text:
Mandate and roles
Commissioner David Johnston
Why debates matter
Participation Criteria
Interpretation of Participation Criteria for the Leaders' Debates
Conservative Party of Canada
People's Party of Canada
The Debates
Livestream viewing parties
Leaders' Debates Commission invites leader of the People's Party of Canada to join debates on October 7, 10
September 16, 2019—Ottawa, ON
Today Debates Commissioner David Johnston issued an invitation to Maxime Bernier, leader of the People's Party of Canada (PPC), to join five other party leaders at the Commission's two debates on October 7 and 10.
"Based on our further evaluation, I'm satisfied that more than one candidate endorsed by the party has a reasonable chance to be elected," says the Commissioner.
The Commissioner considered a range of factors including:
Party membership, fundraising and organizational capacity;
Riding level polls (conducted by the Commission), publicly available riding polls and expert analysis that show support in designated ridings; and
Prominent media presence on a range of national issues.
"With the benefit of more recent information, I am of the view that the PPC has attracted a significant number of party members, has established a notable presence in the media and on the political landscape and, based on recent polling data, has achieved a reasonable chance of success in more than one riding," says Johnston. "All of these factors together enable the PPC to satisfy two of the criteria established in our Order in Council."
Details of this decision are available here
The Commission's mandate stipulates that parties must fulfill two of three criteria in order for their leader to be invited to participate in the debates. The criteria, as outlined in section 2 (b) of Order in Council P.C. 2018-1322 are:
Criterion (i): at the time the general election in question is called, the party is represented in the House of Commons by a Member of Parliament who was elected as a member of that party;
Criterion (ii): the Debates Commissioner considers that the party intends to endorse candidates in at least 90% of electoral districts in the general election in question; and
Criterion (iii): the party's candidates for the most recent general election received at that election at least 4% of the number of valid votes cast or, based on the recent political context, public opinion polls and previous general election results, the Debates Commissioner considers that candidates endorsed by the party have a legitimate chance to be elected in the general election in question.
On August 12 the Commission invited five party leaders, representing the Bloc Québécois, Conservative Party of Canada, Green Party of Canada, Liberal Party of Canada and New Democratic Party of Canada to participate in the debates. At that time, the Commission concluded that the PPC satisfied one criterion ("intends to endorse candidates in at least 90% of electoral districts in the general election in question"), but at that time in the electoral cycle and with the evidence then available, the Commissioner did not consider that the PPC had a legitimate chance to elect more than one candidate. The Commission indicated this was a preliminary assessment and that it would seek further information. It invited the party to make further submissions no later than September 9.
Decision: Participation of the leader of the People's Party of Canada ("PPC)" in the 2019 leaders' debates
Communication with the Bloc Québécois
Communication with the Conservative Party of Canada
Communication with the Green Party of Canada
Communication with the Liberal Party of Canada
Communication with the New Democratic Party
Communication with the People's Party of Canada
Order in Council P.C. 2018-1322
About the Leaders' Debates Commission
The core of the Leaders' Debates Commission mandate is twofold. First, to organize two leaders' debates for the 2019 Federal General Election—one in each official language. Second, to prepare a report to Parliament, following the 2019 debates, outlining findings, lessons learned and recommendations for the future of the Leaders' Debates Commission.
Website: www.debates-debats.ca
Twitter: @debates_can
Instagram: @debatesdebats_can
Facebook: Leaders' Debates Commission Canada
Jill Clark
Senior Communications Advisor
Leaders' Debates Commission
jill.clark@debates-debats.ca
Date modified: September 16, 2019


It is free to create an account so that you can submit workshop and teleclass listings.
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Using two servo winch motors on a single servo controller to operate an arm. Running into a race condition that we think we have figured out based on the RobotC API for controlling servos and now looking for a work around that will require custom programming of I2C messages. Opened a support case with RobotC and basically they do not support program control of the PWM flag that would allow you turn on/off the servo. We need this feature as a kill switch if the arm gets stuck to avoid it breaking servos. Basically once you turn on a servo no way to put it in neutral. Got code back from support that gives the ability to do this. However, it appears you can then only have a single servo controller on a port where we need to be able to address multiple servo controllers on the same port. From the specs the address is 02/03, 04/05 etc but do not see that as an option in sendI2CMsg so this solution won't work.
What we have now discovered after being able to map how the robotc api works to the behavior of the robot is a race condition when setting the first servo position. When you set servo position 1 the PWM flag is enabled and all servos get turned on where because you only set the first value the other servos begin moving to their "default" value. If the home position of the other servo is not near the "default" value then you get initial movement until your code has time to set the second servo value. It appears the servo controller then steps through those positions from the "default" value to the home value you are sending.
What is needed is the ability to set all servo positions on the controller during initialization where you can control the PWM flag as being off. Then any subsequent code that moves a single servo will not have any movement effects on the other servos that are in their mechanical home position.
Would be great to have RobotC api control of the PWM flag to set it off, set servo values, set it on. This would also allow a kill switch option for a particular servo controller in case of mechanical failure. Considering the cost of the winch servos and the power this would be a big help.
Any example code on using sendI2CMsg to update a particular servo controller based on its address?
// nPort is the sensor port that the servo controller is connected to.
We have made a header to access the basic functions for motor and servo controllers. We have never needed to add more functionality to the header because it was really only needed for our HTC Tester. However, if you need to access the full functionality of the controllers, I can add the API in for them when I have time or teach you how to interact utilizing the I2C interface.
Remember that you cannot even send ONE command to the servo controller through RobotC's API or else none of this will work.
Thanks for the code reference!
Do note that the PWM flag affects the entire servo controller, meaning that if you force the timeout, all servos attached to said controller will lose power.


text:
by Neill Atkinson
Since its first election in 1853 New Zealand has been world-leading in voting rights. All Māori men were able to vote from 1867 and all European men from 1879. In 1893 New Zealand became the first country in the world where women were able to vote in national elections.
First voting rights, 1852
New Zealand's first parliamentary election was held in 1853. Like most aspects of New Zealand's political system, the right to vote (also called the electoral franchise or suffrage) reflected British tradition. Although the colony's franchise was liberal for its time, not everyone could vote. Women, most Māori men and a minority of European men were excluded.
The right to vote was extended to all Māori men in 1867 and to all European men in 1879. Then in 1893 New Zealand famously led the world by giving women the right to vote. Four decades on from its first election, New Zealand was probably the most democratic in the world.
The 1850s franchise
The New Zealand Constitution Act 1852, passed by the British Parliament in 1852, established a system of government for the colony. This act also set the rules for voting in New Zealand's first parliamentary and provincial elections, which took place in 1853. But not everyone was able to participate. As in Britain at this time, voting was not seen as an individual right of citizenship, but as a 'privilege' or 'trust' that should be exercised by some on behalf of others.
In keeping with British tradition, the right to vote was defined by:
sex (voters had to be male)
age (they had to be at least 21 years old)
nationality (they had to be British subjects)
property (they had to possess property of a certain value).
The property qualification
The link between suffrage and property did not mean that only wealthy landowners could vote. Men could qualify in three ways:
as freeholders (property owners), who owned land worth £50 or more
as leaseholders, who held a lease on land worth at least £10 per year
as householders, who lived in a house with an annual rental value of £10 (in a town) or £5 (in the country).
Householders could only vote in the electoral district in which they lived, but freeholders and leaseholders could register and vote in any electorate in which they held land. This meant that some electors could vote in half a dozen seats. Plural voting, as it was known, was common in the 1850s and survived until 1889. Electors had to appear in person to vote in each electorate, but until 1881 there was no single election day – voting in different electorates was usually held on different days.
A liberal franchise?
New Zealand's franchise was considered generous at the time. Attorney General William Swainson thought it 'the most liberal that has ever been granted to a British colony.'1 Canterbury politician James FitzGerald agreed there was 'hardly any man who cannot get a vote in New Zealand', as long as he was 'not of the pauper or criminal classes.'2
Acquiring property was one of most migrants' main ambitions, and labourers could earn £40–£60 a year in New Zealand. As a result, probably three-quarters of the adult European males in the colony were eligible to vote. This was far more than in 1850s England (where about one in five men could vote) or Scotland (one in eight).
Gunpowder to children
In the 1860s station owner and writer Samuel Butler ridiculed the idea that his hard-drinking farm labourers should have the vote. He wrote, 'Their political knowledge is absolutely nil, and, were the colony to give them political power, it might as well give gunpowder to children.'3
Excluded from voting
Among those excluded from voting were 'aliens' (non-British subjects), inmates of prisons and asylums, very recent immigrants (voters had to live in an electorate at least six months before enrolling) and transient workers such as agricultural labourers, bushmen and seafarers, who seldom possessed property.
Māori voting rights
Another significant group was disadvantaged by the 1852 franchise: Māori. The right to vote was not, in theory, defined by race. Māori were British subjects and many could have qualified as rural householders at least. Around 100 Māori (mostly tribal leaders who owned houses in or near European settlements) did register and vote in the 1853 election, but wider participation was discouraged.
Māori could not qualify through possession of communal land – and most Māori land was owned communally – only through ownership of land in individual title granted by the Crown. Most settlers welcomed this limitation, believing that Māori (like ill-educated European farm labourers) were not yet capable of exercising such an important responsibility.
William Swainson, New Zealand and its colonization. London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1859, p. 291. Back
James FitzGerald, The representation of New Zealand. Christchurch: The Press, 1864, pp. 9, 21. Back
Samuel Butler, A first year in Canterbury settlement, with other early essays. London: Cape, 1923, p. 129. Back
Miners and Māori
Miners' rights
In 1860 New Zealand's Parliament extended the right to vote for the first time – to gold miners. As they often lived in rough shacks, tents or lodging houses, few miners qualified to vote under the property requirement. They were given voting rights as a precaution, in direct response to protest and violence that erupted on the goldfields of Victoria, Australia, in the 1850s. Giving miners a voice in Parliament was seen as the best way to avoid similar trouble.
The 1860 legislation followed gold discoveries in the Nelson region, and was passed even before the great Otago rush of 1861. Modelled on law from Victoria, it allowed any male British subject over 21 who held a miner's right (a licence, which cost £1 a year) to vote in his local electorate without having to enrol.
Chinese miners
Not all gold miners were enfranchised under the 1860 law. By 1869 there were 2,000 Chinese on New Zealand's goldfields; in 1881 there were 5,000. As 'aliens', most were unable to vote, although a small minority became naturalised British subjects.
Goldfield seats
Later in the decade, as thousands of miners poured into Otago and Westland, Parliament created special goldfields seats in those districts. In 1863 voting was extended to holders of goldfield business licences, which cost £5 a year. For the next few years gold miners were a significant part of the electorate: in 1870 there were only 41,500 registered electors in all of New Zealand, but 20,000 miners were also eligible to vote.
The Māori seats
Special representation for gold miners provided a model for solving another electoral 'problem' – voting rights for Māori. Since 1853 most Māori had been unable to vote because they possessed land communally rather than under individual title.
The wars of the 1860s between Māori and the Crown focused attention on Māori political rights. Pākehā politicians such as Donald McLean argued that giving Māori a voice in Parliament was 'a bare act of justice' that would help ensure lasting peace between the races.1 Others wanted to reward the tribes that had fought on the Crown's side in the New Zealand wars.
In 1867 McLean introduced a private member's bill to create four Māori seats, superimposed over all other electorates: three in the North Island, and one covering the entire South Island. To avoid difficulties with communal property, all Māori men aged 21 or over would be eligible to vote and stand for Parliament. There was some debate over the details, but the bill was comfortably passed. Several thousand Māori freeholders already enrolled in European electorates could vote in both systems until 1893.
The Maori Representation Act 1867 gave Māori men universal suffrage 12 years before their Pākehā counterparts. But four seats was a small concession: on a per-capita basis, Māori deserved around 15 seats (Pākehā then had 72). The seats were also intended to be temporary, but in 1876 they were established on a permanent basis. In the 2000s the Māori seats remain one of the most distinctive – and contentious – features of New Zealand's electoral system.
New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, 1867, vol. 1, part 1, p. 458. Back
Male suffrage
The extension of the right to vote to all adult men – often called universal male suffrage or 'manhood suffrage' – has been overshadowed by the Māori seats and women's suffrage. But this 1879 reform arguably had the greatest impact on the character of New Zealand politics and the make up of Parliament.
Manhood suffrage had been debated in New Zealand since the 1840s, but there was no urgent demand for reform in the 1850s and 1860s. However, in the 1870s and 1880s the abolition of provincial government, the growing power of central government, large-scale immigration and economic depression began to transform politics.
A right or a privilege?
The adoption of the secret ballot for election voting in 1870 (which replaced the previous verbal voting system) opened the door for further electoral reform. Secret voting reinforced the idea that the vote was an individual right rather than a privilege or public trust. Inspired by the writings of British philosopher John Stuart Mill, New Zealand electoral reformers such as William Reynolds argued that all men (with some exceptions, such as criminals) deserved the right to vote.
In the 1870s Parliament considered a number of bills to extend the franchise. A Lodgers' Franchise Act, designed to enfranchise young tradesmen and clerks living in city lodging houses, was passed in 1875 but soon proved unworkable. An attempt to simplify registration procedures, which inadvertently appeared to enfranchise all male ratepayers, further confused matters.
By 1876 there were different franchises for freeholders, leaseholders, householders, goldminers, lodgers, ratepayers and Māori. Most politicians favoured a simple manhood suffrage, but the unstable political scene of the late 1870s complicated reform efforts.
Changing the law
In 1878 two rival bills appeared in Parliament. One was introduced by Robert Stout, the young attorney general in George Grey's government, the other by his predecessor as attorney general, Frederick Whitaker, who was by then in Opposition.
Whitaker's bill – which radically proposed proportional representation and allocating Māori seats according to population – failed to gain support. The government bill didn't fare much better. It stalled in the Legislative Council (the upper house) over the issue of Māori landowners' voting rights, and was ultimately abandoned.
Grey's government was soon defeated and in October 1879 John Hall formed a new government. Back in cabinet, Whitaker introduced a simplified version of Stout's 1878 bill, granting the vote to all adult European males after 12 months' residence in New Zealand and six months in an electorate. The freeholders' qualification and plural voting, which Hall defended as 'a moderate recognition of the rights of property', would be retained, with the threshold reduced from £50 to £25.1 The bill was passed in December 1879.
A new political scene
The impact was immediate. In 1879 there were 82,271 registered voters, about 71% of the adult male Pākehā population. When the next election was held in 1881, the figures were 120,972 registered voters and 91% of adult Pākehā men. The character of Parliament also began to change. Since the 1850s most politicians had come from the wealthy colonial elite, but in the 1880s and 1890s more 'working men' were elected.
Another key reform followed in 1889, when plural voting by freeholders was abolished, establishing the principle of 'one man, one vote'. In 1893 New Zealand would achieve worldwide fame by embracing a far more radical political principle: 'one person, one vote'.
New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, 1879, vol. 33, p. 11. Back
On 19 September 1893, when the governor, Lord Glasgow, signed a new Electoral Act into law, New Zealand became the first self-governing country in the world to grant the right to vote to all adult women. At the time this was a truly radical change: many other democracies did not allow women to vote till decades later.
A movement for change
In the late 19th century a broad movement for women's political rights, including voting rights, developed in Britain and its colonies, the United States and northern Europe. Its earliest successes would come in colonial and frontier societies like Australasia and the American Midwest.
Suffrage campaigners drew inspiration from two sources. Ideas of equality were championed by John Stuart Mill and British feminists, including Barbara Bodichon and some women's suffrage societies. With that went the missionary zeal of the American temperance movement, which believed the vote would allow women to save society from the evils of drink.
Against women's suffrage
Offers of free drinks, trickery, bogus or children's names, multiple signatures in the same handwriting, sometimes copied from street directories (including the name of at least one prominent suffrage supporter) were all part of the liquor-industry petition against women gaining the vote. But the hoteliers and brewers didn't get the numbers they needed, and the tactics used meant the petitions were an embarrassing failure.
The New Zealand campaign was driven by the local branch of the American-based Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), founded in 1885. Non-temperance franchise leagues and unions also played an important role. Led by the WCTU's Kate Sheppard, suffragists organised a series of massive petitions to Parliament. They collected 9,000 signatures in 1891, 20,000 in 1892 and nearly 32,000 – almost one in four women – in 1893.
Opponents mobilised too. Some argued that upsetting 'natural' gender roles would endanger the family and society. The liquor industry feared that pro-temperance women voters would put them out of business.
Parliament was divided. In 1878, 1879 and 1887 bills or amendments to enfranchise women (or at least female ratepayers) had only been narrowly defeated. Many leading politicians supported women's suffrage, including John Hall, Robert Stout, Julius Vogel and John Ballance. Others such as Richard Seddon, who became premier in 1893, were hostile.
In 1891, 1892 and 1893 women's suffrage bills comfortably passed the House of Representatives (the lower house). On the first two occasions they were defeated in the Legislative Council (the upper house). In 1893 Seddon tried to ensure the same result by lobbying councillors, but his meddling backfired. Two councillors changed their votes to embarrass the premier and on 8 September the upper house passed the Electoral Bill by 20 votes to 18.
The 1893 election
When the governor signed the law on 19 September, suffragists celebrated a famous victory and congratulations poured in from around the world. It was only six weeks until registration closed for the 28 November election, but 109,461 women, or about 84% of those eligible, enrolled to vote. On polling day 90,290 of them (plus perhaps 4,000 Māori, who voted on 20 December) voted – two out of every three adult women in the country.
Colonial elections were often rough-and-tumble affairs, and suffrage opponents had warned of 'boorish and half-drunken men' harassing 'lady voters' at the booths. But the 1893 election was described as the most orderly ever held. The Christchurch Press thought 'the pretty dresses of the ladies and their smiling faces lighted up the polling booths most wonderfully.'1
Celebrating suffrage
New Zealand's early embrace of women's voting rights has become a key part of its identity as a world-leading, progressive democracy. In 1990 Kate Sheppard was commemorated (alongside the suffragists' symbol, the white camellia) on New Zealand's $10 banknote. The 1993 centenary was marked by nationwide celebrations, conferences, books and memorials.
Press, 29 Nov 1893, p. 5. Back
20th-century reforms
The big questions over the right to vote were decided in the 19th century. However, there were some important changes to New Zealand's franchise in the 20th century, in particular the lowering of the voting age.
The voting age in New Zealand, as in most democracies, had always been 21. But in the 1960s pressure began to mount for a lowering of this age of political maturity. This move was driven by the demographic forces of the post-war 'baby boom', the massive expansion of secondary and university education, and the emerging student protest movement against the Vietnam War.
Fighting for the right
Some New Zealanders under 21 had voted long before 1969. During both world wars special laws were passed to enable all New Zealand military personnel to vote in wartime elections, whether they were 21 or not.
An increasingly well-off and well-educated generation of young people wanted a voice in politics. Despite some resistance, many older people agreed it would be better for the young to channel their energies into mainstream politics rather than street protests.
Between 1969 and 1974 the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 in Britain, the United States, Australia, Canada and other countries. New Zealand followed suit, but did it in two steps, to 20 in 1969 and 18 in 1974.
The issue of nationality was also reviewed in the 1970s. New Zealand citizenship had been established in 1948, but electoral law still required voters to be a 'British subject', as it had since 1852. In 1975 those words were deleted, and the franchise was widened to allow permanent residents to vote, whether or not they had New Zealand citizenship. But only citizens are allowed to become members of Parliament.
Prisoners were denied the right to vote until the Electoral Act was amended by the Labour government in 1975. Their enfranchisement was brief – the National government reverted to the previous situation in 1977. The Electoral Act 1993 allowed for a limited prisoner franchise, though those serving a life sentence, preventative detention or a sentence of three years or more could not vote. From 2010 no prisoner imprisoned after 16 December of that year could vote.
In addition to prisoners, other people who could not vote in the 2010s included (under certain circumstances) mental health patients detained in hospitals and people with intellectual disabilities living in secure facilities. Anyone on the Corrupt Practices List (people who have committed an electorally corrupt practice) were similarly unable to vote.
Māori roll or general roll
Also in 1975 an important change affected Māori voters. Following the establishment of Māori seats in 1867, two parallel electoral systems had emerged. For a while some Māori landowners could vote in both, but from the 1890s the two systems were rigidly separated. Māori voted in Māori seats and Pākehā in European (general) seats; only so-called 'half-castes' (those with a Māori parent and a Pākehā parent) could choose between the two.
That changed in 1975, when all Māori electors, regardless of degrees of descent, were given the right to choose whether to register on either the Māori roll or the general roll.
Hononga, rauemi nō waho
More suggestions and sources
Atkinson, Neill. Adventures in democracy: a history of the vote in New Zealand. Dunedin: University of Otago Press in association with the Electoral Commission, 2003.
Grimshaw, Patricia. Women's suffrage in New Zealand. 2nd ed. Auckland: University of Auckland Press; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.
Lovell-Smith, Margaret (ed.). The woman question: writings by the women who won the vote. Auckland: New Women's Press, 1992.
McRobie, Alan. New Zealand electoral atlas. Wellington: GP Books, 1989.
Rei, Tania. Māori women and the vote. Wellington: Huia, 1993
How to cite this page: Neill Atkinson, 'Voting rights', Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/mi/voting-rights/print (accessed 21 January 2020)
He kōrero nā Neill Atkinson, i tāngia i te 20 Jun 2012, reviewed & revised 17 Feb 2015
All text licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 New Zealand Licence ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/nz/deed.en). Commercial re-use may be allowed on request. All non-text content is subject to specific conditions. © Crown Copyright.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Rimo is een bestuurslaag in het regentschap Aceh Singkil van de provincie Atjeh, Indonesië. Rimo telt 2852 inwoners (volkstelling 2010).

Plaats in Atjeh

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Daniel B. Rodriguez
Professors of Practice
Bluhm Legal Clinic
Communication and Legal Reasoning
Tax Program
Faculty Assistants
Harold Washington Professor of Law
daniel.rodriguez@law.northwestern.edu
SSRN Author Page | Curriculum Vitae (pdf)
Twitter @DBRodriguez5 | LinkedIn
Francesca Bullerman
Assistant Phone
Assistant Email
Francesca.Bullerman@law.northwestern.edu
Daniel B. Rodriguez, the Harold Washington Professor at the Law School, served as dean of the Law School from January 2012 through August 2018.
His principal academic work is in the areas of administrative law, local government law, statutory interpretation, federal and state constitutional law, and the law-business-technology interface.
Formerly, Professor Rodriguez served as Minerva House Drysdale Regents Chair in Law at the University of Texas-Austin; as a Research Fellow at Rice University's Baker Institute for Public Policy; as Dean and Warren Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of San Diego School of Law; and, as a Professor of Law at University of California, Berkeley School of Law. He has also served as a visiting professor at several top law schools, including Stanford, Harvard, Columbia, University of Southern California, and Virginia.
Professor Rodriguez was the 2014 President of the Association of American Law Schools (AALS) and is currently serving as chair of the council of the American Bar Association Center for Innovation, a council member of the American Law Institute, and as an advisor to ROSS Intelligence, Inc.
Rodriguez received his law degree, with honors, from Harvard Law School and his undergraduate degree from California State University of Long Beach.
Positive Political Theory
Contemporary issues in Internet and Privacy Law II
Law, Legal Institutions, and the New Political Economy
Legal & Regulatory Process
State Constitutional Law and Contemporary Public Policy
JD cum laude, Harvard Law School
BA, California State University-Long Beach
Prior Appointments
Dean, 2012-2018, Northwestern Pritzker School of Law
Minerva House Drysdale Regents Chair in Law, 2007-2011, University of Texas-Austin School of Law
Warren Distinguished Professor of Law, 2005-2007, University of San Diego School of Law
Dean and Professor of Law, 1998-2005, University of San Diego School of Law
Professor of Law, 1988-1998, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berkeley


text:
Pre-Packs Save Jobs
Pre-packs emerged in the UK after the introduction of the Enterprise Act 2002. They are governed by common law and a regulatory guide in the UK.
https://www.r3.org.uk/what-we-do/publications/professional/statements-of-insolvency-practice/e-and-w/sip-16-list
Prepacks save Jobs
UK Government Research into prepacks suggests the following:
Prepack sale
Insolvency sale
All employees transferred to new company 92% 65%
Secured creditor return 42% 28%
Average return (unsecured creditors) 1% 3%
Sale of assets to related party 59% 52%
The 2014 UK Government Report into prepacks analysed a sample of 500 prepacks and found there was anecdotal evidence suggesting they were very good at preserving employment (page 26).
The Insolvency Service (the UK's equivalent of AFSA) has stated:
"A pre-pack may offer the best chance for a business to be rescued, preserve goodwill and employment, maximise realisations and generally speed up the insolvency proces."
It must be said, the use of prepacks in the UK remains contentious with various Government enquires undertaking an assessment of their benefit.
Links to UK Government reports on the operation of SIP 16 are here
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/statements-of-insolvency-practice-16-sip-16
The enquiries have noted problems with prepacks but concluded they are cheaper than the alternative formal administrations, they save jobs and overall it's better to have a prepack framework rather than abandon it.
SME Market cannot afford to use VA
ASIC statistics show that of the 10,000 companies that enter into formal insolvency administration each year, less than 5% will use the voluntary administration framework to save their business.
ARITA research shows small deed of company arrangement costs $60K in fees and the company will pay another $90K to creditors.
This data suggests voluntary administration is simply too expensive to help small business owners.
I suggest prepacks will be 25% to 50% cheaper than a voluntary administration or liquidation.
The costs savings are realised by avoiding the professional fees to trade on an insolvent business and undertake a time intensive rapid sale of the assets. These tasks are undertaken by the director, under the guidance of the liquidator, at a fraction of the cost, prior to their formal appointment.
Productivity Commission Report
In its 2015 report, the Productivity Commission agreed with our submission that ASIC should issue a regulatory guide on the topic. The Productivity Commission stated:
"ASIC should publish a Regulatory Guide targeted at small businesses. A significant component of that guide should be directed at providing small business with a simple list of steps to follow in order to sell their business through a liquidator. This component should be modelled on the UK SIP 16. The production of such a guide will direct small businesses into the proper processes, improving overall compliance at a low cost." (page 393)</Focus IZALCO MAX Disc ETAP 2>
"The guide should cover legitimate restructure and liquidation options and responsibilities, with a focus on the new processes designed to assist small businesses."
https://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/completed/business/report/business.pdf
To date, ASIC has declined to adopt the Productivity Commission recommendation. I feel they will need to be invited to act by the Minister.
What's the Federal Governments Position?
The Federal Governments response to the Productivity Commission stated:
"The Government notes the UK's non-legislative 'pre-pack' administration has attracted considerable criticism because of perceptions that it may facilitate fraudulent phoenix activity."
"The Government notes recommendation [15.7], but acknowledges that it is directed towards the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) rather than the Government. The Government notes that the ASIC is committed to updating its regulatory guidance when significant changes to the law are progressed.
However, I was fortunate to take part in a meeting with Senator Williams and Minister O'Dwyer to discuss prepacks and insolvency reform.
I was encouraged to learn the Minister was interested in prepack reform; however, the Minister's office wanted to see industry support of the concept before further consideration.
In my discussions with the Shadow Minister's office, it became clear industry support is vital when they come to consider their policy.
The endorsement of liquidators who practice in the SME market is therefore very important if the Minister or Shadow Minister are to encourage ASIC to issue a Regulatory Guide.
Where is ARITA on this topic?
I will write to the ARITA board members and invite them to consider Mr Fisher's framework and clarify their position with respect to prepacks.
I'm hopeful ARITA will support the concept and collaborate with the AIIP on this project.
Is one Liquidator better than two?
It appears ARITA supports a restructure model that uses 2 liquidators to sell a small business. Their framework is called pre-position sale.
One liquidator would do the pre-appointment sale and a second liquidator would review the sale.
In its submission to the Productivity Commission, ARITA stated their model works as follows:
"The pre-positioning work is done prior to a statutory insolvency appointment, with directors taking advantage of the safe harbour protections… to undertake an orderly wind down of the company's operations – that is a well-managed process where assets may be realised for market value in a non -distressed sale – prior to making a formal insolvency appointment."
I think it's a great model for large companies to use.
I was surprised the Federal Government rejected ARITA's pre-position model in its response to the Productivity Commission Report in May 2017 (page 25).
But I contend ARITA's model is not cost effective for SME's.
ASIC statistics show approximate 87% of liquidations have less than $50K in assets (Report 456 pages 55 & 53)
These 87% will not use the safe harbour protection.
These 87% will not participate in a non-distressed sale of assets.
These 87% cannot afford to pay 2 liquidators to facilitate a very simple restructure of a company that has less than $50K in assets.
Almost all of the UK prepack sales are for businesses with less than $100K in assets.
The Productivity Commission agreed with my criticism of ARITA's model when it considered the SME market.
In the December 2015 report, the Productivity Commission stated:
"The cost of an administrator or an experienced registered safe harbour adviser may be too high for some smaller businesses heading into financial difficulty. Such businesses may have little scope to restructure."
(page 392).
"The added independence from using a pre-positioning system [ie 2 liquidators] would also introduce administrative costs and delays associated with the review process, add uncertainty into the process, and could drive down the business sale price."
The Productivity Commission stated:
"Crouch Amirbeaggi suggested an Australian hybrid model that could avoid these costs, assuage creditors' concerns, and present small to medium enterprises with a genuine option for restructure".
Notwithstanding the above, the ARITA web page currently states the following:
"For a number of reasons (including independence, whether the sale is for value and the lack of creditor involvement) we do not consider that a UK- style prepack process would be suitable for Australia."
https://www.arita.com.au/documents/Technical/Public-policy/arita-policies-position-paper-february-2015-v1-0.pdf
I detail some other interesting comments by the Productivity Commission as follows:
"With the sale of a small business…proportionality in risk management is key for the level of regulation. In particular, any requirements for adequate marketing should not be onerous, but sufficient to ensure a good process has been conducted and prevent clear wrongdoing."
"There should be no expectation that a small pre-positioned sale be the subject of an exhaustive national advertising campaign."
"The Commission is mindful of the potential for some transactions to become collateral damage from excessive regulation intended to target illegal activity."
AIIP Endorsement of Prepacks
In its discussion groups in Brisbane, Sydney and Adelaide last year, I felt the majority of AIIP members present supported Mr Fisher's prepack model.
I'm also aware there are members who don't like prepacks and I value their thoughts on how to improve Mr Fisher's model framework.
I'm delighted that the majority of the individual members that comprise the executive of AIIP and Australia's most experienced liquidator, Mr Bill Hamilton have endorsed Mr Fisher's new framework.
I'm hoping the majority of AIIP members will also endorse the proposed framework and the AIIP will formally endorse the framework or modified version thereof at the annual conference.
Ombudsman Insolvency Inquiry
Sydney Meetup: "Identifying The Signs Of Insolvency Using Financial Data Analysis"
Reforms to Address Corporate Misuse of the Fair Entitlements Guarantee Scheme
Richard Fisher
The Noosa Triathlon, 1 November 2015
Awards Charity Corporate CPA Fair Entitlements Guarantee Financial analysis Inquiry Insolvency INTHEBLACK Launch Marketing News Not-for-profit Ombudsman Phoenixing Reform Small business Smiddy Sport Triathlon


text:
Study highlights opioid use disorder treatment access disparities based on Medicaid prevalence
Researchers report that in communities where Medicaid is a more common source of insurance, providers of buprenorphine, an effective treatment for opioid use disorder (OUD), are much less likely to discriminate between Medicaid and privately insured prospective patients, but patients with either type of coverage still face many barriers to obtaining an initial appointment for treatment.
Authors of the study published in Health Services Research used county-level information on Medicaid enrollment combined with randomized field experiment data from 10 states obtained during a previous study. They then used a simulated patient caller or "secret shopper" method to determine how likely buprenorphine treatment providers were to grant an appointment to female callers who identified themselves as being covered either by Medicaid or privately insured.
Investigators from Vanderbilt University Medical Center's Departments of Pediatrics and Health Policy, Baylor University's Hankamer School of Business, and RAND Corporation collaborated on the study.
"In areas where Medicaid is a common source of insurance there is effectively no difference in the likelihood of being granted an appointment to obtain a buprenorphine prescription, no matter if the patient had Medicaid coverage or private insurance," said Michael Richards, MD, PhD, MPH, an associate professor at Baylor University.
"But the most striking finding is – for both callers that had private insurance and callers that had Medicaid – just how infrequently they're able to actually leverage those insurance benefits when it comes to getting an appointment for opioid use disorder. That really speaks to the many serious and substantive access hurdles these individuals have to clear."
According to a recent report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's National Center for Health Statistics, there were an estimated 100,306 drug overdose deaths in the United States during the 12-month period ending in April 2021, an increase of 28.5% from the 78,056 deaths during the same period the year before. Of that number, the estimated overdose deaths from opioids increased to 75,673, up from 56,064 the year before.
Buprenorphine is a prescription medication for OUD treatment that has proven effective in reducing the risk of overdose and relapse, as well as improving long-team health outcomes. For pregnant women with OUD this benefit extends to the baby -; making it more likely an infant will be born at term and with a higher birth weight. Despite this, there continue to be disparities in access to OUD treatment.
In fact, despite a 300% increase in the number of clinicians who can now prescribe medication treatment such as buprenorphine, recent research finds that less than one-third of individuals with OUD received any form of pharmacotherapy within the prior year. Past studies have also shown significant disparities in access to OUD care when comparing Medicaid and privately insured OUD patients.
When looking at the new study's entire sample of 3,420 calls to buprenorphine providers, the researchers found that less than half (45%) of privately insured women and only 38% of otherwise comparable women enrolled in Medicaid received an insurance-covered appointment.
When examining areas with lower Medicaid prevalence, there was an 11% difference, with Medicaid-covered callers being less likely to obtain an appointment. But as the share of the local insured population enrolled in Medicaid increased, the difference in access to care between Medicaid and privately insured callers decreased until the variance was insignificant.
While the underlying explanation for this equalization of care access for both populations is likely multifactored, the investigators speculate that because providers in areas with a higher Medicaid population are more familiar with the business processes needed to secure payment through Medicaid, they are also likely more open to accepting both payer types.
Because of the critical need to get this potentially lifesaving treatment to all individuals with OUD, the study's authors suggest efforts to improve access to treatment are perhaps best targeted where Medicaid enrollment is lower. The group has additional studies underway to better define the barriers to care for individuals with OUD.
Making it through the structural barriers to just getting into treatment for OUD is extraordinarily hard, even if you're the most motivated person on the planet. We know these medications reduce risk of death, and yet it's impossible for some folks to get into treatment. "
Stephen Patrick, MD, MPH, Study Principal Investigator and Director of the Child Health Policy, Vanderbilt University Medical Center
"We are seeing record-setting rates of overdose death, and for every overdose death, there are a slew of other hospitalizations and additional family members affected. I hope our continued research garners the attention of the public and policymakers and more clearly communicates that we must put solutions in place to break down these barriers."
Richards, M. R., et al. (2021) Medicaid prevalence and opioid use disorder treatment access disparities. Health Services Research. doi.org/10.1111/1475-6773.13920.


Hey all. Got tired of sitting at 58% on that other one, so decided to do something about it.
This is the evaluation version, with a serial, making it the registered version.
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He's stirred from his nine year-old boy daydream, eyes wide and fixed on mine.
He nods along but drifts off again as if his future self is standing in the corner. He eyes the tall man's height, his stubble, every detail of his grown-up self.
He nods. We laugh and tell him Angie is afraid to fly. So many people are. Richard isn't and he's not interested in hearing more about those who are – he's gone again. I can see in his eyes that he's floated away from the conversation, up up up in his dream.
His mind is in the clouds. His hope too.
My voice is an annoying tether yanking him back toward earth – but he tolerates me and listens.
On the one hand, he thinks, I could use the business. On the other hand, this guy will talk my ear off.
Then Richard raises his chin and nods to me. We have a deal, I think. Someday.
"Do you know how to make an airplane?" I ask.
He doesn't so I beg a piece of paper from our translator, Katie, lay it flat on my giraffe legs and begin folding. One step at a time.
Richard leans forward with his feet firmly planted at a safe distance.
I fold in half. He inches forward.
Bring an edge to the center crease. Then the other. He studies. Another inch.
A bend here. Flip. A bend there.
A blur darts past Richard and soars through the open door. Richard chases after it.
He returns to the doorway and zooms his plane past the chattering adults. It zips across the little house.
Eventually, he pauses to rest, and studies every crease of it, admires every bend. He smiles thanks to me for this gift, for creating what he couldn't.
Around the corner Richard's classmates sit at desks dreaming. They write their goals on a worksheet, and list the steps they'll take to chase them down. Some dreams are behind glass on the wall.
Children once grounded by poverty, once unable to think beyond the next meal, now dream of their future. They see it. They chase.
Math. History. English. Writing. Bible. Checkups. Food. Friendships. Hugs.
These gifts for $38. Letters. Prayers. All from the God who formed them in the beginning.
He is forming them still.
Before a tearful goodbye at Richard's house, we stand in a circle. Richard folds his hands around his folded gift and I pull him close and push last words through the lump in my throat.
God uses Compassion International's ministry, and your letters and prayers to form children into dreamers. Sponsor a child today and prepare a child for flight.
Wow, Shaun. You had me right in the room with you watching it all. You tell Richard's story so well.
And this right here: "God uses Compassion International's ministry, and your letters and prayers to form children into dreamers." This sums it all up perfectly. Thank you ~ this post is a gift!
Wish you could thank Richard. I have no doubts he'll fly someday. What an easy story to tell. Thanks for reading, Kristen!
Beautiful. I love this ministry!
Now whenever I see paper airplanes laying around my house I will think of Richard.
And say a prayer. Thanks for being here, Jill.
Of course…I forgot the most important part. I will say a prayer!
I found a paper airplane under the couch after reading this post and have put it on top of the shelf in our family room. I've already said several prayers for Richard after seeing the yellow airplane on display!
yes, like Jill… I will think of airplanes when Wes/Wyatt fly their planes around the house! Thanks for sharing.
Thank you, Shaun for bringing this future pilot into my home. Tears welled up in my eyes and I had to swollow past the lump in my own throat.
I love, love, love this post. What a prayer! May we always pray prayers like that for kids.
And, by the way, well done on the paper airplane. If you are going to make a kid a paper airplane, make him a good one. Well done.
it's about sowing the seeds for future, for allowing children to dream of a better way, to imagine beyond a challenging childhood.
Is life without dreams life at all?
Mad airplane folding skills, Shaun :). I can imagine Richard flying it until it's grounded and yellowed from age.
You really get it, Robin. Wish you were here to put into words for all of us.
Oh my. I love this. Starting my morning with tears and thanksgiving for Compassion, for bloggers who have become the hands and feet or Christ, for this little boy, Richard, and for a God who hears our dreams and loves us, right up from the ground, He loves us.
Thanks Shaun. Keep telling the stories.
Such a sweet post. You're reminded me to make a few paper airplanes and send them along the next time I send of letters to our Compassion children! I don't know if I have any potential pilots in our group of 15 but they may like them just the same!
Thanks for sharing these awesome stories with us. You are so great with these kids!
Oh Amen. Amen. Amen. Amen.
Love this! Our family will be praying for Richard & our prayer trigger for him is going to be airplanes!
I love the image of your hands on his shoulders, Richards hands folded in prayer, and the airplane between them. It's a powerful one. You turned those notes into a great post, Shaun (as always).
My son, Elias, is constantly making paper airplanes. I honestly get irritated sometimes when I see those pieces of folded paper all over the floor. It is so amazing how the simplest things in life are what can connect us the most.
I have been a sponsor of a little girl (well not so little any more) (Maria M.) in the Highlands of Peru since 2004. I would love if you would give her a hug for me! Every post of yours brings tears to my eyes. I am so thankful you guys are there sharing the love! Thank you!
This has been my favorite story from Peru, so far. What a wonderful little boy with big dreams! I pray that God is able to lead him down the path to his dream. I love that Compassion is helping kids dream like they should.
Ah, the timeless art of making paper airplanes…my daughter loves them, too. Beautiful story! Praying for you all and the children.


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The other day I heard someone say, "Complaining makes you a Crap Magnet." I started thinking about how true that is – and how we can quickly turn that around and become a "Love Magnet," since what you focus on GROWS.
I think of complaining as "thinking small" and I know how easy it can be to fall into that place! You may be at a place where you're feeling stuck, where you feel like there isn't anything that can be done to attract more love into your life. If you're anything like I was, you may have an "armor" around you that makes you feel that you can't be loved, and that there must be something wrong with you.
I believe that our life's purpose is to love and be loved, and everyone has the ability within them to love and be loved. We may get hurt along the way and become afraid, jealous, or "grasping." Sometimes our perception is that we're not lovable or that we don't know how to love or allow ourselves to be loved, and we can start to experience the world through the lens of those belief systems.
Read the full article and learn 3 simple steps to help attract more love in your life.


Police uncover the largest illegal manufacturer of cigarettes in Slovak history.
In cooperation with customs authorities, the Financial Administration's Criminal Office has busted the largest illegal cigarette production and distribution ring in the history of Slovakia. During the crackdown, they seized 10.5 million cigarettes falsely labelled as a global brand along with six tonnes of tobacco ingredients. Added-value and excise tax evasion are estimated at about €5 million.
As well as the savings in taxes, the bust means the protection of health of those who might have smoked these cigarettes.
"As absurd as this sounds in regards to cigarettes, as these are illegal cigarettes the tobacco from which they are manufactured could also contain substances that are not used in normal cigarettes and might be harmful," said František Imrecze, president of the Financial Administration, as cited by the TASR newswire.
The crackdown in Revúca (Banská Bystrica Region) saw the participation of 50-70 financial police and customs officers. The raid took place after six months of surveillance of the manufacture.
The cigarettes were reportedly labelled as Marlboros and according to experts they were very good fakes. They were not planned for Slovak consumption but were supposed to be smuggled to the German and British markets by a Slovak-Bulgarian gang.


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13 days since surgery. It still feels appropriate to calculate time that way. It won't for much longer, and that is a good thing.
I'm sharing some gross / vulnerable / graphic pictures and feelings in this post. Anyone that stumbles onto this blog going through the same operation will want to know these specifics, so here it is (and if you send me a note and I'll send you more details and videos…the more you know going into it the better you can prepare your mind in my opinion). Also, I want to be real with my experience which hasn't been all butterflies and rainbows and positive cupcakes. Being positive isn't achieved by "smothering unpleasant truths beneath a cloak of pretended happiness." Genuine positivity, the type that is contagious and inspiring, is achieved by navigating reality while not losing hope for the ideal you are striving for.
That said, I'm feeling more positive and optimistic today than I have at any point in the last 13 days, the reasons why are all below. I'm grateful for the recovery trajectory I'm on.
Before I jump into the specifics of surgery and recovery, you've got to know what happened on January 4th (the day before surgery). That morning I posted about my diagnosis and published this blog. Positivity. Text messages. Emojis. Voicemails. Social media comments. Crush Cancer. Prayers and good thoughts. All of it was flowing that afternoon. Then I had to go get some blood drawn — 1 vial and it should have taken about 15 seconds. Except, I passed out, scared my wife to death, and had 3 people nursing me back to health with apple juice and saltines. I'm all pumped up to face surgery tomorrow where half my tongue is getting chopped off, but a little blood draw knocks me down flat. I thought it was a great reminder from God in my final pre-surgery preparations that it was His strength, not mine, that would be on display. Thanks for the reminder.
My first sensation when I woke up was that I wasn't getting enough oxygen. I was breathing. But where was the oxygen? My next realization was that Camilla was there and telling me that surgery was successful and that I was recovering well. I couldn't speak and my hands and legs were strapped down to my bed. They gave me paper on which I could blindly scribble notes. How did surgery go? Camilla: I already told you, it went great. Clean margins. I need more oxygen. Camilla: the machines say you are doing great, you have a breathing tube that is helping you and they will take it out soon. So how did the surgery go? My short-term memory is the first thing to go when I'm on heavy drugs….
breathing tube in my mouth, feeding tube in my nose, hooked up to lots of wires and monitors, neck incision stapled shut under right jaw, two tubes coming out of right neck to drain fluid, swollen tongue that barely fit into my mouth. Not pictured: splinted left arm where they removed arteries and soft tissue used in the reconstruction of the tongue.
The breathing tube was helping me breathe despite a very swollen airway, but it was also like trying to get all the oxygen you need through a straw. Every 5 seconds I'd get a breath that felt like 60% of what my body needed. This lasted for 7 agonizing hours. While it was physically painful, the battle that I remember most vividly from that day was with my mind. My mind was telling me I was worse off than I really was. Camilla and all the doctors and monitors were telling me that I was breathing and that I was fine and that I would be fine even without the tube. My mind was decided on the fact that I was suffocating. An inspired friend of mine showed up at the ICU that afternoon despite my wishes to not have visitors (and I'm not even sure how he found me or got into the ICU in the first place). He prayed with Camilla and me, lightened the mood with his sense of humor, and left me with an experience that I will never forget. The breathing tube came out at 3:51 pm and for me, recovery started.
It was a long day for both Camilla and me, and others that were getting regular updates. Nothing could have prepared us for how absolutely overwhelming everything was, yet we were pulled through it (or as my friend inspiring-ly told me before surgery we were "stretched by a merciful Lord"). Remember two days ago when I passed out? We made it through Friday.
To ensure that the transplanted tissue and arteries from my arm successfully survived in my reconstructed tongue and mouth, nurses in the ICU would check the pulses and blood flow in my mouth every 30 minutes. My body was improving rapidly and the swelling in my neck and head were decreasing even faster. My circuit training in the ICU was to sit in my bed until my feet got restless (2-3 hours) then move to a chair until my neck hurt (1 hour) then walk a few laps in the ICU with a nurse until I was worn out (15-20 minutes). Basically CrossFit, right?
On January 8th I was transferred from the ICU to a normal hospital room. Pulse checks on my new tongue were bumped down to every 2 hours, I transitioned from hydromorphine to percocet (read: I was getting my mind back!), and my body continued to heal rapidly. By the evening I was talking well enough for people to understand what I was saying. Pain in my neck and tongue were very manageable the whole time. Most of the pain I felt was in my left arm (the "donor site").
Similar ICU CrossFit routine — bed, chair, walking. Each day my mind was more clear, my swelling decreased, my ability to talk increased, and my mustache grew. I was ready to go home.
A total of 7 days in the hospital left me anxious to come home. A ton of people made those 7 days manageable. Thank you to all of you. I'll just leave it at that and I hope to thank each of you individually that made such an impact on me.
Coming home was like getting that first flow of full oxygen after the breathing tube was removed on January 6th.
The one tough part of home recovery was I still had a feeding tube and now had to schlep around a backpack full of formula at all times. I was always worried one of the kids would trip on it and dislodge it from my nose or that I'd get tangled in the tube while I slept. My left arm still hurt but I really didn't have pain beyond that.
Camilla became my nurse. She had to grind up pills every eight hours and mix them into water that she would inject into a side tube in my feeding apparatus. I've been mostly useless at home with only one arm. Camilla is accustomed to that, even when I had two working arms.
Here's a picture from January 15th. I've only lost a couple of pounds since surgery thanks to the 2k calories a day I get through the feeding tube. At this point I haven't had a drink of water or any food in my mouth in 11 days (but I didn't feel hungry).
I saw both surgeons on January 17th who are thrilled with how I'm healing. Tongue looks good. Neck looks good. Arm looks good. Mustache, not so much.
I was able to swallow liquids during the day and so I had the feeding tube removed. Just having that tube off of my face makes me feel 100% more human. Since the tube came out I've had a shake, a breakfast burrito, chicken soup, and another shake. And another shake after that. The part of the tube I'm holding below is where it entered my nose and the other 2-3 feet was what ran through my body. Also, Go Cubs.
I also had all the staples removed from my neck (19) and arm (25). I finally got the first look at my arm without the splint on. Now I know why it hurts like a banshee. The amount of tissue and attached artery needed to reconstruct my mouth and how seamlessly things have gone are truly miraculous.
So while I still have a long ways to go on my arm recovery, I am feeling like a million bucks right now. Here I am only 13 days after major surgery, mostly looking like a real human being. No staples, no feeding tube, and no mustache.
So before I start thinking about the next steps (improving speech clarity, chewing, rehabbing the left arm, chemo / radiation, then chemo again), I'm just going to enjoy right now. I'm asking God for my daily bread and finding mana each day on my doorstep. I'm happy. I'm positive. I'm grateful. How could I not be?
My incredibly thoughtful family made me a quilt leading up to surgery and gave it to me the night before I went in. I love it.
The quilt is made up of Chicago Cubs t-shirts and paraphernalia that various family members sent to my mom and sisters to be included. Many of the shirts are ones that we've worn to games to cheer on our Cubbies over the years. Being a Cubs fan has been a family love affair for 30-40 years that I think started with my uncle Lane…we grew up at around HoHoKam and Fitch Park in Mesa where the Cubs do their spring training and then got sucked in during the regular season through WGN. I remember being 10 years old and going to games in March with my dad and cousins and uncle. I remember working with my dad in his landscape business during the summers and doing lunch almost everyday at Barros Pizza on Gilbert & Brown so that we could catch a few innings of an 11:10 am first pitch. I love baseball and I've always loved the Cubs because it has brought a deeper level of meaning and family to being a fan.
The Cubs have a tradition dating back to the 1930's or 40's. When they win, a "W" flag is flown from the scoreboard at Wrigley. It lets everyone in the neighborhood know the outcome of the game (an "L" flag is flown when they lose). "Fly the W" has been a phrase that has taken hold with social media and is now synonymous with a Cubs victory. You'll see that in the middle of the quilt my family stitched "Fly the W".
I don't know if cancer is like a sprint or a marathon or a decathlon or some other metaphor. It's a lot of things. Maybe it is like a baseball season. It is long. It is a daily grind. It is slow moving and filled with endless pitches, innings, and games. But at the end of the season you can typically point to just a handful of moments that were the "turning point" or the "critical times" that ultimately determined the outcome of the season.
My experience so far with cancer is that it feels like baseball. I have about 162 milestones plus the postseason that I need to navigate to be donned with my world champion cancer free ring. If I think about it like that, I get overwhelmed. So I'm waking up today and looking at scouting report on who is pitching and what I need to do to be successful for just today. I'm going to worry about today's game and then when we win today, I'm going to celebrate and Fly the W. I'm not worried about tomorrow's game or the postseason. Today is about finding a way to Fly the W, regardless of the challenge set before me.
It has been a memorable seven days at the hospital and now it's time to go home and start a new chapter. Looks like I will be home sometime this afternoon or evening.
When I go home I will still have a feeding tube in place. I can't swallow any liquids until Monday and if I can prove to my doctor on Tuesday that I can keep down liquids, the tube comes out.
It will be a continued healing process at home that will take time and patience, but I am so happy. I miss my kids. I miss the feeling inside my home. I am ready to be home.
Still in a narcotic haze and so I don't feel like I can adequately write about the last three days yet.
1. There is some grand life analogy that I will figure out someday about my relationship with breathing tubes. As for this moment, I hate them and they terrify me.
2. Having Camilla with me 24-7 at the hospital has made all the difference. Thanks for the countless hands that have enabled this blessing. And thanks to Camilla for facing every part of this with me. Friday night and Saturday morning she shared with me some of her experiences during those first 24 hours.
3. The outpouring of faith on my family's behalf has been surreal. So many people from many different faiths sent notes to let me know they were exercising their faith. Little kids decided to fast for me in addition to their prayers. While these first three days have been harder than expected, we have felt immense hope and patience and strength.
Speech slur is temporary and I am actually ahead of schedule.
No one actually knows what the doctor says after those three words. Once you hear the word "cancer" your mind typically darts off to some dark place and stays there until you can start scouring the internet for more information (which can take you to even darker places!).
I don't know why diagnostic jargon is what it is, but I actually like the term Positive For Cancer. My feelings toward cancer are pretty simple — it is a Monster. And while the details of the Monster(s) I am battling are in another blog entry, I wanted to highlight the most important part of my treatment plan. I will undergo a major mouth surgery, radiation of the mouth and throat, and chemotherapy — the cancer treatment triumvirate. But the most prolific part of my treatment is positivity.
The outcome we are hoping for is to be cancer free and to remain that way the rest of my life. But my quest is to do as Neal Maxwell (former leader in my church) described by partaking of a bitter cup without becoming bitter.
I am grateful for the powerful support of so many great people in my life at this time. I hope to have a positive impact on others that are battling their own Monsters and like me are looking for the strength to endure well. I don't yet know how or what that impact will be, but I know the opportunity will present itself and that I will be ready. In the meantime, I hope that sharing my experiences on this blog will be at least a small help for some.


I was recently invited to speak on a panel at a blogging workshop.
My first thought was, absolutely! My second thought was, oh no. Who am I to speak at a panel? What advice could I possibly have? I wasn't accomplished, I wasn't featured anywhere, I wasn't anyone as far as I was concerned.
I was even more fearful of the questions, who are you, Monique? And what is your blog about? What was I supposed to say? Did I have anything to say?
I prepped as much as any person could prep, but on the way there, I felt like my body was being peeled apart, strip by strip. I felt like my chest was full of fire ants and my heart was the queen of them all. I could feel myself start to sweat in the back of my neck and at the line where my forehead meets my hair. I could feel my face getting hot. I imagined myself burning up in front of everyone, sweating and blushing and fumbling with my words. I imagined myself regretting the entire thing afterwards, and never doing it again. I imagined myself a fool, and a failure.
The greatest part about this imagined tragedy, is that it's imagined.
We have outstanding imaginations. They take us on journeys we don't even want to go on. They make our bodies react with fear when there's no danger. It's beautiful really, but no amount of imagined tragedy was going to affect the deliverance of my performance.
If I blushed or fumbled my words, the cops weren't going to come and take me away. If they thought I didn't make sense or if they didn't like what I had to say, they weren't going to get up and yell at me about it. They weren't going to walk out or call me names. This was a blogging workshop, not a city planning meeting.
But where does that wild imagination come from?
This idea that we are unworthy of being in front of people, and so unworthy, in fact, that the moment we open up our mouths, we think we're going to be criticized, judged, or humiliated. It's scary, all of the nonsense that's hardwired into our brains, but it's experiences like this one, that teach us that that's all it really is--nonsense.
Once it was my turn to speak, and I got over the initial shock of being handed the mic and asked the pivotal question, who are you? it became a lot easier to ease into. People were taking notes and asking questions. They weren't concerned with me or whether or not I was capable of answering these questions. They didn't question themselves with my reason for being there or whether or not I was worthy. They opened up their minds and ears and listened, something that was never a part of my 'imagined tragedy'.
The best advice I can give anyone who is about to speak, is you won't know what you have to say until you say it. There's no preparing for it. You can try to gather a few things that you know you should probably touch on, but I think the brain naturally comes up with answers when you're on the spot, and they end up being better than anything you could have come up with in front of a mirror the night before. I know because I tried that too.
At the end of the day, what pulled me through it was my love for blogging, and it's that sort of love that will allow me to conquer this type of fear again and again. This panel wasn't really about me or whether or not I was worthy of being there, it was about sharing the knowledge of what I'd learned up until this point. It was about helping to spread the word of blog. It was about relaying all of the good that comes out of expressing yourself on a digital page, in your very own digital corner.
And I knew right when they started asking great questions, that I was someone. I was a blogger. And I had plenty to say.


text:
A $1 billion family dentist in Pennsylvania could soon be out of work as a result of the opioid crisis
Home A $1 billion family dentist in Pennsylvania could soon be out of work as a result of the opioid crisis
A family dentist who works in Pennsylvania is facing the possibility of losing his job over a growing number of opioid-related deaths.
On Wednesday, a Pennsylvania judge ordered the family dentist, who works for Blackwell Dental in Lancaster, to pay a $1.5 million penalty to the state of Pennsylvania for illegally prescribing opioids to the dentist's patients.
The family dentist's employer, Blackwell Family Dentistry, had initially denied the claims, arguing that the dentist had been operating without a license for decades and that there was no evidence that he had violated the state's opioid prescribing law.
But on Wednesday, the state agreed to pay the $1 million penalty, saying that the family dental practice was knowingly violating the state prescribing law and that it did not have a license to prescribe opioids.
According to a statement from the Pennsylvania Attorney General's Office, Blackfield Family Dentists' decision to plead guilty was made in accordance with Pennsylvania law and the state constitution.
The dentist, whose name has not been released, will be required to pay $1,500 a day in fines and court costs.
The state has also taken a "deteriorating stance" against opioid prescriptions, according to a press release from the Attorney General.
The investigation by the Attorney's Office began after an employee filed a whistleblower complaint about the family's practice.
The state's investigation resulted in the criminal charges.
According the Attorney Attorney General, the family had been selling prescription painkillers and heroin to their patients for at least two decades, and they prescribed opioids to a large percentage of their patients.
In a statement, Blackman Family Dentist said the dentist was disappointed in the settlement, but hoped that the case would prompt other health care providers to follow suit and that patients would be safer in their health care.
"The Blackwell family is proud of its past accomplishments and will continue to operate as a trusted and compassionate provider to all of our patients," the statement read.
blackwell dentistrylancaster pediatric dentistrypflugerville family dentistry


If you're looking for the ultimate go-to blazer that you can wear all year long, look no further than the ever versatile blazer. Blazers are so cool because they go well with just about any look. You can wear them with a totally rad street style outfit and you can wear them with other pieces from your work wardrobe as well. There are many different blazer styles and designs, too, which means that you will always find one that will suit your personal taste.
Lacey and sheer – if you like layering your outfits with a blazer but don't care much for the office-y vibe that it often adds to your look, you can always go for a lacey blazer or a sheer one. Or both if you're feeling a little more adventurous for the day.
With a monochromatic look – monochromatic looks are chic and edgy at the same time and one easy way to create your own is to wear a blazer that matches your bottoms. You can choose to wear a shirt underneath in the same color to keep up with the monochromatic scheme or one in a contrasting color to break it up just a little bit.
Dressed down with jeans – blazers tend to have that office-y vibe, especially ones that have lots of structure to them. If you're worried about this or you just want to achieve a more relaxed and casual vibe in your look, all you really have to do is to dress down your blazer with a pair of jeans. You can wear your everyday tee underneath it, too, to add an extra casual flair.
With a tomboy flair – don't feel like doing your usual girly look today? Pick up that boxy blazer you have hanging in your closet and wear it with your fave pair of comfy boyfriend jeans for an instant tomboy flair.
High fashion style – you don't need to spend an insane amount of money to dress like your favorite style icons. To achieve a high fashion look, drape your blazer over your shoulders instead of wearing the sleeves on your arms. This instantly elevates the look and makes you look like a million bucks.
As a statement maker – looking for new ways to make a statement with your look? Throw on a blazer in a bold color or with a unique print design on top of your outfit for an effortless but impactful statement. It's super easy but also super chic.


HMAS Huon, the first of class entered service in 1999.
HMAS Huon first of class on trials.
Six Huon Class minehunters have been built by ADI for the Royal Australian Navy.
Type 2093 sonar in dual searching and classification mode.
SUTEC Double Eagle mine disposal vehicle.
The Huon design is based on the Italian Gaeta/Lerici Class. Six minehunters have been built by ADI in Newcastle, Australia and operate from the HMAS Waterhen naval base in Sydney. The first of class, HMAS Huon (82), entered service in 1999. Other vessels are Hawkesbury (83), commissioned February 2000, Norman (84), commissioned August 2000, Gasgoyne (85), commissioned June 2001, Diamantina (86), commissioned May 2002, and Yarra (87), commissioned March 2003.
The command system integrates the tactical data system with the major platform and operational systems. It includes the following features: control and operation of the suite of sensors and weapons; control of the main and auxiliary propulsion systems; and integrated control of all internal and external communications, including the transfer of messages and mine countermeasures data from the tactical consoles. The Integrated Ship Communications System has been developed by CEA Technologies.
The system allows the management of all mine countermeasures activities, including mission planning, minehunting, mine disposal and post mission analysis. Where ship manoeuvring during minehunting operations is being automatically controlled, the system controls the auxiliary propulsion system via the minehunter autopilot. This provides the ship with auto-track and auto-hover for effective mine countermeasures operations.
Main gun is a DS 30B 30mm gun from MSI Defence Systems, which has a firing rate of 650 rounds/min and ranges of 3km anti-air and 10km anti-surface.
The ships are equipped with two Bofors SUTEC Double Eagle II mine disposal vehicles. The vehicles are electrically powered and are equipped with a search light, closed-circuit low light television camera, and onboard detection and identification sonar. The vehicle's tether cable contains a fibre-optic link for transmitting command signals from the ship and relaying sensor images for display on the multi-function consoles in the ship's operations room. A DAMDIC mine disposal charge from Nordic Defence Systems is slung beneath the vehicle for release in close proximity to the mine. The mine disposal charge is detonated via a thin wire link running from the ship. The vehicle can be deployed at distances of more than 500m from the ship. Clearance divers are carried on board the disposal vehicles and are capable of diving to 90m. The ships are being fitted with the new remotely activated Cormorant Lift Bag which brings mines to the surface for disposal.
The vessels have the ADI Oropesa Double "O" mechanical sweep and can also tow the ADI Mini Dyad influence sweep. The ships are being fitted with the new ADI Australian Acoustic Generator (AAG) minesweeping system. AAG is a water-driven, turbine-powered sweep, which is programmed to emulate the acoustic signatures of specific classes of ships. The ship is also capable of towing the ADI Dyad magnetic acoustic influence sweep.
The ship is also fitted with a BAE Systems Australia Prism III ESM system and two ML Aviation SuperBarricade chaff launchers.
The Type 2093 minehunting sonar from Thales Underwater Systems (formerly Thomson Marconi Sonar) is a variable depth sonar which can be operated in the hull-mounted mode or in variable depth mode. The sonar has dual-frequency search and classification capability. In the variable depth mode both frequencies operate simultaneously, the lower frequency covering mid-water to surface depths and the higher frequency covering the seabed. The sonar uses frequencies typically 30 to 100kHz for detection and 300 to 500kHz for classification. The system achieves a detection range greater than 1000m and a classification range greater than 200m.
Thales Underwater Systems is developing the Acoustic Mine Imaging (AMI) system for use in turbid waters. This active, high-frequency sonar is 3D imaging and determines the range, bearing and elevation of mines. It is to be deployed from the Double Eagle mine disposal vehicle.
Navigation radar is the Kelvin Hughes Type 1007 I-band radar.
The main propulsion consists of a 1460kW Fincantieri GMT diesel driving one shaft controllable pitch propeller. The auxilliary propulsion system consists of three 124kW electro-hydraulic motors driving Riva Calzoni retractable auxiliary propulsion units or thrusters, one forward and two aft. The thrusters have sufficient power to sustain the ship speed at a constant 6 knots.


After a malware attack, Windows Defender Settings interface may show the message Some settings are managed by your organization. Also, the real-time protection and cloud-based protection options may remain disabled.
Here is how the Windows Defender Settings page might look like. The controls for real-time protection, cloud-based protection, and Automatic sample submission options may be disabled and locked down or grayed out.
Step 1) Press Win+R keys to open Run window. Type regedit to open Registry Editor. Next, Navigate to the following registry folder.
Step 2) Right-click the registry value named DisableAntiSpyware and click on Delete.
Step 3) Restart your PC and retry turning on Windows Defender. This should fix Your Virus and threat protection is managed by your organization issue in Windows 10.