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Forest roads closed for Doe Canyon Fire in Southwest Colorado
The fire was likely started by a lightening strike, officials say
By Bret Hauff Herald Staff Writer
Sunday, June 23, 2019 7:52 PM
Updated: Monday, June 24, 2019 9:54 AM
An image of the Doe Canyon Fire is shared with the public Friday by the U.S. Forest Service.
Courtesy of U.S. Forest Service
The U.S. National Forest Service has barred anyone but firefighters from accessing dozens of miles of roads and trails in Dolores County near a 10-acre forest fire burning in Doe Canyon, according to social media.
Forest officials say a lightening strike started the fire Thursday in a ponderosa pine forest at about 7,800 feet in southeast Dolores County. Fire managers alerted the public to the incident Friday and said they may continue to battle the blaze throughout the weekend and into next week.
The San Juan National Forest Dolores Ranger District issued an order dated Friday, shared on the U.S. Forest Service-San Juan National Forest Facebook page, barring the public from all national forest system lands east of County Road South, also known as Forest Service Road 504, between the north and south entrances to County Road 20.
The public may not access Forest Service Roads 506, 506A, 506B, 506C, 506E, 506G, 506M, 506K1 and 215 in Dolores County, according to the order. Forest Service Road 504 is scheduled to stay accessible, officials wrote.
The order may remain in effect until July 8, but officials have the authority to rescind it at any time the area is deemed safe.
Forest Service officials did not immediately respond Saturday morning to calls for updates about the fire.
About two dozen firefighters and three fire engines are managing the naturally caused fire by constructing hardlines and preparing for future burnout operations, according to a news release published Friday. Fire managers are working to contain the fire within an area surrounded by forest roads, permitting the flames "to play its natural role in the ponderosa pine ecosystem to make the forest more resilient to future fire, insects or disease," officials said in a press release.
The press release continues to say: "'Live fuels are still green and holding moisture, which will slow the fire's spread,' said Dolores District Fire Management Officer Patrick Seekins. "Only pine needles and oak litter are burning right now, resulting in a low-intensity surface fire. This is a very different situation than what we experienced during the 2018 fire season under extreme drought conditions."
Beyond issued closures, travel should not be impacted by firefighting operations, the Forest Service said in its release published before the emergency closure order. Smoke may be visible from Dove Creek, State Highway 491 and surrounding forest roads, according to the Forest Service. The haze may descend at night into Dolores River Canyon near Bradfield Bridge, officials said.
bhauff@durangoherald.com
San Juan Forest reopens roads near Doe Canyon Fire
Doe Canyon Fire grows to 540 acres
Caregiver Connections to present Caregivers Toolbox session
Clothing and home goods shop opens in Cortez


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Julia Salazar: North Brooklynites' New Hope
27-years-old NY state Senate candidate Julia Salazar is running on a shameless democratic socialist platform, the anti-establishment representation North Brooklyn desperately needs.
by Teddy Ostrow
Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez (left) with Julia Salazar (Photo twitter @SalazarSenate2018)
Affordable housing, fixing the MTA, ridding New York City of ICE, and universal healthcare for New Yorkers is at the forefront of Salazar's campaign, a formidable challenge to the eight-term incumbent Democratic state Senator Martin Dilan.
It's likely you've heard about Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's NY14 primary triumph last month over 19-year incumbent Rep. Joseph Crowley of the notorious New York Democratic machine, but there's another election coming up on September 13th that mustn't be overlooked. That is the state Senate's 18th District primary in North Brooklyn, and Julia Salazar, another Latina democratic socialist and community organizer, is on the Democratic ticket.
Her grass-roots organizing is relentless, her message is clear, and her opponent, 16-year incumbent Martin Dilan has few accomplishments to show in the speedily gentrifying district that includes parts of Bushwick, Williamsburg, Greenpoint, Cypress Hills, City Line, East New York, Bedford-Stuyvesant, and Brownsville.
An American citizen, Salazar settled with her family as a baby in South Florida where her American mother raised her and her brother after moving between the U.S. and Colombia, the home country of Salazar's father. In 2009, Salazar moved to New York to attend Columbia University, where she managed 30-hour work weeks on top of her studies to pay rent and cover living expenses. Her activism and class consciousness began in Harlem after a winter without heat when she and her neighbors decided to confront their negligent landlord. Salazar led a rent strike, which after three months helped the tenants win concessions in housing court. However, only a few months later, the landlord pushed Salazar out with a rent hike.
"We won because we fought collectively," she told The Intercept, "and that was amazing. But it also made clear that if you want to change a systemic problem — and landlord negligence is absolutely a systemic problem — then you need a systemic solution. And that comes from policy."
Salazar may not be as charismatic as Ocasio-Cortez, who endorsed her candidacy, but her policy upholds the principles of her membership in and endorsement from the New York City chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America (NYC-DSA), which, along with Justice Democrats, an American progressive political action committee, helped propel Ocasio-Cortez to victory.
At the center of her platform is universal rent control. In the midst of a housing crisis, Salazar proposes several policies to make housing affordable for North Brooklynites:
1) Ending vacancy decontrol, often called "eviction bonus," which regulates rent hikes by setting the rent of vacant units at market level. This policy incentivizes landlords to harass tenants and push for eviction so they can raise the rent.
2) Ending preferential rents and limiting MCI-induced rent increases, or a permanent increase in rent for rent-stabilized/controlled tenants, which encourages gentrification.
3) State financing of affordable housing for working-class residents.
4) Combatting upzonings, or changing the zoning of a residential area for commercial use, which advances the displacement of low-income residents.
5) Expanding rent stabilization to all New York apartments to fight evictions.
Dilan's legacy, however, looms over North Brooklyn.
As a city council member in 1994, he voted in favor of vacancy decontrol. He told The Intercept that he regrets that decision, arguing "At the time, in Bushwick and Cypress Hills, rents were around $300 or $400 a month. We did not see Manhattan prices. There was virtually no comparison." However, Dilan failed to sponsor legislation to revoke vacancy decontrol as a state Senator between 2009-2010 when the Democrats held a rare majority over Republicans. Since then, Dilan co-sponsored bills twice to repeal vacancy decontrol but lacked majority Democratic control necessary to pass them.
In 2010, during a vote for two bills that sought to close loopholes for landlords to hike rents on regulated units, Dilan left his seat at roll call, aiding in their defeat. Tenant advocate Michael McKee claims Dilan had to be convinced to leave during roll call rather than vote against the bills as he initially intended. Dilan denies abstaining from the vote and draws attention to his support for other pro-tenant legislation such as the Loft Law, which protects tenants who are illegally living in commercial or factory buildings.
We actually now have more than 2,100 individual donations ☺
And while we've outraised Dilan more than 2-to-1, our average donation is only ~$50. His average donation was ~$950.
This is what a strong grassroots, movement-driven campaign looks like 💪🏽 https://t.co/ZVa3RSpGBh
— Julia Salazar for State Senate (@SalazarSenate18) July 27, 2018
One of the moral strengths of Salazar's campaign is that she only accepts small donations, rejecting corporate money like Ocasio-Cortez. Dilan, however, has accepted over $200,000 in campaign donations from the real estate sector since he entered politics. His donors include the Rent Stabilization Association (of which Donald Trump was an honorary director) and Real Estate Board of New York, which are both notoriously anti-tenant lobby groups.
Salazar's housing policy is bolstered by her views on immigration, healthcare, and the MTA. In an era of unprecedented threats to the livelihood of immigrants in the U.S., Salazar supports the passage of the Liberty Act and DREAM Act, a ban on ICE in NYC courtrooms, legislation that allows undocumented immigrants to obtain drivers' licenses, as well as voting rights at the state and municipal level. Salazar calls for healthcare to be treated as a human right, supporting numerous policies to expand care to all New Yorkers.
With the impending L train shutdown, straphangers need to know they have alternatives. Shuttle buses are an important alternative, but we can't send fleets of up to 80 at a time over already congested bridges. Dedicated HOV lanes would help tremendously. https://t.co/dvKKnELc0v
Finally, to address the disastrous MTA, she demands the expansion of transit service through funding the MTA capital program, freezing the ever-increasing transit fares, ensuring reliable transit during the L train shutdown for North Brooklynites, and making all stations accessible for the disabled and the elderly.
Earlier this month, Dilan touted a groundless smear against Salazar, filing a lawsuit in the Brooklyn state Supreme Court falsely claiming she failed to be a resident of New York for five straight years in order to run for office. The lawsuit also claims Salazar lacks the minimum required signatures for her candidacy. Salazar's lawyer said the claim was "utterly baseless."
On Thursday, during a press conference with Cynthia Nixon, endorser of Salazar and progressive Democratic gubernatorial candidate, to promote fully funding public schools, Salazar's speech was disrupted by demonstrators, allegedly sent by Dilan , to defame her as a previously registered Republican.
Growing up in a conservative family, Salazar naturally embraced their Republican support at a young age. However, after moving to New York City, it is clear that her views have become dramatically more progressive–even radical–at least for the Democratic Party.
In response to the demonstration and smear campaign by Dilan, Salazar wrote on her website, "But the people of North Brooklyn won't be distracted; I won't be distracted. We know what matters to us and to our communities, and it's not what I thought about politics when I was 18. I'm going to keep talking to voters across the 18th District about the issues that matter to us: affordable housing, good transit, universal healthcare and excellent schools. We don't have time for games and personal attacks; the problems facing our community are too important."
Whether you reside in the 18th District or not, don't sleep on Julia Salazar.
Note: A correction was made at 12:49pm, 9/14/18 to reflect Julia Salazar's true background story. Contrary to what she implied to the mainstream media, it was revealed that she is not a Colombian immigrant, but rather she was born in the United States.
Teddy Ostrow
Teddy Ostrow is a student of American Studies at Columbia University and former intern at La Voce di New York.
Julia Salazar
Martin Dilan
Migrant Caravan: Does the Mainstream Media Think We Can't Handle the Truth?
The Media's Fake News Hysteria is Edging Us Toward Censorship
2018 Midterms: Searching for the Bigger Picture
Italian Teachers' Association of New York Hosts Annual Awards Ceremony
by La Voce di New York
Adi Schor, Chasing Her Dream all the way from Tel Aviv, Israel, to NYC
by Bianca Waechter
The History of American Art of Last Century is on Show in New York
by Floriana Frigenti
by Massimo Jaus
by Yulia Lapina
Formula E nel circuito di Brooklyn: l'auto elettrica mostra la potenza a New York
by Andrea De Grandi
"Opera Italiana is in the Air" is an Unmissable Free Concert in Central Park
Capri's TERRA FIRMA: An Exploration of Life as a Journey Through Dance

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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To Raise Money For Hospitality Workers Affected By Lockdown, This Man Is On Beer-Only Diet For 46 Days
Basit AijazUpdated on Mar 05, 2021, 15:06 IST
Hall has made it a tradition now, and since then, he's been using his annual claim-to-fame to raise money. In 2020, Hall lost 50 pounds and raised more than $10,000 for a local charity at the start of the coronavirus pandemic.
A man in US' Cincinnati is on a beer-only diet for 46 days to raise money for local service industry workers who have been affected by lockdown induced by the coronavirus pandemic.
Del Hall, a brewery owner, has started his unique diet for a good cause where 100% of all donations will go directly to the staff of bars and restaurants that participate in this year's fast festivities.
WKRC
Hall for the past two years has given up everything but beer during Lent, a Christian observance lasting six weeks. Lent begins on Ash Wednesday and ends the night before Easter Sunday.
In 2019, Hall went viral after announcing his beer-only lenten fast. He lost more than 40 pounds in 40 days. Isn't that astonishing?
Hall has made it a tradition now, and since then, he's been using his annual claim-to-fame to raise money.
Also read: To Relieve Post COVID-19 Pandemic Stress, People In Cambodia Are Practicing Beer Yoga
In 2020, Hall lost 50 pounds and raised more than $10,000 for a local charity at the start of the coronavirus pandemic. Between his fast in 2019 and his fast in 2020, Hall had regained about 20 pounds, Cincinnati Enquirer reported.
This year Hall started his beer-only diet on February 17 (Ash Wednesday) and will live on beer until April 4. In his 2021 goal, he's hoping to lose 40 pounds and raise at least $50,000 ( (Rs 36.54 lakh) this year.
Also read: Two Men Drift Away To Sea While Chugging Beers On A Blow-Up Mattress, Rescued
Cincinnati Enquirer
Starting on Ash Wednesday and lasting 46 days until Easter, Hall will not eat anything and all calories will come from beer.
Hall was inspired by the fasting rituals of 18th-century Bavarian monks to start his beer diet in 2019. That year, he had lost 44 pounds without a single cheat. He would drink two to five beers a day.
Also read: Australia Floods: Woman Jumps Into Ocean To Save Beer Kegs From Drowning


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Micrapion bilineatum är en stekelart som beskrevs av Joseph Kriechbaumer 1894. Micrapion bilineatum ingår i släktet Micrapion och familjen Leucospidae. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Glanssteklar
bilineatum

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


CASPIAN have announced their first ever Australian tour dates for March 2014.
Known in post-rock circles for their impressive live show and melodic instrumental epics, the tour supports the release of their watermark record 'Waking Season' through Australian independent label Hobbledehoy.
Formed in 2003 in Beverly, Massachusetts, the band has enjoyed an inexorably rise since the propulsive rhythms and ecstatic washes of their debut 2005 EP 'You Are The Conductor.' Channelling Pink Floyd, Mogwai, Godspeed You! Black Emperor and Penderecki, they tapped into a seam all their own. Expanding their ranks to a three guitar attack in 2007's 'The Four Trees' they continued experimenting with their sound through classical motifs to what would become 'Waking Season', produced by Matt Bayles (Russian Circles, Minus the Bear, Mastodon, Minus the Bear and Mono).
Throughout, the band have build a formidable live reputation off the back of consistent touring through the Northern Hemisphere. In addition to extensive solo headline tours, a diverse range of European & US tours with God Is An Astronaut, Minus The Bear and Defeater, as well as a sold-out North American co-headlining run with 65daysofstatic late last year established the band's demand as a live draw on an upward trend. Recent jaunts through Asia have missed the Australian continent until now. This March they will trek through Sydney, Brisbane, Melbourne, Perth and Adelaide on a headline club tour.
Touring as support will be Sydney cinematic instrumental group Meniscus, who themselves are coming off the back of successful European & Australian touring in support of 2011's War of Currents album.


Blog Is Travel Insurance Worth The Cost?
[fusion_builder_container hundred_percent="yes" overflow="visible"][fusion_builder_row][fusion_builder_column type="1_1″ background_position="left top" background_color="" border_size="" border_color="" border_style="solid" spacing="yes" background_image="" background_repeat="no-repeat" padding="" margin_top="0px" margin_bottom="0px" class="" id="" animation_type="" animation_speed="0.3″ animation_direction="left" hide_on_mobile="no" center_content="no" min_height="none"][fusion_text]Of course if everything goes according to plan, buying insurance is an unnecessary expense. The main problem is that if your crystal ball isn't fully powered, you may have difficulty predicting the future, making the purchase of insurance a necessity. An injury or illness can be even more difficult, when trying to deal with an emergency in a foreign land. Even if you navigate your emergency successfully, you may be left with a hefty medical bill after you return home. Following are some situations that actually happened to policy holders who were happy they purchased the travel insurance coverage they needed.
Product: Travel health insurance policy for a 31 day trip to Mexico for $1,144.00.
Situation: Mrs. X became ill and was eventually diagnosed with appendicitis.
She was admitted to hospital for 6 days and recovered fully.
Outcome: The final bill for her care was $40,100.00.
Product: Separate travel insurance policies: Premium totalling $166.00.
Destination: 8 day trip to Colorado.
Situation: Mr. Y became ill and was diagnosed with colitis, dehydration and hypoglycemia.
He was admitted to the hospital for 5 days in total with 3 days being in Intensive Care.
Outcome: The final bill for his care was $80,000.00.
Situation: The client presented with vomiting, severe cramping and diarrhea and was directed to the nearest emergency room.
Diagnosis: dehydration and emetic syndrome (food poisoning).
Outcome: The final bill for her care was $2,450.76.
Travel Insurance can be purchased on an annual basis or for a specific trip. Standard Travel insurance can cover your medical expenses associated with an accident or sudden illness while traveling outside of your home province. Coverage can be broadened by adding coverage for baggage loss and trip cancellation.
The coverage options and guidance to select coverage for your needs.


There is always a first for everything, and this is my first transmission line (TL) speaker build. I have heard people say that it is very difficult and time consuming to design a successful speaker of this kind, but it can produce far better quality sounding lower frequency response (bass) and a more spacious soundstage.
After initial listening tests, I can attest to the claim of better quality bass performance and a spacious soundstage. These point source full range drivers are truly very well designed. The speakers disappear and you and you are left only with the music. For my 1st TL, this came out better than expected, and honestly, I find myself listening to these speakers more and more. Even with a moderate bass response, the sound is full enough not to fire up the subwoofer to fill in the low end. A very balanced, detailed and well rounded sound indeed!
Listen to how they sound with the Sound Test video below.


Aluminum version of the Superzero handlebar. made in high-end 7050 aluminum series using an innovative mechanical forming process that allows to obtain the exact aero shape of the carbon version. The bar aero pro file and cross section have been designed to minimize the drag and provide an ergonomic grip for any riding style at the same time. The design ideally matches the modern philosophy of racing bikes designed to be aero apart from being light and stiff. Superzero alloy handlebar features also the modern rhm shape for an incomparable grip on the drops.


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Of Taming Carnal Desire by Serawit B. Debele
Press | 21.04.20
Serawit B. Debele
Of Taming Carnal Desire
Imperial Roots of Legislating Sexual Practices
in Contemporary Ethiopia
ABSTRACT: Focusing on Ethiopia, an empire off-center, this article argues
against dominant narratives that link the regulation of sexual practices to
colonial (Western) imperial relations. Within this context, the paper investigates
struggles over the past by contrasting two versions of history, discussing
how different groups mobilize the past in contemporary Ethiopia. It begins
by exploring the imperial, Christian roots of the country's penal codes,
interrogating how the state mobilizes such histories to criminalize same-sex
desires and practices. The article then focuses its attention on those deemed
"outlaws" by such legislation, exploring their search for histories silenced
by empire, and their assertion as longstanding, integral parts of
the country's past.
KEYWORDS: carnal desire, Ethiopia, subjectivity, zega, penal code
Since 1991, Ethiopia has presented itself as a secular, multi-ethnic state that has broken ties with its imperial past. Yet, as this article argues, imperial Orthodox Christian pasts inform the legal management of carnal desire (fetwät)in the country. Through multiple valences, imperial legacies—based on legal and discursive employments of historicist arguments—remain integral to the making of Ethiopia. This article focuses on the contemporary purchase of imperial legal history in the regulation of sexual practices, exploring the deployment of historical discourse as a tool to tackle social anxieties around sex and sexuality. By diagnosing the lasting legacy of the past and how it is experienced in the present, the paper traces continuities in the legislation of carnal desire between the Ethiopian Empire and the contemporary state.
While imperial Christian legacies have been officially disavowed in Ethiopia since the 1974 revolution, which brought to power the Marxist-Leninist military junta known as the Derg, most laws in the country remain significantly influenced by a fifteenth-century document called the FetehaNegest (FN). This stems from the incorporation of legal provisions from the FN, including those regulating sex, in the Ethiopian penal codes of 1931, 1957, and 2005. Since 1991, the ruling party, Ethiopian Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has led the Ethiopian state by manifesting an anti-imperial ideology, for example, in its commitment to the respect of cultural and religious rights of previously marginalized ethnic groups. Yet, as this article argues, the EPRDF's current management of sexual practices remains marked by Orthodox Christian and imperial legacies. This means that imperial legal provisions have salience even after the collapse of Haile Selassie's government and the Solomonic dynasty in 1974.
Situated within the debates on empires as formations and processes with a lasting resonance in the present (Stoler and McGranahan 5–10), this article emerges within a specific, off-center imperial context. To be sure, the article draws and extends works on sexual practices in non-Western historical contexts (Massad; Najmabadi, Women with Mustaches; Epprecht, Heterosexual Africa?; Zabus). Focusing on the Arab world, Iran, and Africa respectively, these works attribute the anxiety about legislating the sexual life of subjects to colonial/Western contacts. However, this article introduces an alternative reading from a place that is off-center, arguing that regulating sexual practices have been empire's obsession long before the advent of Western imperialism. Foregrounding Ethiopia as an empire off-center, the paper contributes to conversations on empire and sexuality as constituted within contexts that are both non-Western and noncolonial.
While Orthodox Christianity has been tied to the state since its introduction to the Axumite Kingdom in the fourth century, imperial consolidation reached its climax at the turn of the twentieth century under Emperor Menelik (1889–1913), giving birth to the Ethiopian Empire. Scholars such as Donald Levine and Fouad Makki note that imperial expansion to the southern parts of present Ethiopia took place during the Scramble for Africa, an impulse for Menelik to strengthen his stronghold against the threatening presence of European powers in the region. Makki highlights: "The new empire incorporated a population and territory more than twice that of historic Abyssinia. . . . In a series of treaties signed with France, Britain and Italy between 1897 and 1908, the boundaries of the empire were delineated and,having secured international recognition, imperial rulers set out to consolidate control over the newly incorporated regions" (272).
Ethiopia's imperial trajectories were characterized by ambivalence in the way the empire's roles and positions are understood within the framework of European colonial expansions. As such, imperial Ethiopia was implicated in colonial processes akin to other empires, such as the Ottoman, which itself had colonial involvements in North and Northeast Africa (Minawi). This was particularly the case with the Shoan kingdom's internal expansion to the southern parts of present day Ethiopia, in response to the fierce competition and pressure from France, Great Britain and Italy in the East African region (Makki 272). In their seminal work, Donald Donham and Wendy James dubbed this imperial expansion (with Orthodox Christianity as its cultural core) the "southern marches of imperial Ethiopia" (Donham and James). With its involvement as a partaker in the scramble, Ethiopia was an empire off-center that received little attention within the broader discussions on empire that take the West as the main—if not the only—protagonist (Stoler and McGranahan). Certainly, Ethiopia was an empire which constituted its modernity in relation to a colonial framework (Giorgis). Yet to focus on Ethiopia as an empire off-center means not only to take into account the complex relationship of colonial competition in which its imperial state emerged but also to take into account its internal dynamics. Imperial Ethiopia was—and as this article argues, remains—an empire-state imbued with complex histories, discourses and practices of marginalizing subjects such as those it characterized as sexual deviants. Using the notion of duress, Ann Stoler captures the strong prevalence of imperial histories in the present by arguing that "imperial dispositions have tenacious presence in less obvious ways" (Duress 4). Focusing on the duress of an off-center empire, this article describes and analyzes how empire's perpetuity is experienced in the present.
The article is based on archival and ethnographic research among people who refer to themselves as zega, conducted in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, in 2017–18. Zega in its everyday Amharic usage means a citizen or a foreign national, but is also a constitutionally recognized legal category used to refer to Ethiopian nationals. Sometime in 2002, the word was adopted by the Addis same-sex sex-practicing community, when a circle of friends created a Yahoo Mail group to communicate in secret. As I gathered from some of my interlocutors, zega is used to assert one's presence and belonging to a polity otherwise characterized by alienating discourses and practices. This appropriation of the term calls upon a larger history of the category zega as a claim to citizenship by those on the margins of power. Historically, zega has been used to define a status based on property ownership. In the eighteenth century, zega referred to landless people who worked on the farms of church leaders in central Ethiopia (Mengiste). In spite of claims of revolutionary novelty by the EPRDF regime, the notion of zega still remains tied to its historical meaning, which links the state to its imperial past. Throughout this text, I avoid the term homosexuality—a category whose history and the orization mainly draws on the West—and use zega instead. In doing so, I take cue from Afsaneh Najmabadi's caution about imposing foreign categories such as gay, noting the danger such categories entail in local contexts ( Najmabadi, "Is Another" and Women with Mustaches). Moreover, my decision to stick to the term emanates from the fact that the people I spoke with identify themselves as zega.1
The article begins with a description of how carnal desire is conceptualized and legislated in the FN, so as to tease out specific legal articulations and their appropriation in the penal codes that followed. I follow this discussion with a description of the history of sodomy laws in twentieth-century Ethiopia to show the continued relevance of this historical document. I then proceed to reflect on the experiences of zegas today and their desire for history.In doing so, I argue that zegas revisit the past to process their current experience of state oppression, as well as legal and public discourses that depict them as foreign to the land. In the concluding section, I stress how studying sexuality in off-center empires challenges assumptions about the management of same-sex practices and their ties to colonial histories.
"Fetwät": Carnal Desire in the Feteha Negest
Carnal desire (fetwät) was introduced as a juridical category in the fifteenth century when the FN was adopted by the Ethiopian Empire. There are various theories about the origin of the document, but the general consensus is that it was brought to Christian Ethiopia during the reign of Emperor Zara Yacob (1434–68). According to Abba Paulos Tzadua, the FN was translated to the liturgical language Ge'ez in the sixteenth century from the Arabic document Maǧmū al-qawānīn, first written in 1238 by the Christian Egyptian jurist Abū l-Fadā'il Ibn al'Assāl as-Safī. In the following centuries, the document served as the basis of Ethiopian supreme law, and spiritual guidance of the Orthodox Tewahedo Church (Tzadua; Jembere; Muluken).
The document is divided into two overlapping parts. The first deals with religious matters in relation to the afterlife, while the second discusses worldly matters, instructing how subjects should conduct themselves. Carnal desire is defined and detailed in the second part. According to Kidanewold Kifle, fetwät is a state and act of either loving, desiring, wanting, or wishing. Despite it being a form of attachment, for Kifle fetwät is the smoke of sin that untamed sexual desire bears (736). The FN regards fetwät as lust and unmitigated sexual temptation. It depicts fetwät as the mother of all sins: decadent, enfeebling, and polluting because it forces one to go out of his way for illicit sex. And so, one needs to self-restrain because, if not tamed, fetwät is like a wildfire that "eats" one alive. Sexual fantasies (of any kind) subject one to dual death: exclusion from a respectable immaculate life and later from heaven. It is therefore a battle one has to fight because it breeds humiliation and suffering—here and in the afterlife.
The warnings have an explicit religious undertone, articulating a need to fulfill the Christian obligation to multiply through procreative sex. The empire in its turn acts as the guardian of these principles, not only as part of its Christian commitment but also for its own purposes of sustainment through the constant supply of subjects via procreation. Enforcing such Christian dogmas as the only truth enables the empire to construct its own outlaws, based on whether one's sexual act fits into those discourses. The document also contains a list of punishments on those who trespass depending on the degree of the crime. For example, incest and the ensuing punishment are discussed in detail in article 48 of FN together with a number of fetwät committed before, within, and after marriage. Bestiality subjects one to an amputation of his genitals. Both men who engage in sodomy have to be killed, but if one of them is twelve years old or younger, he is pardoned due to his age (Feteha Negest: Nibabuna). The administration of such punishments was based on the act committed, and not a category of identity. As the Feteha Negest legislated individual acts of sin, sexual practices were not used as a foundation for constituting a legal identity.
Similar manuscripts were available in other off-center imperial contexts. In her work on early Qajar, Najmabadi highlights the availability of "literature of warning against gazing practices that might prompt a believer to engage in sinful acts.Warnings, and punishments of infractions, were directed equally against sexual acts with a woman not a man's own wife as against having sex, in particular anal intercourse, with young men" (Women with Mustaches 18). However, as she points out, it is hazardous to make generalizations about whether any of the above concepts have anything to do with the actual sex life of the society. The same can be said about historic Ethiopia for which, to use Najmabadi's own phrase, "we do not have social history" (Women with Mustaches 18). Historians like Haile Muluken and Aberra Jembere remark that there was a limited circulation of FN, and thus doubt its strict enforcement in governing imperial subjects (Muluken; Jembere). The document was confined to the imperial court and mainly in the hands of only those who were church educated. As the majority of the Ethiopian population was illiterate, the FN remained accessible to only a few church men. Whether FN has been enforced at all times across the board calls for further investigation. However, the document's contemporary influence clearly points to continuities in the fantasy of imperial power, whose consolidation is predicated on tamed sexual indulgence.
Taking a cue from Walter Benjamin, I approach the FN as a legal document from the past but as one that is of major relevance to the present. Historical documents are products and reflections of the dialectic relations with civilization and barbarism (Benjamin 256). As he stresses, every document of civilization is a document of barbarism at the same time, and the processes of transmission of such historical documents are violent in so far as they are carried along on the back of the oppressed. If FN embodies a history of civilization in which Ethiopians take pride, it is at the same time a document that justified the subordination of subjects whose lives do not tally with imperial expectations. Its transmission to generations of rulers also became necessary as a tool to perpetuate oppression. Thus, instead of praising the FN as an icon of Ethiopia's "longstanding juristic tradition and an almost innate sense of law," as does Abba Paulos Tzadua (xxxviii) and reifying it as an epitome of Ethiopia's glorious past, this essay reads FN as a document in which violent imperial legacies are inscribed. It is also a document that continues to justify the subordination and marginalization of certain sections of the society. The FN established conditions on which sex is permitted by introducing the divide between what is licit and illicit sexual act. Following Foucault's notion of power as law (Foucault 82–83), we find at work here juridical power that employs law to define and prohibit sex. As I discuss below, provisions from the FN have remained part of Ethiopian legislation on sex both during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie (1930–74) and the revolutionary republics that followed.
Historicizing "Sodomy" Law in Ethiopia (1930–2005)
With the introduction and expansion of modern bureaucracy in Ethiopia, Emperor Haile Sellasie introduced and enforced a new penal code. Articles from the FN that regulate sexual practices were incorporated in the first penal code of 1930 and in the revised code of 1957. Both penal codes of 1930 and 1957 had a stringent stance toward legislating sex as a necessary condition to protect the empire from degeneracy. In the former case, the article in question calls upon the document directly in the section "Concerning Crime Which Is Committed by Illicit Sexual Intercourse," stating that "those who are forbidden by the Fetha Negest [and those who] have illicit sexual intercourse with their natural and spiritual relations, they should be imprisoned" (Penal Code 63). In the revised penal code of 1957, the same principle of historical law is retained in articles 600, "Unnatural Carnal Offences," and 601, "Other Unnatural Acts," which are specified in the section "Sexual Deviation." The code defined non normative sexual practices as immoral and punishable by law (Revised Penal Code 182–3). The emperor explicitly mentioned in the preface of both codes that the criminal codes mainly draw on FN, although there has been room to accommodate foreign sources and experiences in the codification process. For instance, in the revised penal code of 1957, he wrote, "We have ensured that their concepts adopted as point of departure the venerable and well established legal traditions of Our Empire as revealed in the Fetha Negest and other subsequent legislation and practice" (Revised Penal Code vii).
The preeminent position of FN as a source of legal and moral order in imperial Ethiopia continued to be emphasized throughout Haile Selassie's reign. In 1968 the document was translated into English for the first time, under the auspices of the Faculty of Law at Haile Selassie (today's Addis Ababa) University. The emperor praised the longstanding place of FN in Ethiopia's legal history in the preface to the first edition, adding:
Our people were at fist ruled by Mosaic law, but after the advent of Christianity to Ethiopia, they came later to be governed by the Fetha Nagast. . . . The Fetha Nagast has been venerated, supported, and applied by both the government of Our empire and by the Church. . . . By the Providence of the Almighty, this bulwark of the law was preserved for Our people.Venerated for many centuries, it provided for Our people an invaluable source of legal principles. (Tzadua v)
Commending the translation, the emperor also acknowledged the role of the faculty in disseminating knowledge about the FN. The translation was important for the emperor's international image as it introduced the legal roots of his empire and strengthened Ethiopia's position as an icon of civilization on the continent.
Under the rule of the EPRDF, the Penal Code was revised in 2005, and was renamed the Criminal Code. The stated rationale for the revision is a need to keep up with new local and global changes in the areas of human rights, women's emancipation, and the recognition of previously marginalized ethnic and religious groups. The rigorous process of revision is described in the preface as follows: "Legal and medical professionals, psychiatrists, different institutions of higher education and professional associations have made significant contributions through the opinions they gave to the enactment of the law. Representatives of the people selected from different sectors and associations have forwarded important views in discussion forums on the draft laws conducted in Addis Ababa and the regions" (Criminal Code n.p.).
In spite of its calls on expert groups and use of modernizing language (or perhaps as an outcome of the consultations), the new legal code criminalized zegas in remarkably similar language to the FN. The document remained the major legal source on what is still termed "sexual deviation," posited in the section that contained articles on "homosexuality and indecent sexual acts." In the 2005 revision of the Penal Code, any attempt to excite indecent sexual desire, including sodomy and bestiality, remained a criminal act punishable by law.2
Following decades of civil war (1974–91), Ethiopian state formation processes came to be defined through the critique of the old imperial regime, characterized by exploitation, subordination, and cultural assimilation of diverse groups under the banner of Orthodox Christian Ethiopianness. Yet, as I have argued, the inclusion of provisions from the FN in the country's current penal codes demonstrates continuities with the colonial past. Nevertheless, this is not to suggest that Ethiopia has not been implicated in discourses and practices that emanate from the Western imperial and (post)colonial contexts. For instance, one striking extension of imperial legal discourses on sex is the introduction of the category of "homosexuality" in the revised law.What was known as an "unnatural carnal offence" in both the 1930 and 1957 Penal Codes has been referred to as "homosexuality" in the Criminal Code of 2005. The further inclusion of "lesbianism" as a legal identity offers another interesting point of intersection between the indigenous, imperial source of law and the so-called Western influence (yäEthiopia Fedäralawi Dimocrasiawi n.p.). The inclusion of homosexuality as a category in 2005 represented a significant shift beyond legislating acts to instituting a legal identity. Through defining a group of people as "homosexuals" certain sections of the population were inscribed as legal problems the state has to deal with. Given the increasing and vibrant discourses on sex and sexuality globally, it is not surprising that the current Ethiopian law is at the same time emerging as a site of hybridized legal discourses and practices.
While the current regime celebrates the rights and freedoms of individuals and claims to be determined to fight any form of discrimination, zega is reified as an oppressed group on the margins of the law. To be sure, the state hails secularist values and also claims to have removed Christianity from its historical role in the political life of societies in imperial Ethiopia. But in practice Ethiopia offers an example of "Christian secularism," where Christian morality frames major legal discourses based on which sexual lives are regulated (Jakobsen and Pellegrini). As part of the longstanding complementary of church and state in Ethiopia, managing sexual life of ordinary citizens emerges as one site of alliance between the two institutions (Tamrat). The anxiety to manage the intimate and personal spheres of life is one of the multiple manifestations of the marriage between empire and its secular state successor. Law interacts with the church and its adherents to produce the life of zegas as one lived in constant fear and self-surveillance.
Religion, sexuality, and secularism constitute each other, as witnessed in the legal provisions based on Christian religious logic that cut across both imperial and contemporary periods of Ethiopian history. Lucinda Ramberg's argument well captures these dynamics: "Forms of secularity and religiosity invest themselves in bodies and pleasure; they shape the possibilities we are given, or give ourselves. All rites and religions deploy sexuality: they mobilize and organize sexual economies, distributions of fertility, the limits and possibilities of public pleasures, and the shapes of our desires" (177). Moreover, what Joan Scott suggests regarding the relationship between the secular and religious illuminates the contemporary Ethiopian context in which the state claims to be secular while drawing on imperial, Christian pasts. As she argues, instead of conceptualizing the secular as an antithesis of the religious, it is more productive to see the two as mutually constitutive, or the secular as an extension of the religious in the way it manages sexual differences (Scott 24–25). As Scott further posits, the maintenance of state sovereignty presupposes Christian practices, and thus, contrary to claims of separation, "the discourse of secularism always already included Christianity". Relatedly, Michael Warner remarks, sexuality produces the population, which is managed by legislation that draws on the religious. States that claim to be divorced from religion nevertheless draw upon religious documents to regulate the intimate life of their subjects. Population management through regulating fertility, procreation, and public morality remains critical for the state's maintenance of sovereignty, and Christianity is central to this process. Hence, as an imperial production, FN represents not only the basis of law in the current state as an "ideal form," but it does so precisely because of its status as an imperial Christian document.
This persistence of Ethiopian state power that manages sexuality across imperial and contemporary periods echoes Ann Stoler's argument that matters of intimacy are matters of the state/empire. They are not subsidiary elements, but strategic sites of governance in their own right and hence one of the state's major preoccupations (Stoler, "Matters"). As far as the state is concerned, "sexual corruption" compromises the subject's commitment and loyalty to the state. Accordingly, what the state perceives as legitimate sex is reified as a standard vantage point from which what is regarded as illegitimate is undermined by law. Akin to Michel Foucault's proposition, the purpose of prohibition in this context is to produce subjects who orient themselves against it, rather than eliminate the prohibited behavior (Foucault). Employing law to (re)inscribe some sections of the society as a "social problem," the state recognizes their existence as anomalous and in need of management.
The legacy of imperial Ethiopia is further visible in the unacknowledged alliance between anti-homosexual activists, nostalgic for the country's imperial past, and the state's determination to manage the carnality of its ordinary citizens through laws drawn from an imperial document. "Homosexuality" has remained a vice for both the state and religious institutions, as highly embedded in everyday life. Both criminalization and eternal damnation, as consequences of the vice, are thus complementary positions. The criminalization of same-sex intimacies gives license to religious institutions and their followers to act against zegas, from whom the state has withdrawn protection. Sexual desires beyond the heteronormative frame are defined as deviant, immoral, and unconventional, to be corrected through the collaboration of the state and religious institutions.
Certainly, church orientated anti-zega activism in tandem with state law suffuses the everyday life of zegas with its normative demands to which they have to adjust. This in turn subjects zegas to a life lived in a constant process of adjustment. Subjects have to actively orient their bodies in response to such normative demands by adjusting to the disciplining discourses, institutions, and apparatuses. In order to demonstrate how imperial history, law, and anti-zega activism manifest in the everyday life of zegas, I offer an ethnographic account that illustrates key processes of subjectivization and counter processes of reclaiming negated subjectivities. I do so by describing two extreme positions embodied by activists: those who advocate for the rights of zegas and those who oppose them.
To live as Zega in Ethiopia
Beki Aby is one of the most vocal activists fighting for legal protection for zega living in the country. He told me how alarming the legal situation has become in Ethiopia in recent times. In only one day in 2015, twelve young men were imprisoned due to allegations of violating article 629 of the criminal code, which states that homosexuality is punishable by law. The same year, Beki witnessed few individuals being fired from their jobs for their "homosexual tendencies," which were regarded as a disciplinary problem. Escaping intimidation and threat, Beki moved to the United Kingdom in 2016, where he gave the following interview to Cheryl Overs:
Homosexuality is totally illegal in Ethiopia and it carries jail penalties. . . . Even outside of the arrests the law is a justification for anyone to abuse LGBT people as they want. . . . Of course, there is always the risk of being arrested and it is important to understand that this means entering a criminal justice system that is secretive and without the checks and balances of a democratic system. But in a way the more pervasive threat is being outed to family, employers, church, neighbours, etc. ("Interview with Beki Abi")
Ethiopian scholars who advocate for the decriminalization of "homosexuality" and the respect of basic human rights for sexual minorities share Beki's concern. Selamawit Tsegaye, whose research challenges Ethiopia's legal heteronormative regime, has remarked that "the dire situation in the country, which reinforced by the criminalization of the act, subsequently leads individuals who identify themselves as gay, lesbian, and bisexual to live in fear, shame, and isolation with no protection of the law" (Tsegaye, "Impact"). Similarly, Betelhem Ephrem and AaronetteWhite stress the constant fear in which "lesbians" live due to, among other reasons, the lack of legal protection owing to state-sanctioned homophobia. This is shared by Daniel Iddo Balcha, who emphasizes the role of religion in shaping legal regimes to ostracize homosexual groups in Ethiopia.What these authors and activists share is an understanding of how legal provisions, originating in the imperial document of FN, work beyond prohibition and punishment to produce zega subjectivity as lived in fear. At the center of their position is an appeal to law and universal human rights discourses.
The interaction between the law and other sociocultural and religious sentiments mobilized against zegas is clear if we pay attention to anti-zega activism.When asked his views on Ethiopian law concerning homosexuality, Dereje Negash, founder and leader of an Orthodox Christian association, stated that the law has to be stricter. He went on to explain that there is a significant difference between 2005, when the criminal code was revised, and the time of the interview in 2014. For Dereje, "sodomy" spreads through new mobile technologies and social media, which requires a new revision of the law and a scaling up of the punishment (Gidey). Dereje's appeal is rooted in the commitment to carry what Walter Benjamin calls "cultural treasures" (256), artifacts of oppression that have their roots in Christian ideals of normality originating within the Ethiopian Empire.
Such relationships between legal prohibition and anti zega activism are by no means peculiar to Ethiopia. Based on his research indifferent countries in Africa, Cary Alan Johnson reports that statutes deployed to "criminalize consensual same-sex conduct uphold a system of discrimination in which an individual's sexual behavior is considered so criminally immoral that he or she is deemed unworthy of human rights protections. Even in countries where such laws are infrequently enforced, they criminally marginalize LGBTQ people so that the perpetrators of violence, discrimination, and abuse are free to operate with impunity" (Johnson 20).
In the 1990s, South African gays and lesbians were confronted with what Ryan Goodman calls the "social experience of sodomy laws" (671). The very existence of laws, whether enforced or not, was a site of fear and insecurity and resulted in self-disciplining (Goodman). In Kenya, Uganda, and Nigeria, the situation remains fraught for same-sex attracted people due to the criminalization of certain sexual practices (Macharia; Epprecht, Sexuality and Social Justice). From the perspective of scholars like Neville Hoad, the Ethiopian context is thus a reflection of how law is mobilized against or in favor of same-sex attracted people elsewhere on the continent (Hoad).
Yet what makes Ethiopia unique is its historical position as an "empire off center," that is, the historical specificity that is tied to its indigenous Christian tradition and its noncolonial imperial past, regarded as a pillar of pride for the public. Within such historicist conceptualizations of Ethiopian identity, zegas trigger an underlying anxiety that must be tackled by any means possible, lest it cause national shame, undermine established norms, and unsettle received hierarchies. This is embedded in the view that zegas threaten Ethiopia's sacred imperial-Christian past and morally clean present, and endanger its hope for the future. Anti-zega advocates' insistence on strict measures by the state thus work to make empire and its historical legacies respectable through sexual sanctions (Stoler, "Making").
However, that imperial laws remain unchallenged in shaping contemporary subjectivities and disciplining sexual practices is not the whole story. The complex and contradictory ways in which legal regimes and history work in the present are laid bare the moment the same marginalized community looks back to history to find affirmation. In what follows, I discuss how zega position themselves vis-à-vis imperial legacies through the notion of the desire for history, a phrase I adopted from Allen Bérubé's "Intellectual Desire."
A Desire for History
The desire for history, according to Bérubé, is an escape route or strategy "to survive a difficult present by reminiscing about the past and dreaming about the future" (170). Just as much as fear and insecurity are prominent, contemporary discourses among the zega evidence this overwhelming desire for history: an act of looking for validation, affirmation, and liberatory options from the past. The desire for history is a form of struggle by which zegas excavate relatable histories in which they find their traces. In so doing, they not only challenge their representation by anti-zega activists but also write themselves into existence as a part of history erased by empire. In the struggle for liberating the oppressed past, such acts complicate the continuity of oppressive heteronormative narratives.
In my first meeting with zega Addis Ababans, I came to learn more about same-sex intimacies in historic Ethiopia. Two stories in particular are in high circulation by zegas to confront the anomaly Ethiopia's perpetual discourse of hetero-normalcy strives to make them. The first story was published in 1988, as part of Sergew Hable Sellasie's Amharic Church Dictionary. In it,Hable Sellasie discusses two women (whom he calls whores) living together as a couple in eighteenth-century Ethiopia, as part of a brief biography of the judge involved in their case. In his effort to praise the wit of the local judge, Hable Sellasie recounts how the two women, who lived as husband and wife, had some disagreement related to childbirth. This conflict was resolved with the judge's wise intervention. What is interesting in this story for the zega community is that the women were not frowned upon for having lived as husband (who is described as masculine) and wife, that the wife has never been with anyone else except her husband, and that they were able to live as a couple. This story is prominent in Addis Ababa as a site of wonder, pride, rootedness, but also frustration with the selective nature of Ethiopia's public history (Hable Sellasie).
The second story revolves around the life of a seventeenth-century Ethiopian saint whose biography was translated from Ge'ez into English in 2015 by Wendy Belcher and Michael Kleiner. Wäläta Petros was a noblewoman who abandoned her husband and moved to a monastery to live the rest of her life as a nun. There she met her lifetime companion, a woman named Eheta Kristos, and the two lived together till death parted them. Wendy Belcher wrote a follow-up article in which she reads sexual intimacies not only between the two women but also other nuns within the monastery who were seen lusting after each other (Belcher and Kleiner; Belcher). Both the translated biography and the article had mixed reception because of the controversial expositions. However, in zega circles the book and the article are highly celebrated pieces. I have been told by many that Wäläta Petros is a new patron saint, who guards Addis Ababans against all forms of violence due to her assumed understanding of the challenges zegas face.
These stories generate hope among zega Addis Ababans, who enthusiastically look into the past to ground themselves against powerful discourses that alienate them. Such acts of recovering "lost" histories are at the same time acts of defying widely held assumptions about the imperial past as predominantly imbricated with Christian morality. By circulating such stories, zegas entertain a level of longing for their erased past that tackles their present dislocations by imperial law and history. As Allen Bérubé argues, such desire for history restores a sense of wholeness andmitigates the anxiety that living in a violent present induces (Bérubé). Law and history, the very tools of zegas' subjugation, are mobilized through the desire for history to counter various forms of alienation. Beyond imperial prescriptions of legitimate sexual practices, zegas' desire for history calls for a juxtaposition of various historical sources to read existing ones "against the grain." Such engagements with the past not only offer fresh perspectives on sexuality but also operate to upset the meta-narratives of empire.
Even after the 1974 and 1991 revolutions, each of which purported to do away with the Ethiopian Empire, imperial modes of subjection are in no way settled in the past. As the above discussions demonstrate, neither law nor history operates outside of broader sociopolitical and religious structures. Law is a site of knowledge, power and practice entangled with imperial histories and imaginations, articulated as the management of intimacies and heteronormative socio-cultural, religious, and political values (Constable and Schafer).
The struggle for history thus remains a prominent element of the debates on sexual practices and experiences in contemporary Ethiopia. Here, I contrast two conceptions of history: its deployment to attack zegas in the country and its mobilization by zegas as an emancipatory option that imagines a redemptive moment, contingent on recovering a past obscured by empire. On the one hand, ardent opponents of zega use history to construct zegas as outlaws who disturb the hegemonic narratives of imperial past. For them, received logics of the Ethiopian state appear to be in what Benjamin calls "a moment of danger" because Ethiopia's longstanding Christian morality is under threat (255). On the other, zegas themselves desire for alternative histories that restore their dignity and to liberate an oppressed past in which their experiences are inscribed. From the perspective of zega, what is at stake is their very survival.
To forget or deliberately ignore the imperial roots of regulating the sexual life of citizens in today's Ethiopia posits same-sex sexual practices as a Western import, pitted against the country's cultural sovereignty. Interrogating such received historical narratives invites a rethinking of the convenient scapegoat, that is the "Western" roots of homosexuality in Ethiopia, and Africa at large. It also complicates assumptions by scholars like Marc Epprecht, who argues that it is not homosexuality that was a Western import but rather homophobia (Epprecht, Heterosexual Africa? and Sexuality and Social Justice). As this history of the FN and Ethiopia as an "empire offcenter" demonstrates, neither was imported with colonialism. Beyond the rhetoric of colonial imports, we need to remember that same-sex practices abound, as did the urge to control them. Interrogating off-center empires like Ethiopia, whose relationship to colonialism differs from that of its neighboring states, challenges processes of knowledge production that posit nonnormative sexualities within (post)colonial frameworks.
HISTORY of the PRESENT ■ A Journal of Critical History ■ 10:1 ■ April 2020
10.1215/21599785-8221434 © 2020 Duke University Press
Serawit B. Debele is a research fellow at Max Planck Institute for Religious and Ethnic
Diversity. She is the author of Locating Politics in Ethiopia's Irreecha Ritual (2019).
She is also a coeditor of the journal Secularism and Nonreligion.
1 This is not to imply that there is a uniform acceptance of the word by all. For example, almost all the women I spoke to showed reservation due to its masculine overtones.
2 Paradoxically, such inclusion recognizes for the first time the existence of women with diverse sexual preferences. Nonetheless, while gender equality remains a stated goal of the EPRDF regime, the inclusion represents the limits of such discourses by reifying women's subjectivities as criminals who disrupt heteronormative
order.
3 "Cultural treasures" are, according to Walter Benjamin, "spoils" carried along by the triumphant on the back of those lying prostrate.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Karim Sène (born 26 August 1971 in Condat, Cantal, France) is a retired Senegalese athlete who specialized in the pole vault. He won multiple medals on the regional level throughout his career.

He has personal bests of 5.21 metres outdoors (2003) and 5.14 metres indoors (2007). Both are current Senegalese records.

Competition record

References

1971 births
Living people
Senegalese pole vaulters
Male pole vaulters
Senegalese male athletes
African Games silver medalists for Senegal
African Games medalists in athletics (track and field)
African Games bronze medalists for Senegal
Athletes (track and field) at the 2003 All-Africa Games
Athletes (track and field) at the 2007 All-Africa Games
20th-century Senegalese people
21st-century Senegalese people


On an overseas visit, Theresa May slapped down Philip Hammond's recent Brexit intervention, calling his statistics into doubt.
Business Insider reports May also says that a no deal Brexit would not "be the end of the world." May sought to play down recent questions by Cabinet Office Minister David Lidlington, who says that talks could be extended.
May pushed back against this, saying "we are all working towards an October deadline".


Home / News / Fractal Design introduces the largest Meshify case to date: The Meshify S2. Comunicato Stampa.
Fractal Design introduces the largest Meshify case to date: The Meshify S2. Comunicato Stampa.
Precedente Thermaltake: Tutte le novità dal CES 2019! Comunicati in inglese.


Any I.T. experts out there? I've got help sorting out my laptop, which used up my gigabites a lot.
I'm now on Firefox as I've been told it's better, seems to be. Is Firefox compatible with Adblocker? As the guy that helped me set it up, also sorted out Adblocker. Said ad use up gigabites, which could have been the problem.
Now my laptop is slow at downloading websites.
As advertised ... or slower ?
Ad block extension ... mere space used ... can slow down web site with ads ... if regular ones , configure ad block accordingly.
Try turning ad blocker off ... still slow to load web sites ?
Same speed in other browsers when accessing web pages ?
Disc space ... time for a clearout ? Defragmentation ? CC cleaner or similar software ? What is using what on the disc analyser ?
Check what's running as soon as Windows starts ... disenable some functions ?
No doubt , someone with IT knowledge will follow shortly.
Good day Butterfly68. This inquiry does not in itself seem related to caring, but I see you have made various other posts on this forum so here goes, taking your points in order.
You say you used a lot of gigabytes. I presume by this you mean that you are finding your data charge is excessive.
You say you are now using Firefox, which seems to be better. In what way is it better for you? There are various browsers available and all do a good job in general, but each has its good points, so it is largely a matter of personal preference. I like Firefox myself, largely because of its good search facility. You enter what you are searching for in the search, panel, then choose a search engine. If you are not happy with the search results you can choose another search engine without the need to re-enter the search string. What do you like about Firefox. Has it reduced the gigabyte consumption?
You ask about compatibility with Adblocker. The guy that set up Firefox and Adblocker obviously thought they would work together, as indeed they seem to be doing. I presume he installed Adblock Plus, available from Mozilla, the creators of Firefox. So there does not appear to be compatibility problem.
It appears then that now there is a new problem - slow downloading. I think we need to recognize that if we attach add-ons, such as ad blockers, to any browser, there is going to be a trade-off in performance, because the ad blocker software uses up processor time. Bear in mind that advertising is part of life, and pays for many things we would otherwise need to pay for directly. If the loss in speed is too much of a problem for you, you may need to consider whether you should buy a newer computer with a faster processor.
Firefox's basic ad blocker is uBlock Origin, available from its own menu. This provides a less-comprehensive ad blocking service without greatly loading up the processor or memory. However, its sounds as though your friend has gone beyond this with Adblock Plus.
Perhaps if you would like to reply, with details of what type of computer you have, memory and processor details, we could try to assist further. It is difficult to give IT advice remotely with only vague information about the problem.
Hi there, thanks for responding to my post. I deal with my Mother's issues, which to me relates to my caring role, that's what I bought the laptop for.
When I mention about usage of gigabytes, I mean I have 10 gigabytes a month usage. Which now being on Firefox & with Ad Block Plus, doesn't see to use them up so fast. Relief there.
As to what I like about Firefox. I wasn't initially sure about having Firefox on the Desktop, as I was used to Internet Explorer. But I've found it easier to use.The fact you have all the tabs at the top, and can switch between them. . The switch I find works on the whole. I've been on Firefox around 3 weeks now. It's only around the past week that I've noticed the slowing down. I asked the guy why it's happening, he said something about neighbours internet's interference. Basically that if everyone was on the same network, there wouldn't be an issue.
I'm also finding just now I'm struggling accessing my email account, when I tap on it, it goes back to the Startscreen.
I've got a Windows Acer Aspire V11 laptop. Windows 8.1 edition I'm currently on, which I'm happy with, this guy keeps saying I'd be better on Windows 10. Intel Processor. 4 GB Memory.
Who is 'this guy' you keep talking about? Does he work in PC world or some such place? No doubt why he is trying to get you on Windows 10 - again this is all preference really, if you like WIndows 8 then stick with it (PERSONALLY I like windows 10, but that's just me ).
Speed issues will, in part be down to the provider you are with. Many will have websites showing you service status so at least you can check if there are current issues in your area. I am guessing here, but are you using mobile broadband? These are the guys who usually but a 'cap' on your data. In general web browsing and email shouldn't be using up 10Gb per month really - I'd have thought that you may be streaming video to use up that much (unless you are sending 1000's of emails with very large attachments per day!).
Is there a reason you like this particular ad-blocker? There are plenty out there and again, its really down to personal preference as to which one you prefer.
When you say you struggle with accessing emails, do you use Microsoft Outlook or a web-based email (like hotmail)?
Your machine sounds powerful enough for windows 10 but see my comment above again about if you chose to use it or not. 4bg of memory is not massive these days but should allow for a good experience browsing the web, sending emails etc.
Hi. The 'guy' I've kept mentioning is someone who goes to a group I go to, who's background is in I.T. Just that it's limited how often I'm at the group to see him.
I have changed ad-blocker to Firefox's own. I'll see how that goes.
I have had to take my laptop to a computer shop to get sorted. As looks like the problem was to do with the hard-drive. He installed Windows 10 while it was there. I'll see how it goes, just got it back. Thanks.
Hello again, Chris. I've been out of touch with the Forum for a few days. How's it running now?
Originally it sounded that the slow loading problem was an immediate result of installing the ad blocker, so I focused on that. I expect the computer shop has done a good job. Possibly they have de-cluttered the hard disk.
If you have a recurrence of slow running problems, see if they happen at particular times of the day. As Chris from the Gulag suggested, do a speed check. Give as much as possible of this information to your internet service provider. I know from experience that the provider can often help with slow-loading problems by making adjustments to its network.
Let us know how you are getting on,anyway.
Windows 10 is totally different from previous versions. As a carer I don't have time to devote to learning a whole new system. My advice would be to go into windows 10 only if you're sure you've got time to learn how to use it.
I was advised to update to Windows 10 and the latest edition of Publisher. I had 20 years experience of computers and desktop publishing, but it feels like Windows 10 has stolen all that experience! Everything is much more complicated, and even the terminology has change, so although I'm sure it can do something, it takes me forever to find how to do it.
My Christmas card list is all on an Acess database as my arthritic fingers don't like hand writing, it has taken HUGE amounts of time to find out how to update it. It used to be so user friendly, now it's written in Boffin or Geek Language. Whatever happened to plain English?
"windows 10 has stolen all that experience"


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Redding House Asylum. For some, it's a distant reminder of a time when medical treatment of the clinically insane bordered on torture. For an unsuspecting group of college students, it's the first stop on a journey into terror! On May 20th, Anchor Bay Entertainment unlocks House of Dust on DVD. The chilling possession shocker features a hot young cast including Inbar Lavi (Street Kings 2: Motor City, Underemployed), Steven Grayhm (Journey to the Center of the Earth), Eddie Hassell (The Kids are Alright, Jobs), Holland Roden ("Teen Wolf"), John Lee Ames (Days of Darkness), Alesandra Assante, Joy Lauren ("Desperate Housewives"), Nicole Travolta ("Two and a Half Men") and Stephen Spinella ("24").
Emma (Lavi) is one of the bright new faces at Camden College. Plagued with visions and voices all her life, she's now trying to move past her personal demons of schizophrenia, and substitute hallucinations with higher learning. Emma joins her friends when they break into the shuttered remnants of the abandoned Redding House Asylum on campus. When they accidentally shatter canisters holding the ashes of former mental patients and subsequently inhale the dust-filled air, they're soon possessed by the souls once held within them. One of them happens to be a convicted serial killer from 1959...Inspired by true events, House of Dust opens the door to a nightmare of murder and mayhem.


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Free Picks » MLB Picks » Texas Rangers at Kansas City Royals 6/20/2018 Free MLB Picks and Predictions
Texas Rangers at Kansas City Royals 6/20/2018 Free MLB Picks and Predictions
Kauffman Stadium
Probable Pitchers: Yohander Mendez vs. Jakob Junis
The Texas Rangers head to Kauffman Stadium on Wednesday, June 20, 2018 to take on the Kansas City Royals. The expected starting pitchers are Yohander Mendez for the Rangers and Jakob Junis for the Royals.
The odds for this matchup have Texas at -130 and Kansas City at +109. The Rangers have a 35-34-5 over/under mark and a 35-39-0 run line record. The Royals are 29-43-0 against the run line and have a 28-40-4 over/under record.
Valuable Texas Rangers Betting Trends
The Texas Rangers are 35-34-5 against the over/under
The Texas Rangers are 35-39-0 against the run line
Important Kansas City Royals Betting Trends
The Kansas City Royals are 28-40-4 against the over/under
The Kansas City Royals are 29-43-0 against the run line
Key Texas Rangers Injuries
06/16/18 C Carlos Perez Ankle 10-day DL (06/16)
06/16/18 P Chris Martin Calf 10-day DL (06/12)
06/16/18 P Martin Perez Elbow 60-day DL (04/30)
06/15/18 P Matt Bush Elbow 10-day DL (06/14)
06/10/18 P Doug Fister Knee 60-day DL (06/09)
05/08/18 LF Drew Robinson Hip 10-day DL (05/08)
04/02/18 P Ricardo Rodriguez Elbow 60-day DL (04/02)
03/30/18 P Joe Palumbo Elbow 60-day DL (02/23)
03/26/18 P Clayton Blackburn Elbow 60-day DL (03/19)
03/26/18 P Ronald Herrera Shoulder 60-day DL (03/21)
Key Kansas City Royals Injuries
06/17/18 LF Jorge Soler Foot 10-day DL (06/16)
05/31/18 P Blaine Boyer Back 10-day DL (05/29)
05/27/18 P Eric Skoglund Arm 60-day DL (05/26)
05/21/18 3B Cheslor Cuthbert Back 10-day DL (05/16)
03/30/18 P Nathan Karns Elbow 60-day DL (03/26)
03/26/18 CF Bubba Starling Oblique 10-day DL (03/26)
03/26/18 P Jesse Hahn Elbow 60-day DL (03/06)
The Rangers have a 30-44 overall record this season. Starting pitcher Yohander Mendez has a 0-1 record with an earned run average of 14.73 and a WHIP of 2.73 this year. He has 2 strikeouts over his 3.2 innings pitched and he's given up 8 hits. He allows 19.6 hits per 9 innings and he has a FIP of 7.73. The bullpen has an earned run average of 3.76 and they have given up 242 base hits on the year. Teams are hitting .242 against the bullpen and they've struck out 236 hitters and walked 89 batters. As a team, Texas allows 9.7 hits per nine innings while striking out 7.4 batters per nine innings. They are 28th in the league in team earned run average at 4.89. The Rangers pitchers collectively have given up 711 base hits and 358 earned runs. They have allowed 103 home runs this season, ranking them 2nd in the league. Texas as a pitching staff has walked 216 batters and struck out 538. They have walked 3 men per 9 innings while striking out 7.4 per 9. They have a team WHIP of 1.41 and their FIP as a unit is 4.68.
As a team Texas is hitting .231, good for 27th in the league. The Rangers hold a .392 team slugging percentage and an on-base percentage of .316, which is good for 15th in baseball. They rank 27th in MLB with 7.7 hits per game. Shin-Soo Choo is hitting .279 with an on-base percentage of .394. He has 76 hits this season in 272 at bats with 32 runs batted in. He has a slugging percentage of .478 and an OPS+ of 132. Nomar Mazara is hitting .270 this year and he has an on-base percentage of .338. He has totaled 72 hits and he has driven in 46 men in 267 at bats. His OPS+ is 117 while his slugging percentage is at .487. The Rangers have 570 hits, including 118 doubles and 84 home runs. Texas has walked 269 times so far this season and they have struck out 708 times as a unit. They have left 499 men on base and have a team OPS of .708. They score 4.34 runs per contest and have scored a total of 321 runs this year.
Kansas City has a 22-50 overall mark this year. With an earned run average of 4.43, Jakob Junis has a 5-7 record and a 1.21 WHIP this season. He has 79 strikeouts over the 85.1 innings he's pitched. He also has given up 83 hits. He allows 8.8 hits per nine innings and his FIP stands at 4.86. The bullpen has an earned run average of 5.67 and they have given up 260 base hits on the year. Teams are hitting .278 against the Royals bullpen. Their relievers have struck out 186 batters and walked 97 opposing hitters. As a team, Kansas City allows 9.9 hits per nine innings while striking out 7.3 batters per nine innings. They are 30th in the league in team earned run average at 5.38. The Royals pitchers as a team have surrendered 707 base knocks and 384 earned runs this season. They have given up 107 home runs this year, which ranks 1st in Major League Baseball. Kansas City as a staff has walked 233 hitters and struck out 518 batters. They give up a walk 3.3 times per 9 innings while they strike out 7.3 per 9. Their team WHIP is 1.46 while their FIP as a staff is 4.85.
As a team, they are batting .243, good for 17th in the league. The Royals hold a .372 team slugging percentage and an on-base percentage of .305, which is good for 26th in baseball. They rank 15th in MLB with 8.3 hits per contest. Whit Merrifield comes into this matchup batting .293 with an OBP of .370. He has 78 hits this year along with 23 RBI in 266 AB's. He maintains a slugging percentage of .421 with an OPS+ of 118. Mike Moustakas is hitting .263 this season and he has an OBP of .318. He has collected 72 hits in 274 at bats while driving in 47 runs. He has an OPS+ of 115 and a slugging percentage of .474. The Royals as a unit have 598 base hits, including 122 doubles and 60 homers. Kansas City has walked 192 times this year and they have struck out on 519 occasions. They have had 488 men left on base and have an OPS of .677. They have scored 3.68 runs per game and totaled 265 runs this season.
Who will win tonight's Rangers/Royals MLB game against the spread?
Guy's Pick: Take the Rangers -130


Beppe Severgnini, the famous columnist of the prestigious Italian daily Corriere della Sera recently published an interesting piece listing 100 good reasons to be happy and proud to be Italian. His outstanding article has been so successful that the newspaper decided to translate it into English. It is definitely an enjoyable reading that nobody (of those who are interested in Italy) should skip.


If you are already tired of wandering the Internet in search of a way to earn money, learn the effective methods of playing in an online casino.
For stable earnings in remote gaming machines, it's not enough just to play impulsively or relying on your luck. You need to learn how to evaluate your strengths and the chances of winning. If at the same time you use analytical skills, you can receive a stable profit. Unfortunately, few newcomers strive for this, because they set a goal to obtain a quick income. And professionals, on the contrary, are carefully approaching this process, that's why they start with the choice of online casino. If the choice is already made, it's time to move on to the strategy of the game.
For bets, it's recommended to choose equal amounts, as well as columns or dozens. You should place more bets on the sectors that offer the lowest level of casino benefits. Experienced players are advised to pay attention to the rates 1 – 18 or 19 – 36. These options have the least advantage of all possible types of rates, in addition, it will be even lower if the gamer plays in the casino in conformity with the rule "en prison".
It is recommended to break all bets into equal amounts. On average, the advantage of the casino for different types of bets on the roulette wheel is about 5%, but in such fields, with a "small" winning ratio it decreases to 1-3%, which increases the player's chances of winning up to 97-99%. Check canadian online casino – webcasinostar.com to have a practice.
When choosing a table, use the European variant, here is the least percentage of the advantages of the owners of the establishment. The most preferable are "French" roulettes, but they are rarely found on virtual portals. And in the American model, there are 2 "Zero" symbols, and they should be avoided.
To increase the number of winnings, you can also use different variants of winning strategies that will help increase the size of the positive result of the game day.
This method was created back in the middle of the 18th century by the famous French mathematician. The principle of determining the size of rates is based on doubling the amount of the minimum contribution each time after an unsuccessful rally. This method allows, each time doubling the amount of the fee, "win back" the losses that occurred in the previous rotation. The Martingale system works very well on roulette when you can bet on red/black.
This strategy was developed in the late 18th century by European scientists. It is based on the statistical law of equilibrium, proved by the mathematician d'Alembert. In this method, the risk increases smoothly, without sudden jumps. This strategy perfectly confirms the law of D'Alembert, that after a long series of losses, a series of wins must necessarily come. With this rhythm, a gamer can exit the game at any time. The system allows receiving minimum risks, providing a good mathematical advantage for the player on different versions of gambling machines.
It is important to correctly evaluate the proposed strategies and techniques. You can hear about the various secrets of the roulette casino, which in actual fact are just a cunning scam. Therefore, it is worthwhile to carefully calculate your future actions.
Do not constantly try different options – this will not allow you to qualitatively evaluate the effectiveness of each of them. It is worth choosing a certain technique and acting strictly in conformity with a certain scheme. It is desirable to record all the results in writing that after 50-100 games to be able to assess the pros and cons of the chosen strategy. And if, after a detailed analysis of the data, the system confirms its effectiveness, you can continue to use it in the Internet casino.
Trying to calculate the secrets of slot machines, users begin to contradict the politics of the gaming establishment. The result, in this case, can be only one: instant blocking of the account, after which the player will not be able to withdraw his money. In an effort to discover the tricks of the casino, the user does not harm the institution, but himself. It is important to understand this making a deposit.


There is no single right way for a community bail or bond fund to operate. For decades, bail and bond funds have taken on different forms as communities came together to get people back to their families and communities and restore the presumption of innocence. More recently, community bail and bond funds have developed a more explicit analysis about their role in ending the money bail and pretrial detention systems while continuing their day-to-day harm reduction work. Community bond funds paying immigration bonds are reuniniting families and communities while also fighting the unjust immigration detention system.
Work to end money bail and pretrial detention looks different in jurisdictions across the country, despite having many commonalities. In order to identify core areas of alignment for community bail and bond funds, we've drafted the following seven core principles.
Many of the principles in this document speak specifically to community bail and bond funds that pay bail and bond within the criminal legal system. There are also community bond funds that pay immigration bond to free people from federal immigration detention. Criminal bail and bond funds and immigration bond funds have many similarities and increasingly work together to fight mass incarceration, which uses both the criminal and immigration systems to cage people and separate families and communities. The following principles apply to both kinds of funds in their core founding principles, while recognizing that there are differences between criminal bail and bond and immigration bond funds' connection to larger campaigns to end money bail and pretrial detention.
1. Be committed to a goal of ending money bail and pretrial detention, with a clear focus on decarceration and confronting current racial disparities.
Different jurisdictions are in different phases of ending money bail, so what campaigns look like place to place may be different (examples include: jail closures, policy changes, and enforcement of system changes). We belive that bail and bond funds should be connected to jail/prison abolition work broadly as well as to specific local campaigns to end money bail (in the criminal context) and pretrial detention (in both criminal and immigration contexts).
2. Be accountable to impacted communities.
3. Be in collaboration with larger movement work against mass criminalization and incarceration.
4. Have criteria that reflect the fund's goals and do not perpetuate dichotomies around who is deserving versus undeserving, whether based on type of charge or other factors that reinforce biases within the system and pit those targeted by the system against one another.
We believe that bail and bond funds should be clear about the basis of their payment criteria as well as who established the criteria. This requires transparency around how the criteria will avoid perpetuating good/bad or deserving/undeserving dichotomies and how it is tied to clear and accountable goals. We also believe it is important that funds are clear about whether funders or other system actors are playing a role in setting a bail or bond fund's criteria.
5. Have an analysis about how to address the needs of individuals for support services beyond payment of bail or bond.
Paying bail or bond cannot be a completely discrete action. We believe that bail and bond funds must develop clarity around how they will confront additional issues beyond bail payment that will influence pretrial freedom, e.g. the payment of fines, fees, restitution and connections to support services and community-based resources. We believe that bail and bond funds should position their work within the larger conversation about building new community-based solutions outside of the criminal legal and immigration detention systems.
6. Have clarity about their position within the system they are trying to dismantle.
Bail and bond funds often end up having to coordinate with the same system they are trying to dismantle as they pay bail or bond to free individuals. We believe that funds should develop an analysis on how they will navigate this and, specifically, where their limits are (e.g. will bail and bond funds accept different treatment than individuals in the system to facilitate their operations). In jurisdictions where the system itself wants to provide funding or operate its own bail or bond fund, we think it is critical to have an analysis of where the levers of power and change exist.
7. Be clear about the role of funding sources and funding models in their decision-making processes.
The funding that is raised to operate a community bail or bond fund often raises a number of issues. In addition to questions around determining criteria (discussed above), we believe that bail and bond funds should be clear about the role of funding sources in other parts of their operations and decision-making. We believe that funding sources and models that place too much emphasis on unrealistic or idealized revolving rates will impact who bail and bond funds pay for (including whether additional fees/penalities that affect freedom can be addressed) and how their work will connect with campaigns to end mass incarceration.
 We are working to establish additional core principles specific to the larger work to end immigration detention.
 By "criteria," we mean the selection criteria through which funds choose which people they pay bail or bond for.