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Defiance and Protest: Forgotten Individual Jewish Reactions to the Persecution in Nazi Germany
Posted on March 31, 2016 By Cornell University Library, Jewish Studies Program
JONATHAN BOYARIN: Thanks everyone for coming. I'm Jonathan Boyarin, the Director of Jewish Studies here at Cornell. Originally from Germany, our guest tonight is a historian and a specialist in research on the Holocaust and German Jewish history, topics on which he has published 11 books and around 60 articles and book chapters. Currently, he is finishing a book manuscript on the Nazi persecution of Jews in Bohemia and Moravia while also conducting research on forgotten acts of individual defiance, opposition, and resistance of German and Austrian Jews during the Holocaust, the subject of his talk tonight. His research interests also include the comparative history of mass violence and its resistance on a global scale as well as racial and state discrimination against indigenous populations, especially in Latin America. His most recent book, Parias de la Patria, challenges the myth of the liberation of the indigenous people in the post-colonial 19th century Republic of Bolivia. And it was published with Plural Editores in La Paz, Bolivia. He arrived at the University of Southern California in 2008, straight from Berlin, as the Shapell-Guerin Chair in Jewish Studies-- well, as the holder of the Shapell-Guerin Chair in Jewish Studies. In 2014, he became the founding director of the US Shoah Foundation Center for Advanced Genocide Research. And his visit in Ithaca this weekend is in connection with the actual going on-- going live, as it were, of Cornell library becoming a point of access to the complete USC Shoah Foundation Visual History Archive, a collection of over 53,000 individual testimonies of survivors of the Nazi Holocaust and other genocides as well. His talk tonight is titled Defiance and Protest, Forgotten Individual Jewish Reactions to the Persecution in Nazi Germany. Please let us warmly welcome Professor Wolf Gruner. WOLF GRUNER: Thank you very much Jonathan. And I think it's especially wonderful that I'm here when there is the new access to all the testimonies of the Shoah Foundation. I will actually use two testimonies from the testimony collection in my talk and also to demonstrate-- and I will mention this several times-- how important, as a resource for Holocaust Studies, actually these testimonies are. But as Jonathan already mentioned, they are not-- they are mostly focusing on the Holocaust. But there are smaller collections now also on the Armenian genocide, the Iranian genocide, the Nanjing massacres, and also now very new one, the genocide in Guatemala against the Mayans. These are smaller connections. The big majority is on the Holocaust, over 52,000 testimonies. So maybe also to just update you, the book on the persecution of the Jews in Bohemia and Moravia is done. And I say this only because I'm very excited now to start writing this book here. This is a project which accompanies me now for six years. That's when I looked through Berlin local archives. And one of the stories I found by surprise is the one I want to introduce you to in the beginning of this talk. So the story is taking place in 1941, Berlin. JONATHAN BOYARIN: Sorry. It's projecting onto your face. WOLF GRUNER: Oh. OK. Yeah. That's right. I mean I could do a shadow play here. OK, so the story takes place in Berlin, 1941. That means several months before the mass deportation in Berlin started. A Jewish woman, 36 years old, her name was [? Hetta ?] [? Weiss ?] stayed-- standing in front of the Berlin courthouse. She was just expelled from a small sublet room where she lived-- or was forced to live with her mother and her son. They were forced to live there because, a year earlier, they had been expelled from their actual original apartment. So after being expelled again from this sublet room, having nowhere to go she claimed-- exclaimed in broad daylight in front of the Berlin courthouse, quote, "We lost everything. Because of the damn government, we lost, finally, our home, too. This thug Hitler, the damn government, the damn people, just because we are Jews we are discriminated against," end of quote. And it's stunning. Eight years after the Nazis took power, the woman in the midst of Berlin, the Nazi capital, has the courage to really verbally protest what happened to her. And her story challenges the widespread belief, which is still dominating, that there was a Jewish passivity under Nazi persecution and especially on the German Jews. But, as my research over the last 6 years reveals, many Jews did resist the Nazi persecution in various ways immediately, in 1933, but still also during the war. And I think the conclusion of this research demands a reassessment of Jewish behavior during the Nazi period in Nazi Germany. And in my presentation, I will first discuss briefly the state of research regarding resistance and explain why all the efforts to describe resistance lacked results. And the second one is-- the second part is I give you an insight and a brief overview of what individual Jewish resistance actually meant. So first, on the state of research. Until now, as I said, the public, but also many researchers and historians subscribed to the idea that Jews, in general, but specifically German Jews, did not resistance the terrors of the Third Reich. The traditional perception was that they were passively suffering. And this had been nourished by the fact that historians mostly discussed resistance under the terms of whether group resistance, organized group resistance or armed resistance. Some of you might have heard that, in the 1960s, Hannah Arendt and [INAUDIBLE], but also Bruno Bettelheim, they all supposed that there was a lack of resistance during the Holocaust. Although this was immediately questioned by Israeli scholars, nevertheless, the academic of discussion settled on group resistance, armed resistance, and mostly-- which mostly took place in the eastern occupied territories, like Poland or the former Soviet Union. So a thorough evaluation of individual Jewish resistance is lacking in almost all Holocaust narratives and even those which try to incorporate Jewish voices, like Saul Friedlander's seminal volumes. He does not really systematically explore individual Jewish resistance. He has some-- very few examples. But he doesn't really go into depth what this actually means. And there are two reasons for this void. One is I think the framework, how we approach Jewish resistance, was misconstrued. And the second reason is there was a limited source base for this-- for these assumptions. To elaborate a little bit more about the conceptual framework, so what I tried to do was not very original. I actually revived efforts of an Israeli scholar from the 1970s, [INAUDIBLE] and of an Australian scholar, [INAUDIBLE], and an East German survivor and historian, Herman [INAUDIBLE]. All three, already in the 1970s, tried to extend the perspective on research into individual efforts. But they also bound because there was not really a lot of sources available. So what I tried to do is I used these ideas and came up with a new definition. And I actually did something very simple. The definition is actually from the [INAUDIBLE]. And it's-- what I did is I only added one word, individual. And my-- I'm convinced that this changes everything. And I will try to demonstrate what I mean with this. If you look at this picture, this is a very famous-- Now, I am the shadow player here-- very famous picture. You can find this in a lot of Holocaust narratives, representative for the terror of the first weeks, 1933 in Germany. So this is a Jewish lawyer in Munich. He's dragged by stormtroopers through the city. When you think about individual resistance, as I do, this changes because when you-- what is written on this poster, it means, I won't complain at the police station anymore. So they dragged him not just because he was a Jew. He was actually trying to get a client out of the police station who was arrested. Similarly, you can look at this photograph. This is a Jewish woman in front of a small town municipal swimming pool. And I use this in teaching for a reason that you see these two signs up there? They say No Access for Jews. No Access for Dogs. So I use this picture as, again, a representation for persecution. But look at her body language. Look at how she is posing there. If you think differently, this is also an act of opposition to take a picture, in public, in front of these signs. And even more clearer it will be with the next picture, which you maybe may have seen on the poster, which is my favorite picture. So this is Lizzie Rosenfeld in Vienna in 1938. And she's sitting on a bench only for Aryans. And look at, also, her body language. And she shows you can't do any-- everything with me. I'm my own person. And I am opposing what you do-- to what you are doing. So I think if we have this different approach, suddenly, all these examples pop up in places we have seen already. But my research actually brings us also to places no one has looked at yet. So and I think it is specifically important that we also think about not just individual reactions toward persecution in general, but also what dd they actually respond to. And research over the last 20 years has actually pointed us to-- that anti-Jewish policies, they're much more complex, much more diverse than we have previously assumed. So my own research on municipality showed how city governments bear much more initiative much earlier on than actual central laws. So if you think about what Jews had to respond to, you have a myriad of different persecution measures, not just the laws from Berlin, but really a lot of these local initiatives, local anti-Jewish measures. And if you have this kind of framework, on one hand looking at the individual, on the other hand this very complex Nazi measure system, then you can find a lot of anti-Jewish efforts of opposition. So how did that come to my sources? So I was in Berlin in the local archive six years ago. And I knew there are 40 police log books. It means log books, diaries from police precincts in Berlin. So this is the bottom of the actual archival hierarchy. So more local, you can't go. So I knew these log books are there. Nobody had practically looked at them. And I thought, I will go through them, when I have time, and really look at them from 1933 to 1945 and see what I can find, what kind of traces of persecution I can find. At this moment, I didn't think about resistance. So I looked through them. And in between of thousands of handwritten entries about lost keys, drunken persons, damaged roadways, naughty exhibitionists, suddenly, there were examples of Jewish protests like the one I described in the beginning of the talk. So I tried to-- I was, first, surprised. Then, I thought since there are dozens of them and they were all arrested-- I tried to think, so where-- what happened to them? And I went to the special court in Berlin-- the archive of the special court. The special court was established after 1933 to punish political protest. And nobody had thought that, actually, Jews also had protested. So when I went there, I looked for the names I had. I didn't find any of my name's, by the way. However, I found dozens of new cases of Jews protesting in public against the persecution. So they were punished by this law, which usually was thought this was only against political opponents, like communist or social democrats. So then I thought, maybe this is an exception. Berlin is exceptional. It's a big city, the biggest Jewish community, but also a metropolis. It's much more anonymous. Maybe this is not true for the rest of the country. So what I did then, I started to comparative work. I did the same investigation in Hamburg, Vienna, Leipzig, Munich, Dresden, Frankfurt. I think that's more or less it. And it was really astonishing that, in all of these archives, I found similar cases. And even more so beyond just political-- or let's say protest in public against the persecution, I found a myriad of other ways of how to ignore the Jewish laws, how to defy anti-Jewish measures, how to resist on an individual basis. And then, as a last point, I tried to-- I looked in-- this was practically-- I started this local research when I was about to embark to come to the US. So when I was at USC, I was naturally exposed to the USC Shoah Foundation testimonies. So at some point, I decided, let me look into these testimonies. What can I find? It was first a little bit difficult because I tried resistance. And resistance, as I said, was, in all the decades, just focusing on armed resistance. So the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising came up. But then I played with words, and suddenly, it hit home. I found 300 files of-- no. 230 files of German Jews where acts of defiance emerged. They were in mostly English, some in German, some in Spanish. So this was the source base. And they confirmed, on one hand, the cases I had found in the archives. But they also significantly added other forms of opposition than I had found in the archive. And I give you now an overview of how Jewish defiance and protest evolved and developed over time starting in 1933 and going until the end of the war. So first, in 1933, we have quite a lot of trials against Jews who were criticizing the terror against Jews in these wild early concentration camps, beatings and torture by stormtroopers. So they criticized this in public and were brought immediately on trial and often punished with several weeks of jail time. Jews also protested in written form. They wrote a lot of petitions to almost any perpetrator agency, from Hitler himself to local governments, and complained about these first anti-Jewish measures. But they did not only write or protest verbally in public. They also-- and this was a surprise to me. They actually also acted-- let's say-- in a material way. So they destroyed Nazi flags or Nazi symbols. I had never heard about this. So this is one example I found in the Hamburg archive. David Bornstein was using a local bus. And this was the logo on the local bus in Hamburg. And what he did was he scratched-- it's hard to see. But I couldn't get it to-- this was the picture they sent me. But you see here. Do you see these scratches? So he took his-- what is it called-- his cane, and then he scratched over the logo. He was immediately detected by the bus driver and somebody else. He was arrested. And he was interrogated. And here, you have a very early form of historical reenactment. This is not David Bornstein. This is for the Gestapo file that somebody demonstrated what he did actually, how he scratched the Nazi logo. So he-- let me see how much. I think he got six weeks in jail for destroying this Nazi logo. Other Jews decided to join communist resistance groups. Some did messenger services for them. The FBI found even one case where-- in the testimonies-- where [? Abraham ?] [? Wagner ?] mixed explosives with three other Jews for a communist cell. And in general, we see that especially anti-Jewish riots and demonstrations, which we know were happening, for example, in 1935 in the summer in Berlin, but also in Munich, in 1938 in June, July in Berlin and then you [INAUDIBLE]. These waves of anti-Jewish violence produced especially-- more reactions by Jewish individuals. So in 1935 in July in Berlin, where hundreds of people gathered in front of Jewish stores and shops and besmeared them and chanted anti-Jewish slogans. In this madness, German businesses in Berlin found a small business card like flyer. There's no original, so this is just a report about the flyer. But you have to imagine it's like a business card size. And on this was written, I'm a German Jew. I'm loyal to the emperor. In fact, Germans should expel the foreigner Hitler. Down with Hitler. So in the middle of Berlin, in one big enterprise, somebody found this and brought this to the police. They never found the author because he signed not with his name, but with pen Kohn. And I don't know if you know, but Kohn is one of the most common German Jewish names. So only during the month of-- 1935, 100 Jews were arrested in Berlin alone for offenses against the state or the Nazi party. And the Gestapo report in July said, it is remarkable-- or especially-- or we have to make a special note. Jews seem to have been born with a disrespect to the state. So you see this is an interesting attitude that is being described there. So the summer riots were accompanied by a wave of new anti-Jewish measure, especially on the local level, lot of restrictions to public facilities. And then you all know this. The Nuremberg laws were enacted in September 1935. However, although the Nuremberg laws put Jews in a second class citizenship, this didn't hinder individual Jews to protest, to act, to oppose, and to resist. So we have a lot of where people spoke out in public against the persecution, where people ignored local restrictions. They went to cinemas, which were forbidden. They went and used public libraries, where they had the sign of Jews in there. So this was a very widespread individual effort, but also Jews still went to court and used the legal system to protest persecution. And sometimes, at this early stage, even with success. For example, when they were expelled from the work place, sometimes, they could actually, on the local level, succeed in court. Later, this changed. So to give you just one example. In Frankfurt, Rosalie [INAUDIBLE] repeatedly, in public, cursed Hitler, called him-- called the government the Hitler pack and said that Goebbels would just tell lies. She was punished for these comments with six months in prison in 1937. And as I mentioned in the very beginning, the Nazis used this law to punish Jewish who protested in public against the persecution. And this law was enforced by the special court. So all these trials happened at these special courts. So this was overlooked before, as I mentioned. But it doesn't stop here. What is even more surprising is the fact that a lot of physical self-defense emerged in the archive. But I have to say, I found only one case of physical self-defense in local archives. But I found much more individual history archive with the video testimonies. But to give you just an example from the archive in Frankfurt, the 32-year-old Oscar [INAUDIBLE] did beat up a bunch of Hitler youth teenagers because they aimed their slingshots at the synagogue where Jews left from the service. So he beat up these Hitler youth teenagers. From the Shoah Foundation testimonies, we learn that it was not so seldom or rare that Jews got into brawls with stormtroopers, mostly male Jews. They defended their families. They sometimes acted in defense of their neighbors. So this physical self-defense was actually more widespread than I actually was ever expecting. So for example, John [? Winter's ?] father beat up a Nazi in his own apartment house because the Nazi neighbor had forbidden Jews in this apartment house to use the lift, the elevator. So let me give you one example of how Jews also reacted towards authorities. So I hope this works now. [VIDEO PLAYBACK] -The Germans have a perverse respect for courage or something. Yeah Der Sturmer, that was a German newspaper that-- which I can remember. So it was always displayed in glass display cases in public buildings. And I can remember so well looking at it. There were these horrible caricatures of Jews, these little threatening men with these hook noses. In any case, Sturmer had a-- when my uncle Fritz's father died, who had also been a lawyer, there was a front page story in the Sturmer-- His name was [? Yusefthal ?], [? Josephthal. ?] That when Doctor Josephthal died and the authorities went into his home, in his basement, they found the bodies of Jewish virgins and children. And he had probably used there blood in Passover rituals. That was the story in the Sturmer. My uncle Fritz, his son, had been an officer in the German during World War I and, as a matter of fact, had won the Iron Cross, which is-- I don't know if it's the highest, but a very high decoration. And when he read that story in the Sturmer. He put on his World War I uniform, his riding boots, his riding crop, put his medal on his chest, and went down to the Sturmer's office. And Streicher-- Julius Streicher was there, the editor. And he marched up there in his uniform and up to the receptionist and said, I want to see Herr Streicher. And the receptionist said, I'm sorry. You have no appointment. And my uncle just pushed him aside and walked in there and walked up to Streicher's desk. And Streicher looked up surprised to see this German-- uniformed German officer. And Uncle Fritz said, did you know Herr Doctor Josephthal. And Streicher said, no. And my uncle took his whip and said, then meet his son, and beat him a couple of times. Turned around, fully expecting to be arrested, to be shot, to be something, walked out. Nothing ever happened to him. And when all the Jews were arrested on Crystal Night, he was the only man-- Jewish man who was not arrested. And the reason I know that story so well, aside from his telling it, is that-- [END PLAYBACK] WOLF GRUNER: So this is a remarkable example. And you could say, this sounds pretty unlikely that somebody does this. But this is actually confirmed by another testimony from a woman not related to this family. So I don't know how much happened, but something happened there, which was really told in the same-- very same way as [? Ingrid ?] [? Frank ?] did it. So let me comment. I think this was a good segue into the November pogrom. So first I thought, I get it-- in the 1930s, there was probably much more possible than later on. And later on, it's unlikely that I'll find these cases. But as I-- the beginning of the talk already suggested, this was not the case. It was actually-- the act, I found, was almost equally distributed over the whole course of the persecution. So during the November pogrom, Jews responded in a variety of ways. Some, you might have heard already. But if you bring this in this context, they appear in a different light. So for example, securing sacred objects from the burned synagogues. To try to secure looted goods from the shops and the stores. But what I found in the archives is also the files-- rest of Jews who photographed devastation as document-- as a documentation of the terror. And so we know there are photographs which were not taken by, let's say, official Nazis. And they survived. And so, for example, this photograph you see here, there was an apartment raided. And everything was-- maybe it was an institution because there's a lot of paperwork there. So it maybe a Jewish organization. But look at how this picture was taken. It was taken from the other street, from the second floor. This was not an official photograph. Somebody took it hiding. And so I found several cases in Berlin where Jews were arrested for taking pictures. And again, during Kristallnacht, Jews again protested in public. So for example, another case, Henrietta Schafer. She was born in 1882. And the shop owner made a comment, yeah, the German people are now answering the crime what was taking place by the Jew in Paris. And then she said to him, "This is not the people, but the government. They are all black arts, scams, and criminals. Hitler is the biggest bandit. And if I could, I would poison them all," end of quote. This is during Kristallnacht. And then even more remarkable case is the next video I wanted to share with you. So you probably all have heard about the retraining camps, [INAUDIBLE] camps, which provided some kind of agricultural education to prepare young Jews in Germany for the immigration, mainly to Palestine. So picture one of these retraining camps where mostly 16, 17, 18-year-old teenagers were getting this agricultural training. The Kristallnacht happens, and this place is raided by stormtroopers. So this is Diane Jacob. She was 16 years old when she was in this camp. And she talks now about how the storm troopers came into their-- broke into their facility and what they did. [VIDEO PLAYBACK] -And what kind of organized resistance did you accomplish? -Well, I told you, with the marches. We marched. They always told us, you kill them, be sure and save the uniforms. They stole uniforms from the Nazis. They put us in uniforms, Hitler, whatever they could find. They were the ones that did it. We were the ones that followed orders. -Who gave you those orders? -Oh, different group leaders. We-- [END PLAYBACK] WOLF GRUNER: So she was, earlier on doing, some work for Communist cells. That's what she talks about here. But the actual camp scene-- let me see if I can find this. [VIDEO PLAYBACK] -In [INAUDIBLE] you see. And now they are smashing everything in town. And then they make us-- then they form two rows with the clubs. And they make us walk through the rows, and then they hit us with the clubs from both sides as we walked by. -Your whole family? -No, there was not a family. They were the kids I was with on [INAUDIBLE]. -Oh, OK. You didn't-- -I am now [INAUDIBLE]. -OK. But you didn't clarify that, that you-- -My family was nowhere near. My family was out of it already. I was not with my family. But anyway, the kids, the youngsters. And the boys, they were bleeding. And then, all of a sudden, it came my turn. I said, hell, I'm not going to run. I'm going to walk. Here I am, I mean 5 foot nothing-- I'm 5'1"-- 5 foot nothing and I'm a skinny, little girl. And all of a sudden, they was not having fun anymore. And I remember one, getting one on the back. And that was it. I just walked away slowly looking at all of them. Now, here big, tough guys. You want to hit a little girl? What can I do about it? That was the attitude. And I only got hit by one in the back. It hurt. When I got to the other line, one of them grabs me, grabs this hand-- my right hand-- and starts sawing into it with a rusty knife-- pocket knife type thing. Well, I had learned a little trick, and that's digging my head into someone's stomach, which doesn't feel great. And I turned around to see what I could do with him, and I started fighting. And I started kicking with my legs his legs. He wasn't very big either. And he was young. Anyway, I finally managed to get my hand out and under the knife. I twisted the knife out of his hand. I used the knife. I stabbed him. And I dug my head into his stomach. I don't know how I did it. It was just a fast thing that they had taught me. The others didn't notice it. So a couple of the guys-- the others were too busy beating up on [INAUDIBLE]. A couple of the guys saw is, and they dragged him underneath a bed or some kind of a sofa type thing that had been kicked over so the others wouldn't see him. He was bleeding. He wasn't dead. But he was bleeding. Anyway, that's when we took off. [END PLAYBACK] WOLF GRUNER: So I think you would agree with me that's a remarkable story, unheard of, having this kind of resistance during Kristallnacht. So after Kristallnacht, a new wave of restriction was initiated, especially by local governments, but also on a central level. Many of these new restrictions targeted now the whole Jewish population. And in any of the local archives I went to, I found dozens of cases how Jews resisted against these new restrictions. So for example, they opposed to hand over precious metals. They just kept part of it at home or all of it. Then, others resisted to wear these special identification cards marked with a J. And others resisted to adopt the discriminatory middle name, Israel and Sara. And I never thought about it because we all went from the idea the Nazis obliged the Jews to adopt these middle names, and that's it. But it was much more complicated because by German law, when you want to have another name, you need to apply for it. So the Nazi law didn't change the fact. So every Jewish individual had to apply for the Sara and Israel. It cost 3 reichsmarks. First of all, you had to pay money. And then you had to fill out and get it registered. So some just didn't do it. And, for example, one case in Berlin, the 68-year-old painter, Max [? Andlus, ?] declined the repeated request to fill out the form. And then he was called to the police station. And even then, he resisted to adopt this middle name Israel. At the same time, in the 1939, still I found cases where Jews spoke up in public and protested against these new measures, but also the general persecution. In Vienna, for example, in the municipal housing office, Doctor [INAUDIBLE] loudly cursed Hitler because he was supposed to move into a sublet room and had to give up his apartment. But he was not just protesting against his individual fate. He also called all the other Jews in this office to kind an uprising in Vienna, summer 1939. And these protests didn't even stop in war time. So there's one case from former tailor, Alfred [? Leviathan ?]. He was already in jail because of form of protest against the persecution. But what did he do in jail? They had to print-- what is it-- mail order catalogues for department store. That's what they did in jail. So what he did is, in the mail order catalog, he wrote messages in. He called for an uprising against the Nazis. He called for an uprising and all Jews should join him. And he protested against the persecution in this mail order catalog which was sent throughout Germany. And unfortunately, he was caught and arrested and got another jail sentence. In Berlin, as in other cities, local restrictions were introduced, which limited the shopping-- the time where Jews could actually go shopping to, often, one hour in the afternoon. And I found several cases where a Jewish woman would just ignore this, sometimes with the help of the non-Jewish shop owners. Sometimes, they also got arrested because the Germans didn't-- the non-Jewish Germans didn't help them. So in one case where a widow tried to buy bread. And the bakery-- the baker-- the owner of the bakery declined this request and said, you are not in the restricted hours here. And then she snapped and exclaimed, "The new decree that has limited shopping hours, that is too much. Soon we won't get ration cards anymore either, and we will dies a retched death," end of quote. At the same time, in 1940, Max Mannheimer, who performed forced labor in Bohemia at a road construction site, he made a note in his diary. And this is one of the few instances where I found these kind of acts actually mentioned in the diary. I tried also to use diaries, but this was not so helpful except in this one case. And I quote, "My home is in a wooden hut behind a tool shed. From there, I go to the public park, despite the 8:00 PM curfew and despite the ban to visit the park. On my way, I count the signs with the slogan forbidden for Jews. In total, there are 6. Later, at 11:00 PM, I rip the signs out and throw them to the ground or in the bushes, some in the creek. However, all my courage proved futile. The next evening, all the signs reemerged. For a second time, I didn't have the courage. I'm just not a hero," so end of his quote. So while forms of public protests were punished under this law of the treacherous acts, what I showed you. Other acts like breaking the curfew, they're punished under regular German laws. So that's also why they are often overlooked. They are actually very prominent in these court records when you go to the local archives. So for example, the Jews who had ignored to hand over radios, they were punished under the law against radio crimes. Jews who broke the curfew, they were punished under German penal code. And breaking the curfew, as I said, was-- no, I didn't actually mention it. So breaking the curfew, during the war, was very widespread phenomenon. And you can actually read this in some of the testimony, written testimonies. You'll find this mentioned. People said we, nevertheless, tried to go to the cinema or went to a theater. But some Jews broke the curfew for other reasons as, for example, a 17-year-old boy in Frankfurt who went out every night, broke the curfew. And when the allied bombers came in 1941, he waited for the bombers to come in and drop their load. And then he made wrong fire alarms to divert the fire trucks from the actual bombing sites. After dozens of these attemps-- successful attempts-- he was caught and was brought on trial. He received two years in prison and then was sent to Auschwitz where he perished. Jews were also sentenced for treason. Like in Munich, a former real estate broker, Ben Neuberger, he had send out dozens of postcards in fall of 1941 and in summer 1942. And he had very foresighted comments on them, on these postcards, for example, "The eternal mass murder, Hitler, disgusting" or "Murderer of 5 million." When he was brought on trial for treason, Neuberger argued that he hated Hitler especially for his announcement to exterminate the Jews in 1939. So there are a lot of more cases. For example, Jews escape from arrest. They sabotage forced labor. So there's countless of these cases. And I want to share just the last case with you, which overlaps the old notion of resistance of armed resistance and my new framework of individual defiance. This is the story of [? Cole ?] Jacobson who was shot in a street in Berlin in 1943. That means-- this was actually in August 1943. This means after the mass deportations had ended already. How did he survive until this late moment? He was running a factory in [INAUDIBLE]. Because he went into this factory as a forced labor, and the owner was an incapable German who had Aryanized this factory, he needed desperately somebody who can manage the firm. He detected that this was a former merchant who had actually capabilities. So he said to him, run my company. And he hid him in a hidden department in the factory. But he didn't-- Jacobson did not only run the factory, he actually formed a small network of rescue operations where they forged-- or tried to get forged documents for Jews. And they had even arms. And I came across this document. This is from one of these police log books I told you in the beginning. So this is just a small entrance about the shooting. But it mentions, also, that this was-- he was discovered only by coincidence because the Gestapo raided the factory. And they found the secret department. And there, they found guns and ammunition, live ammunition, and luggages and forged documents. So most of these cases are forgotten today for various reasons. First of all, they are overwhelmed by the atrocities which took place in Poland, the extermination in general. And many of the people who did these, never really perceived themselves as resistors. For them, it was more natural and, sometimes, also coincidental how they reacted. But if you think in what position they were, that every act of a Jew in Germany, because they were in a second status citizenship, could be punished, every small act already actually is an act of resistance. Many of the people here, which I mentioned here, did not survive because when they-- especially in the later period, when they were arrested, they were usually sent on deportation. In the earlier cases, often the people, after they got-- they served their jail time, they immediately emigrated. So some of them survived fortunately. So to sum up, I think now, with this different frame, this different perspective, you can actually, for the first time, understand why in a lot of the Gestapo and SS reports, which were used by historians, there is often one phrase mentioned, the impudent Jew. And when I started with my research on the Holocaust, I always thought that's just Nazi slang because they want to have a pretext for introducing new anti-Jewish laws. But if you think about what I demonstrated here, it seems to be some truth in it that there is much more to it than that this is just a prefix to introduce new laws. So I think we have all misunderstood these phrases there. And what I think is-- what is the result of my research is that almost every Jewish individual in Nazi Germany, overtime, developed strategies to respond, to resist, to defy Nazi measures. Not all of them, not every time, but much more than we ever thought. First, against Nazi propaganda and economic measures. Later, against segregation. And much later, during the war, against forced labor, deportations and to the east. We saw that they protested in public verbally, but they also produced leaflets or postcards. And interesting is there is no trend to see that this is depending on a certain age, depending on a certain gender, depending on socialization or an education. The examples are widespread over all walks of Jewish life, so to speak. And I think that this view, resulting from these micro historical studies, changes our macro-- or should change our macro historical view on to how Jews reacted towards persecution. And I think the assumption of passivity is obsolete if we take into account the result of this research. However-- and this is why I'm so excited to start writing now-- this still needs to be incorporated in this general narrative of the Holocaust, how Jews behaved during these times. And I just wanted to end with a quote from Berlin Rabbi Marx Nussbaum to emphasize that these reactions were as diverse as the Nazi anti-Jewish policy was. He said, I quote, "We were besieged in 100 of different manners. And therefore, we fought back in 100 different manners," end of quote. And I think when we rethink that so many people, in one way or the other, responded, reacted, resisted, this gives a lot of agency back to the Jewish population under these terrible circumstances. Thank you so much. JONATHAN BOYARIN: Do you want to take your own questions? WOLF GRUNER: Yeah. AUDIENCE: I have two questions. The first question is how did-- were the Jews that were arrested for protesting-- resiting, were they identified in the records as Jews. That's my first question. WOLF GRUNER: Yeah, so this is difficult, a good question because in the 1930s, for example, you didn't have-- when I used the police log books, you didn't have the J here. So it depended on the policeman if he would use, in his inscription-- in his note, the word Jew. Some of them did. But sometimes, I can also detect this by what are they protesting to and also if they were handed over to the Gestapo. So in the beginning, it's much more difficult to identify. From 1938, it's always the J in. So this was then, for the research, much more-- much easier. And in the court records, they usually identify, from very early on, Jews when they have to-- for example, the prosecution-- the indictment, and they say the Jew. And this has to do that the special courts where specific Nazi installation, so the prosecutors were all heavy Nazis. And that's why they immediately identified them as a Jew. AUDIENCE: My ancillary question-- can I ask my ancillary question, and that is, did you find clear evidence who are not Jews, [? Arya, ?] who also protested against Jewish persecution. WOLF GRUNER: That's an excellent-- because this is what I left out totally. So on a-- as a side effect of my research on Jewish behavior, I found much more solidarity and even protest of non-Jews. But I found also, on the other hand, much more extremism and looting and acts against Jews. So it is on both ends on the-- from the Nazi end, but also on the end of solidarity, we have much more. And what I think is, often, we operate with this triad of perpetrators, bystanders, and victims. First of all, I think my contribution here is we can't really talk about victims here. If you want to give the Jews their agency back, you cannot describe them as pure victims here. And also, bystanders is a term, which I find apologetic. When I-- did research on articles for 20 years. And I worked on different institutions. And what I've found is almost every individual in Nazi Germany was exposed to persecution at a certain moment in time, often frequently, sometimes not so frequently. But there was not even one individual which had not to make a considerate choice how to behave. Am I joining the persecution? Do I tolerate this? Or do I speak up? Or do I help Jews? So the word bystander is, I think, very misleading, and also the term indifference. So I think we have to look much closer what people actually do. Look at their actions. And it's much more complex as we previously assumed. Here? AUDIENCE: So you said you saw no correlation with anything, in the age, gender, and so on. But in your words there was a little correlation. And you mentioned communists [INAUDIBLE]. So have you found some correlation between significant resistance and being a communist? WOLF GRUNER: Not so much. It was more the examples I found were more leftist Jewish organizations. So for example, Diane Jacob, she was Hashomer Hatzair. And they cooperated, at some point, with some communist cells. But they were not themselves communists. They were leftist maybe. But the other hand, then you have other teenagers who have no political affiliation doing this, at the same time, other things. That's why I say there is not really a trend which I can extract from this. AUDIENCE: What's behind my question is that I perceive such a trend in-- and we can talk about the spectrum between Hashomer Hatzair and the communists. But that trend, in all the years of the Cold War, was suppressed in the West in identifying on the part of historians. And that is unfair to the participants in there. So what I am asking is for a more balanced view of you the real role of socialists and communists in the resistance. WOLF GRUNER: No. I totally hear you. And actually, since I grew up in East Germany, I was much better informed about communist activities. You can imagine. But I'm really sympathetic. But interesting is when we think about Jewish resistance or Jewish persecution, there's a new study in Germany-- just finished a PhD in Sociology about rescue networks. And she looks into this. Is there a correlation? Are communists more prone to help Jews and rescue Jews? And what she find out was interesting. She said, her sample does not say that Jewish communist organizations helped, but more the members of the communist organization themselves as individuals were more prone to help. So there is a little bit what you say that there is a little bit this ideology, which toward Jews. But there's also a negative effect because often when, for example, we talk about resistance and the communist underground, they are often not really in favor of Jew-- to integrate Jews because they were double risk. So for example, the cell that I mentioned with the explosives, they had to be very separate. So they were for Jews doing-- mixing these chemicals. But they had almost no relationship to the actual communist cells. They had just one contact, and they didn't know with whom they actually operated because of this double risk. AUDIENCE: Did you find any evidence that Jewish parents held back on circumcision or modified it as the years progressed? WOLF GRUNER: No. No, I have to say that's beyond my knowledge. Yeah. Yeah. I really can't say anything to this. AUDIENCE: I have two questions that I heard some of the other. I remember reading a number of years ago [INAUDIBLE] book, called Last Jews in Berlin, that the Nazis set out to find Jews who were surviving [INAUDIBLE] some Jews, spot them on the metro, [INAUDIBLE], whatnot. So that's one question. The other is, was there any resistance from resistant German groups or something, the White Rose Group and others that might have existed like that? WOLF GRUNER: Yeah. So there were some German groups-- start with the last one-- some German groups who tried to create hiding places-- to offer hiding places, to acquire forged papers. We have something about this, especially in Berlin where, in 1943, 4,000 Jews went into hiding in one week. One week. And this was the week of the Factory Action. I don't know if you heard about this. This was the operation which was about to connect the last Jewish forced laborers from all these factories in Berlin where they worked in armament industries. So they rounded up the Jews in these factories. That's why it's called-- but this is also speaks to the level of-- was there help from the non-Jewish Germans? These 4,000 Jews were mainly warned by neighbors, fellow workers, engineers, sometimes, by police. And in one case I found, even by an SS officer. And then they went into hiding. And then they needed a whole network of helpers. And these underground groups-- and some even were just forming themselves for the pure reason to help these hidden Jews. So there was this. And the first question was the-- about hiding? AUDIENCE: The Nazi effort to continue to search out. WOLF GRUNER: Oh, yeah. So I mean since so many Jews went into hiding-- in total, we-- there is a long research project now, for almost two decades, trying to identify how many Jews hid and who helped them, how did they survive. So now the estimates are, like in Germany, 10,000 to 12,000 went into hiding. From these, 5,000 to 7,000 alone in Berlin. And the Nazis were fully aware of this because they had their numbers registered how many they wanted to collect during this raid. And suddenly, they had 4,000 less. So they started immediately with raids. I found in these log books, for example, that some days after the raid, Jews were detected by coincidence on the street and were immediately also deported. Some were denounced when they came back to their apartments trying to get stuff out to survive. And so there were efforts. They did more police patrols. And then they tried to convince some Jews to spy and to denounce fellow Jews. Yeah, and this went on for several months and almost a year in Berlin. AUDIENCE: I just wondered if you-- if there was a lot of scholarship on artists' response to persecution, especially Jewish artists in Germany. Is that a field that has been explored a lot? And are their good examples or, for instance, books that we should be looking at in this regard? WOLF GRUNER: Yeah. I mean mainly the focus was on early responses of artists in 1933, when the Nazis took over. They were-- there are famous cases, which you always can find, like Max Liebermann, when he denounced his-- resigned from the academy there. But there is not so much for the later period as far as I know. But there is a new study, which I have not read. I have to admit it's just on my desk, about writers actually, the response of novelists and Jewish writers. And I was told from the author, a Berlin literary scholar, that she found similar things what I described here actually in the writings of these authors. So she said, because she heard a talk of-- I gave a similar talk. And she responded and said, that's exactly what I found in these writings. And some are also-- I mean this is also what we often not really think about. This was-- the Third Reich was very complex. And it was not, from the very beginning, everything was closed. So there were also some lee-- there was leeway to maneuver. And even you could do publications. For example, in the [INAUDIBLE] in 1935, Rabbi Joachim Prinz, he could talk about the ghetto, the virtual ghetto because the neighbors left the Jews alone. So you could even publish about this, not very open, but open enough that people would understand what was meant there. So I think that's a good point. I think there should be much more because I'm-- my-- if I can admit this, I was a writer. I wrote poems before I studied history. So this is actually close to my heart. And I think there's a lot to study and to find. And I found, in other cases-- since it was mentioned that I do comparative genocide-- so that art is always a tool of resistance. And I had a conference in-- USC last September, which I organized, on music as a tool of resistance where we compared music written. But also we interpreted existing music during the Holocaust, but also, for example, during the apartheid regime, the Armenian genocide, and so on. AUDIENCE: Thank you. AUDIENCE: Thank you for your talk. Anyway, I'm here on behalf of both my parents, both of whom were German Jewish resisters of different kinds. My mother was born in Berlin. Her last name happened to be Frank. And her family left in 1933 and then went to Holland. In 1940, she and her family went underground in the Hague. And her family was one of the few hundred families-- Jewish families to survive the whole war intact, underground. I wrote a book about her story. I have a copy of it to give to you. My father, [INAUDIBLE], left Berlin at the same time. He spent two years in Denmark, wasn't able to find any work. He came to the United States. In 1941, he joined the United States army. And he became one of the German Jews who fought for the American army in World War II. He was with the 83rd division, which was the first division to reach the [INAUDIBLE]. In 1946, he was asked to be one of the interrogators at the Nuremberg war trials. So I am a son of two German Jewish resisters. WOLF GRUNER: Yeah. I think especially the first case is very interesting. There needs to be also studies on this. A lot of the German Jews who were caught in the Netherlands went into underground And then, actually, some of them were part of the Dutch resistance to rescue Jews in the Netherlands. So Jews actually helping to rescue and hiding Jews. So we have a case in Los Angeles where a very well-known actor who comes-- I'm always inviting him to my class because of this reason. He was one of those from Berlin, went to the Netherlands, and then helped. He even rescued two American fighter pilots beyond all the Jews he rescued. And ironically, he had to play Nazi characters after the war in Los Angeles. AUDIENCE: But I think it's great that your-- I want to endorse your expansion of the definition of resistance because going into hiding was an act of resistance. WOLF GRUNER: Yeah. I'm even thinking-- and this is what I didn't mention here because it's very complicated. So in my definition, I always also include suicide, for example, which is very debatable. But what I found is some of the Jews took their own lives as an act of resistance. And how can I determine this? When they-- for example, in some of the cases I found in the police files, so some-- one of-- some of them had left notes. And the note said, not I'm over this life. No, it said, since I'm German, since I'm Jew, I had so much to do with this homeland. And I take my life to protest. That's really what I found. So not all of the cases are. Some is really just of desperation. But some of them made it a public act. And the act is public because when they were detected that they 50 committed suicide, the police found the-- or the neighbors found these notes usually, so that's immediately public. And then the police and then we find the note in the log books, and so on. So even suicide can be an act of resistance. So I'm pretty wide open there. AUDIENCE: In the camps, it was illegal to commit suicide, and the Nazis would punish the prisoners. WOLF GRUNER: Can you repeat-- AUDIENCE: If someone in the barracks committed suicide, the rest of the barracks would be punished somehow. WOLF GRUNER: Yeah, this is a-- AUDIENCE: Or if somebody attempted suicide, they would be beaten and hung up outside by a soldier. AUDIENCE: Yeah. I mean this is a very different situation. But it speaks to the fact that what I always come about when I think about resistance to mass violence is that, unfortunately, the act of resistance, an open resistance, often radicalized the perpetrator. So when you think about what happened after the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, that's actually-- Himmler was radical-- reacting much more radical towards this incident. So we have this ambivalent situation were, on one hand, this is a very important act of self-determination, courage, and also to keep pride. But it can have very negative consequences for the others. So I agree with you. JONATHAN BOYARIN: Perhaps we will take one more question if anyone else has. Yeah? AUDIENCE: Hi, I just have a brief comment [INAUDIBLE]. You mentioned micro history. And it seems to me that the research you're presenting here is an important contribution to what you call in German, [SPEAKING GERMAN], history of the everyday, especially under the Third Reich, and contributing not only a new dimension to the question of Jewish resistance, but as you were saying, to the nuancing of our picture of everyday life during the Third Reich. WOLF GRUNER: Yeah. And I'm very happy to do this because I think we often tend to generalize certain developments. We have certain traditions how to think about the Third Reich, which are established often right after the war. And often, we don't realize that they are of apologetic nature. So a lot of the ideas about how the Third Reich functioned, who was responsible for what, they were actually established out of trying to set most of the Germans flee and focus on just SS and the Nazi party and certain agencies. And then, over the course of time, also to relieve the other Germans from responsibility. In a way, when you say, yeah, the Jews were segregated, so there was no contact anymore. However, when you go into these police files, it seems very different. So I found a case-- maybe I can conclude with this. But it's a stunning case. A Jewish woman in Berlin, in an apartment house where they are all rentals, maybe 30 different parties, and she had a small shop in this house. She was expelled from the-- she lost her shop by a non-Jewish German who Aryanized the shop. She needed to move from the apartment, which was behind the shop, to the basement. And then, two years later, I find this file in the police records that the guy who Aryanized the shop was complaining about this Jewish woman that she would talk to his customers, which were her former customers, and try to get-- ruin his business. And she ruins not only his business, she is also-- she has sexual diseases. She is-- does-- harms the Nuremberg laws. So he really the denounced this woman at the police station. What happens is the police station go-- the police goes into this apartment house and interrogates the neighbors. What happens is most of the neighbors actually stood by the Jewish woman and even several Nazi party members. They all, for some reason, were not on the side of this Nazi party-- Aryan-- what is it? Aryanizer-- the guy who Aryanized the shop. So this is what I never expected to find at this late stage just briefly before the war, that these kind of relation-- also, they actually said to the police, we have a good neighbor-- what is it-- neighbor community, which is strange when you think there's the prosecution. There are all these laws. And how can they have, in the apartment house, good relationships between Nazis, non-Nazis, and Jews here. So I think life was much more complex, much more contradictory than we thought. But this explains, also, and allows us to explain certain things. First of all, what I described here that here was room for maneuver for Jews. And also, on the other hand, there was room for maneuver for non-Jewish Germans. And this was all about their personal choices, what they would do and what kind of actions they would take. If they were in favor of the Jews or against the Jews, it was a personal choice. OK. That's it.
Wolf Gruner, director of the USC Shoah Foundation Center for Advanced Genocide Research, spoke at Cornell March 17, 2016, drawing on previously unused local archival sources from various cities, as well as video testimonies, to demonstrate that German Jews performed many individual acts of defiance and protest against Nazi persecution starting in 1933 and well into the war.
The talk, sponsored by Cornell Jewish Studies and the Cornell University Library, is part of a series of events designed to highlight new access, through Cornell Library, to the USC Shoah Foundation's Visual History Archive. This archive is a collection of 53,000 video testimonies by survivors of the Nazi genocide, as well as the Rwandan genocide, the Nanjing massacre and the Armenian genocide.
Acts of defiance in Nazi Germany topic of Cornell talk (Cornell Chronicle)
Michael P. Steinberg: MLK Jr. in East and West Berlin
Cornell history professor sheds new light on the death of Julius Caesar
Winston Churchill: Brilliant Statesman or Brutal Demagogue?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


FORT LEE, Va. (May 5, 2016) -- Much of what students learn during the Petroleum Supply Specialist Course involves the receipt, issuance and storage of petroleum products.
In the conduct of those duties, personnel must protect against the ever-present threat of fire. That's why training at the Quartermaster School's Spc. Win'e Fire Suppression Training Facility is essential. Students not only learn emergency procedures but get valuable hands-on experience that can't be replicated in a classroom, said Staff Sgt. Melvin Johnson, an instructor team chief.
"You can explain this on PowerPoint all day, but that goes right over their heads as opposed to coming out here and actually using the equipment, knowing the importance of having battle buddies, learning safety procedures and feeling the hose pressure," he said after an April 28 training session.
During the two-hour familiarization, each student donned protective gear and was allowed a few minutes to man the lead position of a firefighter team tasked with suppressing a controlled fire.
Roughly 50 Soldiers from Victor and Uniform companies, 262nd QM Battalion, underwent the training that occurs during the ninth of an 11-week course.


text:
The Invisible Man's Revenge és una pel·lícula de terror estatunidenca del 1944 dirigida per Ford Beebe i escrita per Bertram Millhauser. La pel·lícula està protagonitzada per John Carradine com un científic que prova el seu experiment amb Jon Hall, un fugitiu d'un hospital psiquiàtric que pren el sèrum d'invisibilitat i després s'endinsa en una sèrie de crims. La pel·lícula es va anunciar el 10 de juny de 1943 i es va començar a rodar el 10 de gener de 1944 i va acabar a mitjans de febrer. En el seu llançament, es van assenyalar ressenyes a The New York Herald-Tribune, The New York Daily News i The New York World-Telegram. que la sèrie de pel·lícules i els seus efectes especials es van cansar, mentre que una crítica a The Hollywood Reporter la va declarar com una de les millors de la sèrie.

Tanca
Després d'assassinar dos vigilants, Robert Griffin s'escapa de l'aïllat centre mental de Ciutat del Cap on ha estat ingressat, i ara busca venjar-se de la respectable família Herrick. Una família formada per Sir Jasper i lady Irene, i la seva filla Julie, que es dediquen a entretenir i inspeccionar el nou xicot de Julie, el periodista Mark Foster, a la residència familiar. Més tard aquella nit Julie i Mark surten de la residència junts, i Sir Jasper i lady Irene es queden sols. És llavors quan en Robert decideix fer una visita a la parella. De manera força inesperada, entra a la residència i acusa la parella de deixar-lo morir a la natura africana, ferit quan estaven junts en un safari. La parella Herrick es defensa, al·legant que se'ls va dir que estava mort i no estava ferit, però en Robert no accepta la seva explicació. Demana que li donin la seva part dels camps de diamants que van descobrir tots junts al safari. Jasper intenta dir-li a Robert que tots els camps de diamants es van perdre en una sèrie de males inversions. Robert es nega a cedir, amenaçant de demandar als Herrick, i per calmar-lo i treure se'l de sobre, li ofereixen una part en una finca, els Shortlands. La seva contraproposta és que haurien d'organitzar que es casés amb la seva filla Julie. Després de dir això, és drogat per Lady Irene i es desmaia a casa seva. Els Herrick s'adonen que el seu vell amic i company s'ha tornat completament boig, i encara que tenen por del que els podria fer si no compleixen el seu desig, no veuen cap problema a robar l'acord fet o empènyer-lo més pel camí de la bogeria amb la seva traïció. Busquen la roba d'en Robert i troben l'acord de col·laboració escrit que tots van signar fa un temps. Prenent el paper, després llencen en Robert de casa seva. Robert gairebé s'ofega on s'amaga, inconscient, però és salvat per un sabater local Cockney amb el nom d'Herbert Higgins.

Herbert decideix utilitzar aquesta nova possibilitat -la informació que va rebre de Robert- per fer xantatge als Herrick. No té èxit, ja que Jasper truca al cap de policia Sir Frederick Travers. El cap de policia declara nuls les reclamacions de Robert sobre la propietat dels Herrick i li ordena que abandoni la seva jurisdicció. Robert marxa cap a Londres, però de camí passa per la casa del científic entusiasta Dr. Pere Drury. Aquest científic està involucrat en algunes investigacions qüestionables i està molt ansiós per trobar un subjecte adequat per provar la seva nova fórmula experimental: una fórmula per a la invisibilitat. Robert demana que el metge li ho provi, i ell accepta, desconeixent el fet que en Robert vol utilitzar-lo per venjar-se dels Herrick. Robert obliga en Jasper a cedir-li tota la seva propietat. També troba temps per ajudar el seu salvador Herbert a guanyar una partida de dards a la fonda local. Jasper també accepta en secret donar la mà de la seva filla en matrimoni a Robert, si mai recupera la seva visibilitat. Robert torna al laboratori dels científics i és testimoni de com el metge torna la visibilitat al seu gos Brutus, donant-li una transfusió de sang. Robert irromp al laboratori i deixa inconscient al metge, abans de fer-se una transfusió de sang amb la sang del metge. La transfusió provoca la mort del metge i, per evitar la captura, en Robert incendia el laboratori i s'enlaira just abans que la policia arribi al lloc dels fets.

Robert canvia la seva identitat a "Martin Field" i es muda amb els Herrick a la finca de la qual ara és el propietari. Quan l'Herbert s'assabenta del retorn d'en Robert, també fa un intent inútil de xantatge, i per llàstima -i potser per agraïment- Robert li paga mil lliures per desfer-se d'ell. Robert té una condició per pagar els diners: que Herbert mati el gos del metge Brutus, que ha seguit a Robert fins a la finca Herrick després de l'incendi. Robert comença a perdre la seva visibilitat un dia a la taula de l'esmorzar, amb Julie i el seu promès Mark presents. Enganya a Mark perquè el segueixi fins al celler, on noqueja l'home, començant una altra segona transfusió de sang amb la sang de Mark. El cap de policia Travers arriba a la finca després que s'ha assabentat del retorn de Robert. Amb una mica d'ajuda d'Herbert i Jasper irrompen al celler just quan la transfusió està a punt d'acabar, a temps per salvar la vida d'en Mark. Robert és atacat pel Brutus, encara molt viu, i el mata. Mark diu als altres que en Griffin es va tornar boig quan va ser tancat al manicomi i que no va fer cap mal a ningú fins que va escapar.

Repartiment

 Jon Hall as Robert Griffin Aka alias The Invisible Man
 Leon Errol i Herbert Higgins, Robert's Lackey
 John Carradine i el Dr. Peter Drury, un científic boig que ha descobert la fórmula de la invisibilitat
 Alan Curtis com a Mark Foster, el nuvi de Julie
 Evelyn Ankers com a Julie Herrick, Irene i la filla de Jasper
 Gale Sondergaard com Lady Irene Herrick, l'esposa de Jasper
 Lester Matthews com a Sir Jasper Herrick, el marit d'Irene i l'antic amic de Robert
 Halliwell Hobbes com a Cleghorn, el majordom de Herrick
 Leyland Hodgson i Sir Frederick Travers, amic de Jasper
 Doris Lloyd com a Maud, la cambrera
 Ian Wolfe i Jim Feeney, un advocat
 Billy Bevan com el sergent de policia
 Grey Shadow com Brutus, Dr. El gos de Drury
 Encara que el Dr. Drury anomena el gos Brutus a la pel·lícula, l'actor caní rep un crèdit "ell mateix" com a Grey Shadow.

Producció
Universal va anunciar per primera vegada el pla de The Invisible Man's Revenge el 10 de juny de 1943 amb l'esperança de tenir Claude Rains al capdavant. Altres membres del repartiment que es van alinear per a la pel·lícula van ser Edgar Barrier, que va optar per la producció el 6 de gener, després d'estar desencantat amb els papers que va tenir en pel·lícules com Phantom of the Opera i Cobra Woman.

Jon Hall també havia interpretat un personatge de l'home invisible per a Universal a Invisible Agent (1942), dos anys abans d'aquesta pel·lícula.

Abans del primer dia de rodatge de la pel·lícula, els advocats d'Universal van arribar a un acord amb H. G. Wells pels drets per fer dues seqüeles més de l'home invisible entre juliol de 1943 i octubre de 1951. La producció de la pel·lícula va començar el 10 de gener de 1944 i va continuar durant cinc setmanes i tres dies fins a mitjans de febrer. Després d'això, John P. Fulton es va fer càrrec de completar les seqüències d'efectes especials. El cost final de la pel·lícula va ser de 314.790 $.

Alliberament
The Invisible Man's Revenge va ser distribuïda en cinemes per Universal Pictures Company el 9 de juny de 1944. El preu brut mundial de la pel·lícula va ser de 765.700 dòlars. La pel·lícula es va estrenar en DVD com a part del conjunt "Invisible Man: The Legacy Collection", que incloïa  The Invisible Man, The Invisible Man Returns, The Invisible Woman i Invisible Agent. It was released again on blu ray as part of the "Invisible Man: The Complete Legacy Collection" on August 28, 2018.

Recepció
A partir de les crítiques contemporànies, Howard Barnes de The New York Herald-Tribune va trobar la pel·lícula "singularment poc emocionant", trobant la fotografia especial de John Fulton com "l'aspecte més sorprenent de la imatge [però] els trucs s'han fet massa sovint abans de la càmera per fer-los especialment efectius per si mateixos". Wanda Hale de The New York Daily News se n'ha fet ressò, trobant que "la criatura aterridora [...] no és cap novetat" i que la pel·lícula "no era el thriller estimulant que era  The Invisible Man. Un crític de The New York World-Telegram va declarar que "algunes de les variacions anteriors de la idea de l'home invisible d'H.G. Wells es van filmar amb la idea que la història hauria de tenir sentit. Aquesta política s'ha abandonat aquesta vegada" tot i que encara assenyala que Jon Hall estava sent "un actor molt més eficaç del que ha estat en algunes de les seves darreres aventures amb Technicolor cridaner". Per contra, un crític de The Hollywood Reporter la va declarar com una "de les millors i més entretingudes de la sèrie".

A partir de ressenyes retrospectives, els autors del llibre Universal Horrors van declarar que la pel·lícula era "la menys ambiciosa, però no la menys entretinguda de les sèries àmpliament variades d'Universal" i van assenyalar el seu "enfocament sense floritures a la seva temàtica", declarant-la millor que The Invisible Woman i Invisible Agent però no tan bona com The Invisible Man o The Invisible Man Returns. Els efectes especials de la pel·lícula es van descriure com "que tenen una qualitat descarada" amb només uns quants "trucs sorprenentment efectius".

A l'actor John Carradine, que odiava les pel·lícules de terror en què treballava, se li va preguntar al fanzine britànic House of Hammer si li agradava alguna de les pel·lícules de terror en què participava, i ell va respondre que li agradava The Invisible Man's Revenge.

Referències

Fonts

Enllaços externs

 The Invisible Man's Revenge a Internet Archive

Pel·lícules basades en llibres
Pel·lícules de ciència-ficció dels Estats Units
Pel·lícules de terror dels Estats Units
Pel·lícules dels Estats Units del 1944
Pel·lícules dels Estats Units en blanc i negre

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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This project was funded by the Heritage Council & Clare County Council as part of the County Clare Heritage Plan 2011-2017. As part of the project two workshops were held, the first focused on the care and conservation of graveyards and the second on graveyards recording for genealogy purposes. A detailed report with the research findings was submitted to the Heritage Council. This project commenced in June 2015 and was completed at the beginning of October 2015.


London-based electronic producer Digital Farm Animals celebrates the release of new single 'True' today by premiering the track's video exclusively with Wonderland.
Far from your typical beach-party sun-drenched summer video, it's a gritty, poignant narrative with a Robin Hood storyline including heavy police brutality and a Pig Vs Wolf chase, keeping the Digital Farm Animals twist.
Benefitting from the unique experimentation of London's music scene, Digital Farm Animals takes inspiration from a variety of music. He counts Kaytranada, Jimmy Napes, Pharrell, Paul Epworth and Disclosure as influences. Having assisting Lily Allen and Erik Hassle on official remixes and providing vocal duties on Netsky's new single 'Rio', it's fair to say Digital Farm Animals has become a powerful influence in other musician's spheres too.
While Digital Farm Animals has always been ahead of the curve with the nostalgic house music trend, 'True' shows he was only getting started with his prowess as a dynamic and versatile producer. Once again he has proved his talent for creating records that sound ever fresh and invigorating.
'True' is out today. Buy it here.


text:
The Loch Ness Papers (Scottish Bookshop Mystery) (Digital Audiobook)
By Paige Shelton, Susan Boyce (Narrator)
Mass Market (2/25/2020)
MP3 CD (4/2/2019)
Delaney Nichols is delighted with her life in Edinburgh, working at The Cracked Spine—a shop that specializes in hard-to-find books and artifacts. With a job she loves, and her fast approaching marriage to devastatingly handsome Scottish pub-owner Tom Shannon, Delaney's life could be straight out of a fairy tale—at least it would be, if the pastor meant to perform the wedding ceremony hadn't recently passed away. Outside the church where Delaney is searching for another reverend, she stumbles across Norval Fraser: an elderly man obsessed with the Loch Ness monster. Always attracted to the interesting and unusual, Delaney befriends Norval. But when his nephew is found dead, the police decide Norval's obsession has moved from monsters to murder.
With a wedding to plan, her family arriving soon from Kansas, and the arrival of an over-the-top Texan with a wildly valuable book, Delaney's plate is full to bursting, but she can't abandon her new friend. Determined to help Norval, she sets out to learn the truth. The Loch Ness buries its secrets deeply, but Delaney is determined to dig them up—whether Nessie likes it or not.
Susan Boyce is the award-winning narrator of over 140 audiobooks. She performs in variety theater, is one half of the song-and-dance team of Jones & Boyce, and holds a degree in theater and biology. Susan can be heard in phone trees, in computer games, and as the voice of the pink "Care Bear." She lives in St. Augustine, Florida, and summers in Greenville, Maine.


This is my final post about my visit to Loseley Park last week. If you missed my earlier posts about The White Garden, Flower Garden and long water pond, you will find these at the bottom of this one.
This picture is taken in the herb garden, looking back towards the house. The hollyhocks were absolutely stunning – we timed our visit perfectly for those!
The Herb garden is home to over 200 herbs which have either culinary, medicinal, household or decorative qualities.
The Organic Vegetable Garden is a fully functional and productive garden, but equally as attractive.
The roses in The Rose Garden were fabulous this year and I've noticed that they seem to be healthy everywhere, probably due to the dry and hot weather.
It was a bit bright by the time we got to take photographs here, but I hope you can imagine the scent that hits you as you walk through.
Burney, the head gardener, was busy deadheading when we left…rather him than me!
Your'e welcome Jenny – Burney is brilliant, such a great plantsman and the succession of planting is always first class.
Lovely pictures – it's an amazing garden in all seasons, but still not hugely popular, and rarely crowded.
I feel so lucky to work behind it !
You're absolutely right Sophie – shame in a way, but not for those of us who like it to be quiet!


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Last Wednesday the word seizure shot back into our vocabulary. In an instant the normal of the morning vanished when Noah, in the middle of breakfast, wandered confused and lost. Mike and I stood dumbfounded, and Avry began to cry as the neurons in Noah's brain misfired for the first time in nearly two years. If you've visited Noah's Road to learn about our journey, or you've followed us from the beginning, you might have imagined what that first day was like, the first moments on Noah's Road. Let me introduce you to the day it all began.
The room was surprisingly bright, sun stretching across the rounded chairs that lined the perimeter. The sliding glass doors closed behind me, and for a fraction of a moment I was taken off-guard by the disarming quiet. Then I ran to the front desk. "I'm looking for my son," I said. The gray-haired woman didn't look up at me. Her hands were spread over the keyboard. She typed a few letters. "He's an infant," I continued. My skin was the only thing keeping me from spilling out in panic and this woman moved slower than a snail in southern heat. I leaned over the counter. She looked up, seemingly unimpressed with this young blonde thing standing in front of her, and she pointed her finger to my right.
"Follow the yellow footprints," she said.
I dashed in that direction. An older man looked up from his magazine at me for a brief moment. "Where do I go?" I yelled back to her. I must not have listened. I didn't see any footprints in front of me.
She waved her left arm, her hand flailing limply. "Follow the footprints," she repeated.
I looked to where she'd gestured and then back to her.
"Go through the double doors," she said.
I still couldn't see what she meant. How was I missing this? I stopped and backed up. The walls all looked the same. Panic had changed the landscape. I forced myself still, closed my eyes. Reset the picture. When I opened my eyes again I saw the yellow footprints along the wall, toes pointed toward the pediatric wing. I walked through the double doors into a hallway with more hallways. I didn't see yellow footprints. Please don't make me go back out there. I turned to the right and saw a nurse with colorful patterned scrubs. I reached my arm to her.
She told me to follow her, which I did, just beyond her shadow.
Only forty minutes before I'd been at work, packing up for the day, laughing and goofing off with my co-workers. As I'd recovered from a laugh, my cell phone rang.
Trudy was Noah's daycare provider. She'd never called before.
"Noah choked on milk." It was a young voice, nervous, a child. Not Trudy.
"What?" I said. "What do you mean? Is he OK?" There was silence on the other end. "Hello?" I said.
My coworkers looked at me. Their faces had shifted from humor to concern.
"Mrs. Whitmer?" The voice was different again. A man.
The man said he was a police officer. His gave me his name, which I forgot instantly. He repeated that Noah had choked while drinking his bottle.
"The paramedics are working on him. He's pretty lethargic," he said.
I've been a writer all my adult life. I remember words. Lethargic confused me; it was nondescript and left too much to my imagination. I tossed items from my desk into my purse, long-armed sweeps of anything I might need. I searched for my keys, turning in circles, not remembering where I'd put them. I'd managed to lose my way in an area no bigger than a bathtub.
The nurse stopped for a brief moment outside a doorway on my right.
"Here," she said and disappeared. There was no sense of urgency, no alarm on her face.
I stepped into the room and fell into a scene I was unprepared for. Frenzied doctors and nurses huddled around the center of the room, moving in and out of each other, white jackets, pale blue scrubs, shoulders in and out, backs turned and twisting in every direction. I heard the rumble of voices but couldn't make out words. A woman looked up at me. Her gaze helped me focus. And then I saw Noah, stretched out before her.
I couldn't trust my initial senses when tragedy unfolded before me. The way I remember that first moment is with him lying naked in the center of a table, silver like a tray used to deliver medical tools to a surgeon; I know this memory is wrong. It was a bed. They'd been trying to warm him with blankets because his body temperature was dangerously low. Still, I can't shake the feeling that Noah was stretched across the cruelest slab of metal, as he seemed so close to death that no amount of warmth from a blanket could change that. His legs were spread, knees bent and fallen outward. Chest arched just slightly. I couldn't see his face, only a blue mask pushing artificial breaths. His fresh skin replaced with the palest shade of gray, a storm cloud threatening.
"Are you Mom?" The woman extended her arms to me as she spoke.
I must have nodded, though I can't remember moving.
When my husband Mike finally made it to the hospital, I witnessed what shock looks like. We can experience something for the first time, but not trust it. I'd already lost my ability to see clearly, missing primary-colored footprints on a wall. I'd been turned around and back again. I'd heard loud voices but hadn't understood words. When Mike came into the room, this man I'd shared my most intimate moments with over the course of our eight years together, I watched his eyes grow wide before tears crested and slid down his cheeks. I couldn't be trusted to receive and process information clearly, but I trusted my husband. His eyes always betray his heart, spilling the truth even when he tries to hide it.
After a few minutes of watching the crowd work on my baby boy, I stepped out to call my mom. I knew her reaction would be bigger than I was willing to hear so I altered my voice, attempting a singsong sound that betrayed me as soon as it erupted falsely from my mouth. She was frantic. Crying.
"What happened?" she must have asked.
"He's going to be fine," I said, I walked up and down the hallway, framed images of doctors and nurses along the wall, nothing but smiles on my right and left. Their faces masked the seriousness of their work.
"I'm leaving now," she said.
Already I could sense movement in her voice, shuffling. You'd think there would be stillness when news like this crashes down on us. But there isn't. It's the strangest thing. Momentum builds immediately and stillness is another detail lost in the past.
It was a useless request. I knew it as soon as the words spilled out casually. Pain punctuates the space between our thoughts and our words, and our tongue betrays us.
I was slow to walk back to the room, standing lost in the hallway of smiling doctors, attempting, I suppose, to grasp my reality before I went back into it.
When I returned to the room, the doctor updated us on the next steps in Noah's care. She was in her early forties, with deep honey-colored hair swept away from her face. I focused on the color of her lips, a soft brick red. She wore a small gold chain with a charm that rested on her freckled chest. I shifted between her lips and the necklace as she spoke, a hint of warm apricot in her skin.
« Do You Hide What God Wants to Reveal?


text:
Le premier tour des élections municipales françaises de 2020 à Lyon a lieu le . Le second tour, initialement prévu le 22 mars 2020, est reporté au  en raison de la pandémie de maladie à coronavirus. Il s'agit du renouvellement du conseil municipal de Lyon et des conseils d'arrondissements. Pour la première fois, la métropole de Lyon fait l'objet d'une élection distincte : l'élection métropolitaine.

Contexte
La ville de Lyon est dirigée depuis 2001 par Gérard Collomb, d'abord membre du Parti socialiste, puis de La République en marche depuis 2017, en apportant son soutien au candidat Emmanuel Macron à l'élection présidentielle de la même année. Il fut remplacé par Georges Képénékian, à la suite de sa nomination au ministère de l'Intérieur au sein des gouvernements Philippe I et II. Il redevient maire de Lyon le , après avoir démissionné du ministère de l'intérieur, en vue des élections municipales.

Candidats

Premier tour

EELV et LR relativement tôt dans la campagne
Le , par un vote des militants, le parti Europe Écologie Les Verts Choisit Grégory Doucet pour représenter le parti. Il était en concurrence avec le vice-président métropolitain Bruno Charles, qui plaidait pour un ralliement des écolos avec la liste du maire sortant (ex-PS à présent LREM) dès le premier tour.

Du côté de la droite classique, Les Républicains ont également leur candidat depuis , en la personne d'Étienne Blanc. Toutefois, les commentateurs notent qu'il évite soigneusement d'apposer le logo du parti sur ses affiches, au vu du faible score LR lors des récentes élections européenne (10% à Lyon). Il affiche l'ambition de miser sur un programme intégrant la dimension écologique .

Une succession douloureuse avec deux maires sortants
L'ex-ministre et maire sortant (LREM) Gérard Collomb, après avoir initialement annoncé sa candidature, est à sa demande investi en  par ce parti pour les élections métropolitaines où il affrontera notamment la liste LREM dissidente de David Kimelfeld soutenue par l'ancien maire Georges Képénékian, candidat pour retrouver son poste. Cela signifie que Collomb ne sera pas candidat à la mairie de Lyon, en raison de la loi sur le cumul des mandats, interdisant de cumuler la fonction de maire et la présidence de la métropole de Lyon.

Deux jours après cette annonce, Anne Brugnera retire sa candidature à l'investiture LREM pour Lyon, jugeant notamment que les atermoiements de la commission d'investiture montrent que  et . C'est finalement l'ex-athlète Yann Cucherat qui devient le poulain de Collomb et est investi par la liste présidentielle en .

Second tour
Pour le second tour, reprogrammé au , Gérard Collomb noue un accord avec les Républicains pour les élections municipales et métropolitaines : pour la ville de Lyon, Étienne Blanc (LR) retire sa candidature au profit de celle de Yann Cucherat (LREM) et leurs listes fusionnent, ce qui provoque de nombreuses réactions politiques poussant même LREM à annoncer le retrait de l'investiture à Cucherat.

De leur côté, les listes écologistes de Grégory Doucet et de gauche (Lyon en commun avec le  et LFI, ainsi que celles du PS et du PCF) confirment également qu'elles fusionneront leurs listes en vue du second tour. Les têtes des listes fusionnées sont toutes écologistes, étant donné que ces derniers ont fait de meilleurs résultats que les listes de gauche dans chaque arrondissement.

Enfin, les listes LREM dissidentes menées par Georges Képénékian ont exclu toute alliance avec les listes de Yann Cucherat, avançant que l'entourage du maire ne fait cette alliance que « pour sauver sa peau coûte que coûte, [en coopérant] avec ses ennemis politiques de toujours ».

Sondages

Premier tour

2020

2019

2018

 :
 en gras sur fond coloré : le candidat arrivé en tête du sondage ;
 en gras sur fond blanc le candidat arrivé en deuxième position du sondage.

Second tour

2020

Résultats

Résultats généraux

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortante : Nathalie Perrin-Gilbert (LFI)

14 sièges à pourvoir (dont 4 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortant : Denis Broliquier (LC)

15 sièges à pourvoir (dont 5 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortante : Catherine Panassier (MoDem)

36 sièges à pourvoir (dont 12 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortant : David Kimelfeld (LREM)

15 sièges à pourvoir (dont 5 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortante : Béatrice Gailliout (LREM)

24 sièges à pourvoir (dont 8 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortant : Pascal Blache (DVD)

27 sièges à pourvoir (dont 9 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortante : Myriam Picot (LREM)

27 sièges à pourvoir (dont 9 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortant : Christian Coulon (PS)

36 sièges à pourvoir (dont 12 à la Ville de Lyon)

arrondissement de Lyon

Maire sortant : Bernard Bochard (LREM)

27 sièges à pourvoir (dont 9 à la Ville de Lyon)

Élus

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Lyon
2020


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The Nanjing Research Institute of Electronics Technology's (NRIET's) KLJ-7A active electronically scanned-array (AESA) radar is being considered for use with China's J-20 multirole 'fifth-generation' fighter aircraft, a Chinese industry source has told Jane's .
The radar, a mock-up of which was displayed by NRIET in a three-array configuration at the Airshow China 2018 on 6–11 November, is one of the options being evaluated for use on the platform, said the source, without providing further details.
The KLJ-7A is an advanced variant of the KLJ-7 (also referred to as Type 1478) X-band airborne fire-control radar (FCR) that has previously been presented in a number of different configurations.


text:
February 16, 2008 - Contemporary Image Collective (CIC) - TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT: THE PUBLICATION
TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT: THE PUBLICATION
Malak Helmy
KOSHK: How to make your body double overnight, 2007
Installation shot
Courtesy Tarek Hefny
17 February 2008 at 7pm
20 Safeya Zaghloul St., Mounira, Cairo, Egypt
F +2 02 2794 1686
www.ciccairo.com
The book launch of TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT: THE PUBLICATION is the third installment in a multi-staged contemporary arts project curated by Aleya Hamza and Edit Molnar.
Initiated in Cairo in 2007 during Meeting Points 5 Festival, Tales around the Pavement explores the complex relationships and shifting dynamics between people and public space in the context of a mega city like Cairo, in which the notion of public space and its various functions, official and informal, is constantly negotiated and redefined.
The FIRST CHAPTER OF TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT was staged in the streets of Downtown Cairo. Seven local artists, designers and architects produced new low-budget site and context-specific projects that take an investigative research-based approach to the daily habits of people. Two of the seven works have taken the form of public furniture. The rest of the projects include a portable sound installation, a TV-based public situation, a street graphics project, a series of pictograms, and an interactive installation in an abandoned kiosk. Some of these lasted over the span of a week or more, but most have been ephemeral disruptions of the urban landscape through which this group of artists effectively reinvented some of the guerrilla-style tactics and survival strategies employed by city dwellers on a daily basis in the public arena.
In TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT: CHAPTER TWO, a similar set of questions and issues pertaining to public spaces in mega cities today from Istanbul to Mumbai were examined by an international group of artists, photographers, writers, curators and filmmakers. This chapter was presented within the framework of a visual arts show at CIC as well as a parallel public program of presentations, lectures and films screenings. Making use of a diverse range media and approaches, from single channel low-tech videos, sound installations to black and white documentary photographs, these cultural producers collectively spin a web of stories that is as multi-layered as the city itself.
In both chapters various concepts of property, privacy, ownership, class, marginalized sub-cultures and gated communities were explored within the narratives presented in the projects and program.
The focal point of TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT: THE PUBLICATION is the seven projects commissioned for the first chapter of the project. With photographs, illustrations, texts, notes and conversations, this publication seeks to track some of the experiences of producing a series of transient interventions in public spaces in Downtown Cairo. The book launch will be accompanied by a round table discussion with participating artists.
Chapter One: 5 – 15 November 2007
Chapter Two: 20 January – 29 February 2008
Marwan Fayed, Kareem Lotfy, Malak Helmy, George Azmy, Mahmoud Hamdy, Eklego Design, Mohamed Allam, Hany Rashed, Jean-Luc Marchina, Katarina Sevic, Mahmoud Khaled, Osman Bozkurt, Randa Shaath,
Tarek Hefny
PROGRAM: CHAPTER TWO
Opening reception of visual arts exhibition
OPEN CITY: ISTANBUL
Presentation by Istanbul-based artist Osman Bozkurt
MUMBAI RISING
Presentation by British photographer Jason Larkin
Film screening of THE TEQUILA GANG, directed by László Hudák-Lénárt Imre, a project by Miklós Erhardt, 1998, 58 min (Hungarian with English subtitles)
Book Launch of TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT: THE PUBLICATION
FORM, FUNCTION AND COMMODITY. INVENTING THE MODERN CITY THROUGH
NON-FICTIONAL FILM
Lecture by Berlin-based artist and film curator Florian Wüst
Film screening of CHAIN directed by Jem Cohen, USA, 2004, 100 min (English language)
TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT has been made possible with the generous support of the Young Arab Theatre Fund, Meeting Points 5, Pro Helvetia: The Swiss Arts Council, Goethe-Institut Kairo and
ACAX Budapest
Contemporary Image Collective (CIC)
Share - TALES AROUND THE PAVEMENT: THE PUBLICATION


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You acknowledge that TLI assumes no liability or responsibility for the content of the Tutorial or Site or for errors, omissions or ambiguities with respect to either. You agree that your sole remedy in case of a breach by TLI of its warranties hereunder shall be a refund of the purchase price of the Tutorial and that in no event will TLI be liable for any additional costs or damages whatsoever arising out of the Tutorial or Site or the content of either, including direct, indirect, incidental, consequential or punitive damages.
You understand that TLI does not review, and has no control over, any Tutorial or Site content or communications and that, in participating in the Tutorial and using the Site, you agree to hold TLI harmless from and against any claims or causes of action you may have with respect to any such content or communications including, specifically, the subject matter, form, expression or substance of any content or communications.
TLI has not reviewed and does not review any websites that may be linked to the Site, and specifically disclaims responsibility for the content of any such sites.
You understand that TLI and Tutor cannot assure that each scheduled Tutorial will commence or conclude at the times scheduled or that a specific instructor will lead a given Tutorial and you agree that TLI and all Tutors shall have no liability whatsoever for the cancellation, delay or abbreviation of any Tutorial or the identity of the Tutor for any given Tutorial. Although TLI cannot reschedule classes at the request of a student, any student who is unable to attend a scheduled class my request advice on how appropriately to supplement that student's course of studies to make up for the missed class.
You understand that if, in TLI's sole judgment, you are not in compliance with the provisions of this Code of Conduct, your participation in any Tutorial or with the Site may be terminated without reimbursement of any fees paid by or due from you.