text:
/* ====================================================================
 * Copyright (c) 1998-2001 The OpenSSL Project.  All rights reserved.
 *
 * Redistribution and use in source and binary forms, with or without
 * modification, are permitted provided that the following conditions
 * are met:
 *
 * 1. Redistributions of source code must retain the above copyright
 *    notice, this list of conditions and the following disclaimer.
 *
 * 2. Redistributions in binary form must reproduce the above copyright
 *    notice, this list of conditions and the following disclaimer in
 *    the documentation and/or other materials provided with the
 *    distribution.
 *
 * 3. All advertising materials mentioning features or use of this
 *    software must display the following acknowledgment:
 *    "This product includes software developed by the OpenSSL Project
 *    for use in the OpenSSL Toolkit. (http://www.openssl.org/)"
 *
 * 4. The names "OpenSSL Toolkit" and "OpenSSL Project" must not be used to
 *    endorse or promote products derived from this software without
 *    prior written permission. For written permission, please contact
 *    openssl-core@openssl.org.
 *
 * 5. Products derived from this software may not be called "OpenSSL"
 *    nor may "OpenSSL" appear in their names without prior written
 *    permission of the OpenSSL Project.
 *
 * 6. Redistributions of any form whatsoever must retain the following
 *    acknowledgment:
 *    "This product includes software developed by the OpenSSL Project
 *    for use in the OpenSSL Toolkit (http://www.openssl.org/)"
 *
 * THIS SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED BY THE OpenSSL PROJECT ``AS IS'' AND ANY
 * EXPRESSED OR IMPLIED WARRANTIES, INCLUDING, BUT NOT LIMITED TO, THE
 * IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY AND FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR
 * PURPOSE ARE DISCLAIMED.  IN NO EVENT SHALL THE OpenSSL PROJECT OR
 * ITS CONTRIBUTORS BE LIABLE FOR ANY DIRECT, INDIRECT, INCIDENTAL,
 * SPECIAL, EXEMPLARY, OR CONSEQUENTIAL DAMAGES (INCLUDING, BUT
 * NOT LIMITED TO, PROCUREMENT OF SUBSTITUTE GOODS OR SERVICES;
 * LOSS OF USE, DATA, OR PROFITS; OR BUSINESS INTERRUPTION)
 * HOWEVER CAUSED AND ON ANY THEORY OF LIABILITY, WHETHER IN CONTRACT,
 * STRICT LIABILITY, OR TORT (INCLUDING NEGLIGENCE OR OTHERWISE)
 * ARISING IN ANY WAY OUT OF THE USE OF THIS SOFTWARE, EVEN IF ADVISED
 * OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.
 * ====================================================================
 *
 * This product includes cryptographic software written by Eric Young
 * (eay@cryptsoft.com).  This product includes software written by Tim
 * Hudson (tjh@cryptsoft.com). */

#ifndef OPENSSL_HEADER_CRYPTO_INTERNAL_H
#define OPENSSL_HEADER_CRYPTO_INTERNAL_H

#include <openssl/ex_data.h>
#include <openssl/thread.h>

#if defined(_MSC_VER)
#if !defined(__cplusplus) || _MSC_VER < 1900
#define alignas(x) __declspec(align(x))
#define alignof __alignof
#endif
#else
#include <stdalign.h>
#endif

#if defined(OPENSSL_NO_THREADS)
#elif defined(OPENSSL_WINDOWS)
OPENSSL_MSVC_PRAGMA(warning(push, 3))
#include <windows.h>
OPENSSL_MSVC_PRAGMA(warning(pop))
#else
#include <pthread.h>
#endif

#if defined(__cplusplus)
extern "C" {
#endif

#if defined(OPENSSL_X86) || defined(OPENSSL_X86_64) || defined(OPENSSL_ARM) || \
    defined(OPENSSL_AARCH64)
/* OPENSSL_cpuid_setup initializes OPENSSL_ia32cap_P. */
void OPENSSL_cpuid_setup(void);
#endif

#if !defined(_MSC_VER) && defined(OPENSSL_64_BIT)
typedef __int128_t int128_t;
typedef __uint128_t uint128_t;
#endif

/* buffers_alias returns one if |a| and |b| alias and zero otherwise. */
static inline int buffers_alias(const uint8_t *a, size_t a_len,
                                const uint8_t *b, size_t b_len) {
  /* Cast |a| and |b| to integers. In C, pointer comparisons between unrelated
   * objects are undefined whereas pointer to integer conversions are merely
   * implementation-defined. We assume the implementation defined it in a sane
   * way. */
  uintptr_t a_u = (uintptr_t)a;
  uintptr_t b_u = (uintptr_t)b;
  return a_u + a_len > b_u && b_u + b_len > a_u;
}

/* Constant-time utility functions.
 *
 * The following methods return a bitmask of all ones (0xff...f) for true and 0
 * for false. This is useful for choosing a value based on the result of a
 * conditional in constant time. For example,
 *
 * if (a < b) {
 *   c = a;
 * } else {
 *   c = b;
 * }
 *
 * can be written as
 *
 * unsigned int lt = constant_time_lt(a, b);
 * c = constant_time_select(lt, a, b); */

/* constant_time_msb returns the given value with the MSB copied to all the
 * other bits. */
static inline unsigned int constant_time_msb(unsigned int a) {
  return (unsigned int)((int)(a) >> (sizeof(int) * 8 - 1));
}

/* constant_time_lt returns 0xff..f if a < b and 0 otherwise. */
static inline unsigned int constant_time_lt(unsigned int a, unsigned int b) {
  /* Consider the two cases of the problem:
   *   msb(a) == msb(b): a < b iff the MSB of a - b is set.
   *   msb(a) != msb(b): a < b iff the MSB of b is set.
   *
   * If msb(a) == msb(b) then the following evaluates as:
   *   msb(a^((a^b)|((a-b)^a))) ==
   *   msb(a^((a-b) ^ a))       ==   (because msb(a^b) == 0)
   *   msb(a^a^(a-b))           ==   (rearranging)
   *   msb(a-b)                      (because ∀x. x^x == 0)
   *
   * Else, if msb(a) != msb(b) then the following evaluates as:
   *   msb(a^((a^b)|((a-b)^a))) ==
   *   msb(a^(𝟙 | ((a-b)^a)))   ==   (because msb(a^b) == 1 and 𝟙
   *                                  represents a value s.t. msb(𝟙) = 1)
   *   msb(a^𝟙)                 ==   (because ORing with 1 results in 1)
   *   msb(b)
   *
   *
   * Here is an SMT-LIB verification of this formula:
   *
   * (define-fun lt ((a (_ BitVec 32)) (b (_ BitVec 32))) (_ BitVec 32)
   *   (bvxor a (bvor (bvxor a b) (bvxor (bvsub a b) a)))
   * )
   *
   * (declare-fun a () (_ BitVec 32))
   * (declare-fun b () (_ BitVec 32))
   *
   * (assert (not (= (= #x00000001 (bvlshr (lt a b) #x0000001f)) (bvult a b))))
   * (check-sat)
   * (get-model)
   */
  return constant_time_msb(a^((a^b)|((a-b)^a)));
}

/* constant_time_lt_8 acts like |constant_time_lt| but returns an 8-bit mask. */
static inline uint8_t constant_time_lt_8(unsigned int a, unsigned int b) {
  return (uint8_t)(constant_time_lt(a, b));
}

/* constant_time_gt returns 0xff..f if a >= b and 0 otherwise. */
static inline unsigned int constant_time_ge(unsigned int a, unsigned int b) {
  return ~constant_time_lt(a, b);
}

/* constant_time_ge_8 acts like |constant_time_ge| but returns an 8-bit mask. */
static inline uint8_t constant_time_ge_8(unsigned int a, unsigned int b) {
  return (uint8_t)(constant_time_ge(a, b));
}

/* constant_time_is_zero returns 0xff..f if a == 0 and 0 otherwise. */
static inline unsigned int constant_time_is_zero(unsigned int a) {
  /* Here is an SMT-LIB verification of this formula:
   *
   * (define-fun is_zero ((a (_ BitVec 32))) (_ BitVec 32)
   *   (bvand (bvnot a) (bvsub a #x00000001))
   * )
   *
   * (declare-fun a () (_ BitVec 32))
   *
   * (assert (not (= (= #x00000001 (bvlshr (is_zero a) #x0000001f)) (= a #x00000000))))
   * (check-sat)
   * (get-model)
   */
  return constant_time_msb(~a & (a - 1));
}

/* constant_time_is_zero_8 acts like constant_time_is_zero but returns an 8-bit
 * mask. */
static inline uint8_t constant_time_is_zero_8(unsigned int a) {
  return (uint8_t)(constant_time_is_zero(a));
}

/* constant_time_eq returns 0xff..f if a == b and 0 otherwise. */
static inline unsigned int constant_time_eq(unsigned int a, unsigned int b) {
  return constant_time_is_zero(a ^ b);
}

/* constant_time_eq_8 acts like |constant_time_eq| but returns an 8-bit mask. */
static inline uint8_t constant_time_eq_8(unsigned int a, unsigned int b) {
  return (uint8_t)(constant_time_eq(a, b));
}

/* constant_time_eq_int acts like |constant_time_eq| but works on int values. */
static inline unsigned int constant_time_eq_int(int a, int b) {
  return constant_time_eq((unsigned)(a), (unsigned)(b));
}

/* constant_time_eq_int_8 acts like |constant_time_eq_int| but returns an 8-bit
 * mask. */
static inline uint8_t constant_time_eq_int_8(int a, int b) {
  return constant_time_eq_8((unsigned)(a), (unsigned)(b));
}

/* constant_time_select returns (mask & a) | (~mask & b). When |mask| is all 1s
 * or all 0s (as returned by the methods above), the select methods return
 * either |a| (if |mask| is nonzero) or |b| (if |mask| is zero). */
static inline unsigned int constant_time_select(unsigned int mask,
                                                unsigned int a, unsigned int b) {
  return (mask & a) | (~mask & b);
}

/* constant_time_select_8 acts like |constant_time_select| but operates on
 * 8-bit values. */
static inline uint8_t constant_time_select_8(uint8_t mask, uint8_t a,
                                             uint8_t b) {
  return (uint8_t)(constant_time_select(mask, a, b));
}

/* constant_time_select_int acts like |constant_time_select| but operates on
 * ints. */
static inline int constant_time_select_int(unsigned int mask, int a, int b) {
  return (int)(constant_time_select(mask, (unsigned)(a), (unsigned)(b)));
}

/* Thread-safe initialisation. */

/* Android's mingw-w64 has some prototypes for INIT_ONCE, but is missing
 * others. Work around the missing ones.
 *
 * TODO(davidben): Remove this once Android's mingw-w64 is upgraded. See
 * b/26523949. */
#if defined(__MINGW32__) && !defined(INIT_ONCE_STATIC_INIT)
typedef RTL_RUN_ONCE INIT_ONCE;
#define INIT_ONCE_STATIC_INIT RTL_RUN_ONCE_INIT
#endif

#if defined(OPENSSL_NO_THREADS)
typedef uint32_t CRYPTO_once_t;
#define CRYPTO_ONCE_INIT 0
#elif defined(OPENSSL_WINDOWS)
typedef INIT_ONCE CRYPTO_once_t;
#define CRYPTO_ONCE_INIT INIT_ONCE_STATIC_INIT
#else
typedef pthread_once_t CRYPTO_once_t;
#define CRYPTO_ONCE_INIT PTHREAD_ONCE_INIT
#endif

/* CRYPTO_once calls |init| exactly once per process. This is thread-safe: if
 * concurrent threads call |CRYPTO_once| with the same |CRYPTO_once_t| argument
 * then they will block until |init| completes, but |init| will have only been
 * called once.
 *
 * The |once| argument must be a |CRYPTO_once_t| that has been initialised with
 * the value |CRYPTO_ONCE_INIT|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_once(CRYPTO_once_t *once, void (*init)(void));

/* Reference counting. */

/* CRYPTO_REFCOUNT_MAX is the value at which the reference count saturates. */
#define CRYPTO_REFCOUNT_MAX 0xffffffff

/* CRYPTO_refcount_inc atomically increments the value at |*count| unless the
 * value would overflow. It's safe for multiple threads to concurrently call
 * this or |CRYPTO_refcount_dec_and_test_zero| on the same
 * |CRYPTO_refcount_t|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_refcount_inc(CRYPTO_refcount_t *count);

/* CRYPTO_refcount_dec_and_test_zero tests the value at |*count|:
 *   if it's zero, it crashes the address space.
 *   if it's the maximum value, it returns zero.
 *   otherwise, it atomically decrements it and returns one iff the resulting
 *       value is zero.
 *
 * It's safe for multiple threads to concurrently call this or
 * |CRYPTO_refcount_inc| on the same |CRYPTO_refcount_t|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT int CRYPTO_refcount_dec_and_test_zero(CRYPTO_refcount_t *count);

/* Locks.
 *
 * Two types of locks are defined: |CRYPTO_MUTEX|, which can be used in
 * structures as normal, and |struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX|, which can be used as
 * a global lock. A global lock must be initialised to the value
 * |CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT|.
 *
 * |CRYPTO_MUTEX| can appear in public structures and so is defined in
 * thread.h as a structure large enough to fit the real type. The global lock is
 * a different type so it may be initialized with platform initializer macros.*/

#if defined(OPENSSL_NO_THREADS)
struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX {
  char padding;  /* Empty structs have different sizes in C and C++. */
};
#define CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT { 0 }
#elif defined(OPENSSL_WINDOWS)
struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX {
  SRWLOCK lock;
};
#define CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT { SRWLOCK_INIT }
#else
struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX {
  pthread_rwlock_t lock;
};
#define CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT { PTHREAD_RWLOCK_INITIALIZER }
#endif

/* CRYPTO_MUTEX_init initialises |lock|. If |lock| is a static variable, use a
 * |CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_MUTEX_init(CRYPTO_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_MUTEX_lock_read locks |lock| such that other threads may also have a
 * read lock, but none may have a write lock. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_MUTEX_lock_read(CRYPTO_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_MUTEX_lock_write locks |lock| such that no other thread has any type
 * of lock on it. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_MUTEX_lock_write(CRYPTO_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_MUTEX_unlock_read unlocks |lock| for reading. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_MUTEX_unlock_read(CRYPTO_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_MUTEX_unlock_write unlocks |lock| for writing. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_MUTEX_unlock_write(CRYPTO_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_MUTEX_cleanup releases all resources held by |lock|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_MUTEX_cleanup(CRYPTO_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_lock_read locks |lock| such that other threads may also
 * have a read lock, but none may have a write lock. The |lock| variable does
 * not need to be initialised by any function, but must have been statically
 * initialised with |CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_lock_read(
    struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_lock_write locks |lock| such that no other thread has
 * any type of lock on it.  The |lock| variable does not need to be initialised
 * by any function, but must have been statically initialised with
 * |CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_lock_write(
    struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_unlock_read unlocks |lock| for reading. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_unlock_read(
    struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX *lock);

/* CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_unlock_write unlocks |lock| for writing. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_unlock_write(
    struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX *lock);

/* Thread local storage. */

/* thread_local_data_t enumerates the types of thread-local data that can be
 * stored. */
typedef enum {
  OPENSSL_THREAD_LOCAL_ERR = 0,
  OPENSSL_THREAD_LOCAL_RAND,
  OPENSSL_THREAD_LOCAL_URANDOM_BUF,
  OPENSSL_THREAD_LOCAL_TEST,
  NUM_OPENSSL_THREAD_LOCALS,
} thread_local_data_t;

/* thread_local_destructor_t is the type of a destructor function that will be
 * called when a thread exits and its thread-local storage needs to be freed. */
typedef void (*thread_local_destructor_t)(void *);

/* CRYPTO_get_thread_local gets the pointer value that is stored for the
 * current thread for the given index, or NULL if none has been set. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void *CRYPTO_get_thread_local(thread_local_data_t value);

/* CRYPTO_set_thread_local sets a pointer value for the current thread at the
 * given index. This function should only be called once per thread for a given
 * |index|: rather than update the pointer value itself, update the data that
 * is pointed to.
 *
 * The destructor function will be called when a thread exits to free this
 * thread-local data. All calls to |CRYPTO_set_thread_local| with the same
 * |index| should have the same |destructor| argument. The destructor may be
 * called with a NULL argument if a thread that never set a thread-local
 * pointer for |index|, exits. The destructor may be called concurrently with
 * different arguments.
 *
 * This function returns one on success or zero on error. If it returns zero
 * then |destructor| has been called with |value| already. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT int CRYPTO_set_thread_local(
    thread_local_data_t index, void *value,
    thread_local_destructor_t destructor);

/* ex_data */

typedef struct crypto_ex_data_func_st CRYPTO_EX_DATA_FUNCS;

/* CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS tracks the ex_indices registered for a type which
 * supports ex_data. It should defined as a static global within the module
 * which defines that type. */
typedef struct {
  struct CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX lock;
  STACK_OF(CRYPTO_EX_DATA_FUNCS) *meth;
  /* num_reserved is one if the ex_data index zero is reserved for legacy
   * |TYPE_get_app_data| functions. */
  uint8_t num_reserved;
} CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS;

#define CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS_INIT {CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT, NULL, 0}
#define CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS_INIT_WITH_APP_DATA \
    {CRYPTO_STATIC_MUTEX_INIT, NULL, 1}

/* CRYPTO_get_ex_new_index allocates a new index for |ex_data_class| and writes
 * it to |*out_index|. Each class of object should provide a wrapper function
 * that uses the correct |CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS|. It returns one on success and
 * zero otherwise. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT int CRYPTO_get_ex_new_index(CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS *ex_data_class,
                                           int *out_index, long argl,
                                           void *argp, CRYPTO_EX_dup *dup_func,
                                           CRYPTO_EX_free *free_func);

/* CRYPTO_set_ex_data sets an extra data pointer on a given object. Each class
 * of object should provide a wrapper function. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT int CRYPTO_set_ex_data(CRYPTO_EX_DATA *ad, int index, void *val);

/* CRYPTO_get_ex_data returns an extra data pointer for a given object, or NULL
 * if no such index exists. Each class of object should provide a wrapper
 * function. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void *CRYPTO_get_ex_data(const CRYPTO_EX_DATA *ad, int index);

/* CRYPTO_new_ex_data initialises a newly allocated |CRYPTO_EX_DATA|. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_new_ex_data(CRYPTO_EX_DATA *ad);

/* CRYPTO_dup_ex_data duplicates |from| into a freshly allocated
 * |CRYPTO_EX_DATA|, |to|. Both of which are inside objects of the given
 * class. It returns one on success and zero otherwise. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT int CRYPTO_dup_ex_data(CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS *ex_data_class,
                                      CRYPTO_EX_DATA *to,
                                      const CRYPTO_EX_DATA *from);

/* CRYPTO_free_ex_data frees |ad|, which is embedded inside |obj|, which is an
 * object of the given class. */
OPENSSL_EXPORT void CRYPTO_free_ex_data(CRYPTO_EX_DATA_CLASS *ex_data_class,
                                        void *obj, CRYPTO_EX_DATA *ad);

#if defined(__cplusplus)
}  /* extern C */
#endif

#endif  /* OPENSSL_HEADER_CRYPTO_INTERNAL_H */


Any good cake starts with the right ingredients. For MQ this means starting with the right data. The right data is always category, project and client specific. Here are our thoughts about data.
Including the data you want while excluding the data you don't what is hard. We discussed the Visa example, and you have experienced this with your brand. De-spamming and de-duping is an important part of the job.
Brand mentions range from 2% to 30% of the relevant data (depending on category, so only collecting brand mentions will miss most of the relevant conversation.
It isn't helpful to get all of the data. (Splogs – or spam blogs have LOTS of brand mentions – but aren't real and VERY hard to eliminate. Focusing on and gathering the sites where the most people are participating virtually guarantees the elimination of Splogs.
5 years of expertise in solving the challenges above with a combination of technology tools and linguistic programming expertise provides MQ with a significant advantage over most of our competition.
You can't bake a cake without measuring cups, mixers, whisks, spatulas, pans and an oven. We can't do our work without a broad sophisticated toolkit. One of the fundamental challenges in analyzing large amounts of unstructured text data is that you simply can't make sense of it in any sort of manual fashion. Sophisticated software tools are the answer, but how those tools are developed and deployed makes a difference.
Language is fluid over time and across categories. Tools must be too. Every one of our tools is parameter driven and allows the strategist to adjust the linguistic model and other parameters for the category and project at hand.
Simple measures (counts, brand mentions, sentiment) are not useful for understanding why people do what they do and without understanding, we don't gain the insight of what to do next.
Understanding requires more sophisticated tools. That is why we have tools for passion peaking, measuring motivations, word association, brand advocacy and many, many others.
We have many tools available, but the tools used and the order of use is very project dependent.
Finally, you can't bake a cake without a cook. Well, I guess you can use a box mix from the grocery store and bake a cake without a cook, but if you have a special occasion and hire a chef to bake a cake, you don't expect to get something from a box mix. You expect a cake cooked to your specifications for your occasion. You expect something unique, professional, surprising and delicious for your special occasion. In our world, the dashboard and organized data providers are the box mixes.
MotiveQuest brings the experienced professional chef who will design and deliver a custom cake according to your exact interests, needs and specifications.
Experience matters. We have very sophisticated toolsets and it takes at least 6 months to get a strategist (most of whom have advanced degrees and backgrounds in consulting or planning) trained and productive.
The tools are complex because the problems are complex.
A single strategist is responsible for the entire project including data collection, organization, analysis, insights and recommendations.
Each project has its own specifications and requirements. Communication, solid project management and client involvement are all required to achieve good results.
MotiveQuest Senior Leadership is deeply involved in every project to ensure results that meet your needs.
I will send the MQ capabilities presentation in another email. Our case studies are very marketing (not data or technology) focused for a reason. We don't get hired to provide data or technology, but instead to solve real world marketing and communication problems. I'll be happy to provide more detail about any of them.
Thanks very much for your time on these issues, and I hope this helps answer some of your questions.
This entry was posted on Monday, April 27th, 2009 at 1:36 pm and is filed under advocacy, consumer generated media, marketing, MotiveQuest.	You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.


text:
New Reveals in 'Batman v. Superman' Trailer Indicates a Darkseid Invasion
The new trailer to DC's 2016 superhero bash reveals little new character details and huge new villains.
Eric Francisco
Last night on Jimmy Kimmel Live, the world was graced with a new trailer for the other superhero throwdown of 2016, Batman v. Superman: Dawn of Justice.
The trailer came loaded with new scenes revealing new things, big and small. But what were they? Here's the rundown.
Bruce Wayne is a xenophobe.
"Every time your hero saves a cat out of a tree, you write a puff-piece editorial. About an alien. Who could burn the whole place down." Well then. Our first reveal: Bruce Wayne is a Facebook commentator.
It was known for a long time that Batman is taking up the position of defender against Superman, the world's first known alien whom he fears could zap the whole planet before noon. But it wasn't known until the trailer how deep Wayne's anti-alien position would run. Expect several think pieces about illegal immigration parables in Dawn of Justice.
"I have a bad history with freaks dressed like clowns."
Could be a cute nod to Batman's history, or he's referring to the actual Joker who will be in Suicide Squad. Remember: There's a Robin costume in the Batcave defaced with graffiti. Joker graffiti.
Lex Luthor is actually hysterical.
Prior to the Kimmel trailer, the only glimpses of Lex Luthor (Jr.) portrayed an enigmatic tech bro who spoke as if he were a Biblical scholar. The new trailer actually showed a funny bone and personality to the LexCorp CEO, though his humor was a little too meta and obvious.
"You should not pick a fight with this person." Oh, but he will.
Still, it's nice to know Luthor hasn't lost his wit.
Holy shit, is there going to be a Darkseid invasion?
Check out these things. Are they Parademons?
If so, then that signals a coming invasion by Darkseid, who will likely be the major villain for the Justice League movie.
Batman is fighting to prove something, not pummel Superman.
Superman: "Stay down. If I wanted it, you'd be dead already."
I had a gut feeling screenwriter David Goyer and director Zack Snyder would never make Batman delusional to ever winning a fight with Superman, no matter what Frank Miller wrote in the comics. It's ridiculous. But Batman isn't trying to win with punches. He's winning by embarrassment.
Batman's super suit allows him to withstand Superman's power. He's playing a long game in a battle of attrition. He wants to prove Superman is a maniacal space alien that doesn't belong, and if he could go within an inch of Batman's life — someone trying to protect the planet — then what good is he to live among humans?
The ending.
"If man won't kill god, the devil will do it," says Lex Luthor before he unleashes Doomsday, one of Superman's greatest foes in comic book history.
The trailer kinda spoiled the movie. In what is clearly from the third act of Dawn of Justice, an enraged Luthor — possibly fed up that Batman wouldn't get the job done like he'd hoped — lets loose Doomsday. Or so that's how the trailer structures it.
YO. WONDER WOMAN.
OK, she isn't new. But damn if this shot of DC's Trinity isn't great.
Batman v. Superman: Dawn of Justice will be released March 25th, which isn't soon enough.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Sarah Brouillette — Couple Up: Review of "Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism"
boundary2
by Sarah Brouillette
Review of Melinda Cooper, Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism (New York: Zone Books, 2017)
The basics of neoliberalism are by now well known. Pressured to be wary of public deficit spending, and trying to find ways to rejuvenate depressed economies, neoliberal governments cut spending on welfare and other social services, and turn the programs that do remain into job training "workfare." Policies at the same time shift to give priority to the needs of businesses wanting to keep wages low, to offshore production, and to make few or no commitments to workers. The power of unions is undercut as a result, so it is decreasingly possible to look to that form of collectivity as a shelter.[1] Politicians, advisors, sympathetic management consultants and business professors meanwhile emphasize private initiative and personal merit as the keys to success. As a result, work has been trending toward the less regular, less routine, less secure, less protected by union membership, with wages stagnant and less likely to be supplemented by things like affordable public education, low rents, tax credits, and childcare benefit payments.
The working individual suited to this environment will naturally possess certain traits, as people are encouraged to look to themselves for more and more of what they need. Everything becomes a matter of personal responsibility: invest smartly for the future, take out a loan to pay for college, be your own brand, find your joy, "live your life." If there is a culture of neoliberalism, it is all about interiority and the individual psychic life: therapeutic culture, because there is little state funding for mental health treatment. Find out who you really are, do what you love, look within, take your natural resilience as the base of every struggle and its overcoming; experience setbacks, Pop Idol style, as welcome occasions to overcome every hurdle. Self-improve. Self-actualize.
The causal relations are sometimes murky and eminently debatable. Don't governments in fact fund wellness initiatives, especially targeting underprivileged communities? And what about all the counternarratives emphasizing the necessity of communities coming together – the British Tories' "Big Society," for instance? But the general account of neoliberalism is quite uniform. It pinpoints the force of biographization, responsibilization, individualization, self-management, a DIY ethos, and customization of personal preference as the lifeblood of the neoliberal order.[2]
Against all this, Melinda Cooper's Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism argues that the key social unit of neoliberalism is not the individual but the family, and not just any family but the family in perpetual crisis. She presents the postwar Fordist family wage – basically, a state-backed wage high enough to support a family with only one parent working – as a "mechanism for the normalization of gender and sexual relationships" (8), and for this reason sees no reason to lament its demise. As an "instrument of redistribution," she writes, it "policed the boundaries between women and men's work and white and black men's labor" and was "inseparable from the imperative of sexual normativity" (23). "Few African American men enjoyed the family wage privileges of the unionized industrial labor force," and their disproportionately high unemployment is evidence of the "multiple exclusions serving to define the boundaries of state-subsidized reproduction" (35-6).
Just as the "Fordist politics of class … established white, married masculinity as point of access to full social protection" (23), the fundamental concern for neoliberals like Gary Becker was how to respond to the breakdown of this masculinity and the family built around it. "Neoliberals are particularly concerned about the enormous social costs that derive from the breakdown of the stable Fordist family," Cooper argues. They aim "to reestablish the private family as the primary source of economic security and the comprehensive alternative to the welfare state" (9). Basically, they want the traditional family intact as a compensation for precarity.
The data show that in the neoliberal era private family wealth is increasingly decisive in "shaping and restricting social mobility" (125), and this is a result of concerted policymaking. In the 1960s, inflation eroded the wealth at the top tiers, as it translated into the deflation of financial assets. Inflation was at the time understood in precisely this way, as a redistributive tax, "intensifying progressive tendencies" of the period: "Free-market economists insinuated that inflation was a form of state-sanctioned fraud – a covert tax designed to extort wealth from investors and transfer is to the lower classes" (127). The neoliberal "paradigm shift in American fiscal and monetary policy" sets about ending this redistributive movement. If the Employment Act of 1946 wanted to "promote maximum employment, production and purchasing power," where wage and price inflation were understood as signs of growth and as "benign trade-offs to full employment," the neoliberals overturned all this.
Figures such as Milton Friedman and Paul Volcker "turn[ed] inflation-targeting into the prime objective of monetary policy," thus restricting the money supply and pushing up interest rates. Whereas bondholders in the 1970s saw assets depreciate and the Federal Reserve "deferred to the interests of unionized labor and welfare constituencies," in the new era the Fed would strive "to repress wages and consumer prices in the service of asset price appreciation." These policies led to a sure turnaround in the distribution of national income; the "share of national income flowing to financial investors went from negative or stagnant in the 1970s to 'substantially positive' in the 1980s"; while "labor's share of national income declined proportionately" (134). By 1983, Cooper writes, "wealth concentration had reverted to its 1962 level and by the end of the decade had plummeted to levels comparable to 1929" (135).
There has thus been, at the top tier, a massive "resurgence of large family fortunes" (137). Nearly everywhere else, though, with stagnant wages, unemployment, and the transfer of the costs of things like higher education and health care back to families, lack of access to familial wealth can condemn one to a lifetime of debt. Hence Cooper's argument about the importance of the family: intergenerational familial support in the form of housing, or money, or willingness to be signatories to loans, is a neoliberal necessity for many, and the pressure to combine dependence on parents with married coupledom just compounds the effect.[3] According to statistics gathered by the Pew Research Center, 1960 was the year in which people under 25 were most likely to live independently. In more recent decades, however, young people have been exhorted to invest in the future, save for retirement, and acquire assets (houses and university degrees). At the same time, and often in relation to this, they have been forced into debt and into insecure employment. No wonder they are more inclined to live with parents or partners. Of course, there is such a thing as a non-normative family, and perhaps living independently from relatives is not something we should unduly idealize. Cooper's interest, though, is in what sort of family arrangements government programs prefer, and how preferences shift given combined pressure from neoliberal economic policy and the new social conservativism. We will return to her idealization of independence, however.
The more common argument, of course, is that neoliberalism is destructive to family life, as it encourages workers to be "low drag," moveable, flexible, always working, losing any sense of a private life outside of work, and also alone in leisure in front of a personally selected entertainment service displayed on a privately watched device. Yet, as Annie McClanahan has recently argued, not many people are really these footloose mobile workers.[4] For most employers, it is probably more important that those they hire be replaceable than that they be mobile. Only workers in relatively elite sectors (high tech, higher education, entertainment) are in a better position if they can move from thing to thing without worrying about family obligations.[5]
This is not to deny that there is now also a more general animus against the restrictions and burdens of family life – the boredom of marriage, and drudgery of raising children (all captured so well by a show like Mad Men, for instance, which crystalizes the individualizing ethos so perfectly). However, there is just as much pressure to maintain the bonds of coupledom, and this tension between rejection and embrace may in fact be the point worth emphasizing. It seems that people are increasingly wondering if marriage is "worth it," while decreasingly being able to exit it, and this is a cause of general anxiety, finding outlet in things like the dating site for adulterers, Ashley Madison, which was notorious for a minute in 2016 after its user data was stolen. When it turned out that most of the male customers were at least some of the time corresponding with bots rather than real women, I couldn't help thinking that in a way it didn't matter: the point is that users find an outlet for their sense of being stuck in a social relation (marriage!) on which they are dependent. Indeed, the bot's lack of reality, lack of availability, is what makes the "affair" appealingly nonthreatening to the user's IRL relationships. Moralistic attacks on these men – the fact that some of those caught are family-values conservatives is, to be sure, a rich irony – miss the point: they are not having affairs; they are staying in unhappy marriages that they depend on in various ways.
They depend on marriage because it is still the normative standard for people (if you aren't married there is something wrong with you; if you don't have kids you are deviant in some way). They depend on it in that they can't afford a house without two salaries, because for tax purposes it is better to be a legally recognized couple, because the lifestyle they aspire to requires it, because caring for children alone is very hard, because shifting work hours and temporary contracts make the second salary a necessity, even if it too is precarious. They depend on it because they are too tired and generally physically weary to try to have any other sort of relationship. Being non-normative can feel like SO. MUCH. WORK. A film like 2009's Up in the Air makes the point very well: the protagonist is the epitome of the roving high-powered executive entrepreneur (indeed, his job is to fire people), but his story is not a celebration of the escape from normativity. It is rather a lament about the psychic misery of solitude. The message is clear: couple up!
How did the family start to lose its normative power? For Cooper, conservatives skewering feminism, and more leftist thinkers trying to understand the foundations of neoliberalism, are in agreement about the force of 1960s and 1970s countercultural and antinormative critiques of the family. In Wolfgang Streeck's analysis, the revolution in family law and intimate relationships – for example, the availability of no-fault divorce – destroyed the Fordist family wage because women were not stuck in the kitchen dependent on men any more. The family became a more flexible form because, in Cooper's paraphrase of Streeck, feminists sought "an independent wage on a par with men," eventually "transforming marriage from a long-term, noncontractual obligation into a contract that could be dissolved at will" (11). Cooper reads Eve Chiapello and Luc Boltanski's argument as similar, in that they show how "the artistic left prepared the groundwork for the neoliberal assault on economic and social security by destroying its intimate foundations in the postwar family" (12). She quotes Nancy Fraser, also, who has written that "critique of the family wage … now supplies a good part of the romance that invests flexible capitalism with a higher meaning and moral point" (12). In each case, the idea is that feminism is somehow to blame for neoliberalization, because in seeking to free women from certain kinds of normative obligation and dependency they have demonized dependency in general, fetishizing independence from supports of any kind. Against these analyses, Cooper asks: what breakdown of the family, anyway? The apparent post-normativity of contemporary life is entirely compatible with the establishment of new norms. We continue to be form-determined after we no longer see social forms' normative force. Put simply: the traditional family, which for Cooper is a family coerced into existence by exigency and normativity, is not broken enough.
The economy in depression no longer affords the state-supported Fordist wage, but the family is re-inscribed and reformulated even as it is queried and undermined by antinormative movements. If the foundations of neoliberal policy are thoroughly economic, neoconservativism enters Cooper's account as a largely compatible reaction formation. The neoconservative agenda, formed deliberately against the liberation movements of the 1960s and their challenge to the normativity of the traditional family, served neoliberalization far more than the countercultural left's challenges to social convention. Cooper argues that, whereas nostalgia for the Fordist wage became a "hallmark of the left," neoconservatives, allied with thrifty neoliberals, preferred "the strategic reinvention of a much older, poor-law tradition of private family responsibility." In a policy formation that reflected both neoliberal and neoconservative thought, social welfare was not to disappear, but instead to be made into "an immense federal apparatus for policing the private family responsibilities of the poor" (21).
As a public assistance program targeted at the noncontributing poor – workers paying into funds that would support them in the event of unemployment were always more palatable (34) – the fate of AFDC (Aid for Families with Dependent Children) is one of Cooper's main cases. It allows her to show how social welfare extended to the poor – especially to single women, especially mothers, especially black mothers – became "associated with a general crisis of the American family" (29). As the composition of the program changed, with the number of African American women signing up outpacing that of white woman, and divorced or never-married women joined the rolls, fears were heightened. Because "racial and sexual normativities were truly foundational to the social order of American Fordism, determining just who would be included and who would be excluded from the redistributive benefits of the social wage" (36), the inclusivity evident in the 1960s in the AFDC's provision for non-married mothers proved to be short-lived. Arguments for reinstating the stability offered by the traditional family had significant influence at this juncture.
Nor were these arguments solely made by conservatives. In the 1960s there was in fact significant leftist promotion of the African American male-breadwinner family and a related impetus against "non-normative lifestyles of unattached African American women" (37); hence the tendency to identify the AFDC as a cause of family breakdown while promoting the "male breadwinner's wage" (41). An article by Richard A. Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, published in The Nation in 1966 and presented as "a strategy to end poverty," laments that the state was "substituting check-writing machines for male wage earners," thereby "robb[ing] men of manhood, women of husbands, and children of father." The authors continue: "To create a stable monogamous family, we need to provide men (especially Negro men) with the opportunity to be men, and that involves enabling them to perform occupationally" (qtd. 42).
What they saw were "perverse disincentives to family formation built into the AFDC program" (43), whereas women left more to their own devices would naturally be more likely to find men to support them. With the 1970s economic downturn, and anxieties directed at inflation in particular, the program became a touchstone for debates for neoconservatives formulating their "new political philosophy of non-redistributive family values" (47). While neoliberals "called for an ongoing reduction in budget allocations dedicated to welfare—intent on undercutting any possibility that the social wage might compete with the free-market wage," neoconservatives advocated an expanded role for state in regulating sexuality. On both fronts, the point was the urgent necessity of "reinstating the family as the foundation of social and economic order" (49).
Cooper discusses Milton Friedman's concern that the "natural obligations" that "once compelled children to look after their parents in old age" have given way to "an impersonal system of social insurance whose long-term effect is to usurp the place of the family" (58). Friedman wrote that whereas once "Children helped their parents out of love or duty," they now "contribute to the support of someone else's parents out of compulsion and fear" (qtd. 58). State-based redistribution was a poor substitute for proper familial support and wealth transmission. For Gary Becker, also, the postwar welfare state destroys the "natural altruism of the family" (60). Becker's theory of human capital is perhaps the premier theorization of individual self-management and self-appreciation. Michel Foucault treated Becker's work as exemplary of the way that neoliberal analyses entail "replacement every time of homo economicus as partner of exchange with a homo economicus as entrepreneur of himself, being for himself his own capital … a capital that we will call human capital inasmuch as the ability-machine of which it is the income cannot be separated from the human individual who is its bearer."[6] Becker also featured recently in a Merriam-Webster tweet of the term "human capital" – "turning people into statistics since 1799," the tweet quipped – which linked to the full dictionary entry, where Becker's work is cited as "taking a holistic view of a person's life and experiences as they can be applied within the workforce." Becker took personal investment in one's own human capital appreciation as preferable to state investment (the benefits of high human capital only accruing to oneself, after all), and thus supported rising tuition costs and the student loan industry as a major part of the growing importance of private credit. Yet Cooper shows that his arguments also preferred a supportive wealth-generating family: the older generations would back student loans where necessary, as they naturally want children and grandchildren to bear human capital that self-appreciates at a greater pace and with results that are more lucrative. Becker celebrated Ronald Reagan for restoring kinship bonds.
Reagan drastically cut the AFDC, before Bill Clinton eliminated it. It was replaced with the TANF program (Temporary Assistance for Needy Families), whose availability was contingent on states' willingness to track down and enforce paternity obligations. TANF's defenders claimed it is better for a woman and her children to be reliant on alimony and child support than to turn to the government for assistance (67). Here we get to the heart of Cooper's refutation of the idea that neoliberalism privileges the footloose free agent. In fact, in her account, neoliberalism is more likely to pressure people to sustain unhealthy and unsustainable family and intimate relationships, including tying children to fathers who do not know them or want them. Clinton's extensive welfare reform reflected and codified what she calls "a new bipartisan consensus on the social value of monogamous, legally validated relationships." His government reformed welfare spending while devising "initiatives to promote the moral obligations of family, including a special budget allocation to finance marriage promotion programs and … bonus funds to states that could demonstrate that they had successfully reduced illegitimate births without increasing the abortion rate" (68). Barack Obama's "healthy marriage and responsible fatherhood" initiatives continued in this direction.
Cooper suggestively connects these initiatives to the "first experiment in federal relief ever implemented by Congress": the 1865 creation of the Freedmen's Bureau following the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. Before 1863, slaves were precluded from legally sanctioned marriage. The Freedman's Bureau instructed that freedom to participate in the labor market came with "the right to marry and the responsibility to support wife and child" (79). Its support for freed slaves entailed a vigorous campaign to promote marriage, with Bureau agents authorized to perform marriages and a "sustained pedagogy of domestic life, schooling men in the notion that they were to become the breadwinners of the family and women in a new kind of economic dependence" (80). There were penalties for people cohabiting without marriage; and Bureau-assigned wage scales that penalized women, precisely because of the "social costs of dependency" that fell upon the state if forced to support unmarried women and their children (81).
Like the more recent insistence that women secure alimony and child support before turning to welfare, these policies empowered men to assert rights over women and children. Indeed, the assumptions upon which they were based were not fundamentally threatened until the 1960s liberalization of family law, which made divorce easier and eased the stigmatizing of non-marital unions and cohabitation. "For an all too brief moment," she argues, "revised AFDC rules allow divorced or never-married women and their children to live independently of a man while receiving a state-guaranteed income free of moral conditions" (97). That moment is over, however. "The modern child support system serves to demonstrate that the state is willing to enforce—indeed create—legal relationships of familial obligation and dependence where none have been established by mutual consent," Cooper writes (105).
We should pause here now on the figure of the never-married woman living independently thanks to welfare. Cooper argues that, in a context of relatively healthy public welfare spending, and of the pressures put on states by countercultural and antinormative activisms, there was a time when social welfare was "making women independent of individual men and freeing them from the obligations of the private family" (97). Hence, the fuel for the neoconservative backlash that soon followed – a backlash that gained traction because of the failing economy to which neoliberals were also turning their attention. A perfect storm. Yet Cooper's celebration of the period in which social welfare possibly freed women from the constraints of marriage has her falling back into the trap she dismantles elsewhere: nostalgia for state provision.
The image of the single woman with children, living with a state-based income "free of moral conditions," reads as an idealization. Certainly, supporting children as a single parent on welfare has never been a cakewalk; and, are we meant to conclude that "freeing" men from the burdens of paternity is an unalloyed boon to women? She needs this figure, though. Cooper's idealization of the state-supported single mother alerts us to the fact that her ultimate objection is not to social welfare but rather to the restriction of its benefits to the Fordist white male breadwinner, and to the way welfare programs get tied to normative policies and programs emphasizing the preferability of turning to family, especially marriage, to marshal the necessary resources to get by.[7] She avoids the stronger critique of social welfare, which might emphasize the global accumulative regime and resource extraction on which US prosperity was built, how nation-based welfare disperses the benefits of prosperity to some and not others, and the welfare state's various regulatory and pacifying functions.[8]
Does neoliberalism feel different to some people simply because it follows on the moment of postwar prosperity and the relatively expansive Keynesian social welfare that flowed from it, in which there was palpable faith in the civic virtue attending government spending on social programs? Neoliberal policies have threatened protections and comforts that these programs offered to some people – people like American and British university professors, who produce the analyses of the unique wrongs of the neoliberal order. Is all the worry about neoliberalism just a symptom of the decline of the hegemony of liberal democracy?
The economy that supported the pre-neoliberal era of relatively high wages, and relatively generous public deficit spending on welfare and education, was also hugely resource extractive and suburbanizing. The capacity to redistribute wealth more evenly in the US was, in addition, contingent upon broader economic transformation that required dispossessions, expulsions, enclosures, primitive accumulations, US hegemony propped up by global wars, and the origins of the whole phenomenon of US industrial triumph after WWII in wartime accumulation and relative devastation across Europe.[9] Wherever one looks, the accumulation of wealth requires these devastations, making even the lushest times at the ADFC, and the possibility for a temporary flourishing of alternative kinds of family structures, into a troubled gain. For these reasons, it may be that work that avoids the terminology of neoliberalism, or uses it warily – work by Endnotes, by Silvia Federici, or by Robert Brenner, for instance – provides better purchase on contemporary conditions. Because when they fail to name the fundamental, global, totalizing causes of policy shifts, accounts of neoliberalism miss the ruthlessly intensifying dynamics of capital accumulation that are simply propelled onward with extended credit.[10]
Finally, if Keynesian social welfare is a wage supplement designed to encourage consumer spending, in which sense is it wise to pit it against the dominance of commerce and private interests? If extensive public deficit spending on social programs and neoliberal monetarism are just different ways of managing the economy, and if one takes the capitalist economy as fundamentally anathema to universal human flourishing, to what extent should we worry about the difference that neoliberalism makes? Family Values doesn't quite answer these questions. However, it does do the crucially important work of historicizing the rise of private credit in relation to family-values conservativism, and dismantling the left-liberal tendency to lament neoliberalization because it clawed back the gains of the immediate postwar period. Without suggesting that no gains were made, Cooper shows how they were thoroughly mitigated by normative racial, sexual and gender ascription – ascription that determined how to divvy up Fordism's generous provisions, and that continues to push people, especially the already suffering, into unwanted contracts in life and work.
[1] For a recent account along these lines see Wendy Brown, Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism's Stealth Revolution (New York: Zone Books, 2015).
[2] See for instance Ronen Shamir, "The age of responsibilization: on market-embedded morality," Economy and Society (37.1: 2008): 1-19.
[3] I discuss Cooper's blistering account of the student loan industry elsewhere.
[4] Annie McClanahan, "Becoming Non-Economic: Human Capital Theory and Wendy Brown's Undoing the Demos," Theory & Event 20.2 (2017): 510-519.
[5] Even scholars suggesting that, in being less interested in keeping people in regular work, crisis-era capitalism allows for "queer liberation" from cis-hetero norms, insist in the next breath that some elements of queer life are tolerable and easy assimilated – think pink washing and gay marriage – and some are not.
[6] Michel Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France 1978-1979, trans. Graham Burchell (Palgrave, 2008): 226.
[7] In an earlier work, where the figure of the state-supported single mother is absent, her take is more ambivalent. She argues that the welfare state "undertakes to protect life by redistributing the fruits of national wealth to all its citizens, even those who cannot work, but in exchange it imposes a reciprocal obligation: its contractors must in turn give their lives to the nation" (Melinda Cooper, Life as Surplus: Biotechnology and Capitalism in the Neoliberal Era [University of Washington Press, 2008]: 8).
[8] Gavin Walker has recently argued that "the function of 'welfare' within capitalism has never been something separate from its workings; rather, it is something co-emergent and central to the operation of the capital-relation itself": "Rather than being a political development in which capital's violence is ameliorated through social spending, we should rather understand the welfare state as the primary mechanism through which the process of primitive accumulation can be continuously sustained in the advanced capitalist countries" ("The 'Ideal Total Capitalist": On the State-Form in the Critique of Political Economy," Crisis & Critique 3.3 [2016]: 434-455).
[9] For an account along these lines see "Misery and Debt," Endnotes 2 (April 2010): 20-51.
[10] I owe this point to discussion with Tim Kreiner.
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Justifying Greed | ACADEME BLOG June 2, 2017 at 10:28 pm
[…] course, it is more complicated. Sarah Brouillette in a review of Melinda Cooper's Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism provides a […]


Tasha Tudor. Charlottesville/ Paris: Caspari,Inc. . 4 5/8" X 6"
An updated version in a gilt and red border of a vintage Tudor image. Single card with envelope. "With warmest wishes for a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year"


"Pittsburgh rare" (also called a "Pittsburgh steak" or cooked "Pittsburgh-style") is a steak that's charred on the outside, but raw on the inside. In October 1977, Pittsburgh (PA) Post-Gazette columnist Joe Browne wrote that the term was new to him and probably wasn't from Pittsburgh. "Pittsburgh style" has been cited since at least 1976.
"Black and blue" is another name for "Pittsburgh rare." The name "Pittsburgh" was probably chosen because of the old steelworker image of the city, but there's no reason to believe that the term originated with Pittsburgh's steelworkers and welding torches.
A Pittsburgh rare steak is one that has been heated to a very high temperature very quickly, so it is charred on the outside but still rare or raw on the inside. The degree of rareness and the amount of charring on the outside may vary according to taste. The term 'Pittsburgh rare' is used in some parts of the American midwest and eastern seaboard, but similar methods of sear cooking are known by different terms elsewhere, including Chicago-style rare and, in Pittsburgh itself, black and blue.
A Pittsburgh rare steak may be prepared using a very hot grill, griddle, frying pan, or oven. The high temperature allows the steak to char in a short enough time that the inside remains uncooked.
It has been said that the 'original' method of preparation was by searing the meat with a welding torch. Whether this is true is unknown, in any case, it is difficult to attain high enough temperature with a common blowtorch. Another method, related by a staff member at a Pittsburgh branch of Ruth's Chris Steak House, originates from the region's steel mills, and the practice of workers cooking a steak on a cooling piece of steel.
One, a Sirloin Strip Steak, about 12 ounces, done Pittsburgh-style—charred on the outside and bright red inside.
MAYBE EVERYBODY KNOWS something I just learned— there's something extra special about a steak that's done Pittsburgh style.
Pittsburgh Rare. Did you know that's a certain way some people like their steaks? I never heard of the expression till I was in a restaurant in State College, Pa., recently.
Then, Jan and Jack Franz informed me that they saw the term on a restaurant menu in Toronto, Ontario. Pittsburgh Rare. In both restaurants, the term meant the same thing—a steak charred on the outside and rare and cool in the middle.
I haven't the slightest idea how the term originated. And, as I mentioned, I never heard it in my life and then it pops up twice—and in two different countries.
What's a "Pittsburgh steak" or "Pittsburgh rare?" Well, it's a steak that's dropped onto a sizzling skillet only till the outer part is practically blackened, leaving the inside almost raw. I have no idea where the name originated or who coined it.
Strangely enough, I've rarely heard it being ordered in Pittsburgh or seen it listed on a menu. It's not unusual, though, to encounter it out of town.
We even have our own way of grilling steak—Pittsburgh rare (charred very black on the outside, cold inside).
Does anyone know what Pittsburg rare is when related to cooking of steak? How is the steak prepared?
It's a steak that's charred black on the outside and bloody, almost totally raw on the inside. It's supposed to be how the steaks turned out when the Pittsburgh steelworkers would cook meat on the furnace or on pieces of hot metal. I may be wrong, but I think the way people make it these days is to grill a steak to almost rare, then bring it really close to the coals for a few minutes to burn the outside.
Pittsburgh Rare – Burnt outside, rare inside.


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text:
Борискін Юрій Валентинович (21 лютого 1960—9 листопада 2021) — генерал-лейтенант Збройних Сил України, один з керівників антитерористичної операції (АТО).

Біографія
Народився 21 лютого 1960 року в селі Телятники Сараївського району Рязанської області у родині військового. У 1981 році закінчив Омське вище загальновійськове командне училище. Офіцерську службу розпочав на посаді командира мотострілецького взводу.

З 1983 до 1988 року пройшов шлях від командира розвідувального взводу до начальника штабу-заступника командира розвідувального батальйону.

У 1991 році закінчив Військову академію ім. М.Фрунзе.

З 1991 по 2003 року службу проходив на посадах командира навчального розвідувального батальйону, начальника штабу-заступника командира механізованого полку, командира навчального мотострілецького полку, заступника командира механізованої дивізії, командира механізованої дивізії, командира механізованої бригади, заступника командира корпусу.

У 2004 році закінчив факультет підготовки фахівців оперативно-стратегічного рівня Національної академії оборони України.
По завершенні навчання в академії був призначений на посаду заступника командувача військами оперативного командування з бойової підготовки.

З 2004 до 2005 року службу проходив на посаді командира армійського корпусу.

З 2005 до 2006 року начальник кафедри стратегії факультету підготовки фахівців оперативно-стратегічного рівня Національної академії оборони України.

З 2006 до 2009 року перший заступник командувача військами Західного оперативного командування.

З 2009 року заступник командувача військами Західного оперативного командування.

Одружений. Мав доньку та сина.

Див. також
 Литвин Микола Михайлович
 Назаркін В'ячеслав Миколайович
 Генеральний штаб Збройних сил України

Примітки

Уродженці Сараєвського району

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Sandy Burns was a comedian. He toured on the T.O.B.A. circuit.

Burns led the Sandy Burns Stock Company. He was married to fellow performer Gretchen Burns.

He was born in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma and grew up in Huntsville, Texas.

He performed with Ferdinand "Jelly-Roll" Morton. He performed with Sam "Bill" Russell.

Quintart Miller met his future performing partner Marcus Slayter when both were part of the Burns' stock company.

Shows
The Hunter Hors (1919)
Hello Sue (1921)
Hot Rhythm (1932)

Filmography
His Great Chance (1923)
The Brand of Cain (1935)

References

American male comedians
Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people


The appealing digital imagery is segment of Ikea Shelves for Satisfaction and Quality has dimension 1000 x 1000 pixel. You can download and get the Ikea Kitchen Shelves images by click the download button below to get multiple high definition versions.
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text:
Broadway Books in the News
Additional Services & Policies
Broadway Books is open for business! Our store hours are Tuesday through Friday from 10 to 6, Saturday from 10 to 5, and Sunday from 11 to 5. The store is always closed on Mondays for pick up or in-store browsing, but you can call or shop online. No appointment necessary, but masks are preferred.
The American Spirit: Who We Are and What We Stand For (Paperback)
SEARCH HERE FOR BOOKS
By David McCullough
Backordered. There will likely be a delay in getting this book
A New York Times Bestseller
A timely collection of speeches by David McCullough, the most honored historian in the United States—winner of two Pulitzer Prizes, two National Book Awards, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom, among many others—that reminds us of fundamental American principles.
"Insightful and inspirational, The American Spirit summons a vexed and divided nation to remember—and cherish—our unifying ideas and ideals" (Richmond Times-Dispatch). Over the course of his distinguished career, McCullough has spoken before Congress, the White House, colleges and universities, historical societies, and other esteemed institutions. Now, at a time of self-reflection in America following the bitter 2016 election campaign that has left the country divided, McCullough has collected some of his most important speeches in a brief volume that celebrates the important principles and characteristics that are particularly American.
"The American Spirit is as inspirational as it is brilliant, as simple as it is sophisticated" (Buffalo News). McCullough reminds us of the core American values that define us, regardless of which region we live in, which political party we identify with, or our ethnic background. This is a book about America for all Americans that reminds us who we are and helps to guide us as we find our way forward.
David McCullough (1933–2022) twice received the Pulitzer Prize, for Truman and John Adams, and twice received the National Book Award, for The Path Between the Seas and Mornings on Horseback. His other acclaimed books include The Johnstown Flood, The Great Bridge, Brave Companions, 1776, The Greater Journey, The American Spirit, The Wright Brothers, and The Pioneers. He was the recipient of numerous honors and awards, including the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation's highest civilian award. Visit DavidMcCullough.com.
History / United States
History / Essays
"This book is a gift. . . . It's a powerful argument for keeping history alive."
— Michael Schaub
"[McCullough] is one of the great historical storytellers of his generation. . . . Fundamentally Mr. McCullough loves the American story and its most illustrious characters."
— Robert W. Merry
"A national treasure, McCullough performs a national service in The American Spirit. Insightful and inspirational, it summons a vexed and divided nation to remember - and cherish - our unifying ideas and ideals."
— Jay Strafford
"McCullough's passion for history and his profound belief in America, or at least his vision of America . . . is both encompassing and deeply hopeful. . . .Clio, the muse of history, smiles and nods her head on every page."
"McCullough perfectly embodies the part of remember-in-chief. . . . Happily, the same qualities that inform McCullough's histories and biographies also shape his speeches. He is, whether at his desk or a lectern, a consummate storyteller."
— Danny Heitman
"Very few among us possess the encompassing and informed perspective on America's past and present that historian and best-selling author McCullough has gained over decades of research. . . . McCullough's legions of fans will flock to this edifying collection."
"A carefully crafted, well-reasoned, heartfelt testament to what this nation can be — past, present, and we must believe — future."
— Barbara Hall
"Acclaimed historian David McCullough's The American Spirit is as inspirational as it is brilliant, as simple as it is sophisticated. It will at the same time make you laugh and give rise to tears of despair. . . . This is not patriotic boilerplate. McCullough is a historian and a realist. He sees his nation with all its warts, beginning with its indelible birthmark of slavery and continuing through to today's government dysfunction and political polarization. Yet he remains confident and upbeat."
— Edward Cuddihy
"This collection captures McCullough's passion and vigor throughout. . . . [His] enthusiasm for history is infectious."
— Andrew Carroll
Broadway Books is now open from 10 to 6 on Tuesday through Friday, 10 to 5 on Saturday, and 11 to 5 on Sunday. We are closed to customers on Mondays. Curbside pick-up now takes place at the front counter. No appointment needed to pick up or shop; however, masks are still required even if you are vaccinated. We will have limited occupancy in the store for the time being, so you might be asked to wait a few minutes before entering. We look forward to seeing you again!


text:
Many U.S. workers have contemplated quitting their jobs, study says
Updated: 5:10 PM CDT Jun 19, 2021
SANIKA: NEW AT 4:00, IF YOU'VE CONSIDERED QUITTING YOUR JOBN I THE LAST YEAR, YOU'RE NOT ALONE. A NUMBER OF WORKERS IN THE U.S. HAVE CONTEMPLATED THE DECISION. STEWART: IT'S BEING CALLED THE GREAT RESIGNATION. SHWE 2'S AMANDA DUKES FOUND OUT WHY SO MANY PEOPLE ARE CONSIDERING THROWING IN THE TOWEL. AMAN:DA A NEW MICROSOFTTU SDY REVEALS OVER 40% OF WORKERS WORLDWIDE ARE CONSIDERING QUITTING THEIR JOBS. ECONOMISTS CALL IT THE GREAT RESIGNATION AND SAY THE MOST COMMON REASON PEOPLE ARE QUITTING IS THE EXPERIENCEF O WORKING FROM HOME DURING THE PANDEMIC LEFT THEM WANTING FEREW HOURS AND MORE FLEXIBILITY. >> THE HYBRID IDEA OF WORKING WHERE I GO INTO THE OFFICE ONE OR TWO DAYS A WEEK AND THE RTES OF THE TIME I'VE GOT THIS VERY FLEXIBLE AGILE WAY OF WORKING WHERE I CAN MANAGE MYSELF AT HOME, LOTS OF EMPLOYEES ARE LOOKING FOR THAT TODAY AND IF THEY CAN'T GET IF FROM THEIR CURRENT EMPLOYER, IT'S NEVER BEEN EASIER TO CHANGE JOBS. AMAN:DA SPENCER O'LEARY SPECIALIZES IN HELPING BUSINESSES MANAGE REMOTE WORKERS. HE SAYS TO HOLD ONTOO TTOP TALENT, EMPLOYERS ARE GOING TO HAVE TO RETHINK THE TRADITIONAL WORKPLACE. THAT GREAT REGNSIATION, THAT WAVE IS ABOUT TO HAPPEN IF ORGANIZATIONS DON'T GET THEIR MESSAGE IN AND DON'T GET THEIR HYBRID WORKFORCE MANAGEMENT RIGHT. AMANDA: ACCORDING TO THE MICROSOFT SURVEY, THE URGE TO CHANGE JOBS IS STRONGEST AMONG GEN Z WORKERS AGE 18 TO 25. THE RUSTGGLES GEN Z IDENTIFIED WERE FRUSTRATION WITH NOT INBE RECOGNIZED OR HEARD NGDU VIRTUAL MEETINGS, NOT FEELING ENERGIZED OR ENTHUSED ABOUT THEIR WORK, AND AN INABILITY TO BRING CREATIVE IDEAS TO THE TABLE. O'LEARY BELIEVES EMPLOYERS MUST ADDRS ESTHOSE CONCERNS OR SEE THEIR WORKFORCE DWINDLE. >> I'VE GOT TO BE WILLING TO OFFER THAT KIND OF ENVIRONMENT AND THEN, TWO, I NEED TO BE REALLY GOOD AT MANAGINING SIDE THAT TYPE OF ENVIRONMENT. AMAN:DA AMANDA DUKES REPORTING, WESH 2 NEWS. STEWART: THE MICROSOFT SURVEY SHOWED THE GENERAL WORKFORCE FEELS OVERWORKED WHILE BUSINESS
If you've considered quitting your job in the last year, you're not alone.A number of workers in the U.S. have contemplated the decision. It's being called, "The Great Resignation." A new Microsoft study reveals over 40% of workers worldwide are considering quitting their jobs.Economists call it, "The Great Resignation," and say the most common reason people are quitting is because the experience of working from home during the pandemic left them wanting fewer hours and more flexibility. "The hybrid idea, or working where I go into the office one or two days a week, and the rest of the time I've got this very flexible agile way of working where I can manage myself at home. Lots of employees are looking for that today, and if they can't get it from their current employer, it's never been easier to change jobs," said Spencer O'Leary, CEO of ActiveOps.O'Leary specializes in helping businesses manage remote workers. He says to hold onto top talent, employers are going to have to rethink the traditional workplace. "That Great Resignation, that wave is about to happen if organizations don't get their message in and don't get their hybrid workforce management right," he said.According to the Microsoft survey, the urge to change jobs is strongest among "Gen Z" workers, who are age 18 to 25.The struggles "Gen Z" identified with were frustration with not being recognized or heard during virtual meetings, not feeling energized or enthused about their work, and an inability to bring creative ideas to the table.O'Leary believes employers must address those concerns or see their workforce dwindle. "I've got to be willing to offer that kind of environment and then two, I need to be really good at managing inside that type of environment," O'Leary said.The Microsoft survey showed the general workforce feels overworked, while business leaders are having a better experience. Some 61 percent said they were thriving, which is in stark contrast to employees further down the chain of command.
If you've considered quitting your job in the last year, you're not alone.
A number of workers in the U.S. have contemplated the decision. It's being called, "The Great Resignation."
A new Microsoft study reveals over 40% of workers worldwide are considering quitting their jobs.
Economists call it, "The Great Resignation," and say the most common reason people are quitting is because the experience of working from home during the pandemic left them wanting fewer hours and more flexibility.
The US has a record number of jobs open
"The hybrid idea, or working where I go into the office one or two days a week, and the rest of the time I've got this very flexible agile way of working where I can manage myself at home. Lots of employees are looking for that today, and if they can't get it from their current employer, it's never been easier to change jobs," said Spencer O'Leary, CEO of ActiveOps.
O'Leary specializes in helping businesses manage remote workers. He says to hold onto top talent, employers are going to have to rethink the traditional workplace.
Unemployment rate fell in latest jobs report but US did not add as many jobs as expected
"That Great Resignation, that wave is about to happen if organizations don't get their message in and don't get their hybrid workforce management right," he said.
According to the Microsoft survey, the urge to change jobs is strongest among "Gen Z" workers, who are age 18 to 25.
The struggles "Gen Z" identified with were frustration with not being recognized or heard during virtual meetings, not feeling energized or enthused about their work, and an inability to bring creative ideas to the table.
O'Leary believes employers must address those concerns or see their workforce dwindle.
"I've got to be willing to offer that kind of environment and then two, I need to be really good at managing inside that type of environment," O'Leary said.
Job interview coming up? Don't be surprised if a computer is the one asking the questions
The Microsoft survey showed the general workforce feels overworked, while business leaders are having a better experience.
Some 61 percent said they were thriving, which is in stark contrast to employees further down the chain of command.


Miremadi, Fatemeh (2018) Hypocholesterolemic and Anti-hypertensive Properties of Lactobacilli and Bifidobacteria. PhD thesis, Victoria University.
This project involved the development of a synbiotic dairy product and its use in human feeding trials to quantify the hypocholesterolemic and antihypertensive effects of probiotics on hypercholesterolemic men and women. To this end, eleven strains of Lactobacilli and three strains of Bifidobacteria were evaluated for their acid and bile tolerance, cholesterol removal ability and hypotensive properties in vitro. Our results showed that all studied strains were able to tolerate pH 2.0 for two hours. However, strains of L. acidophilus in general were more acid-resistant than Bifidobacteria with an average viable count more than 107 CFU mL-1 after 2h incubation at pH 2.0. All selected strains could tolerate the bile salts, with greater tolerance towards oxgall than to taurocholic acid. The ACE inhibition was found to be significantly different among the strains ranging from 8.2% to 78.5%. In addition to the above, all strains tested possessed varying degrees of cholesterol removal capabilities from the growth, either via medium via incorporation of cholesterol into the cellular structure, or binding of cholesterol onto cellular membrane and/or bile salt deconjugation. The affinity towards cholesterol was found to be greater in growing cells than resting or dead cells; nevertheless, this study confirmed that the latter cells could be useful as cholesterol-reducing agents in gastrointestinal tract (GIT). Fatty acid composition analysis of the harvested cells revealed that cells grown in the presence of cholesterol contained higher level of saturated fatty acids and lower level of unsaturated fatty acids than those grown in the absence of cholesterol, suggesting that cholesterol from the medium may be incorporated into the cellular membrane of probiotics. The membrane of each probiotic cell was broken up by centrifuging at 4000 × g for 20 min and fatty acid composition of harvested cells was analysed using gas chromatography. The selected strains were also screened for their bile salt deconjugation ability and bile salt hydrolase activity (BSH). Strains of Lactobacillus in general showed a higher bile salt deconjugation ability and liberated a more substantial amount of cholic acid than Bifidobacterium strains. Substrate preference for BSH activity was more towards sodium glycocholate than sodium taurocholate, however, most strains exhibited higher total BSH activity on bile salt mixtures than to when bile salts were used individually. Based on the above results L. acidophilus CSCC 2404 and L. rhamnosus ASCC 1520 were selected to develop a synbiotic yogurt to be used in human trials. The selected probiotics were subsequently screened in the presence of four prebiotics, sorbitol, mannitol, fructooligosaccharide, and fructooligosaccharides-enriched inulin (Synergy 1), to determine the best type and concentration of prebiotic in order to achieve maximum cholesterol removal and ACE-I activity inhibition in vitro and in vivo. Screening using factorial design showed that the combination of 1% (v/v) L. acidophilus CSCC 2404 and L. rhamnosus ASCC 1520 in the presence of 2.0% (w/v) Synergy 1 achieved the best results in synbiotic yogurt. In addition to synbiotics, there has been an increased interest in dietary sources of antioxidant polyphenols in red fruit juices such as pomegranate (Punica granatum L.) due to their strong antioxidant activity (AA). Therefore, to further improve the health-promoting properties of the synbiotic yogurt, different levels of pomegranate juice concentrate (PJC) (10, 12.5, 15 and 20 %) were added to yogurt milk before incubation, and the AA, antihypertensive activities and hypocholesterolemic properties of the synbiotic yogurt was evaluated during refrigerated storage for 21 days. Despite the slight adverse effect of PJC supplementation at 20% level on probiotic numbers, the probiotic population at the end of storage period was still within the acceptable range of colony- forming unit (CFU) to deliver health-promoting properties (> 106 CFU mL-1). The resulting synbiotic yogurt showed increased polyphenol levels by 63%, AA by 94%, and angiotensin-converting-enzyme (ACE) inhibition by 75% compared to the control plain yogurt. The sensory evaluation of the PJC-enriched sybniotic yogurt revealed that by increasing the PJC level, the overall acceptability among the panellists increased significantly (P < 0.05). To provide evidence to support the positive effects of this PJC-supplemented synbiotic yogurt on serum lipid profile and blood pressure (BP), an 8-week parallel, doubleblinded, randomised trial was designed and conducted with 48 male and female volunteers. The volunteers were aged between 30-65 years, with serum total cholesterol (TC) and triglyceride (TG) levels less than 6·2 and 2.3 mmol L-1, respectively, a body mass index (BMI) between 25 and 35 kg/m2, and willing to consuming a daily serving of 200g yogurt. Subjects were assigned to three groups; Group 1 (control) consumed the yogurt samples which only contained 0.02% (w/v) freeze-dried YC-380 (Streptococcus thermophilus 1275 and L. bulgaricus 1842), Group 2 consumed the synbiotic yogurt (Syn) containing 0.02% (w/v) freeze-dried YC-380, 0.5% (v/v) L. acidophilus ASCC 2404, L. rhamnosus ASCC 1520, and 2.0% (w/v) Synergy 1, and Group 3 consumed the same yogurt supplemented with 20% (v/v) PJC (Synp). The yogurts were produced and distributed to the participants on weekly intervals. Fasting blood samples, 3-day dietary records, anthropometric measurements and BP were collected at baseline and at the end of four and eight weeks. Comparison of the mean differences of serum TC, TG, and high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL-C) levels among the three groups confirmed a drop of 9.81% and 18.10 % in TG level and TC: HDL-C ratio (P < 0.05) respectively, from baseline to week eight. However, no significant changes from the baseline were observed in systolic blood pressure (SBP) and diastolic blood pressure (DBP) (P > 0.05). The post hoc test showed that the decrease in serum TC and LDL-C was significant for both the Syn and Synp groups (P < 0.001 for both). Consumption of Synp yogurt resulted in 19% and 23% decrease in serum TC and LDL-C levels, respectively, at the end of the study, whereas in the Syn group, these levels were only reduced by 14% and 17% respectively. Overall, the selected probiotics L. acidophilus CSCC 2404 and L. rhamnosus ASCC 1520 proved to have the ability to tolerate acid and bile conditions and were optimised with 2.0% (w/v) Synergy 1 and 20% (v/v) PJC for maximum cholesterol removal in vitro and in vivo. Therefore, this study indicates the combined effectiveness of probiotics, prebiotics and polyphenols in ameliorating cardiovascular disease risk factors in both women and men.


text:
Coptorhina klugi är en skalbaggsart som beskrevs av Hope 1833. Coptorhina klugi ingår i släktet Coptorhina och familjen bladhorningar. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Bladhorningar
klugi


text:
The Latest DISH On Washington Front Groups
David Williams President, Taxpayers Protection Alliance
January 27, 2016 3:57 PM ET
The growth of new technologies in cable broadband in recent years has greatly expanded the reach and value of its services. Whereas cable itself was once king, broadband now thrives with the emergence of streaming platforms and new social networking tools, all of which we can access on multiple mobile devices. As a result, spectrum demand nearly outpaces supply, and industry stakeholders and Federal Communications Commission (FCC) regulators are scrambling to ensure there is enough spectrum to support the growth of wireless innovation.
Unfortunately, not all participants in the industry have played by the rules. DISH Network recently deceived the FCC and undercut its competitors by circumventing the rules of the agency's spectrum auction. Now, the company is trying to deceive the FCC again by backing a front group fighting the merger of Charter Communications and Time Warner Cable. Knowing DISH's reputation and its own previous efforts to merge, it is essential that policymakers and the public cast a wary eye on the company's actions.
DISH's collusion in the last spectrum auction reveal a company that is willing to subvert the integrity of an FCC initiative in order to make unlawful gains in the market. Understanding the real threat of a spectrum deficit, the FCC established an auction to allow broadband companies to sell spectrum licenses to wireless providers. The auction should be a win for everyone, especially for consumers who are demanding more wireless platforms.
However, the actions of DISH compromised the success of the auction and perhaps threatened the availability of usable spectrum. After an FCC investigation, it was discovered that DISH had purposefully bought subsidiaries, little more than front groups, in order to secure a 25 percent small business discount on the spectrum licenses. In total, DISH and its subsidiaries bid for $13.3 billion worth of spectrum, which if accepted would have cheated taxpayers out of $3 billion.
DISH has since been ordered to pay $500 million in fines, and some 200 of the licenses it bid for were defaulted on. Despite calls by some FCC Commissioners to report DISH's collusion to the U.S. Department of Justice, no further action has been taken.
Instead of getting their own house in order, DISH is now focused on fighting against the merger of Charter and Time Warner under the guise of a coalition called Stop Mega Cable. This proposed merger could benefit millions of consumers by expanding access to high-speed broadband and streaming video services, but DISH is once again using front groups in an effort to promote its own agenda. Netflix CEO Reed Hastings has stated, "The key thing about the Charter deal is it's all Internet companies that benefit — us, Hulu, Amazon, HBO Now — so that we can all compete for consumers' affection."
The growth of innovation depends on the continued development of the cable broadband industry. DISH has proven that its Washington game is all about protecting its financial interests while paying lip service to the public interest. The company's efforts to undermine New Charter are simply another example of its self-promotion at the expense of the industry as a whole. The FCC must consider carefully the intentions of DISH moving forward and not be fooled again.
David Williams is the President of Taxpayers Protection Alliance.
Tags : david williams dish network fcc