 2018, updating it in 2020. Our work develops the brief in to the private sector. Of course, there may be other, similar work that we're not aware of and if you have done, or know of any work in this area we would love to hear from you.
To find out more about the technical aspects of the project, methodology and tools, head over to the ODI Leeds project hub page. We expect to find gaps, and experience challenges along the way. We'll be learning as we go, sharing what we find and if the project is useful we'll work to develop the concept further.
Join our co-working session
We'll be holding an open, co-working session for the project which anyone can join. It's at 12-noon on Tuesday 29 June. Sign up here if you'd like to come along.
Get in touch and stay updated
Federated learning: an introduction [report]
Anastasia Shteyn
Calum Inverarity
Konrad Kollnig
Yusuff Adigun
In this report, we outline considerations and practical guidance for prospective adopters of federated learning, an emerging privacy enhancing technology (PET)
ODI project
Supporting Historic England to develop as a data institution
Elea Himmelsbach
Josh D'Addario
Thomas Carey-Wilson
We're supporting Historic England's vision of becoming a data institution in order to tackle its new data responsibilities and ambitions as a steward of England's history
Blog, News 19/12/2022
The Open Data Institute announces a new partnership with the Patrick J. McGovern Foundation
Jack Hardinges
We will be working in partnership with the Patrick J. McGovern Foundation (PJMF) to establish new programmes of work in support of our vision of a world where data works for everyone


text:
July 21st 2012
ECONOMIC AFFAIRS: Enterprise bank urgently needed for Australia
CANBERRA OBSERVED: Labor belatedly regrets its pact with the Greens
OPINION: Time to raise hell over the carbon tax
EDITORIAL: The future of marriage: latest developments
HEALTH: Medical doctor exposes the lies of sex education
ENVIRONMENT: Rio+20 ends with a whimper, not a bang
ENERGY: US shale gas will change the world
POLITICAL IDEAS: Rebuilding an economy on family and community
SCHOOLS: We need to revert to the simplicity of the three "R"s
OPINION: Illegal immigration: what can be done?
CINEMA: Ripping great fun for all the family
BOOK REVIEW Resisting the secular left's adversary culture
POLITICAL IDEAS:
Rebuilding an economy on family and community
by Allan Carlson
News Weekly, July 21, 2012
Although the Great Recession of 2008 now appears to be waning, it did bring to the surface old truths that many had chosen to forget: the business cycle has not been eliminated; finance capitalism is by its nature unstable; politically-connected corporations commonly escape market discipline; and there is nothing conservative about the "creative destruction" of a capitalist economy.
Indeed, a curious aspect of political labelling in America has been the conflation of the word "conservative" with the interests of the great banks and corporations.
I will focus in this article on a different gallery of American political thinkers and activists. In their deep respect for the integrity of the human person, in their allegiance to the natural communities of family and village, in their celebration of the family farm and the independent shop, in their devotion to private property, and in their reverence for traditional ways, these figures could be labelled conservative.
At the same time, their commitment to the ideal of economic democracy, their refusal to treat human labour and relationships as commodities like any other, their sympathy for the pluralism and peculiarities of small human communities, and their rejection of imperialism and military adventurism seem more attuned to the modern progressive label. They have been seekers after a "Third Way", a social and economic system that in important respects would be neither capitalist nor socialist.
In Europe, these seekers included Great Britain's Hilaire Belloc and G.K. Chesterton, architects of the "distributist" program (to which I will return); the Russian agrarian economist Alexander Chayanov, who crafted a remarkable theory of "the Natural Family Economy"; the Bulgarian peasant leader Alexander Stamboliski, who began to turn his nation into a model agrarian republic and who co-founded the "Green International" in 1923; Nancy Eriksson, a Member of Sweden's Parliament who defended a curious political movement that might be accurately labelled, "The Desperate Swedish Socialist Housewives"; and figures such as Gilbert Dru, Etienne Gilson, and Wilhelm Röpke, architects of a vibrant mid-20th century Christian Democracy that aimed to build a Humane Economy.
These episodes effervesced in events of brilliance and excitement, sometimes reaching fruition, only to fade in the face of the two main 20th-century ideological contestants: capitalism and communism.
I want to tell you about three American writers and activists who also have been part of this quest for a third way: Ralph Borsodi; Herbert Agar; and Wendell Berry. I will also suggest ways in which their examples and ideas may help us understand the recent economic crisis and point toward an alternate conservatism for the decades ahead, one combining a preferential option for the natural family with a more decentralised, human scale economy.
Ralph Borsodi
For 25 years, from 1920 to about 1945, Ralph Borsodi was one of America's leading public intellectuals. He had begun his career in New York City as a consulting economist and advertising expert for several of America's leading corporations and trade associations.
Borsodi grew increasingly troubled, though, by what he saw on Madison Avenue. In a series of books, he traced a change among American companies from a focus on making products that met consumer needs toward an economy resting on high-pressure marketing, the manipulation of emotion, and heavy consumer debt. He denounced especially the new technique of "national advertising".
More broadly, he saw modern finance capitalism working mightily to eliminate the free market. The real "competition" among corporations, Borsodi said, was a quest "to secure [political] privileges which enable their possessors to operate outside of the competitive market". He indicted not only state-granted franchises and subsidies, but also licences, special tariffs, corporate tax breaks, and nationally advertised trade-marks, all of which — he said — conspired to raise prices, crush diversity, handicap the small producer and favour extreme centralisation.
In his best-selling 1928 book This Ugly Civilization, Borsodi more directly attacked the status of joint-stock corporations. He emphasised that they were neither a natural nor an inevitable development. They rested instead on a grant by governments of legal privileges, ones denied to families and individuals. These privileges included limited liability; perpetual life; and the ability to issue stock, bonds, and other debt instruments, which gave corporations huge advantages in raising capital.
So, what was Borsodi's alternative? The working home, the economically functional home, he said, had to be restored; and this needed to be done in a revived countryside. As he argued, "Man, no matter how often he has tried to urbanise himself, can only live like a normal human being in an essentially rural place of residence."
Setting an example, Borsodi and his family resettled on an abandoned seven-acre homestead near the Ramapo Mountains, north of New York City. Each family, Borsodi insisted, must also begin "an adventure in home production", rooted in "true organic homesteads". Gardens, chicken coops, a few cows and pigs, carpentry workshops, small machine shops, loom rooms: all were necessary in real family homes, he said. Careful experiments showed that a homestead equipped with appropriate tools and small-scale machines was more efficient in producing three-quarters of the products that a family home would need.
In a way, Borsodi and his wife also invented modern home-schooling. "When I compared Mrs Borsodi to the average school-teacher in the public schools," he wrote, "I saw no reason why she could not teach the children just as well, if not better." They brought their children home, and found that this "experiment in domestic production" — as he put it — also proved superior to schooling organised on a factory model. Two hours a day of course work, it turned out, was all it took for the Borsodi boys to keep pace with their public school counterparts.
Herbert Agar
The son of a prominent corporate attorney in New York City, Agar had an Ivy League education, including a PhD in history from Princeton University. In 1928, circumstances led him to England where he joined the editorial staff of G.K.'s Weekly, the journal owned and edited by the prominent English writer G.K. Chesterton.
Here, Agar drank deeply from the well of distributist ideas. Briefly, this idea-system was rooted in a rejection of socialism as immoral and unjust. It rejected as well modern capitalism, which — the distributists said — tended toward monopoly and toward a peculiar alliance of the great corporations with government: what Chesterton called "The Business Government", or what his collaborator Hilaire Belloc called "The Servile State".
According to Belloc, the Servile State existed when productive property was concentrated in a few hands and when most adults gained their livelihood strictly from a wage, tied in turn to government benefits, or the welfare state.
As Chesterton framed the matter, the distributist alternative rested on the premises that public life exists to defend private life, that property secures liberty, and that "all political and social efforts must be devoted to securing the good of the family". Put another way, the distributists held that private property in a home, some acres of land, and basic tools were so important that every responsible family should have them. Again, this broad distribution of property was the distributists' answer to both the so-called "wage slavery" of monopoly capitalism and its close partner, the welfare state.
Winning the Pulitzer Prize in 1933 for his first book, The People's Choice, Agar returned to America. He wrote a long article in 1934 entitled "The Task for Conservatism". Applying distributist analysis to the American setting, Agar — the historian — sought to renew the "conservative" label by appealing to "an older America", a time when there was "virtue in and a moral plan for the nation".
Central to this plan, Agar insisted, was "[t]he widest possible distribution of property". To some of the nation's Founders, notably Thomas Jefferson, "this meant agrarianism", or self-sufficient farming. To others, such as John Adams, "this meant an interdependent community" of farmers and modest merchants, with government maintaining the balance.
All the American founders, Agar argued, held that "a wide diffusion of property... made for enterprise, for family responsibility, and in general for institutions that fit man's nature and that give a chance for a desirable life".
Agar thought it possible that trends had gone too far in the wrong direction. He said: "If Americans have come to believe that a wage is the same thing as freedom; if they prefer such a wage, with its appearance of security, to the obvious danger and responsibilities of ownership, then they cannot be saved from the servitude which awaits them."
Yet he concluded that a "redistribution of property" could still be accomplished; this was "the root of a real conservative policy for the United States". The ownership of land, a home, machine-shop, small store, and/or a share of "some necessarily huge machine" needed to become the normal thing, to set the moral tone for society. This would make "for stability in family and community life, for responsibility, for enterprise" and for all the other virtues which had been sacrificed to "an unclean monopoly".
Along with Belloc, Agar agreed that this goal was not in line with existing economic trends: "It must be produced artificially and then guarded by favourable legislation." But there was little choice: "Either we restore property, or we restore slavery", through the servile state which waited at the end of monopoly capitalism's work.
In 1937, Agar, Borsodi, and others of a similar frame of mind launched the remarkable monthly journal, Free America. The lead editorial in the first issue defined the journal as "the meeting ground for those who are equally opposed to finance-capitalism, communism and fascism".
The editors recognised "a fundamental community of aim in the Borsodi Homestead Movement, the Southern Agrarians [at Vanderbilt University] and their allied Distributist Groups throughout the country, the consumer Cooperative Movement, the Catholic Rural Life Conference, [and] certain of the Protestant rural life organisations".
In housing, the goal was to build "the owner-occupied home of the free man", where "living and producing a livelihood are welded into an harmonious whole".
Like Chesterton, a poet, novelist, and essayist, Wendell Berry is the most important American writing today in the agrarian tradition. Born in Kentucky, he still resides there with his wife Tanya on a small farm overlooking the Ohio River.
The word most commonly associated with Wendell Berry is "community"; and he does give this often mangled term a fresh and vigorous meaning. In one exemplary essay, Berry provides a formal definition of "community" as "the commonwealth and common interests, commonly understood, of people living together in a place and wishing to continue to do so"; and also as "a locally understood interdependence of local people, local culture, local economy, and local nature".
According to Berry, the "beloved community" makes claims that commonly trump the freedom of the individual. Individual rights and the satisfaction of individual desires "are limited by human nature, by human community and by the nature of the places in which we live". This membership is "that company of friends" that gives pleasure and meaning to individual lives.
Even the landscape becomes marked by paths connecting households, a commerce of shared affection, trust, bounty, and work. Indeed, the true community becomes an almost living thing, a network for communicating news and gossip, part of a village's "ever-continuing conversation about itself".
Most good communities have shared characteristics, Berry maintains. They live by a "precarious interplay of effort and grace". They can "enforce decency without litigation", using techniques such as shunning and emotions such as shame to influence individual behaviour.
The vital community also rests on the natural economy of altruism, solving its challenges "by non-monetary exchanges of help", not by buying things. Such living communities create people of superior moral worth: "Persons of character are not [governmental] products. They are made by local cultures, local responsibilities."
Yet, in Berry's mind, the modern world threatens and corrupts such true community. Berry points to the current commercial order as a sinister force. He writes: "As the salesmen, saleswomen, advertisers, and propagandists of the industrial economy have become more ubiquitous and more adept at seduction, communities have lost the loyalty and affection of their members."
Neither conservative nor liberal defends any longer "the economic integrity of the household or the community", which are the mainstays of family life. He notes that under a "conservative" President, Ronald Reagan, the American economy, "which once required the father to work away from home — a development that was bad enough — now requires the mother to work away from home, as well".
Some would dismiss Borsodi, Agar, and Berry, together with Europeans such as Chesterton and Chayanov, as hopeless romantics, with their ideas and arguments irrelevant to modern times.
I would reply that agrarian and distributist analysis had in the 20th century important policy consequences and that it may also offer insight into the events of the last two and a half years.
Relative to past influence, several projects launched by the American New Dealers during the 1930s had distributist roots, ranging from the Subsistence Homestead Program to the Housing Act of 1934. After World War II, the British Conservative Party adapted large portions of the distributist platform, pledging to create a nation of property owners — as an alternative to the Labour Party's welfare state.
DLP's program
Down in Australia, the Democratic Labor Party, which featured a "model distributist program", held the balance of political power for 20 critical years, starting in the 1950s.
Critics of agrarianism and distributism have argued that this social-economic scheme lacks specific policy ideas. The charge is unfair. From Belloc and Chesterton to Wendell Berry, they have advanced clear ideas for building a property state, where giant economic institutions would be cut down to a human scale and where all responsible families would own a home, productive land or small shop, and garden.
Specifics have included:
• To greatly expand home ownership by families, mobilise "the credit of the community" through locally-controlled, cooperative credit unions to enable "private ownership of houses and small plots just outside our great urban centres".
• To break up monopoly corporations, legally support the extension of profit sharing and ownership to workers' associations.
• To restore the small shop, use differential taxation against chain or "big box" stores (aiming at no more than a dozen shops per corporation).
• To redistribute land and other properties, tax real estate contracts "so as to discourage the sale of small property to big proprietors and encourage the break-up of big property among small proprietors".
• To decentralise industry, cheapen electricity through expanded access grids "which might lead to many little workshops".
• To encourage agrarian resettlement, the small family farm "must be privileged as against the diseased society around it".
• To encourage families, provide generous tax relief to parents according to number of children.
• And to encourage urban home ownership, "there ought to be a simple rule: every [rental] lease should automatically contain the power of purchase by instalment".
One may find these ideas misguided or wrong; yet they do offer specifics and point to a society neither capitalist nor socialist.
This policy platform rests on two pillars: trust in widely distributed private property as the safeguard of liberty and democracy; and faith in the natural family economy as humane and just. Could this be the next conservatism?
Dr Allan Carlson directs the Howard Center for Family, Religion and Society, based in Rockford, Illinois, and is founder and general-secretary of the World Congress of Families. This article is from an address he gave for the University of Tennessee on March 24, 2011.
URL: www.profam.org/docs/acc/thc.acc.110324.3way.utm.htm


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Esquire + BEAST. Grooming Box
Esquire Edit
The Capture Of El Chapo, And How It Led To America's Major Heroin Epidemic
If you wonder why heroin kills 200 Americans a week, take a hard look at the legalisation of pot, which destroyed the profits of the Mexican cartels
By Don Winslow
The phone rang. It was July 2014, and I was in a motel room in Tucumcari, New Mexico, about to step into the shower. My wife and I were two days into a cross-country drive from our home in California, and I wanted to clean up before we went to a sports bar across the parking lot to grab something to eat.
Looking at the phone, I recognised the number and felt my heart drop. The woman was a close friend. Her 23-year-old son had struggled with heroin addiction for several years. I knew the young man. He was smart, talented, funny — and charming when he wasn't high or jonesing. He was supposed to have called me that day to discuss getting back into school. I didn't get that call.
It was his mother on the phone, sobbing, barely able to stammer out the words that I already knew she was going to say. "He's gone." That afternoon, she told me, he was walking to a treatment centre that finally had a bed for him, but he stopped for one last "get well" fix. He died on the sidewalk.
His mother and I were on the phone for quite a while. Mostly I listened, because what was there to say? Then I got into the shower and cried.
I've been writing about and researching the so-called War on Drugs for more than 20 years. During that time I've been to funerals, I've sat with the families of teenage hitmen, I've explained to people why their loved ones were killed, providing information that the government would not. I've analysed autopsy photos, trying to put names to anonymous victims. I've watched the atrocity videos. I thought I was inured to it, hardened to insensitivity by the numbing sameness of this never-ending tragedy. I thought I was beyond tears.
This one hurt. It was personal (why hadn't he called me, why the fuck hadn't he called me?), and, moreover, I knew how it had happened. The heroin that killed him came from Mexico. The people who grew the poppies, manufactured the drug, and shipped it north were members of Mexico's most powerful drug-trafficking organisation, and the death of my friend's son came as a direct result of a business decision made by several of these men.
One of them was Joaquín Guzmán Loera. The jefe of the Sinaloa Cartel, the largest drug trafficker in the world. Aka "El Chapo" ["Shorty"]. Yeah, him. Guzmán and I go way back. (I resist calling him El Chapo because the diminutive makes him seem like some sort of cute Disney dwarf who whistles while he works rather than the mass murderer he is.) I remember the days when young Joaquín was learning the pista secreta ["secret trail"] as an errand boy/driver for the old giants of the trade, such as Pedro Avilés Pérez and Rafael Caro Quintero.
Guzmán had worked and killed his way up to the big leagues by the time he first went to prison, in 1993. While he was running his business from his suite inside Puente Grande federal prison, I was working on a book called The Power of the Dog, the first of three novels I've written about the evolution of the Mexican drug scene. I was talking to cops and convicts, drug traffickers and addicts, gangbangers and their families. I was in the prisons and on the streets, in the archives and the courts, on the border and across it. I was still working on that book when Guzmán made his first escape in 2001.
At the time, Mexican drug traffic was divided among several major and a dozen minor groups, the most important being the Juárez Cartel, the Tijuana Cartel, and the Gulf Cartel, with its hyper-violent armed wing, the Zetas.
When Guzmán got out of Puente Grande, he sought to control the entire Mexican drug business under the name of the Sinaloa Cartel. Over the next 10 years, he went to war against the other traffickers.
That war took more than 100,000 lives in Mexico, with more than 22,000 people still "missing." It's been a catastrophe on the US side of the border, too, directly causing, among other things, the recent heroin epidemic that has killed thousands, among them my friend's son.
Last summer, I went on a book tour for my novel The Cartel. At every stop, I met people who had lost a loved one to drug-related violence in Mexico or to a drug overdose in the US. In Scottsdale, a woman asked me if I knew anything about her best friend's murder. (I did.) In Seattle, a man asked if I had any information about his brother-in-law's kidnapping. (I didn't.)
One night was the anniversary of my friend's son's death. I called her from outside a bookstore in a Los Angeles mall and then went in to talk about the damn novel.
The pot paradox
Ok, I'm going to say it: The heroin epidemic was caused by the legalisation of marijuana. We wanted legal weed, and for the most part, we got it. Four states have legalised it outright, others have decriminalised it, and in many jurisdictions police refuse to enforce the laws that are on the books, creating a de facto street legalisation.
Good news, right? Not for the Sinaloa Cartel, which by the time Colorado passed Amendment 64 in 2012, had become the dominant cartel in Mexico. Weed was a major profit centre for them, but suddenly they couldn't compete against a superior American product that also had drastically lower transportation and security costs.
In a single year, the cartel suffered a 40 per cent drop in marijuana sales, representing billions of dollars. Mexican marijuana became an almost worthless product. They've basically stopped growing the shit: once-vast fields in Durango now lie fallow.
More good news, right? Yeah, no. Guzmán and his boys are businessmen. They're not going to take a 40-point hit and not do something about it. They had to make up those profits somewhere. Looking at the US drug market as it existed, Guzmán and his partners saw an opportunity. An increasing number of Americans were addicted to prescription opioids such as OxyContin. And their addiction was expensive. One capsule of Oxy might sell on the street for $30, and an addict might need 10 hits a day.
Well, shit, they thought. We have some of the best poppy fields in the world. Opium, morphine, Oxy, heroin — they're basically the same drug, so... The Sinaloa Cartel decided to undercut the pharmaceutical companies. They increased production of Mexican heroin by almost 70 per cent, and also raised the purity level, bringing in Colombian cooks to create "cinnamon" heroin as strong as the East Asian product. They had been selling a product that was about 46 per cent pure, now they improved it to 90 per cent.
Their third move was classic market economics: they dropped the price. A kilo of heroin went for as much as $200,000 in New York a few years ago, cost $80,000 in 2013, and now has dropped to around $50,000. More of a better product for less money: you can't beat it. At the same time, US drug and law-enforcement officials, concerned about the dramatic surge in overdose deaths from pharmaceutical opioids (165,000 from 1999 to 2014), cracked down on both legal and illegal distribution, opening the door for Mexican heroin, which sold for five to 10 bucks a dose.
But pill users were not accustomed to the potency of this new heroin. Even heroin addicts were taken by surprise. As a result, overdose deaths have skyrocketed, more than doubling from 2000 in 2014. More people — 47,055 — died from drug overdoses in 2014 than in any other year in American history. (Perhaps the most famous of these, Philip Seymour Hoffman, died on 2 February 2014, right at the height of the epidemic.) That's 125 people a day, more than five lives every hour, a fatality level that matched the Aids epidemic's peak in 1995.
Pandora's new box
On 21 February 2014, after 13 years of being the most wanted man in Mexico (despite frequent appearances at restaurants, concerts and holiday parties), Guzmán was recaptured. When journalists called to get my comment, I had a one-word answer: Iraq.
"What do you mean?" they asked. I reminded them that in the power vacuum that followed Saddam Hussein's capture and subsequent execution, Iraq splintered into sectarian violence, Shiite against Sunni. Isis came into being, overran Iraqi and Syrian cities, and launched a reign of terror.
Look, I shed no tears for either Hussein or Guzmán. Both were killers and torturers. But the fact is that the horrific violence of Guzmán's war of conquest had largely abated by 2014, precisely because he had won the war (with at least the passive assistance of the Mexican and US governments) and established what's come to be called the "Pax Sinaloa", the "Sinaloan Peace".
Historically, the Sinaloa Cartel has been the least violent of the Mexican drug-trafficking organisations. Admittedly, this isn't a high bar to clear, but it has long been axiomatic that the Mexican government felt it could at least talk to Guzmán and his partners in ways it never could with, for instance, the Zetas. Many journalists and writers, myself among them, believe the Mexican government eventually supported the Sinaloa Cartel during the worst years of the drug war in an attempt to establish some modicum of order. The numbers back this theory — the Sinaloa Cartel, while by far the largest group, makes up only 12 per cent of the thousands of police and military arrests and killings of narcos. Guzmán and his partners were famously averse to violence against civilians (again, this is all relative). For instance, Guzmán prohibited his people from carrying out kidnappings, a lucrative business for the other cartels.
The overwhelming power of the Sinaloa Cartel, led by Guzmán and his partners Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada García and (the possibly late) Juan José Esparragoza-Moreno, was holding together a fragile peace among scores of smaller trafficking organisations.
Which is why the Mexican government was, shall we say, ambivalent about Guzmán's capture in the first place. And let's face it — if corruption were an Olympic event, Mexico would be a perennial gold-medal winner. The Sinaloa Cartel had simply purchased elements of the Mexican government on the local, state and federal levels. Zambada in particular was the political connection between the cartel and the Mexican government and business powers.
That, coupled with the fact that the cartels control somewhere between eight and 12 per cent of the Mexican economy, gave the Sinaloans enormous power and influence. With billions of dollars in drug profits invested in legitimate business, the economy of Mexico is simply dependent on the drug trade.
Just seven months after Guzmán's capture, as the "Sinaloan Peace" faltered, Mexico saw its highest-profile massacre in years. On 26 September 2014, 43 students from the Ayotzinapa teachers college went missing in Iguala, Mexico, a town three hours south of Mexico City. International outrage and mass protests forced the government to launch a cover-up — er, investigation — which eventually determined that Mexican police took the students off four buses they had commandeered to travel to a protest in Mexico City and turned them over to an up-and-coming drug-trafficking organisation with the vainglorious name of Guerreros Unidos (United Warriors).
The students were taken to a dump on the outskirts of the nearest town. Fifteen died of suffocation on the drive there. The rest were interrogated and then killed, their bodies burned with gasoline and old tires.
The students' crime? One version has it that the local mayor simply didn't like the students' left-wing politics. OK, so they had their police turn them over to... narcos? Sure, that makes sense: about as much sense as any of the other cover stories that Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto's government has asked us to accept.
The second explanation is a Mexican classic that gets reheated every time there's a massacre — the narcos of Guerreros Unidos suspected some of the students of being associated with a rival trafficking group, Los Rojos. It's possible, and this is where the Iraq analogy plays out. Just as Hussein's demise unleashed ancient hatreds, Guzmán's capture revived old blood feuds, the complexity of which could fill a season of Game of Thrones.
The condensed version: Guzmán and the four Beltrán Leyva brothers were once close friends but they had a falling out after Guzmán had one of the brothers arrested and another was killed during an arrest attempt. One of the battlefields of the ensuing war between the Beltrán Leyva Organisation (BLO) and the Sinaloa Cartel was Guerrero State, where the students were massacred. The Sinaloa Cartel took it from BLO after bloody fighting.
The Guerreros Unidos narcos who murdered the students were a faction loyal to BLO who only reluctantly gave their fealty to the Sinaloans after being defeated in the war. Now, in the aftermath of Guzmán's capture, the remnants of BLO saw the opportunity for a comeback.
Los Rojos, the other insurgent group fighting for Guerrero, also has scores to settle, both with Guerreros Unidos and the Sinaloans. A faction of the old Gulf Cartel, it had fought against BLO when it was still part of the Sinaloa coalition. In the perceived vacuum created by Guzmán's arrest, it saw its chance to recapture territory. Sunni versus Shiite.
In a Sinaloa Cartel–controlled Guerrero, the murders of 43 college students would have required Guzmán's explicit permission, which he would not have given. That Guerreros Unidos felt free to perpetrate this massacre is deeply problematic for the future of a peaceful Mexico.
El Chapo's 'escape'
The end of the "Pax Sinaloa" probably also had something to do with Guzmán's second escape from prison, on 12 July, 2015. The details of the caper were catnip to the media — the story was that Guzmán had gone through a trapdoor in his shower (yes, he had a private shower, complete with a "privacy wall"; I will leave you to ponder the concept of a privacy wall in a maximum-security prison) into a mile-long tunnel through which he rode a motorcycle, right under the noses of oblivious prison authorities who apparently heretofore believed they had a wicked gopher problem.
For the record, Guzmán did not go out that tunnel on a motorcycle. Steve McQueen escapes on motorcycles. My money says Guzmán didn't go into that tunnel at all; anyone who can afford to pay $50m in bribes and finance the excavation of a mile-long tunnel can also afford not to use it. Gentle reader, the man is worth $1bn. He was thinking about buying Chelsea Football Club. He went out the front door.
After Chapo Guzmán became a household name, the media was voracious for details about his life. He grew up poor, harvesting opium in the fields when he was eight years old. He started selling his own cocaine at age 15. All of this is true. He gave money to the poor. (True.) He built schools, clinics, churches. (True, true, true.) He was good to his mother. (True.)
He had escaped before. (Sort of true.) We'd better run this down here, because the history of Guzmán's various arrests and escapes gets a bit confusing:
1993: Guzmán was arrested and sentenced to 20 years at a maximum-security prison, which he ran as his personal country club, replete with call girls, gourmet food and wine and weekly movie nights.
2001: Guzmán made his first "escape," which, like his most recent one, wasn't an escape at all. (An escape generally doesn't involve the active participation of one's jailers.) The cover story that year was that he went out in a laundry cart but insiders allege he actually went off the roof in a helicopter.
2014: Guzmán was recaptured, probably in a deal that his partner Zambada made to get Zambada's son out of a 10-to-life cocaine-trafficking rap in Arizona. (The son has disappeared from any US federal-prison registries — read: Witness Protection Program.)
2015: Guzmán escaped again, the cover story this time being the tunnel. I gave the same explanation to the media over and over again: Guzmán didn't escape; he was let out so he could try to reestablish order.
The Isis of Mexico
If Mexico has become Iraq, then the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) is the country's Isis. Even its name suggests it considers itself something different, a new breed of narco ready to take over and correct the failures of the previous generation. There's some truth to that viewpoint — one of the Sinaloa Cartel's problems is indeed generational. The frankly brilliant leadership that brought it to prominence is dead or graying. The Jalisco New Generation Cartel used to be a wing of the Sinaloa Cartel under the leadership of Ignacio "Nacho" Coronel. But Nacho's organisation broke in half after he was killed in a shoot-out with the Mexican army in 2010, and one of those factions, Los Torcidos (The Twisted Ones), evolved into CJNG.
The CJNG boss, Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, "El Mencho," did three years in a California prison for heroin trafficking and then came back to Mexico to head up the assassination squad of the Torcidos. At the time, their major target was the rival Zetas, and El Mencho carried out the 2011 massacre of 35 of them in Veracruz, then another 32 a month later.
El Mencho's son, inevitably glossed "El Menchito," was once a close Guzmán ally, but he was captured in January 2014. A month later, Guzmán was arrested and El Mencho saw his opportunity to split from the Sinaloa Cartel.
What makes CJNG so Isis-like is that they just don't give a shit. To consolidate power, El Mencho allegedly authorised the murder of Jalisco's tourism secretary and the assassination of a congressman. In March 2015, lugging assault rifles and grenade launchers, CJNG gunmen rolled into a town and killed five police officers. Two weeks later, they ambushed a police convoy and killed 15 officers. The next day, they murdered the police chief of another town.
In April 2016, they shot down a military helicopter with a rocket launcher. Now they are taking on the Sinaloa Cartel in Baja, threatening the stability of the border region. Law-enforcement sources tell me that CJNG has also allied with a revived Beltrán Leyva group to take on their old bosses in Acapulco, leading to renewed violence in that resort town.
Just as this mess was heating up, a new drug — actually an old drug — entered the scene. Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid that is 30 to 50 times stronger than heroin. It was developed in 1960 by Janssen Pharmaceuticals (now a division of Johnson & Johnson) as a treatment for the severe pain caused by terminal cancer. Fentanyl is so powerful that the Drug Enforcement Adminstration warns police they can be injured just by touching it. It can be taken as a pill (brand names: Duragesic, Actiq and Fentora), a spray, snorted, shot, used as a transdermal patch, mixed with heroin, you name it. Prince died from an overdose of fentanyl; as many as 700 Americans overdosed on the drug last year. It's a versatile killer.
Crystal Sharee Moulden's body was found in a Baltimore alley last June. The straight-A student had shot a dose of fentanyl-laced heroin. She was 16 years old. Photos on her obituary page show a smiling girl with her cheerleading squad.
In New Orleans, The Times-Picayune reported that fentanyl deaths exceeded the number of murders for the first month of 2016. In Connecticut, fentanyl-related deaths increased by 151 per cent between 2014 and 2015 and are expected to rise another 77 per cent in 2016.
For the narcos, the advantages of fentanyl over heroin are enormous. First of all, it's made in a lab, so you don't need fields of poppies that can be raided, fumigated or seized. You don't need hundreds of campesinos to harvest your crop and you don't need to take or control territory. (Well, not territory for cultivation — you still have to control access to smuggling turf, hence the renewed violence in Baja, where the murder rate has tripled.)
But it's the profits that will make fentanyl the new crack cocaine, which created the enormous wealth of the Mexican cartels in the Eighties and Nineties. A kilo of fentanyl can be stepped on 16 to 24 times to create an astounding return on investment of $1.3m per kilo, compared with $271,000 per kilo of heroin. No wonder the DEA estimates that the importation of fentanyl from Mexico is up by 65 per cent from 2014.
Because fentanyl is now often mixed with heroin to increase the latter's potency, unaware heroin users are dying from the same doses that used to just get them well. Emergency medical technicians, emergency room personnel and cops don't know what they're looking at, or that they need twice the dosage of naloxone (brand name Narcan), to revive an addict whose respiratory system has been shut down by fentanyl. Those who survive become more addicted. The cartels mix fentanyl with heroin because once an addict has shot that mix, they won't go back to "just heroin," since they can't get high on it anymore.
The combination of lab-produced illegal fentanyl and the fracturing of the Sinaloa Cartel is a catastrophe for law enforcement and American society as a whole but an absolute boon for the narcos seeking to supplant the old order. Splinter groups such as CJNG can easily use the enormous profit potential of fentanyl to fund their rebellions, and those same profits will encourage them toward violence to control the smuggling routes.
Isis is waning in Iraq largely because it can no longer pay its fighters. Fentanyl assures the new narcos that they will not have that problem. All they'll need is the will for violence, and they already have that, in spades. Mexico has done little to fill the vacuum created by Guzmán's fall. As a result, there will not be three groups seeking to fill that gap, there will be dozens.
On the American side, the rise of splinter groups makes it all the harder for law enforcement to track and intercept the drug. Americans authorities will no longer know where's it coming from, and worse, what's in it. First responders will not be able to tell if they're dealing with pure heroin, heroin laced with fentanyl, pure fentanyl, fentanyl cut with God knows what... there will be pharmacological chaos.
We talk about the heroin epidemic. Fentanyl will be the plague.
Sean Penn who?
Guzmán's months of freedom after July 2015 were a farce. As the media played an endless game of "Where's Wally?" (he's in Colombia, he's in Costa Rica, he's in Los Angeles, he's in Donald Trump's hair), Mexican and American intelligence almost certainly had a line on Guzmán's whereabouts from the moment he didn't emerge from the tunnel. Certainly by the autumn, Mexican authorities knew Guzmán was frequenting the coastal town of Los Mochis, in Sinaloa State, where he was eventually captured. The house he was living in wasn't remote but on a four-lane boulevard around the corner from the mother of Sinaloa's governor. (Shades of Abbottabad, anyone?)
There is no question Guzmán got overconfident and sloppy, starting to believe his own press. He let his son Ivan, who makes Anthony Junior in The Sopranos look like Michael Corleone in The Godfather, put a photo of him out on social media with the location identified as Costa Rica. This led to breathless speculation that Guzmán had fled Mexico, although as a few of us tried to point out, Costa Rica is also the name of a town in Sinaloa. At one point he threatened to have Donald Trump whacked. (Oddly enough, Trump didn't respond with a dismissive nickname, maybe because, of all the Mexicans who would scratch a check for the wall, Guzmán would have jumped at the chance, as it would increase his profits.)
Then Guzmán pissed off a lot of people by trying to take over the domestic sale of drugs, especially heroin, from the independent storefront sellers in Sinaloa. This uncharacteristically stupid move caused an uprising in the southern half of Sinaloa and constricted Guzmán's freedom of movement. The gangs who controlled the local markets wanted Guzmán's hands out of their pockets and were ready to go to the AKs to do it, threatening to derail the whole gravy train — tens of billions of dollars that Guzmán's partners were making from international trafficking of heroin, cocaine, methamphetamine, and, to a shrinking extent, marijuana.
Guzmán's partners in the Sinaloa Cartel were getting fed up with his high-profile antics — Ismael Zambada, for instance, cannot have been pleased by Guzmán's new media stardom — and were ready to have their old cuate [buddy] back behind bars where it would be harder for him to mess up their business.
The deal the cartel made with the Mexican government probably went something like this: please get the guy out of our hair, but whatever you do, don't kill him. He's made us a lot of money and we still have strong ties with his family and with loyalists. The only people not shot in the raid that recaptured Guzmán were the guy himself and his right-hand man, and if you think that's a coincidence, I have a tunnel you can bid on.
In the interim came the squalid burlesque involving Sean Penn and Kate del Castillo. Del Castillo had been vocal in her praise of Guzmán, declaring on social media that she believed in Guzmán more than she believed in governments and urging him to become a modern-day Robin Hood, in which case he would "become a hero of heroes."
She added, "Let's traffic in love, you know how." Guzmán was definitely interested in trafficking in love. Look, he wasn't the first guy to get taken in by a beautiful, ambitious actress who wanted to further her career, and he won't be the last, but the sorry fact is that the most powerful drug lord in the world, a man who had created a multibillion-dollar empire, got suckered by a pretty face.
You almost feel bad for Guzmán. His texts to del Castillo are pathetic: "I really want to meet you and become good friends. You are the best thing in the world." He asks her to visit him. "Have faith that you'll be comfortable. I'll watch you more than I do my own eyes." Del Castillo plays him. "I'm so moved you say you'll look after me. No one ever has."
Guzmán worked with his lawyer to facilitate communications with del Castillo, insisting that the attorney get her a pink BlackBerry, which, tragically, the company didn't make. Then del Castillo told the lawyer she wanted to bring Sean Penn along. Guzmán didn't know who Penn was, but he wasn't going to let that get in the way. "Have her bring the actor. If she needs to bring more people, bring them. As she wishes," he said.
Their meeting took place on 2 October 2015. A few days later, in a move that Mexican authorities later said was "helped" by the del Castillo-Penn visit but was more likely a result of American cell-phone intercepts, the Mexican marines raided the ranch where Guzmán fled with his two personal chefs. Marine snipers have said that they had him in their sights but were ordered not to fire, as our hero had a little girl in his arms as a shield. On 8 January 2016, he was captured in Los Mochis. All the authorities had to do was follow the monkey.
That's right. It wasn't a Hollywood actor that did Chapo Guzmán in. It wasn't even a sexy soap-opera star that got him recaptured a year after his "dramatic," "daring" (read: "bullshit") "escape" from a maximum-security (I'd hate to see a minimum-security) Mexican prison. It was a monkey.
The story goes that Guzmán asked for his twin daughters' pet monkey, Boots, to be sent to the not-so-safe house where he was hiding, and Mexican authorities had a line on the little bastard. So, Mexican and American intelligence were already monitoring Guzmán when Sean Penn and Kate del Castillo made their farcical pilgrimage, after which Guzmán, always the optimist, reportedly visited Tijuana for erectile-dysfunction surgery. (You can't make this shit up. I try, but it's futile.)
Whether it was the monkey or the soap-opera star or American cell-phone intercepts, the deal was in place, and the Mexican marines went in shooting. A few hours later you had one of the most powerful men in the world popping up out of a sewer lid in the middle of a street like some sort of narco Whac-a-Mole game. Two cops picked him up and then realised — holy shit — what they had on their hands and were so scared they actually turned him over rather than negotiate a Get out of Jail for a Million card.
In the Middle East, we traded the devil we knew for the devils we didn't. In Mexico, the devils we know will be replaced by a multiplicity of devils we'll never know. The ability to hide production (unlike marijuana or poppy fields) and the anonymity of communicating on social media will create anarchy. The era of the cartel might be coming to an end.
Where does this leave Guzmán? If you didn't know the things he's done, it would be tempting to view him as a tragic figure, a Gabriel García Márquez character living out his twilight years in the shadows of his lost hopes. He's been moved to a prison in Juárez, Cefereso No 9, a facility known for its violence, in a city where he has many enemies. Mexico's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has cleared the way for his extradition to the United States, but there are still many court challenges to go.
Some Mexican legal experts I spoke to said it will be at least two years, if it happens at all. I doubt that he'll ever be extradited, but you never know. He might push for it now rather than face the threat of an assisted suicide in a Mexican cell.
The prison now has dogs taste Guzmán's food in case it's been poisoned (personally, I wouldn't sacrifice Spot to save Guzmán), and two "elite" guards with GoPro cameras on their helmets watch him 24/7.
So, Guzmán is behind bars, it's over, and we won. Just like we won when Hussein literally reached the end of his rope. The Los Angeles Times estimates that two-thirds of Mexican drug lords have been either killed or imprisoned. And what's the result? Drugs are more plentiful, more potent, and cheaper than ever.
Deaths from overdoses are at an all-time high. Violence in Mexico, once declining, is starting to rise again. Not long ago, I looked at photographs of the bodies of four people stuffed into a car trunk in Tijuana. The bodies showed signs of torture. Gang violence is on the rise in every major American city, most notably Chicago and New York, and the cowardly lions in Congress will do exactly shit about either the drugs or the guns that fuel and enable the killings and deaths — more than Isis ever dreamed of.
Seems like old times. There will be more phone calls and more overdoses. Someone will replace El Chapo, just as he replaced his predecessors. My bet's on El Mencho, but it really doesn't matter. That's the lesson we seem to have to learn over and over and over again, world without end, amen.
Guzmán was right: "If there was no consumption, there would be no sales." I'm always amazed that progressive young millennials will picket a grocery chain for not buying fair-trade coffee but will go home and do drugs that are brought to them by the killers, torturers and sadists of the cartels.
We're as addicted to the War on Drugs as we are to the drugs themselves. Our justice system is a machine fuelled by hundreds of thousands of arrests, trials and imprisonments. As long as the US and Europe continue to buy billions of dollars' worth of drugs a year while at the same time spending billions to intercept them, we will create an endless succession of Chapos and Menchos.
An entire economy is based on drug prohibition and punishment, something to the tune of $50bn a year, more than double the estimated $22bn we spend on heroin. That's a lot of money. There will inevitably be another Guzmán, but he'll be a distraction, too. Don't follow the monkey.
Follow the money.
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10 Forces Shaping the Workplace of the Future article out in Talent Management Magazine.
Social Media Impact: Illusion or Reality?
Social media study picked up on Xerox Innovative Solutions for Higher Education blog. Read the commentary here: Social Media Impact: Illusion or Reality?
Management Maxims From Kim Kardashian, Communications Genius on Fast Company drives dialog about celebrity and management.


text:
Q: Why the line is empty Update:
Reason:
strokeCollection is the data i got from somewhere.
then i change it to Path.Data like this:
foreach (var stroke in strokeCollection)
{
    pathGeometry.AddGeometry(stroke.GetGeometry());
}

Unfortunately, the GetGeometry method will give me a path like 1.it is empty.
In order to ensure stroke have all been included into the path, GetGeometry method is the stroke's border.
Question:
When I set my strokethickness to 1px, the line is empty. like 1.
 <Path Stroke="Red" StrokeThickness="1" Data="{Binding PathData}" />

and then I binding the line's fill to the stroke. it changed to 2.
 <Path Stroke="{Binding Stroke}" Fill="{Binding Stroke}" StrokeThickness="1" Data="{Binding PathData}" />

and I think it thickness is 2px.
I change the line thickness to 10px, and stroke to #1AFF0000, it changed to 4.
behidecode.cs:
Stroke = new SolidColorBrush("#1AFF0000");

xaml:
<Path Stroke="{Binding Stroke}" Fill="{Binding Stroke}" StrokeThickness="10" Data="{Binding PathData}" />

Questions

*

*How to draw a solid line, the width is 1px?

*How to clear the darkred in the 4?

A: look GemiiniYellow actually there problem with your data part i have checked the basic of how to draw path and find it working fine here is the code.
  <Path Stroke="DarkGoldenRod" StrokeThickness="2"
Data="M 100,100 100,100 400,100 100,100" />

this is showing a perfect line ..

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
He's the only 1D member not to release any finished solo material.
Migos, Liam Payne
One Direction's Liam Payne is reportedly working with 'Bad And Boujee' stars Migos on his solo album.
Payne, now the only group member not to have released any finished solo material, is said to be working on an album which is "very different" from Harry Styles' upcoming album.
The Sun quotes an insider as saying: "Working with Migos is a big deal. They are one of the most highly regarded hip-hop groups in the world. The collaboration will help push his name out beyond 1D fans in the States."
The source added: "Liam wants his solo music to sound like a mix between Justin Bieber and Drake. It's definitely not going to be a hip-hop album. He has worked with so many different producers and artists. But what's for sure is that his songs will sound very, very different to what Harry Styles has put out."
Though Payne has yet to release an official solo single, he did share a snippet of a R&B-flavoured track with his fans last year.
Payne announced in July that he had signed a solo record deal with Capitol Records. Like fellow One Direction members Niall Horan, Harry Styles and Zayn Malik, he chose not to remain with Simon Cowell's label Syco for his solo caree
"I'm really happy to have signed to such a prestigious label as Capitol Records UK," he said in July. "Capitol Records has an amazing history stretching right back before even Frank Sinatra and I'm really looking forward to becoming part of their story."
The post Liam Payne is reportedly working with Migos on his 'Drake-influenced album' appeared first on NME.
Harry Styles documentary coming to Apple Music Watch Harry Styles announce a week-long takeover of James Corden's late night show Harry Styles' debut solo single release date revealed? Harry Styles shares teaser for 'Sign of the Times' video Did Harry Styles audition to be young Han Solo? Harry Styles reveals his views on Brexit and how he'll be voting in the general election Christopher Nolan explains why he cast Harry Styles in 'Dunkirk' Harry Styles announces debut solo single with dramatic commercial Harry Styles' solo album 'sounds like David Bowie and Queen' Watch Harry Styles and Stevie Nicks duet on stage Harry Styles hangs from helicopter in new music video for 'Sign Of The Times' Harry Styles to make solo TV debut on 'Saturday Night Live' Harry Styles calls Manchester bomb attack victim to say 'I Love You' Harry Styles reveals surprising and dark meaning behind 'Sign Of The Times' lyrics Migos confirm collaboration with One Direction's Liam Payne Liam Payne says Donald Trump once chucked One Direction out of his hotel Watch Liam Payne's brutally honest response to Harry Styles' solo music Drake spends £500 in Nando's, reportedly doesn't order anything above medium heat Richard Ashcroft reportedly helped put Liam Gallagher's new solo live band together Justin Bieber's tour rider reportedly includes 'yoga casket, jacuzzi and meals named after his songs'


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text:
Revising U.S. Grand Strategy Toward China
Publisher – Council on Foreign Relations Press
Release Date – Apr 2015
Pages – 54
Order Print Copy
Concise policy briefs that provide timely responses to developing crises or contributions to current policy dilemmas.
Ashley J. Tellis
Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Robert D. Blackwill
Henry A. Kissinger Senior Fellow for U.S. Foreign Policy
"China represents and will remain the most significant competitor to the United States for decades to come. As such, the need for a more coherent U.S. response to increasing Chinese power is long overdue," write CFR Senior Fellow Robert D. Blackwill and Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Senior Associate Ashley J. Tellis in a new Council Special Report, Revising U.S. Grand Strategy Toward China.
"Because the American effort to 'integrate' China into the liberal international order has now generated new threats to U.S. primacy in Asia—and could result in a consequential challenge to American power globally—Washington needs a new grand strategy toward China that centers on balancing the rise of Chinese power rather than continuing to assist its ascendancy."
The authors argue that such a strategy is designed to limit the dangers that China's geoeconomic and military power pose to U.S. national interests in Asia and globally, even as the United States and its allies maintain diplomatic and economic interactions with China.
Blackwill and Tellis recommend that Washington do the following:
Revitalize the U.S. economy
"Nothing would better promote the United States' strategic future and grand strategy toward China than robust economic growth…This must be the first priority of the president and Congress."
Strengthen the U.S. military
"Congress should remove sequestration caps and substantially increase the U.S. defense budget...Washington should intensify a consistent U.S. naval and air presence in the South and East China Seas," and "accelerate the U.S. ballistic-missile defense posture" in the Pacific.
Expand Asian trade networks
"U.S. grand strategy toward China will be seriously weakened without delivering on the TPP [Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement]. A major push by the White House for ratification should therefore begin immediately in the new Congress, including seeking trade promotion authority."
Create a technology-control regime
"Washington should pay increased attention to limiting China's access to advanced weaponry and military critical technologies." The United States should encourage its allies "to develop a coordinated approach to constrict China's access to all technologies, including dual use."
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Insights and analysis from CFR fellows on the latest developments across Asia. Monthly.
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Implement effective cyber policies
Washington should "impose costs on China that are in excess of the benefits it receives from its violations in cyberspace…increase U.S. offensive cyber capabilities . . . continue improving U.S. cyber defenses," and "pass relevant legislation in Congress, such as the Cyber Information Security Protection Act."
Reinforce Indo-Pacific partnerships
"The United States cannot defend its interests in Asia without support from its allies," and "should build up the power-political capabilities of its friends and allies on China's periphery."
Energize high-level diplomacy with Beijing
The United States should work to mitigate tensions with China, and "reassure U.S. allies and friends in Asia and beyond that Washington is doing everything it can to avoid a confrontation with China . . . U.S.-China discourse should be more candid, high-level, and private than is current practice."
Professors: To request an exam copy, contact [email protected]. Please include your university and course name.
Bookstores: To order bulk copies, please contact Ingram. Visit https://ipage.ingrambook.com, call 800.234.6737, or email [email protected]. ISBN: 978-0-87609-621-5
Explore More on Grand Strategy


Question: Why does the PayPal App stop at 80 on my Nokia 630 UK?
In trying to install the PayPal App, it gets to about 80% and then stops. Tried re-install many times - always the same. In the UK.
Hello, I downloaded an update and now I cannot get facebook messages through my messaging threads. How do I fix this???
Originally Posted by WPCentral Question Hello, I downloaded an update and now I cannot get facebook messages through my messaging threads. How do I fix this??? You now have windows phone 8.1,with lumia cyan. You have to download Facebook messenger now. They removed it from the messaging app.
My wife has just received her new Nokia Lumia 635. I have tried to transfer her contacts and SMS messages from her old Nokia Lumia 610 to the Lumia 635. The contacts transferred OK, but only approximately half of the SMS messages transferred over to the Lumia 635. For some strange reason, the SMS messages dated prior to 22 May 2014 did not transfer over to the Lumia 635.
Not sure if this is a date issue or perhaps memory, surely the memory available in the 635 exceeds thew 610!
The SMS/Contacts transfer was made via Bluetooth.
I would think it could sync messages via the account, but I dont know about WP7.
Check her messages, make sure its set to sync any time.


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17345 records – page 1 of 1735.
[Follow up of the interdisciplinary researcgh program BIOTEK].
[Swedish heart transplantation patients--background, choice, long-term results].
Department of Urology, University Hospital, Uppsala, Sweden.
Recurrence risk in spontaneous pneumothorax. A follow-up of 178 initial occurrences in a Danish county in a ten-year period.
[Observation on endodontics in Europe (3). Results of a long-term observation according to the standard technic].
A follow-up investigation with high response rate.
[Follow-up report of fifty one 19-year old patients after orthognathic treatment obtained from interviews].
A web application for follow-up of results from a mobile device test battery for Parkinson's disease patients.
This paper describes a web-based system for enabling remote monitoring of patients with Parkinson's disease (PD) and supporting clinicians in treating their patients. The system consists of a patient node for subjective and objective data collection based on a handheld computer, a service node for data storage and processing, and a web application for data presentation. Using statistical and machine learning methods, time series of raw data are summarized into scores for conceptual symptom dimensions and an "overall test score" providing a comprehensive profile of patient's health during a test period of about one week. The handheld unit was used quarterly or biannually by 65 patients with advanced PD for up to four years at nine clinics in Sweden. The IBM Computer System Usability Questionnaire was administered to assess nurses' satisfaction with the web application. Results showed that a majority of the nurses were quite satisfied with the usability although a sizeable minority were not. Our findings support that this system can become an efficient tool to easily access relevant symptom information from the home environment of PD patients.


text:
Resource Overview
Programs for Educators
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Examining the Stages of Genocide
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Timeline of the Holocaust
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Antisemitism [8]
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Holocaust Remembrance [16]
Literature [11]
Rescuers [2]
Resistance [3]
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Lessons from Holocaust Education for Teaching About the Genocide of Indigenous Peoples
Set among the bucolic farm fields and rural communities of southern Wisconsin, Clinton, where I live and teach, is the quintessential American small town. The center of the community's social life is the Clinton Junior-Senior High School, which prides itself on traditions, such as the homecoming parade, chili and cinnamon roll fundraiser, and drive-your-tractor-to-school day.
Holocaust education is an equally valued part of children's middle and high school experience in this community, from reading survivor memoirs and novels to the annual 8th-grade trip to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C. By the time students enroll in my junior-senior "Genocide and Human Rights" elective course, most of them have studied the Holocaust numerous times in their social studies, English language arts, and German classes.
Studying the Holocaust can serve as a bridge for teachers and students to incorporate other instances of genocide and mass violence in the classroom, including the genocide of Indigenous peoples. While Holocaust education has become an integral part of the curriculum in Clinton, students have little knowledge or even awareness of the local histories of Indigenous genocide. Students often struggle to name the Ho-Chunk as the Indigenous nation whose ancestral land the town and school are located. Not unique to students in Clinton, in big cities and small towns across the United States, there is little awareness of Indigenous communities and the violence perpetrated against them.
I have found that in my "Genocide and Human Rights" course, students' prior experiences learning about the Holocaust provide inroads for teaching about the genocide of Indigenous peoples. The pedagogical recommendations from Echoes & Reflections and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum are the bedrock of discussion on teaching hard history and are certainly applicable and advisable for teaching about other cases of genocide and mass violence. Recommendations, such as "contextualize the history" and "teach the human story," are equally important in lessons on Indigenous genocide and the Holocaust, helping students understand the larger context that surrounds episodes of genocide and mass violence and the experiences of individuals. Furthermore, these principles have been guideposts to help me develop the following guidelines to support teaching about the genocide of Indigenous peoples.
Teach about Local Histories
In a neatly manicured park on the edge of Clinton stands the rough-hewn Skavlem-Williams Log Cabin, which, according to the accompanying historical marker, is a "visible reminder of the sacrifices made by early pioneers as they settled this area."
Notably absent from the signage is any mention of the Indigenous inhabitants of this land. Like many communities across the United States, Clinton has a long history of excluding Indigenous peoples from local narratives that celebrate only Euro-American settlement and achievements. The practice of memorializing the "first" Euro-American settlers through monuments while simultaneously writing the perceived "last" Indigenous peoples out of existence is what Jean O'Brien (White Earth Ojibwe) referred to as "firsting and lasting." In local histories, such practices further the myth of the "vanishing Indian," or the notion that the Indigenous peoples vanished due to genocidal violence and assimilation by the end of the nineteenth century.
Examining this local signage inevitably leads my students to ask: who were the Indigenous peoples who lived on this land before the first Euro-American settlers arrived, what were their lives like, and, ultimately, what happened to them? These questions form the basis for our unit on Indigenous genocide. Fostering a classroom learning community that encourages students to ask such essential questions is the first step towards an inquiry-based approach to Holocaust and genocide education.
While students are generally aware of the so-called "Trail of Tears," and some even may refer to this forced removal of tribes from the American southeast in the early 1830s as genocide, they know almost nothing about the local histories of dispossession and violence, such as the treaties that were signed with Indigenous communities or the Black Hawk War of 1832, which made Euro-American settlement possible in southern Wisconsin.
Teach about the Continuing Legacies of Genocide
Though one might point to specific events or instances of violence in nineteenth-century state or national history, the genocide of Indigenous peoples in North America has had far-reaching consequences stretching into the present. To elucidate the legacies of genocide for my students, I use Aaron Huey's powerful TED Talk, "America's Native Prisoners of War," in which he uses contemporary photographs of the Pine Ridge Reservation, one of the poorest places in the United States, to show the legacies of centuries of dispossession, forced removal, and genocidal violence. Though it is important to show the realities of the legacies of violence for contemporary Indigenous peoples, communities have always resisted and survived, maintaining their cultural traditions, despite physical and cultural genocide. My students and I use a collection of video essays, "The Ways: Great Lakes Native Language and Culture," to examine, for example, language revitalization efforts and the Manoomin (wild rice) harvest.
Partner with Local Indigenous Communities
If the opportunity presents itself, partnering with local Indigenous communities offers students an extremely powerful learning opportunity. Ho-Chunk oral tradition states, "we have always been here." This unequivocal statement is a powerful salvo to challenge the exclusion and misrepresentation of Indigenous peoples that students have experienced in classrooms and curricula. Importantly, I partner with local Indigenous communities to provide opportunities for them to share their collective histories and individual stories. In this way, genocide becomes one part of the larger story of Indigenous peoples, which neither begins nor ends with colonization in the nineteenth century. Just as the Holocaust must be contextualized in the broader history of European and Nazi antisemitism, Indigenous genocide must be taught within the larger context of colonialism. Additionally, partnering with local Indigenous communities helps eschew the foods-and-festivals approach to teaching about "foreign" cultures for in-depth discussions of treaty rights, language revitalization, and tribal efforts to buy back ceded/stolen land. For many students, these are difficult discussions bridging histories of genocide and contemporary realities based on legacies of mass violence.
Recognize the Difficult Nature of Teaching and Learning About Indigenous Genocide
Teaching and learning about national and, especially, local histories of genocide perpetrated against Indigenous peoples is often difficult for non-Indigenous teachers and students. Such narratives challenge foundational stories about local communities and the United States, often evoking feelings of guilt and shame among white students. When left unprocessed, feelings of shame and guilt can result in minimization, distortion, and denial of Indigenous genocide in classrooms. Though teaching about difficult histories of violence in the United States may evoke feelings of guilt and shame, this should never be the goal of such lessons; rather, teaching and learning about difficult histories should provide opportunities to learn about historically marginalized groups, examine contemporary realities within society, and imagine and envision a more equitable future. As with Holocaust education, educators should focus on promoting empathy and understanding when teaching about Indigenous peoples and guide students "safely in and safely out" when teaching about Indigenous genocide.
Do Not Engage in Classroom Discussions that Minimize, Distort, and Deny Indigenous Genocide
Debates about the appropriateness of applying the term genocide to the experiences of Indigenous peoples, statements such as "Indigenous peoples were just as violent (if not more violent) to other Indigenous groups as the Europeans were towards them," or sentiments, such as "the destruction of Indigenous peoples was simply the inevitable result of two cultures colliding," serve to minimize, distort, and deny genocide. Like Holocaust denial and distortion, debating and rejecting claims of Indigenous genocide furthers misinformation and prejudice while disregarding the realities of colonization in North America.
My students immediately recognize that such attitudes can have far-reaching consequences for society. While students are quick to see that contemporary Germany offers one model for recognizing and atoning for difficult histories, I remind them that, within the American context, we must imagine and enact our own paths towards social justice. Indeed, we end our unit on Indigenous genocide by exploring several models of reparative justice from Canada to South Africa.
About the author: George Dalbo is a high school social studies teacher in rural south-central Wisconsin and a Ph.D. Candidate in Social Studies Education at the University of Minnesota. His teaching and research interests center on Holocaust, genocide, and human rights education in middle and high school social studies classrooms and curricula. He works with Echoes & Reflections to facilitate training and develop curricula on the Holocaust.
Author Talia_echoes_stPosted on 11/17/2021 Categories Classroom Lessons, Teaching
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Exploring James Q. Whitman's "Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law"
Moving Forward: A Teacher's Reflection on Missteps in Holocaust Education
Classroom Lessons
Holocaust Denial
Holocaust Education
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