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Argument: India Romances the West India Romances the West...
An expert's point of view on a current event.
India Romances the West
In a deepening geopolitical shift, New Delhi is inching closer on many fronts.
By C. Raja Mohan, a columnist at Foreign Policy and a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore's Institute of South Asian Studies.
U.S. President Barack Obama and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi attend a reception at the Presidential Palace in New Delhi on Jan. 26, 2015. SAUL LOEB/AFP via Getty Images
In affirming that the "Quad has come of age" at the first-ever summit of the Quadrilateral Dialogue with the United States, Japan, and Australia last week, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has sent an unmistakable signal that India is no longer reluctant to work with the West in the global arena, including in the security domain. The country's new readiness to participate in Western forums marks a decisive turn in independent India's world view. That view was long defined by the idea of nonalignment and its later avatar, strategic autonomy—both of which were about standing apart from, if not against, post-World-War-II Western alliances. But today—driven by shifting balance of power in Asia, India's clear-eyed view of its national interest, and the successful efforts of consecutive U.S. presidents—India is taking increasingly significant steps toward the West.
The Quad is not the only Western institution with which India might soon be associated. New Delhi is set to engage with a wider range of Western forums in the days ahead, including the G-7 and the Five Eyes. Britain has invited India to participate in the G-7 meeting in London this summer, along with other non-members Australia and South Korea. Although India has been invited to G-7 outreach meetings—a level or two below the summits—for a number of years, the London meeting is widely expected to be a testing ground for the creation of a "Democracy Group of Ten," or D-10.
In Washington today, there are multiple ideas for U.S.-led technology coalitions to reduce the current Western dependence on China. Two initiatives unveiled at the Quad summit—the working group on critical technologies, and the vaccine initiative to supply Southeast Asia—underline the prospects for an Indian role in the trusted technology supply chains of the United States and its partners.
Along with Japan, India also joined a meeting of the Five Eyes—the intelligence-sharing alliance between the United States, Canada, Britain, Australia, and New Zealand— in October 2020 to discuss ways to give law enforcement agencies access to encrypted communications on platforms such as WhatsApp and Telegram. Five Eyes is a tightly knit alliance, and it is unlikely India will be a member any time soon. But it is very much possible to imagine greater consultations between the Five Eyes and the Indian intelligence establishment.
To be sure, India's engagement with Western institutions is not entirely new. India joined the British-led Commonwealth in 1947, but only after India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, made sure the forum was stripped of any security role in the postwar world. Refusing to join military alliances was a key plank of India's policy of non-alignment.
Many concluded in the 1970s that anti-Americanism was part of India's genetic code.
Nehru turned to the United States when his policy of befriending China and supporting its sensitivities collapsed by the end of the 1950s. Facing reverses in a military conflict with China on the long and contested border in 1962, Nehru sought massive defense assistance from U.S. President John Kennedy. With the deaths of both Kennedy and Nehru soon after, the prospects for strategic cooperation between New Delhi and Washington receded quickly.
The 1970s saw India drift away from the West on three levels. On the East-West axis, it drew closer to the Soviet Union. On the North-South axis, it became the champion of the Third World. This was reinforced by the sharply leftward turn of India's domestic politics and a deliberate severing of commercial cooperation with the West.
Many concluded in the 1970s that anti-Americanism was part of India's genetic code. After all, India voted more often against the United States at the United Nations during the Cold War than even the Soviet Union. The idea that India is irreconcilably opposed to the United States was the dominant assessment in both country's capitals. Most scholars of Indian foreign policy assumed that come what may—at home or abroad—India would forever be alienated from the West.
Fidel Castro is met by Indira Gandhi on his arrival in India on Sept. 11, 1973. Bettmann Archive/Getty Images
But the story of India's international relations over the last three decades has been one of a slow but definite advances in cooperation with the United States and the West. The Quad summit is not only a culmination of that long trajectory, but also a major step up.
It was the reform of the Indian economy at the end of the Cold War, along with the collapse of the Soviet Union as India's superpower partner, that created the basis for the renewal of ties between New Delhi and Washington. But even as expanding commercial ties began to stabilize and deepen the bilateral relationship in the 1990s, Washington's activism on Kashmir and its eagerness to denuclearize India made matters difficult for New Delhi. Beset with domestic turbulence and an era of weak coalition governments, New Delhi embarked on a hedging strategy by joining the Russian initiative for a so-called strategic triangle with Moscow and Beijing that eventually evolved into the BRICS Forum after Brazil and South Africa joined.
U.S. President George W. Bush, however, revolutionized U.S. policy on India in the 2000s by discarding Washington's mediating impulse on Kashmir, decoupling engagement with New Delhi from that with Islamabad, and resolving the dispute over non-proliferation. Bush recognized that India is critical for the construction of a stable balance of power in Asia as the continent was being transformed by the rapid rise of China.
But just when Washington was ready to transform relations with New Delhi, India was paralyzed by self-doubt. If then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee boldly called India and the United States "natural allies" in 1998—at a time when no one seemed interested in Washington—his successor, Manmohan Singh, reverted to type. His government began to reinvent non-alignment, keep distance from the United States, and double down on the principle of strategic autonomy. Even as Indian-Chinese tensions multiplied after 2008—when the global financial crisis seemed to have convinced the Chinese leadership that the United States was in terminal decline, with the consequence that Beijing adopted a more assertive posture towards its neighbors—the Singh government continued to hedge against U.S. power.
Every move was against the instincts of India's political class, bureaucratic establishment, and foreign-policy community.
Modi, who became prime minister in 2014, began to reverse New Delhi's resistance to a deeper partnership with Washington. His affirmation in his 2016 address to the U.S. Congress that India's "historic hesitations" to engage the United States were over was not just a rhetorical flourish.
Modi resolved the remaining issues that had prevented implementation of the historic 2008 Indian-U.S. nuclear deal, renewed the 2005 agreement for defense cooperation, and signed the so-called foundational defense agreements that have facilitated interoperability between the two country's armed forces. He widened the annual bilateral Malabar exercises to include Japan in 2015 and Australia in 2020, helped revive the dormant Quad in 2017, came up with his own version of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy in 2018, and joined the Quad summit in 2021.
Beyond the relationship with the United States, Modi also revived India's strategic interest in the Commonwealth, strengthened ties with the European Union, and joined the European Alliance for Multilateralism. He sought to make India part of the solution to mitigating climate change, supported "multi-stakeholderism" in global internet governance, initiated the International Solar Alliance and the Indo-Pacific maritime partnership with France, and is poised to lay the foundations for a substantive strategic partnership with British Prime Minister Boris Johnson when they meet in India next month.
Every one of these moves was against the predominant instincts of India's political class, bureaucratic establishment, and foreign-policy community.
Two factors have facilitated this. First, Modi carried little of the anti-Western ideological baggage of the nationalists who thrive in his own party or the political left and center that prefer to keep a safe distance from Washington. Modi's judgement that India needs a more productive relationship with the United States and the West is rooted in the simple calculus of national interest rather than any involved reasoning.
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Second, much credit must go to successive U.S. presidents—Bill Clinton during his second term, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump—who persisted as a hesitant New Delhi battled the anti-Western demons in its mind. If you are looking for a textbook example of "strategic patience"—this is probably it. Biden appears determined to build on this legacy.
While both New Delhi and Washington deny that the Quad is a military alliance, it could certainly take India closer than ever before to a security coalition with the West. Although India did sign onto an alliance-like pact with the Soviet Union in 1971, it quickly pulled back soon after Bangladesh broke away from Pakistan and the immediate crisis ebbed. If India has shunned alliances with that one momentary exception, the idea of Indian participation in looser coalitions of various kinds with different Western countries is no longer a taboo in Delhi.
It has taken a long time, but India could reemerge as a natural partner for the West in the East.
India, of course, will be a very different kind of partner than the United States' current European and Asian allies. India is more than willing to share U.S. security burdens in the Indo-Pacific on terms that are mutually beneficial. Given its size and long-term potential, India's contribution could be quite substantive in securing Asia. In fact, the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy and the Quad are a considered bet on this proposition. So is the eagerness in Washington, Tokyo, and Canberra to join "Indo" with "Pacific" and bring unaligned India into a grouping of treaty allies.
But as long as we're looking at India's history, none of this should come at a complete surprise. After all, India contributed significantly to Allied victories in the First and Second World Wars—nearly a million Indian soldiers served in the First and more than two million in the Second. That India was not independent then does not take away from the critical role of Indian soldiers and resources in shaping the conflicts' outcomes.
It would have been quite reasonable to imagine that India's very consequential contribution to the Allied victories would have translated into a partnership with the West in constructing the new global order after World War II. But the shortsightedness of the British colonial rulers, their growing confrontation with the Indian national movement in the interwar period, the partition of the subcontinent, the Anglo-American tilt toward Pakistan, Nehru's active dissociation from the Western alliances, and New Delhi's inward economic orientation steadily diminished India's salience in the postwar institutions. The Quad suggests that we might be close to coming full circle. It has taken a long time, but India could reemerge as a natural partner for the West in the East—this time around on terms that a much stronger India negotiates with the United States and its allies.
C. Raja Mohan is a columnist at Foreign Policy, a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore's Institute of South Asian Studies, and a former member of India's National Security Advisory Board. Twitter: @MohanCRaja
Tags: China, Geopolitics, India, United States
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La Liga side Granada made an offer for 18-year-old São Paulo central defender Lyanco, but the Brazilian club's board rejected the proposal.
Lyanco was promoted to the professional team of São Paulo by Colombian coach Juan Carlos Osório and made his debut earlier this year. The offer was presented by the representative of the player, Frederico Moraes, to the executive director of São Paulo, Gustavo Vieira de Oliveira. Neither of them considered the possibility of releasing the youngster, with the club valuing the player highly. Moraes told Globo Esporte: "Gustavo rejected the offer and said he has bet a lot on Lyanco's performances and that he still has a lot to grow in São Paulo. It would be premature release him now. As a representative of the player, there's an obligation to submit an offer when I receive and I did so. I understand the reasons of São Paulo."
São Paulo signed Lyanco in January after beating off competition from other clubs like Fluminense, Palmeiras, Cruzeiro and also AC Milan. Quickly, the defender began training with the professionals and caught the eye of then coach Juan Carlos Osório who handed him his debut in a 2-1 defeat to Atletico-PR at Arena da Baixada. So far, he's played in 10 matches for the club, and has a contract until January 2019.


Ever since the 1972 Federal Election Campaign Act passed, public disclosure of the money used to influence elections has been a cardinal rule of U.S. politics.
Voters' right to know who is behind the money spent trying to sway them was firmly established by the Supreme Court's 1976 decision in Buckley v. Valeo, which upheld the constitutionality of campaign finance disclosure laws.
But now, secret money has returned to U.S. politics and is flooding the 2010 congressional races.
The main vehicles being used to hide donors are 501(c)(4) tax-exempt organizations, which do not have to disclose their donors. These groups are expected to spend tens of millions of dollars on the 2010 congressional races.
Many news outlets have reported this year about the dire financial condition of the Republican National Committee, but this turns out to be an illusionary problem.
Two "shadow RNC" groups, American Crossroads GPS and American Action Network, are prime examples of full-scale political operations run inside the structure of tax-exempt 501(c)(4) groups. They were both set up this year by leading GOP political operatives to elect Republicans in the midterm races. As 501(c)(4)'s, their activities are financed by contributors kept secret from the public.
These two groups, along with a third "shadow RNC" group, American Crossroads, a 527 political organization, have announced plans to spend at least $75 million in the 2010 congressional races. While American Crossroads, as a 527, has to disclose its donors, most campaign expenditures by these groups are expected to be made by the two 501(c)(4)'s and financed with undisclosed contributions.
Trade associations also are being used to conceal donors financing campaign spending. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, for example, is set to spend $75 million in the 2010 congressional races, funded by undisclosed contributors.
The three shadow groups were formed by some of the top Republican political operatives — and are based in the same building.
Both American Crossroads and American Crossroads GPS were established by Karl Rove, former President George W. Bush's chief political adviser, and Ed Gillespie, a former RNC chairman.
The head of American Crossroads, Mike Duncan, is another former RNC chairman. He has said the two groups plan to spend nearly $50 million in 11 Senate races this year.
The third group, American Action Network, was formed by several other Republican leaders, including former Sen. Norm Coleman. The GOP fundraiser Fred Malek is a key player in the group, which announced plans to spend $25 million to support Republican congressional candidates this year.
The Center for Public Integrity recently reported that another 501(c)(4) shadow RNC group was being formed by Scott Reed, a Republican operative, who says "he's raised about half of the $25 million he's hoping to spend to influence a few Senate and 20 House contests." Reed did not disclose the group's name.
Rove and Gillespie first established American Crossroads as a 527 but then set up American Crossroads GPS as an affiliated 501(c)(4) — that does not disclose its donors and can therefore serve as a haven to hide big donors.
CORRECTION: Corrected by: Dianna Heitz @ 09/17/2010 01:47 PM Correction: In an earlier version of this story, the year of passage of the Federal Election Campaign Act was stated incorrectly. It was passed in 1972, not 1973. The story also misstated the connection between two leading Republican political strategists - Karl Rove, former President George W. Bush's chief political adviser, and Ed Gillespie, a former RNC chairman - and three new shadow Republic National Committee groups. The two men played central roles in the creation of these three groups, but did not establish them.


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The totally abstract paintings by Rothko did not suddenly emerge as the result of one idea. His work was the result of many years of looking at other artwork, including Greek vases with horizontal bands of figures, Native American art with its spiritual qualities, and the work of the European Surrealists. By 1949, his preferred format was an upright rectangular canvas or paper with two or three stacked rectangular forms varying in area but free of the picture edge. The colored bands, which he felt must be "sensuous or functional," took on a wide range of hues to which Rothko added lightness or darkness, translucency or opacity, high or low saturation, smooth or brushy textures, and contrasts of color area. Born Marcus Rothkowitz in Dvinsk, Russia, he immigrated to the United States in 1913 with his family. He adopted the name Rothko in 1940, and legally changed it in 1958. His work has been compared to that of his teacher and mentor, Joseph Albers, although their paintings had little in common. Albers' work was intellectual, while Rothko's was emotional. Increasingly, his work darkened as he grew older and his last paintings and large works on paper are simple and somber, perhaps a metaphor for his decision to end his own life.
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The Shadow of Barbarism
Halfway through this new collection of essays, in a piece about A.D. Hope, Clive James finds himself obliged to deal with an academic who has attempted to make sense of Hope's notebooks using a high-falutin theoretical concept known as the "rhizome". Here is part of James's rejoinder:
The word "rhizome" has an affinitive similarity to the word "rissole", the classic Australian term, drawn from the culinary arts, for something being reduced to a wreck. (Used as a noun, the word "rissole" denotes a kind of proto-hamburger, but used as a verb—as in "Strewth, we've rissoled the Holden"—the same word means that the machinery has ceased to work.)
As excellent as this sort of thing is, we should always remember that the funny stuff isn't what Clive James does instead of the serious stuff. It's what he does on top of the serious stuff. As an anatomist of pseudo-scientific faddism in the humanities he has solid credentials. But there are moments when seriousness isn't enough. When a target as mouth-wateringly absurd as the rhizome rolls into view, ridicule is the only sane response. At such moments Clive James has always been able to move beyond mere reasoned argument and deliver the clinching joke: the funny stuff as the pure distillation of the serious stuff. Will the rhizome, now that it's been likened to the rissole, ever recover its dignity? Let's hope not.
For more than forty years now Clive James has been writing criticism in which this sort of trick is routinely worked. The essays—of which this is the eighth volume, leaving aside a couple of best-of compilations—have always been the spine of his achievement. And the achievement, now that the distracting matter of his television career is out of the way, is at last starting to be appreciated for its heft as well as its dazzle. The 2007 publication of Cultural Amnesia—the book that will stand as his critical masterwork, unless in this indecently fruitful late phase of his he favours us with something still better—has surely put the question of James's literary status beyond a doubt, at least among people capable of reading that book at the level at which it was written. There are still plenty of critics around who aren't capable of that, of course. We will get to them. But among critics who matter, there seems to have been a general coming-around to the proposition that James is one of the great essayists of our time: humane, lively, formidably intelligent, and—to use a word that the radical like to think they have a monopoly on—committed.
James has always been a fastidious chooser of epigraphs. But he'll probably never improve on the one he put at the front of As of This Writing, the American selection of his essential essays published in 2003. (That satisfactorily chunky volume, by the way, offers a far more generous survey of James's work than Reliable Essays, the miserly best-of published here and in Britain.) The epigraph is borrowed from the French philosopher Alain Finkielkraut. "Barbarism," it reads, "is not the prehistory of humanity but the faithful shadow that accompanies its every step." You could say that this perception has haunted James's life from the start: his father was killed in a war in which barbarism was only narrowly defeated. Certainly the barbarisms of the twentieth century have always cast a shadow over his essays. Then came 9/11: a new set of barbarians, and a new breed of Western pundit desperate not to acknowledge the nature of the offence. So now, in the afternoon of his career, the lengthening shadow of barbarism is with him more than ever, stretching its troubling way across his work.
In the current volume James takes on barbarism at a number of levels. Even when he isn't being explicitly political, he tends to be engaged in some subtler variant of the same fight. His essays are almost always out to protect fragile and hard-won standards against rising tides of incompetence and intellectual vandalism. Reviewing a biography of Kingsley Amis, he defends Amis's right to be remembered chiefly as a writer of books, not as a serial breacher of the moral codes of the new puritans. Writing about the critic John Bayley, he applauds Bayley's lifelong refusal to settle for the ready-made pseudo-profundities of literary theory.
And then we have the decline of the English language. In a couple of barnstorming essays on illiteracy in Britain's newspapers, James resoundingly demonstrates that the linguistic barbarians are already well inside the gates. But unlike many a bore who turns grammatical correctness into a fetish, James has grammar in perspective. He knows why it actually matters. Comparing two similar sentences—"At the age of eight, his father died in an accident" and "At the age of eighteen, his father died in an accident"—he puts his finger on the exact point at which rotten grammar makes meaning start to crumble. We can safely deduce that the first sentence is grammatically incorrect, because an eight-year-old boy can't father a son. So we can guess what it's supposed to mean. The second sentence is trickier. We can't know what it's saying—we can't know whether it's the father or the son who's snuffed it—unless we know whether its author grasps the basic laws of grammar. And this is a point on which we can no longer have any confidence. Probably its author doesn't grasp those laws, but we can't be sure even of that. So we have lost, probably forever, a small building block of our civilisation. We had a widely agreed-on set of laws that made the job of understanding each other a little easier, and we lazily let those laws decay.
Is James exaggerating the problem? We might want to remind ourselves of the sort of thing he's up against. I happened, while reading The Revolt of the Pendulum, to come across a review of it published in the online version of Britain's Daily Telegraph. Written by a journalist named Lynn Barber, and fuelled by a scarcely believable blend of malice and ineptitude, it culminates in this would-be zinger:
Predictably, [James] claims to be a stickler for correct English and stickles away about other people's dangling participles and mixed metaphors before, blow me, describing Robert Hughes as "a bit older than I"
What can she mean? Having examined all the alternative possibilities—has she stumbled on evidence that Robert Hughes is in fact younger than Clive James?—one is forced to conclude, gingerly, that she believes she's caught the great man making a grammatical error. She seems to think he should have written "me" instead of "I". But he shouldn't have. He was right, and she is not. The internet has made us familiar enough with this sort of character: the dead-wrong pedant, the blind nitpicker. But here, from a senior journalist in a British broadsheet, is a counterfactual cocksureness that would disgrace a junior blogger.
So James is right. In matters of grammar, the slide into relativism isn't just a notional threat any more. It's already happening. Opinion is all. It's perfectly acceptable to set yourself up as an outspoken authority on grammar without really knowing much about it, because nobody else knows much about it either, including your editors. And it's also okay, by the way, to become a literary critic while harbouring a deep antipathy to books and writers. The kind of criticism practised by James—the kind where the opinion must yield to the fact—is starting to look a little old hat.
In truth, even a literate person would have to get up pretty early to catch Clive James out on a point of grammar. He has always paid careful attention to his language. Sometimes he pays too much attention to it. If he has a small vice as a writer of prose, that's it: now and then he overdoes the verbal brio, so that his words end up driving his meaning. When he calls Lytton Strachey's Eminent Victorians "a meretricious book … in a meritorious tradition", would he be using either word if the other wasn't there? Maybe, but you suspect not. Either way, the sentence has us wondering about James instead of about Strachey. Similarly, when he says that Robert Hughes in his university days "wrote mainly as a sideline, but his sideline ran rings around his contemporaries", does he really think that, or is he just saying it because he wants to put a cliché to startling new use? No doubt he really does think it. But when he indulges his fondness for the hyperextended metaphor, there is always a faint whiff of insincerity about the results.
But all great writers have their moments of weakness, and quite often the weakness is just a strength pushed too far. When James gets his remarkable style in hand, and hitches it to his equally remarkable knack for clear perception, he writes prose that is delectable not just for its richness but for its rightness. Look at this remark on Billy Wilder, made in passing during an essay on saying quotable things: "Judging from his interviews, Wilder noticed everything, but rarely narrowed the focus of his observation to the point where an epigram flared into independent life." It's James's verbal skill—that bracing use of the word flared—that catches the eye. But it's the quality of the insight that wins the admiration of your gut. Try to imagine a neater way of describing how an epigram gets made.
It's also a pretty neat summation of James's own practice as a critic. His essays brim with quotable generalisations, but the generalisations always proceed from a tight focus on a particular thing—a novel, a poem, a biography, a television show. The review is James's ideal form as an essayist. He reviews a book as if writing a poem: by meditating hard on the particular, he arrives at the universal insight. The text is his nightingale. Orwell did things the other way round. A relatively pedestrian book reviewer, he wrote his best essays when ranging free of any single text. But with James, the close reading is the runway on which he gets up speed before launching into the realm of general observation. Deprived of that tarmac, he's less good. One of the few limp pieces in this book is a discussion of contemporary crime fiction, based on a survey of about eight novels. James said far more penetrating things about crime fiction, and popular art, and art in general, in his classic essay "Go Back to the Cold!", written as a review of John le Carré's The Honourable Schoolboy.
James played to his strengths when he wrote his capstone book Cultural Amnesia as a series of discrete essays. Keeping his head down at every point, he let his general theme rise up from those separate engagements like a smoke signal. Several pieces in the present collection are offcuts from that larger work, or things he couldn't find a home for in it. But this is by no means a book of B-sides. One of the things in it, a review of Edward Timms's biography of Karl Kraus, ranks with the best essays James has ever written. In this senior phase of his career, he seems to be able to say searingly quotable things more or less at will. Addressing himself to the case of Kraus, he sends the great observations flying back over his shoulder as if rummaging through a toybox full of gems:
The First World War had confirmed Kraus in his pacifism, but by the time he died he knew that peace, in the face of Hitler, had ceased to be credible as a principle, and could be espoused merely as a desirable state of affairs.
And how about this, on the subject of Kraus's dilemma as an Austrian after the Nazis had come to power in Germany:
His Social Democrat admirers were horrified when he failed to condemn the authoritarianism of Dollfuss, but Kraus was choosing the lesser of two evils: a choice that evil always demands we make, revealing itself in the demand.
Wisdom is an old-fashioned word, but what other word is there for stuff like that? And here James is just a page later, on Kraus's discovery that the Nazis were satire-proof: "He had discovered the limited effectiveness of telling people they are fanatics when they think fanaticism to be a virtue." The man might be in the autumn of his career: but it's that early part of autumn when the leaves turn a hyper-concentrated red, and look richer than they ever have before.
It's true, of course, that James does not always operate at this rarefied level. Elsewhere in this book there are essays on racing drivers, and handbills for James's stage performances, and brief notes on pop songs. (Apparently "Hit Me With Your Rhythm Stick" is his fifth-favourite tune.) Each of these pieces is fine in its own right: James is always able to clear the bar. But the bar isn't always set to the same height. This fact is not really difficult to grasp. In a reasonable world, we wouldn't let our opinion of what James does on the lower rungs alter our view that he is, when at the top of his game, an uncannily good writer. And we might go on, in that reasonable world, to reflect that his ability to do other things too can't possibly make him a less interesting figure, and might just conceivably make him a more interesting one, than the first-rate writer who is content to draw the line at being that and nothing else.
Unfortunately, one of the other things Clive James did was television. That made him a celebrity, and celebrity culture is no place for sober, unfrenzied discrimination. Thus we have had a bizarre scenario in which his reputation as a writer has been at least partly decided by people who either haven't read his books, or have no real business reading them, or have read them with an animus stoked by what he got up to on television. Too often his most serious books have been reviewed by the kind of critic who can't get over the fact that he once hosted shows in which shirtless Japanese men had their nipples roasted with magnifying glasses. To a sad degree this is still the case, especially in Britain. Would a person like Ms Barber be reading a book of essays, let alone reviewing it, if its author wasn't some kind of celebrity? I trust this is just a rhetorical question.
Reluctant to cede any ground to such people, James has always been careful to stress that he lavished as much attention on writing his television shows as on writing his formal prose. Maybe he did. But in an essay on the racing driver Damon Hill, James says something revealing: "Though I pretended, on the soundtrack of the documentary, that I thought of nothing but imminent death, the truth was more complicated."
That lets the cat out of the bag. Writing for television, James was not on oath. He had licence to gloss over complicated truths. But in his essays, there is no pretending. He writes to reveal the truth rather than conceal it, and that rule applies even more firmly to the jokes than it does to the straight observations.
This is not to say that the essays are in some way opposed to the television work. In a deep sense, at the level of James's inspiration, the two things are continuous. Patently, James is a born show-off. Even in his most serious essays, there is always an element of performance, an effort to entertain you with the texture of the prose. If you took that showmanship out of it, his stuff would be like everyone else's. Anyone can write an essay about Karl Kraus that's unreadable. The ability to write one that makes you laugh out loud is a rarer gift. In an age when the average academic writes prose that makes the general reader feel unwelcome, if not repulsed, James has applied himself to the infinitely more taxing task of getting the general reader in. It would take a pretty rancorous critic to condemn him for that.
So let's not run away with the idea that James's television career was some kind of startling departure from his serious work. A man with his array of gifts and urges couldn't not have gone on television. He was driven to it by the same impulse—the impulse to get people in—that makes his literary work so interesting. One can see the same impulse at work today in his lavish enthusiasm for the internet. He might have been forgiven, as an ageing man of letters, for just getting on with the writing, and allowing the next generation to worry about the technology. Instead he has charged into the online bazaar head-first, and built one of its premier highbrow sites.
A couple of asides in this new book suggest that James remains a little ticked off about the effect of his television career on his reputation as a writer. But reputation isn't everything, especially when it's partly determined by clowns. Measured by the less fickle yardstick of its influence, James's television career looks like less of a mistake. How many people came to read James's serious work because they liked what he did on television? I was one of them, and there must be thousands more. And how many of those people, having read James's books, then went on to read the writers he reveres: Primo Levi, Philip Larkin, Nadezhda Mandelstam, Jean-François Revel? Outrageously, there are still critics around who are ready to allege that James, whenever he so much as mentions such a figure, confirms himself as a pretentious dropper of exotic names. But really he is engaged in one of the critic's highest duties: drawing our attention to writers we mightn't otherwise read. Thank God he gets on with that civilised task, while the Brit-crit hacks take their nihilistic little pot-shots, firing away with a sort of shameless ignorance that recalls Oscar Wilde's definition of the cynic: they know the price of everything and the value of nothing.
Perhaps such people are starting to get to him, or perhaps he's just feeling old. But lately a sense of urgency has started to creep into James's work. Somewhere in Cultural Amnesia he worries that he might be starting to sound like the Ancient Mariner, grabbing the elbows of the young and peppering them with gratuitous advice. Well, he needn't worry about that. The advice isn't gratuitous. There are still plenty of people around who don't get his basic political message, which runs something like this: liberal democracy is about the best political system we can hope for; it's fragile, and mustn't be taken for granted; and it must be understood, valued, and defended.
James spent a long time honing this view against the twentieth century's two most lethal forms of totalitarianism. Introducing the current volume, he usefully suggests that we stop regarding Nazism and Soviet communism as radically opposed things—two ends of a spectrum whose mid-point is occupied by liberal democracy. Instead he calls liberal democracy "the breathable atmosphere of a planet", above which "there is an unbreathable stratosphere called extremism, trying to get in". And now, in the twenty-first century, we have a new strain of toxic extremism to add to the mix.
James is the first to concede that this position isn't complicated. But that doesn't make it simplistic. Simplistic is the word for the bien-pensant notion that the terrorists of 9/11 had some kind of point, and that America could have averted the whole thing by being a lot nicer to the world's poor people. That idea, which masquerades as a refined political insight, is actually the intellectual equivalent of a Happy Meal: it costs you nothing in the way of time or effort or thought; and the closer you look at it, the harder it is to swallow. Really it's every bit as crass as the opposite belief, the school-of-Fox-News notion that America is the world's lone beacon of decency.
James, on the other hand, brings to the question of Islamic terrorism a genuine worldview, and a deep—as opposed to a cartoonish—understanding of history. He knows exactly what to say to those daring masters of paradox who allow themselves to hint that it might be America and her allies, rather than our medieval enemies, who are the true barbarians of the current scene.
One such provocateur, apparently, is Edward Timms, biographer of Karl Kraus. When Timms tries to draft Kraus, posthumously, into the ranks of today's soft-on-terror Left, James gives him a richly merited drubbing:
Kraus, whom Timms tacitly invites to join in the widespread practice of putting jokey quotation marks around the phrase "war on terror", might have pointed out that the quotation marks are a cliché in themselves, helping as they do to disguise a brute reality: terrorists are at war with us, and don't care who they kill. The reason terrorists don't use those risible cosmetic terms of ours such as "collateral damage" is that they not only have no intention of sparing the innocent, they have no more desirable target in mind.
To Timms's suggestion that America's recent interventions in the Middle East were lubricated by "propaganda for war", James offers a briefer response. "The phrase is of Timms's coinage, and rings like pewter." Note the placement of the comma: it marks, like a musical rest, that quivering moment when the master's cane, at the apex of its swing, is just held there, cruelly suspended, before making its brisk descent.
"The terrorist can talk a pure language," says James. "It's purely violent, but still pure. His opponent is bound to equivocate, and sound silly doing so." Analysis as cool and right as this—and it keeps on coming—reconfirms the point that James's wit, as much as we enjoy it, is not his central asset as a critic. The wit is just the most visible offshoot of his core virtue, which is his ability to talk pure sense on subjects about which most people seem to feel compelled to talk pure nonsense. In an increasingly perverse intellectual world, we go to him for the same quality we go to any great critic for. We go to him for his sanity.
And it is a perverse world. It's a world in which Clive James is still widely regarded as some sort of roly-poly television gagster, while a man like Noam Chomksy is spoken of, in tones of awe, as a major political thinker. Recently, and absurdly, Chomsky was voted the world's greatest public intellectual. What do people think an intellectual is? When the planes took down the Twin Towers, Chomsky's response was to take his pet thesis—the one about the USA being solely responsible for all the world's ills—for a perfunctory walk around the block. Gore Vidal engaged in murky talk about the complicity of the "Bush junta". The late Norman Mailer didn't acquit himself much better. Christopher Hitchens, horrified by the Left's unseemly scramble to bury its collective head in the sand, had the integrity to defect, spectacularly, from its ranks.
But the position he moved towards was occupied by Clive James already. He had been there all along. A seasoned analyst of totalitarianism and its Western apologists, he was well positioned to recognise a slavering resurgence of barbarism when he saw it, and to provide analysis of it as piercing as the stuff above.
People who like their intellectuals all dark and complicated might complain that James has never really, over the course of his writing career, altered his political views. But reality hasn't yet obliged him to. His empirical belief in the supreme value of liberal democracy has been standing there for years, exposed to the weather of history, waiting to be disproved; but the evidence for its rightness just keeps rolling in. You could scarcely say—could you?—that 9/11 made liberal democracy look suddenly less attractive than the woman-loathing, gay-lynching, death-worshipping terror state dreamed of by the hijackers. Well, quite a few of our public intellectuals, if they did not say precisely that, were at any rate ready to suggest that both kinds of society were basically as bad as each other, or that the difference between them was purely a matter of cultural taste.
At such sages James aims a douche of truth. He doesn't overstate the threat of terrorism; but he doesn't understate it either. He makes the elementary point that the terrorists don't just murder Westerners—they murder moderate Muslims too. And he stresses that moderate Muslims outnumber immoderate ones by a huge margin. In other words, he submits himself to reality and tries to understand the nature of it, then offers conclusions about it that accord with the evidence of an intelligent reader's senses. That is what an intellectual does. But people seem to want something more dramatic from their intellectuals than that. They seem to think that an intellectual should be some kind of white-knuckled rider at the gates of dawn, daringly giving the US government what for, extending a fist of solidarity to the little man with the rocket-propelled grenade, tirelessly seeking out ever more elaborate ways of telling you, in utterly humourless prose, that black is white.
Watching Chomsky refuse to submit himself to a glaringly obvious fact is like watching a teenaged girl going to insane lengths to get out of doing a simple household chore. Can facing up to the blatantly ineluctable really be so bad? Is getting out of it really worth such a shameless and rococo display of bad faith? It can be, if you have an ideology to protect. James doesn't. He has always been temperamentally averse to the Big Idea. There is nothing between him and the evidence except his small but penetrating eyes.
Not long ago I took a walk across the Sydney Harbour Bridge. I did it to clear my head. It didn't work. Instead I found myself assailed by images from Unreliable Memoirs—as if James, with all his vivid remembrances of Sydney's past, had made swathes of the city his for all time. Looking over at the road, I could almost see the wreck of a car—was it Bruce Beresford's?—into which James and his winkle-pickered mates used to cram on a Saturday night before driving over to crash parties on the North Shore. It takes a major writer to get into your head like that. When Clive James evokes something, it stays evoked. In that marvellous first volume of memoirs—what self-respecting Australian household doesn't own a copy?—he took literary ownership of a whole glittering chunk of our history.
But we can't praise James's ability to evoke Australia as it was then without raising a ticklish question. How good is he on Australia as it is now? The answer, I fear, is that he's not as good on it as he is on other things. I hope I can say this without reviving the boring and tiny-minded idea that expatriates have no right to talk about Australian affairs. Of course they have a right to. Some of them, including James, are among our greatest elders. We'd be foolish not to listen to their views. For one thing, they have a perspective on Australia that we don't have. But it's a long perspective; and some of the place's finer details are bound, when viewed from that distance, to go a bit blurry. The expatriate commentator who doesn't remember this runs the risk of stubbing his toes—or her toes—on pesky little outcrops of reality. There are things about a country you can only see by being on the ground.
There are certain facts, for example, that Clive James may no longer know about the rissole. As an object, the rissole has made great strides since he left these shores. Moroccan-inspired elements have infused it at the deepest conceptual level. Not long ago, in Woolworths, I saw a six-pack of rissoles composed of lamb, cheese and honey.
Perhaps as a result of such developments, it has now been a long time—bordering on forever—since rissole has been in common use as a verb. Likewise, James is wrong to suggest that quids in is something that Australians say. We may have said it once, but we don't any more. We don't say dollars in either.
On the subject of contemporary Australia, James the empirical critic isn't always in full possession of the facts. Maybe it's a case of the empiricist getting elbowed aside by the expatriate. The expatriate sees the country's past with extra sharpness, because he's left it behind in two ways. Does the vividness of those memories give him an inflated sense of his ability to see the country as it is now? Whatever the reason, James does tend to sound, when talking about Australian politics, uncharacteristically shaky, uncharacteristically glib. To call Kevin Rudd's hairdo a comb-over—twice—would be trivial even if it was true. Can't a man opt for simple side part any more?
And then we have the book's title, which hails—as James explains in his introduction—from the aftermath of the 2007 election, the one in which Rudd defeated Howard: "A Liberal Party politician said that the change had not been a landslide victory for the incoming party. He said that it was just 'the revolt of the pendulum'."
No doubt James was right to seize on this phrase as a potent symbol for democratic politics. But what Liberal politician said it? Was he really a Liberal at all? The blogger Tim Blair, in a real-time post written on election night, ascribed the same remark to Wayne Swan, and I doubt Blair was in error. I suppose it's always possible that a Liberal Party figure used the phrase later, quoting Swan. But considering that James doesn't name the Liberal author of the remark, one gets the sinking feeling that he just might, owing to some trick of memory or slip of note-taking, have misidentified Wayne Swan as a Liberal. I may well be wrong about that. And even if I'm right, it's a comparatively trivial point. But there's a larger point lurking behind it. No domestic journalist, however abject a hack, would ever mistake Wayne Swan for a Liberal. But an expatriate commentator, even a very insightful one, just might. The domestic commentator is soaked in the day-to-day political happenings of the country. The expatriate commentator isn't. This doesn't disqualify the expatriate from expressing a view. But it does mean he has to be doubly careful about getting his facts straight. Playing on an away pitch, he would be wise to treat the crowd to a cagier, less attacking brand of his game than normal.
But that isn't James's style—a point that becomes annoyingly salient when he bangs on about the result of the republic referendum. An avowed monarchist, he just can't leave the matter alone. He's a sore winner. Writing about the staunch republican Robert Hughes, he suggests that Hughes "doesn't necessarily sense the Australian electorate's reluctance to countenance any measure that might divert power towards an oligarchy". Then he takes an almost identical jab at another republican, the late Jim McClelland.
I don't know how much of the referendum campaign James was physically present for, but I was present for all of it, and I don't recall the word oligarchy getting bandied around that much. As I remember it, people objected to the republicans' proposed model for a number of different reasons, not all of which can be held up as evidence of the polity's bluff good sense. Some people thought the model was too republican, and others thought it wasn't republican enough. Some people seemed to think both things at the same time. Some people deemed politicians, as a class, far too shifty and contemptible to be trusted with the job of selecting a president—and therefore clamoured for the right to vote directly for presidential candidates who would be, by definition, politicians. Some people thought that a president of any stripe might creep up behind the prime minister, knock him out with a spanner, throw him in a tank full of sharks, and take over the country with a manic cackle. Put together, such people outvoted the large minority of the electorate that approved of the model.
No, the whole thing is too fresh in the memory to be disposed of with a few isolated one-liners. In any case, what does James's crack about oligarchy mean? Does he think that a republic per se would open the door to oligarchy; or is he just talking about the particular republican model we voted on? If he means the first thing, why? If he means the second thing, why isn't he in favour of a directly elected president? If he respects the verdict of the Australian people so solemnly, you'd think he'd trust us to elect the right person. Either he should write a long essay in which these questions get properly answered, or he should let the matter drop. I'd prefer the latter. He may not sense it from over there, but over here the issue is dead in the water. Prodding the corpse does nothing except release a foul build-up of gas.
Some overzealous republican, you suspect, must have got under his skin by questioning his patriotism. It's hard to think of another topic on which he is so intemperate. Usually he does a lot more than just judge; he also registers and preserves the texture of what's in front of him. When he's on song he's a kind of real-time historian, writing a richly textured history on the fly. If you want to time-travel to Britain in the 1970s, get hold of one of his books of television criticism. They teem with the stiff-haired, polo-necked figures of the era: Barbara Woodhouse, Uri Geller, Maggie Thatcher, David Frost. There's an essay in the current book that proves he's still capable of that sort of chronicling. A British politician gets himself into trouble by making a hectoring speech on television. James, the television veteran, guesses that the guy was probably shouting to make himself heard over a jabbering crowd. When the speech went to air the crowd noise was filtered out, so that he ended up just sounding shrill.
This has an authoritative ring that James's pronouncements on Australian politics tend to lack. To write something like that, you don't just need experience and sharp perception. You need to be immersed in a country's politics. And probably you can be immersed in the politics of just one country at a time: the country you live in, read the papers in, watch television in, catch trains in. For the moment, in James's case, that country is Britain, not Australia.
Somewhere in Cultural Amnesia, James makes a rare and touching slip. He advises the reader to type a particular writer's name into Google and consult an entry on the fifth page of the results. Probably James knows by now what he didn't know then: that Google results are a moveable feast, an ever-changing organism. To expect an item to stay put on the fifth page of a search result is like expecting a Coke can to stay floating at precisely the same spot in a river. Vast as his learning is, there is still the odd thing that Clive James doesn't know. But in the moment of vulnerability the real man stands exposed, and our affection for him can only grow. Watching him play in the huge schoolyard of the internet, we get a sense of what he must have been like as a boy. Here he is at seventy, still the Kid from Kogarah, still launching himself after new things, still Googling, still fighting, still ready to learn, still ready to teach those who are still ready to listen.
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Take the airport bus line 12 or 21 to Diamant, then take tram 7 (destination Vanderkindere) or 25 (destination Boondael Gare) from there (see next section). The airport bus line ticket costs 4.50 Euros if you buy it from a GO vending machine, or 6 Euros if you buy it on the bus. The ticket can also be reused for the connection with tram 25, or any other connection within one hour.
Another more expensive option (8.50 Euros + bus fare) is to take the train to the Central Station, then take bus 71 towards Delta (see next section). Alternatively, you can take the train to the North station then take tram 25.
Get a combined bus and train ticket to Brussels. Take bus A to the Charleroi-Sud station, then take the train to Bruxelles-Central. Then, take bus 71 destination Delta (see next section). You can also take the city shuttle from the airport to the Brussels South Station (Bruxelles-Midi) then follow the instructions in the next section to get to the conference venue from there. Both options take about an hour to get from Charleroi to Brussels and cost around 14 Euros.
Take bus 71, destination Delta. Get off at the stop Buyl (see map) and walk about 500 meters to the campus.
Take the underground, line 2, destination Elisabeth. Get off at the station Louise. Take tram 94, destination Musée du Tram, to the ULB. Get off at the stop ULB. Alternatively, get off the metro at the station Porte de Namur, then take bus 71, destination Delta, get off at the stop Buyl (see map) and walk about 500 meters to the campus.
Trams 94 and 25 and bus 72 have a stop (ULB) just next to the campus. The stops Cambre-Etoile of tram 7 and Buyl of bus 71 are a ten-minute walk from the campus (see map). You can plan your public transport trip on Google Maps by selecting public transit in the directions options.
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ディジタル・シルクロード > 東洋文庫アーカイブ > VIII-5-B2-9 > V-1 > カラー画像
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Serindia : vol.1
セリンディア : vol.1
Sec. iii] UDYANA IN CHINESE RECORDS OF TANG TIMES
and this makes it at present more difficult to determine where the convent of the ` Serpent medicine' and the neighbouring great Stüpa of Su-mo are to be exactly located. They were both believed to have been erected at places where Buddha in a previous birth as I ndra had changed himself into a serpent and allowed pieces of his body to be eaten in order that the people suffering from famine and pestilence might be cured. The much-decayed mounds of Saj5ar and Andân-dheri, in which Colonel Deane had thought to recognize remains of these structures, lie close to the point where the route to Bajaur, and with it the present military road to Chitral, turns sharply west towards the Katgala Pass. I had paid them a visit at the close of 1896, and ascertained then that the supposed name of Süma was not known locally. For excavation, which alone could help definitely to settle the question as to the identity of the remains, there was no time on my rapid passage of 1906.
To the north of the valley, and by the side of a steep cliff, the Hsi-pi-chi mentions a Stüpa near a healing spring which Buddha, in a previous birth as a king of peacocks, was believed to have pecked open with his beak. Colonel Deane has suggested the location of this site at the village Gudai-khwar, high up on the steep slope of the Laram Mountain, and some ten miles to the north of Chakdara, where an abundant spring was reopened in recent times under rather remarkable circumstances. The visit I paid to this spot at the end of 1897 makes me inclined to accept this identification as probable, even though I failed to find remains of a Stüpa above ground, or the traces of the peacock's feet which pious Buddhists' eyes used to see on the rock.20
The only sacred locality in H süan-tsang's narrative still calling for mention is the ` dragon lake ' on the mountain called Lan-o-lo. A legend related at great length connected it with an exiled Sakya who married the dragon or Naga's daughter, and became the founder of the royal house of Udyana. The direction indicated, a hundred and forty or a hundred and fifty li to the north-west of a sanctuary which itself must be looked for within a distance of four or five miles north of Manglaur, makes it appear probable that the lake of Saidgai is meant, which information collected by Colonel Deane places at the head of the Aushiri Valley draining into the Panjkôra from the north-east near Darôra.21 This mountain tract between the Upper Swat River and the Panjkôra still remains unsurveyed, and I am hence unable to add details to the arguments adduced by Colonel Deane for his very tempting identification.
The only other Chinese pilgrim whose visit to Udyâna is detailed in the records so far made accessible, is Wu-kung. The travels of this humble successor of Hsüan-tsang (A.D. 751-79o) fall into a period when Chinese influence in the ` Western Regions ' was rapidly waning, and he must have been one of the last pious travellers to make his way to the Indian North-West through Central Asia. Though he appears to have spent a very considerable portion of his long Indian residence in Gandhâra and the neighbouring Udyâna, his notices here as elsewhere are meagre. But his record of the route by which he travelled from Kashgar to Udyâna, brief as it is, presents points of interest.22 He was attached to a Chinese envoy, dispatched to the ruler of Chi-pin (i. e. the Kabul Valley and Gandhara) in response to a mission thence which had reached the Imperial court in A.D. 75o, and he travelled thus across the Ts`ung-ling Mountains, or the Pamirs, to the territory of the ` Five Ch`ih-ni or Shih-ni'. This corresponds, as a passage of the Tang Annals quoted by M. Chavannes proves, to the present Shighnan on the Oxus.23 Hence the party proceeded through
Hsüantsang's dragon lake'.
Wu-k'ung's journey to Udyana.
40 See Deane, loc. cil., pp. 658 sq. The large stone bowl with which the mouth of the spring is there stated to have been closed before its rediscovery, and which now serves for a flower bed in the garden of Government House, Lahore, certainly belonged to some Buddhist Stûpa ; cf. Foucher, L'Art du Gandha'ra, p. 186, note 2.
" Cf. Deane, loc. cil., J.R.A.S., 1896, p. 661. The lake
is said to be more than a mile in length. The popular belief in ` Jins ' constantly seen on the banks of the lake points plainly to the survival of the old local tradition.
22 See Chavannes and Lévi, Ilineraire 'Ou-k`ong, J. as., 1895, pp. 9 sqq. (reprint).
" Cf. ibidem, p. 10, note 3; Chavannes, Turcs occid., p. 162, note 4.
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Our gold ribbon hanging charms are perfect for putting on your dog or cat's collar so they too can show their support for pediatric cancer awareness. Each childhood cancer awareness hanging charm has a hook to attach to your purse or pet's collar. Gold ribbon awareness purse hooks are a great item to sell at a ladies' luncheon.


Japan has four distinct seasons, allowing travelers to enjoy the changing beauty of nature with each season. On top of that, a variety of traditional events are held in each season, such as the nationally celebrated festival Hina-matsurior Girl's Day (held on March 3 to bless the healthy growth of girls, families decorate and display special dolls and enjoy beautifully hued seasonal foods) and Tango-no-sekku(held on May 5, it was originally a festival for boys to celebrate their healthy growth but it is now called Children's Day and has become a national holiday; families with boys fly carp-shaped streamers called koi-noboriand display dolls of famous warriors). In addition to these festivals, special events evolving historically according to local culture and natural setting are held throughout the year in the different regions and districts of Japan. Visitors can enjoy a wide range of events related to the seasons, from festivals celebrating the coming of a new season or giving thanks or praying for an abundant harvest to seasonal festivals and events related to Shinto or the appreciation of nature.
Although the climate is quite different between Hokkaido, the northernmost point in Japan, and Okinawa, the southernmost point, most of Japan is situated in a temperate zone. Before the summer season, there is also a rainy season that lasts for around one month. Certainly one of the attractive features of Japan is the varicolored expression of nature produced by Japan's changing seasons.
Expo 2005 is being held from 3/25 to 9/25 so you can enjoy all three seasons, spring, summer, and fall.
The blossoming of plum trees heralds the end of winter in Japan. White-blossom plum trees with their snowy white pedals and red blossom plum trees with their red blossoms are popular trees for bonsai, the art of planting trees in pots and reshaping their natural forms. Following the plum blossoms, the blossoming of the cherry trees is the sign of the full-fledged arrival of spring. Japanese people are famous for their love of cherry blossoms, and there are rows of cherry trees along streets or cherry tree parks in all areas of Japan. As the weather warms up from the south, the so-called sakura zensen, "the cherry blossom front," moves northward up the Japanese archipelago, and Japanese people greatly enjoy holding festivals celebrating the beauty of cherry blossoms in full bloom and parties called hanami(cherry blossom viewing).
Clothing: light coats or jackets, light sweaters.
Summer in Japan begins after a month-long rainy season. Although the humidity rises during the rainy season, the days can still be surprisingly chilly, so a light jacket is recommended. The rainy season is of course a necessity and a boon for Japan's agricultural products. When the rainy season ends and the real summer season begins, the temperature and humidity in Japan rise considerably, except for the northern areas and mountainous regions. Schools begin their one- to two-month-long summer vacations, and families go out to the beaches to enjoy marine sports or to highland resorts to escape the heat. During the summer, a number of different festivals are held throughout the country, and many overseas visitors come to Japan to see them.
Clothing: short-sleeve shirts, one-piece summer dresses, T-shirts, light slip-ons (air-conditioning can get strong in urban hotels, restaurants, trains, and other places).
After the end of the heat and humidity of summer, autumn, with its refreshing breezes, begins. September experiences a relatively large amount of rainfall, but from October the days are very clear. There are also many festivals throughout Japan during autumn, and numerous traditional annual events celebrating and giving thanks for a successful agricultural harvest are held in most regions. Autumn is also the season for the beautiful changing of the color of leaves in Japan. With the many very picturesque spots easily found in any area, visitors can thoroughly enjoy the gorgeous scenery that nature unveils in its valleys, parks, and gardens in autumn every year. Taking in and appreciating these scenes is called momiji-gari, an "excursion for viewing the scarlet maple leaves." On top of this, autumn in Japan is also the season for enjoying delicious fruits like grapes and peaches and seasonal products and flavors like chestnuts and matsutakemushrooms.
Clothing: light jackets, light sweaters.
The temperature in the plains areas on the Pacific Ocean side of Japan rarely falls below freezing. The air is quite dry, and there are many continuous days of clear, bright skies. On the other hand, the regions in northern and central Japan facing the Japan Sea and Hokkaido see considerable snow, which provides many scenic areas for winter sports like skiing and snowboarding. The weather in Okinawa and other southernmost areas is warm even in winter, and heavy coats are unnecessary for visitors there.
Clothing: overcoats, sweaters, gloves, boots.
*Please note that there can be considerable differences in temperature from region to region.


Orora expands its Point of Purchase geographic footprint in the US by acquiring The Register Print Group.
Orora Limited (ASX:ORA) announced today that it has signed a definitive agreement to acquire The Register Print Group ("Register") for US$44.0 million (approximately A$59 million). The acquisition represents a multiple of 5.8 times last 12 months EBITDA. In addition Orora has agreed to reimburse the vendors for recent growth capital investments totalling US$3.0 million. The transaction is expected to complete in January 2017.
Register is a full service provider of point of purchase (POP) retail display solutions to blue-chip retailers and brand owners in the US. The business has long standing customer relationships with large corporate clients mainly across the consumer and technology sectors (including telecoms, retail, beverage and cosmetics). Consistent with Orora's total packaging solutions business model, Register services the full POP value chain – providing customers with concept development, design, high quality/digital printing on multi substrates, manufacture and fulfilment services.
Established for over 40 years and family owned, Register is located in Clifton, New Jersey, where it is a leading provider of POP in the Northeast of the USA. This location expands Orora's current POP footprint and augments its ability to service multi-location customers. With a high quality, established management team and employing approximately 100 team members, Register increases the depth of talent to drive Orora's POP growth strategy.
"Register's creative, design led approach complements Orora's total packaging solutions capability, and I look forward to welcoming Register's team members to the business," said Mr Garrard.
Conference call - Orora is hosting a conference call for investors and analysts at 10:30am today. The audio cast will be available on the Orora website, www.ororagroup.com, within 24 hours.


(Springfield, IL) — January 8, 2010. Pharmacies, nursing homes and other medical institutions that provide Medicaid services in Illinois are seeing an increase in wait time for payments from the state.
In past years, 45 business days was the maximum time period a Medicaid provider had to wait for state reimbursement, but now it can take up to 92 business days, or over 4 months, according to Comptroller Dan Hynes office. Even with time extended, however, many providers still do not receive their payments on time.
Denver Bitner, president of the Lutheran Social Services of Illinois said the agency is in serious financial trouble because of late payments.
While they have not been forced to shut their doors, Bitner said he has heard of other agencies that went under because of a lack of reimbursements for services provided.
Pharmacies throughout Illinois have to adjust their financial plans because of the change in the state's payments.
Mike Minesinger is the owner of Alwan Pharmacy in Peoria and 53 percent of his customers are under Medicaid. Instead of investing in his business, Minesinger said, he must make sure he keeps enough funds in savings to get by until the state reimburses him.
Minesinger's pharmacy falls under a "hardship" policy where his payments from the state are expedited faster because he has more patients using his pharmacy than most. Still, he said, it takes him 60 days to get a reimbursed for services provided.
Another Peoria area pharmacy owner, David Newell, said his business, Hometown Pharmacy, is experiencing the opposite of Minesinger.
He said to about 10 percent of his customers are Medicaid patients and he is getting payments faster than he did in past years. He said he may be an exception due to his low volume of Medicaid services.
Both Minesinger and Bitner said Gov. Pat Quinn's plan for short-term borrowing and finding a solution for long-term payments would have been the right steps toward getting more money for their services, but Hynes refused to sign off on more short-term borrowing.
"[Quinn] was able to get the budget passed, but it was not at a significant level to take care of the bills and to prevent further bills from coming up," Minesinger said.


text:
/* -*- Mode: C++; tab-width: 8; indent-tabs-mode: nil; c-basic-offset: 2 -*- */
/* vim: set sw=2 ts=8 et tw=80 : */
/* This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
 * License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
 * file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/. */

#ifndef mozilla_layers_AxisPhysicsModel_h
#define mozilla_layers_AxisPhysicsModel_h

#include "AxisPhysicsModel.h"
#include <sys/types.h>                  // for int32_t
#include "mozilla/TimeStamp.h"          // for TimeDuration

namespace mozilla {
namespace layers {

/**
 * AxisPhysicsModel encapsulates a generic 1-dimensional physically-based motion
 * model.
 *
 * It performs frame-rate independent interpolation and RK4 integration for
 * smooth animation with stable, deterministic behavior.
 * Implementations are expected to subclass and override the Acceleration()
 * method.
 */
class AxisPhysicsModel {
public:
  AxisPhysicsModel(double aInitialPosition, double aInitialVelocity);
  ~AxisPhysicsModel();

  /**
   * Advance the physics simulation.
   * |aDelta| is the time since the last sample.
   */
  void Simulate(const TimeDuration& aDeltaTime);

  /**
   * Gets the raw velocity of this axis at this moment.
   */
  double GetVelocity();

  /**
   * Sets the raw velocity of this axis at this moment.
   */
  void SetVelocity(double aVelocity);

  /**
   * Gets the raw position of this axis at this moment.
   */
  double GetPosition();

  /**
   * Sets the raw position of this axis at this moment.
   */
  void SetPosition(double aPosition);

protected:

  struct State
  {
    State(double ap, double av) : p(ap), v(av) {};
    double p; // Position
    double v; // Velocity
  };

  struct Derivative
  {
    Derivative() : dp(0.0), dv(0.0) {};
    Derivative(double aDp, double aDv) : dp(aDp), dv(aDv) {};
    double dp; // dp / delta time = Position
    double dv; // dv / delta time = Velocity
  };

  /**
   * Acceleration must be overridden and return the number of
   * axis-position-units / second that should be added or removed from the
   * velocity.
   */
  virtual double Acceleration(const State &aState) = 0;

private:

  /**
   * Duration of fixed delta time step (seconds)
   */
  static const double kFixedTimestep;

  /**
   * 0.0 - 1.0 value indicating progress between current and next simulation
   * sample.  Normalized to units of kFixedTimestep duration.
   */
  double mProgress;

  /**
   * Sample of simulation state as it existed
   * (1.0 - mProgress) * kFixedTimestep seconds in the past.
   */
  State mPrevState;

  /**
   * Sample of simulation state as it will be in mProgress * kFixedTimestep
   * seconds in the future.
   */
  State mNextState;

  /**
   * Perform RK4 (Runge-Kutta method) Integration to calculate the next
   * simulation sample.
   */
  void Integrate(double aDeltaTime);

  /**
   * Apply delta velocity and position represented by aDerivative over
   * aDeltaTime seconds, calculate new acceleration, and return new deltas.
   */
  Derivative Evaluate(const State &aInitState, double aDeltaTime,
                      const Derivative &aDerivative);

  /**
   * Helper function for performing linear interpolation (lerp) of double's
   */
  static double LinearInterpolate(double aV1, double aV2, double aBlend);

};

}
}

#endif

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Tyson's Corner is an unincorporated community in Fairfax County, Virginia. The houses here are as varied as its residents and restaurants. This neighborhood is more than its mall and office parks, but allows easy access to Arlington and Washington, DC and eventually Dulles Airport with its new Silver Metro line.
Tyson's Corner is roughly restricted by Electric Avenue to the south, Westwood Country Club and a portion of Wolftrap Creek to the west, the Dulles Access Road to the north, and Route 650 to the east. This census-designated place is between the community of McLean and the town of Vienna. Falls Church and later downtown Arlington are further out towards the southeast, Dunn Loring, West Falls Church, Merrifield, and Mantua are to the south, and Odrick's Corner and finally the Potomac River are to the north.
Originally named Peach Grove, this area received the designation Tyson's Crossroads after the Civil War. After the war, Lawrence Foster sold a tract of his land to William Tyson. Tyson, a Maryland native, served as a postmaster of the now discontinued Peach Grove Post Office. As recently as the 1950's, Tyson's Corner was a quiet, rural intersection with a few small stores. In 1963, the Tyson's area moved from a country crossroads to a giant commercial urban area with the advantage of awarding contracts at the interchange of Route 123 and Route 7. One of the most important additions at the time was Tyson's Corner Center.
Depending on where you decide to commute from, you might be closer to one station then the other. Towards the west is Spring Hill located on its namesake Road, south near the Pike Plaza is the Greensboro Metro station. Across the street from its center, Tyson's Corner dominates most of the traffic, while further east is the McLean station. All four stations run on the Silver line and easily connect Tyson's by rail with Reston, Arlington, and Washington, DC. Further extension of the line west to Washington Dulles International Airport is projected for completion in 2018.
Keep close attention to the housing options in Tyson's Corner. Although there aren't many housing developments in some areas, there are plenty spattered around Tyson's Corner Center. Branching out of the center you can find some single-family homes, a couple of new high-end developments beyond Route 267, and more quiet streets lined with row houses, and split-level homes near the south.
Tyson's Corner Center is a massive mall that opened in 1968, becoming one of the first fully enclosed, climate-controlled shopping malls in the Washington metropolitan area. The premises are completed with 3 levels featuring 300 plus stores, eateries, a cinema, and an elevated outdoor plaza. Some anchors of the mall include Bloomingdale's, Lord & Taylor, L.L. Bean, Macy's, Microsoft, American Girl, and Apple—the first one built in the world. A few of the restaurants located within the center are Seasons 52, Brio Tuscan Grille, Gordon Biersch, California Pizza Kitchen, and Wasabi.
Tyson's Galleria is an overlooked, upscale three-level mall located across the street from Tyson's Corner Center. This shopping mall features high-end boutiques and department stores, plus dining options. However, if you're looking for dining options beyond the mall check out Chef Geoff's Tyson Corner. This consistently good mini-chain is reasonably pricy but offers a delicious bacon bar with some upscale dishes like the Madras Curry Chicken and the Jumbo Lump Crabcake. A wonderfully hidden gem of Tyson's is Shamshiry, located on Westwood Center Drive. This Middle Eastern restaurant is tucked away in an office park and produces some of the best Iranian cuisine in the area with classics like barg kebabs and the fluffiest of rice dishes with naan.
Tyson's Corner offers a small amount of acres set aside for parks and other recreational activities. However, hovering on the northwestern edge of the neighborhood is Wolf Trap. This parks partnership between the National Park Service and the non-profit Wolf Trap Foundation for the Performing Arts allows offers of both natural and cultural resources. Its 7,000-seat theater is its main tourist attraction as it produces performing arts, orchestras, live music, and other events. The park also features kid-friendly shows at the Children's Theatre in the Woods, and adjacent to that is Meadow Pavilion. There are also tour guides by rangers, hikes, summer programs, and junior ranger days.
Westwood Country Club is located on Maple Avenue and separates Tyson's from Vienna. This fabulous golf course provides a driving range, chipping and putting greens, a pool, tennis courts, banquet facilities, steam rooms, dining rooms, and a ballroom great for special events like reunions and weddings. Some urban parks located throughout the area include Raglan Road Park, Wildwood Park, Heritage Resource Park, Springlake Park, and Freedom Hill Park.
Tyson's Corner is a historic area tucked away between Vienna and Arlington. Its known for its mall and office parks, but its recent, radical change from car centric to pedestrian friendly city allows a terrific balance for homeowners to consider when looking into real estate in Northern Virginia.
What does the most expensive home in Tysons Corner, VA look like?
The number of Tysons Corner, VA homes listed for sale. Lower inventory favors sellers in negotiations.
The number of homes listed for sale in Tysons Corner, VA divided by the number of homes sold in one month. Higher inventory favors buyers.
Ratio of homes in Tysons Corner, VA listed for sale versus those under contract. The lower the number, the hotter the market.
Shows a comparison between the final sales price of homes sold in Tysons Corner, VA versus their list price.
Average days from Listing Date to Sold Date for Tysons Corner, VA homes that sold in the past 90 days.


Oh and btw, I really like the blog. The videos are great – very informative and it's nice to see some of the stuff I've been looking at in action. It's often hard to tell all the details just by seeing a photo on a website.
I actually had the MB ULDI jacket before the Parka and it was a nice jacket (plus, it was black!) but I decided to trade it in on the parka. I myself like the hood, especially for using with quilts. But, I couldn't justify keeping the jacket and the parka, so I chose the parka in the end. I would like to try a vest though… I think that layering a vest with my current layering system would give me that little extra bump to get to around 0 F comfortably… If you are interested in vest's though, just a thought, you may want to get in touch with Ben at GooseFeet Gear since he can also do vests. As well, Luke from Luke's UltraLite also sells a vest on his site, and if you contact him he may do a little extra down or something in it.
Anyway, thanks for stopping by and commenting, I appreciate the support!
Hey Stick, I agree about not hiking in down. I am actually trying to decide between those exact 2 jackets. I think I will go with the UL down jacket – I'm just not a big fan of hoods, they just feel bulky somehow (to me at least). I sleep in a hammock and have a great 20 degree UQ and TQ set up and paired with the UL down jacket, it should keep me quite warm when hiking/camping.
I was mainly wondering the temp thing as I was thinking about everyday type wear in the winter. I have a great vest that I have worn last few winters but after dropping some weight, I feel like the Michelin man in it. After your comment about the warmth of the Alpine, I think I will try the Alpine vest instead for everyday wear.
Awesome! Thanks for the review. Temp wise, how low would you take the jacket/parka? Of course I realize that this is very subjective based on personal temp tolerance, just curious.
With the rest of my clothing, this parka is easily good for me down to 10 F, at camp of course. There is no way that I could hike in down! Also, I do have the MB Alpine Light Down Parka too, and let me just say, I will not be carrying it on a BP trip, that thing is way warm and way more than I need for here where I am at!


text:
VALDES, CARMEN, R. (IZQUIERDO)
Carmen (Izquierdo) Valdes died Tuesday, (July 26, 2005) at Manchester Memorial Hospital. Carmen went from the loving arms of her daughter Ana into the loving arms of the Lord after a wonderful life and lengthy illnesses. Carmen was born in Cuba 92 years ago and emigrated from there with Ana to the United States in 1981 after the death of Carmen's husband, Osvaldo. Her son Angelo Valdes, her grandson Eric Valdescaro and his wife, Teresa, and their two children Erica and Thomas (Carmen's great-grandchildren) survive her. In addition, Eric's mother, Concepcion Pantoja, Carmen's sister, Esperanza, wife of Humberto Muniz, of Miami, FL, and niece, Sonia, wife of Larry Cowles of South Windsor, mourn her loss. She will be extremely missed by her devoted son-in-law, Al Bauer, with whom she and Ana lived, and many in the community. Carmen was an active member of St. Francis of Assisi Church, South Windsor as a member of the Ladies Guild and communicant. She enjoyed going to the Officers' Club of Connecticut and being entertained by the many kind members who came to her table to visit her. Occasional trips to the ocean at Mystic and Newport provided the sea atmosphere that she missed from her many years in Cuba. Family and friends may gather, Saturday, 9:15 a.m., at the Samsel & Carmon Funeral Home, 419 Buckland Road, South Windsor, followed by a Mass of Christian Burial, 10 a.m., in St. Francis of Assisi Church. Burial will follow in Wapping Cemetery, South Windsor. Her family will receive friends, Friday from 6-8 p.m., at the funeral home. In lieu of flowers, the family requests that donations in her memory be made to the St. Francis of Assisi Church Building Fund, 673 Ellington Road, South Windsor, CT 06074.


text:
Report: Wizards Trade Dwight Howard to Grizzlies for C.J. Miles
The Grizzlies are reportedly planning to waive Howard.
The Washington Wizards have traded Dwight Howard to the Memphis Grizzlies for C.J. Miles, The Athletic's Shams Charania reported on Friday.
According to The Athletic's David Aldridge, the Grizzlies are planning to waive Howard in addition to veteran guard Avery Bradley, whose $12.9 million salary would have been guaranteed Thursday.
Howard, an eight-time All-Star and former All-NBA center, played just nine games for the Wizards last season after signing with the team on a two-year, $10.9 million deal after being bought out by the Charlotte Hornets.
Howard's season ended when he underwent spinal surgery at the end of November. He averaged 12.8 points and 9.2 rebounds per game during his time with the Wizards.
Howard averaged 16.6 points and 12.5 rebounds in 30.4 minutes per game for the Hornets during the 2017-18 season.
Miles, 32, averaged 9.3 points in 22.6 minutes per game for the Grizzlies last season.


Access my private cloud | Dave Mora Blogs!
So, if you reading this is because I am inviting you to my private cloud to access my #awesome data.
If you download a video and are having a problem playing it back. I will suggest you install http://www.videolan.org/index.html. The VideoLan Player installs on any computer and plays almost every video format.
When you visit link I provide you. You will be asked to enter a username and password. You should see the window as shown below.
Enter the username and password that you have been provided.
Once you login you should see a list of files that you have access. You should now see the windows as shown below.
Now look for the files, picture, video, or document that you are looking for. To the right you should see a simple icon with an arrow pointing down as shown below.
When you click on it it should start downloading.
Please remember this cloud is located in my office with a limit amount of connection speed. So, depending on the file size it might take a few minutes. So, please be patient.
I Clusty. Do you Clusty?


text:
Värde Partners Raises Half $2bn Fund In Four Months
Alec Macfarlane
Friday August 2, 2013 8:33 pm
Värde Partners, the distressed debt investor whose restructuring of Crest Nicolson helped the U.K. homebuilder to a successful London listing in February, is nearing the halfway mark for a $2 billion fund after just four months on the road.
The U.S.-based firm, which was set up by two former traders from agribusiness giant Cargill, launched Värde XI in March this year and has raised about $900 million to date through a series of rolling closings, according to a person familiar with the situation.
Värde,...


Don used to work on one of the telescopes and so he was able to set up tours of both the Suburu and the Keck telescopes. This was absolutely incredible as we got to see the parts that normal tourists do not. I took a small movie of the Keck moving but did not capture the entire range of movement. It was quite cold and I took advantage of the proffered yellow windbreaker with flannel lining for the Suburu. I had been worried about breathing in this rarefied atmosphere—14000 feet above sea level. We check my oxygen content several times during the trip—it dropped to 85% and although I was functional, I could not have done any work at that level. The Keck operators wore oxygen concentraters and oxygen was available at every level. Don had read that a dose of Advil would ward off mountain sickness and so I took two and Glen took one—we seemed to have few problems although if asked to do any meaningful work, we would have been challenged.
The ranger station has a feel of a small college union—with a friendly cook, flags from every nation hanging in the lobby, and huge boxes of cereal and condiments, plus posters of healthy eating proportions. The rangers go up the mountain and stay for several days, sleeping in what looks like dorm rooms. Night visitors to the mountain are common as that is the best time to see stars. We were able to get a glimpse of Saturn but the wind was blowing so hard the small telescopes jiggled.
It was good to get back in the car and warm up.
Since all of this activity took place in the afternoon and evening we had the day to spend—first Don and Glen returned a truck Don had worked on—placing humorous stickers on its bed—it resembled a worn dumpster—the salt air and humidity are not kind to metals. Next was a trip to a friend's house to pick up some wood to be sawed into planks while I was dropped off at the Fabric Warehouse. It was a good thing I had just a small space in my luggage but I managed to control myself somewhat. Rows of aloha wear fabrics were on display with everything from huge hibiscus flowers to surfer trucks and Elvis.


text:
European World Cup qualifier review
International World Cup 2014 — 23 March 2013
In last night's World Cup qualifiers there was a big surprise in Gijon as world champions Spain drew 1-1 with Finland.
Spain took the lead in the 49th minute, defender Sergio Ramos heading home from a corner.
However the home side were shocked with just 12 minutes left as striker Teemu Pukki equalised for the visitors.
The draw was good news for France, as Les Bleus moved to the top of the Group I table with a 3-1 victory over Georgia in Paris. France took the lead in first half stoppage-time through Arsenal striker Olivier Giroud.
They doubled their lead straight just after the break through an effort from midfielder Mathieu Valbuena and Franck Ribery completed the rout on 61 minutes. Georgia got a consolation goal on 70 minutes through Alexander Kobakhidze.
Elsewhere, Group C produced some interesting results, as Sweden were held 0-0 by the Republic of Ireland. Germany won 3-0 in Kazakhstan, but the biggest winners of the night in the group were Austria who hammered the Faroe Islands 6-0.
The result means that Sweden, Austria and the Republic of Ireland are all still realistic contenders for the runners-up spot in the group with Germany seemingly set to clinch the automatic berth.
Another team running away with their group is the Netherlands, who comfortably defeated Estonia 3-0 in Amsterdam. Hungary and Romania who are vying for second place in the group and drew 2-2 in an entertaining encounter, while Turkey won 2-0 in Andorra to bring an end to a poor run of form.
Group A now looks very tight. Both Croatia and Belgium are tied at the top of the table. Belgium claimed a comfortable 2-0 victory in Macedonia, while Croatia beat bitter-rivals Serbia 2-0 to stay on level points with the Belgians.
In the other game of the group Wales won 2-1 in Scotland with two late goals. The victory moved Chris Coleman's side up to third in the group table.
Who achieved the most important victory in last night's qualifiers?
European World Cup qualifier previews
European World Cup qualifiers round-up
European World Cup qualifying review
European World Cup qualifying preview
Confederations Cup: Brazil defeated Spain
Confederations Cup best players
Confederations Cup: the final is Brazil-Spain
Confederations Cup: Uruguay and Spain in semifinal
Confederations Cup: Brazil and Italy in semifinal
Confederations Cup 2nd Round
Confederations Cup 1st Round
Italy vs Haiti 2-2, signs of a crisis?
Italy National Team towards the Confederations Cup