The Battle of Borodino (Russian: Бородинское сражение, Borodinskoe srazhenie; French: Bataille de la Moskova), fought on September 7, 1812, was a major engagement in the Napoleonic Wars during the French invasion of Russia. The fighting involved around 250,000 troops and produced at least 70,000 casualties, making Borodino the single deadliest day of the Napoleonic Wars. Napoleon's Grande Armée launched an attack against the Russian army, driving the latter back from their initial positions but failing to score a decisive victory. Both armies were exhausted after the battle and the Russians withdrew from the field the following day. Borodino represented the last Russian effort at stopping the French advance on Moscow, which fell a week later; but because the Russian army was not badly beaten enough to be rendered ineffective, the French would have no clear way of bringing Czar Alexander to peace, resulting ultimately in the retreat from Moscow and the defeat of the French invasion.
After a series of Russian retreats at the beginning of the campaign, the nobility grew alarmed about the advancing French troops and forced the Czar to sack the army's commander, Barclay de Tolly; Mikhail Kutuzov was appointed as his replacement. In a final attempt to save Moscow, the Russians made a stand near the village of Borodino, west of the town of Mozhaysk. They fortified their positions and dug in, waiting for the French to attack. The Russian right wing occupied ideal defensive terrain, so the French tried to press the Russian left for much of the battle. The highlight of the fighting became the bloody struggle for the large Raevsky redoubt near the village of Borodino itself. The French managed to capture this redoubt late into the day, gradually forcing the rest of the Russian army to pull back as well. The Russians suffered terrible casualties during the fighting, losing over a third of their army. French losses were also heavy, further exacerbating the logistical difficulties that Napoleon encountered in the campaign.
The exhausted French forces, and the lack of information on the condition of the Russian army, persuaded Napoleon to remain on the battlefield with his army instead of ordering the kind of vigorous pursuit reminiscent of previous campaigns. Napoleon's Imperial Guard, the only unit on the battlefield that saw no fighting, was available to swing into action at a moment's notice. In refusing to commit the Guard, some historians believe, he lost his one chance to destroy the Russian army and to win the campaign. The capture of Moscow would prove a hollow reward since the Russians had no intention of negotiating with Napoleon for peace. The French evacuated Russia's spiritual capital in October and conducted a difficult retreat that only ended in December, by which point the remainder of the Grande Armée had largely unraveled.
Historical reports of the battle differed significantly depending on whether they originated from supporters of the French or Russian side. Factional fighting among senior officers within each army also led to conflicting accounts and disagreements over the roles of particular officers.
The French Grande Armée began its invasion of Russia on June 16, 1812. Emperor Alexander I proclaimed a Patriotic War in response and prepared to face the French. According to the plan of German general Karl Ludwig von Phull, the Russian troops under the command of Count Michael Barclay de Tolly had to face the Grande Armée in the Vilnius region; the remaining troops under general Pyotr Bagration would launch an attack to the French southern flank and rear. However, Phull's plan soon proved to be a fatal mistake, as the enormous Grande Armée was more than enough to separate and crush both Russian armies at the same time. Furthermore, the participation of Tsar Alexander I in commanding caused more chaos in the Russian army. The Russian forces massed along the Polish frontier were obliged to fall back in the face of the swift French advance.
Napoleon advanced from Vitebsk, hoping to catch the Russian Army in the open where he could annihilate it. The French army, however, was not positioned well for an extended overland campaign as it was Script error: No such module "convert". from its nearest logistic base at Kovno (Kaunas). The extended French supply lines were vulnerable to assault by Russian forces. Cossacks, light cavalry, guerrilla forces, and even French deserters attacked French supply columns and seriously depleted Napoleon's forces. The central French force under Napoleon's direct command had crossed the Niemen with 286,000 men but by the time of the battle was reduced to 161,475, mostly through starvation and disease. Nonetheless, the lure of a decisive battle spurred Napoleon to action, driving him further into Russia and further stretching his supply lines.
Meanwhile, infighting between Barclay's subordinates repeatedly prevented the Russian commander from committing his forces to battle. Barclay's constant retreat was perceived by both his fellow generals and the Russian court as a reluctance to fight; consequently, he was removed from command and replaced by Prince Mikhail Kutuzov on August 29, 1812. Even though the 67-year-old General Kutuzov was not seen by his contemporaries as the equal of Napoleon he possessed the ability to muster a good defense. He was favoured over Barclay because he was ethnically Russian whereas Barclay was of Scottish descent and officers subordinate to Barclay could accept Kutuzov, thereby uniting the Army. On 18 August, Kutuzov arrived at Sarevo to greet the army.
After taking over the army, Kutuzov organized a strong rearguard army under the command of General Konovnytsyn, and then ordered the Russian Army to prepare for an incoming battle. Kutuzov understood that Barclay's decision to retreat was correct, but the Russian troops could not accept further retreat. A battle had to occur in order to save the morale of the soldiers. The new commander had still not managed to establish a defensive position when the armies were within Script error: No such module "convert". of Moscow. He then ordered another retreat to Gzhatsk (Gagarin) on August 30; by that time the ratio of French to Russian forces had shrunk from 3:1 to 5:4. The time to fight had come.
A defensive line was established in the best available position before reaching Moscow near the village of Borodino. The Borodino field was too open and had too few natural obstacles to protect the Russians' center and left flank but it was chosen due to the protection provided by the Kolocha river, because it blocked both Smolensk–Moscow roads, and because there weren't any better locations. Starting on September 3, Kutuzov strengthened the line with earthworks, including the Raevski Redoubt in the center-right of the line and three open, arrow-shaped "Bagration flèches" (named after Pyotr Bagration) on the left.
The initial Russian position, which stretched south of the new Smolensk Highway (Napoleon's expected route of advance), was anchored on its left by a pentagonal earthwork redoubt erected on a mound near the village of Shevardino. But soon, the Russian generals realized that their left wing was too exposed and too vulnerable. So, the Russian line was moved back from this position, but the Redoubt remained manned, Kutuzov stating that the fortification was manned simply to delay the advance of the French forces. Historian Dmitry Buturlin reports that it was used as an observation point to determine the course of the French advance. Historians Witner and Ratch, and many others, reported it was used as a fortification to threaten the French right flank, despite being beyond effective reach of guns of the period. The Chief of Staff of the Russian 1st Army, Aleksey Petrovich Yermolov, related in his memoirs that the Russian left was shifting position when the French Army showed up sooner than expected, thus the Battle of Shevardino became a delaying effort to shield the redeployment of the Russian left. The construction of the redoubt and its purpose is still disputed by historians to this day.
The struggle opened on September 5 when King Joachim Murat's French forces met Konovnitzyn's Russians in a massive cavalry clash, the Russians eventually retreating to the Kolorzkoi Cloister when their flank was threatened. Fighting resumed the next day, but Konovnitzyn again retreated when Viceroy Eugène de Beauharnais' Fourth Corps arrived, threatening his flank. The Russians withdrew to the Shevardino Redoubt, where a pitched battle ensued. King Murat led Nansouty's First Cavalry Corps and Montbrun's Second Cavalry Corps, supported by Compans's Division of Louis Nicolas Davout's First Infantry Corps against the redoubt. Simultaneously, Prince Josef Poniatowski's infantry attacked the position from the south. Fighting was heavy and very fierce, as the Russians refused to retreat until Kutuzov personally ordered them to do so. The French captured the redoubt, with the cost of 4,000–5,000 French and 6,000 Russian casualties. The small redoubt was destroyed and covered by the dead and dying of both sides.
The unexpected French advance from the west and the fall of the Shevardino redoubt threw the Russian formation into disarray. Since the left flank of their defensive position had collapsed, Russian forces withdrew to the east, constructing a makeshift position centered around the village of Utitsa. The left flank of the Russian position was therefore ripe for a flanking attack.
A series of reforms to the Russian army had begun in 1802, creating regiments of three battalions, each battalion having four companies. The defeats of Austerlitz, Eylau, and Friedland led to important additional reforms, though continuous fighting in the course of three wars with France, two with Sweden, and two with the Ottoman Empire had not allowed time for these to be fully implemented and absorbed. A divisional system was introduced in 1806, and corps were established in 1812. Prussian influence may be seen in the organizational setup. By the time of Borodino the Russian Army had changed greatly from the force which met the French in 1805–1807.
According to Historian Alexander Mikaberidze, the French Army remained the finest army of its day by a good margin. It had been the legacy of the French King and its fusion with the formations of the French revolution and Napoleon's reforms had transformed it into a military machine that had dominated Europe since 1805. Each corps of the French Army was in fact its own mini-army capable of independent action.
French forces included 214 battalions of infantry, 317 squadrons of cavalry and 587 artillery pieces totaling of 128,000 troops. However, the French Imperial Guard, which consisted of 30 infantry battalions, 27 cavalry squadrons and 109 artillery pieces—a total of 18,500 troops—was also never committed to action.
The Russian position at Borodino consisted of a series of disconnected earthworks running in an arc from the Moskva River on the right, along its tributary, the Kolocha (whose steep banks added to the defense), and towards the village of Utitsa on the left. Thick woods interspersed along the Russian left and center (on the French side of the Kolocha) made the deployment and control of French forces difficult, aiding the defenders. The Russian center was defended by the Raevsky Redoubt, a massive open-backed earthwork mounting 19 12-pounder cannons which had a clear field of fire all the way to the banks of the Kolocha stream.
Kutuzov was very concerned that the French might take the New Smolensk Road around his positions and on to Moscow so placed the more powerful 1st Army under Barclay on the right, in positions which were already strong and virtually unassailable by the French. The 2nd Army under Bagration was expected to hold the left. The fall of Shevardino unanchored the Russian left flank but Kutuzov did nothing to change these initial dispositions despite the repeated pleas of his generals to redeploy their forces. Thus, when the action began and became a defensive rather than an offensive battle for the Russians, their heavy preponderance in artillery was wasted on a right wing that would never be attacked, while the French artillery did much to help win the battle. Toll and others would make attempts to cover up their mistakes in this deployment and later attempts by historians would compound the issue. Indeed, Clausewitz too complained about Toll's dispositions being so narrow and deep that needless losses were incurred from artillery fire. The Russian position therefore was just about Script error: No such module "convert". long with about 80,000 of the 1st Army on the right and 34,000 of the 2nd Army on the left.
The first area of operations was on the Bagration flèches, as had been predicted by both Barclay de Tolly and Bagration. Napoleon, in command of the French forces, made errors similar to those of his Russian adversary, deploying his forces inefficiently and failing to exploit the weaknesses in the Russian line. Despite Marshal Davout's suggestion of a maneuver to outflank the weak Russian left, the Emperor instead ordered Davout's First Corps to move directly forward into the teeth of the defense, while the flanking maneuver was left to the weak Fifth Corps of Prince Poniatowski. The initial French attack was aimed at seizing the three Russian positions collectively known as the Bagration flèches, four arrow-head shaped, open-backed earthworks which arced out to the left en échelon in front of the Kolocha stream. These positions helped support the Russian left, which had no terrain advantages. There was much to be desired in the construction of the flèches, one officer noting that the ditches were much too shallow, the embrasures open to the ground, making them easy to enter, and that they were much too wide exposing infantry inside them. The flèches were supported by artillery from the village of Semyanovskaya, whose elevation dominated the other side of the Kolocha.
During the confused fighting, French and Russian units moved forward into impenetrable smoke and were smashed by artillery and musketry fire that was horrendous even by Napoleonic standards. Infantry and cavalrymen had difficulty maneuvering over the heaps of corpses and masses of wounded. Murat advanced with his cavalry around the flèches to attack Bagration's infantry, but was confronted by Duka's 2nd Cuirassier Division supported by Neverovsky's infantry. The French carried out seven assaults against the flèches and each time were beaten back in fierce close combat. Bagration in some instances was personally leading counterattacks, and in a final attempt to push the French completely back he got hit in the leg by cannonball splinters somewhere around 11:00 hours. He insisted on staying on the field to observe Duka's decisive cavalry attack. This counter punch drove Murat to seek the cover of allied Württemberger infantry. Barclay's reinforcements, however, were sent into the fray only to be torn to pieces by French artillery, leaving Friant's Division in control of the Russian forward position at 11:30. Dust, smoke, confusion, and exhaustion all combined to keep the French commanders on the field (Davout, Ney, and Murat) from comprehending that all the Russians before them had fallen back, were in confusion, and ripe for the taking. The 2nd Army's command structure fell apart as Bagration was evacuated from the battlefield and the report of him being hit quickly spread and caused morale collapse. Napoleon, who had been sick with a cold and was too far from the action to really observe what was going on, refused to send his subordinates reinforcements; he was hesitant to release his last reserve, the Imperial Guard, so far from France.
Prince Eugène de Beauharnais advanced his corps against Borodino, rushing the village and capturing it from the Russian Guard Jägers. However, the advancing columns rapidly lost their cohesion; shortly after clearing Borodino, they faced fresh Russian assault columns and retreated back to the village. General Delzons was posted to Borodino to prevent the Russians retaking it. Morand's division then crossed to the north side of the Semyenovka stream, while the remainder of Eugène's forces crossed three bridges across the Kolocha to the south, placing them on the same side of the stream as the Russians. He then deployed most of his artillery and began to push the Russians back toward the Raevsky redoubt. Broussier and Morand's divisions then advanced together with furious artillery support. The redoubt changed hands as Barclay was forced to personally rally Paskevitch's routed regiment. Kutuzov then ordered Yermolov to take action; the general brought forward three horse artillery batteries that began to blast the open-ended redoubt, while the 3rd Battalion of the Ufa Regiment and two Jäger regiments brought up by Barclay rushed in with the bayonet to eliminate Bonami's Brigade. The Russian reinforcements' assault returned the redoubt to Russian control.
Eugène's artillery continued to pound Russian support columns, while Marshals Ney and Davout set up a crossfire with artillery positioned on the Semyonovskaya heights. Barclay countered by moving the Prussian General Eugen over to the right to support Miloradovich in his defense of the redoubt. The French responded to this move by sending forward General Sorbier, commander of the Imperial Guard artillery. Sorbier brought forth 36 artillery pieces from the Imperial Guard Artillery Park and also took command of 49 horse artillery pieces from Nansouty's Ist Cavalry Corps and La Tour Maubourg's IV Cavalry Corps, as well as of Viceroy Eugène's own artillery, opening up a massive artillery barrage. When Barclay brought up troops against an attacking French brigade, he described it as "a walk into Hell". During the height of the battle, Kutuzov's subordinates were making all of the decisions for him; according to Colonel Karl von Clausewitz, famous for his work On War, the Russian commander "seemed to be in a trance." With the death of General Kutaisov, Chief of Artillery, most of the Russian cannon sat useless on the heights to the rear and were never ordered into battle, while the French artillery wreaked havoc on the Russians.
On the morning of the battle at around 07:30, patrols of Don Cossacks from Matvei Platov's pulk had discovered a ford across the Kolocha river, on the extreme Russian right (northern) flank. Seeing that the ground in front of them was clear of enemy forces, Platov saw an opportunity to go around the French left flank and into the enemy's rear. He at once sent one of his aides to ask for permission from Kutuzov for such an operation. Platov's aide was lucky enough to encounter Colonel von Toll, an enterprising member of Kutuzov's staff, who suggested that General Uvarov's Ist Cavalry Corps be added to the operation and at once volunteered to present the plan to the commander-in-chief. Together, they went to see Kutuzov, who nonchalantly gave his permission. There was however no clear plan and no objectives had been drawn up, the whole manoeuvre being interpreted by both Kutuzov and Uvarov as a feint. Uvarov and Platov thus set off, having just around 8000 cavalrymen and 12 guns in total, and no infantry support. As Uvarov moved southwest and south and Platov moved west, they eventually arrived in the undefended rear of Viceroy Eugène's IV Corps. This was towards midday, just as the Viceroy was getting his orders to conduct another assault on the Raevski redoubt. The sudden appearance of masses of enemy cavalry so close to the supply train and to the Emperor's Headquarters caused panic and consternation and prompted Eugène to immediately cancel his attack and pull back his entire Corps westwards to deal with this alarming situation. Meanwhile, the two Russian cavalry commanders tried to break what French infantry they could find in the vicinity, but, having no infantry of their own, the poorly coordinated Russian attacks came to nothing. Unable to achieve much else, Platov and Uvarov moved back to their own lines and the action was perceived as a failure by both Kutuzov and the Russian General Staff. As it turned out, however, the action had the utmost importance in the outcome of the battle, as it delayed the attack of the IV Corps on the Raevski redoubt for a critical two hours. During these two hours, the Russians were able to reassess the situation, realize the terrible state of Bagration's 2nd Army and send reinforcements to the front line. Meanwhile, the retreat of Viceroy Eugène's Corps had left Montbrun's II French Cavalry Corps to fill the gap under the most murderous fire, which used and demoralized these cavalrymen, greatly reducing their combat effectiveness. The delay contradicted a military principle the Emperor had stated many times: "Ground I may recover, time never." Also, the Cossacks' raid contributed to Napoleon's later decision not to commit his Imperial Guard to battle.
At 14:00, Napoleon renewed the assault against the redoubt, as Broussier's, Morand's, and Gérard's divisions launched a massive frontal attack, with Chastel's light cavalry division on their left and the II Reserve Cavalry Corps on their right; At the Russian sides, 24th Division of Likhachov was sent into the battle. The Russian fought bravely under Likachev's motto: "Brethren, behind us is Moscow !" But the French troops approached too close for the cannons to fire, and the cannoneers had to use everything to fight against their foes. General Caulaincourt ordered Watier's cuirassier division to lead the assault. Barclay watched Eugène's assault preparations and countered it, moving his forces against it. The French artillery, however, began bombarding the assembling force even as it gathered. Caulaincourt led the attack of Watier's cuirassiers into the opening at the back of the redoubt and met his death as the charge was stopped cold by Russian musketry. General Thielmann then led eight Saxon and two Polish cavalry squadrons against the back of the redoubt, while officers and sergeants of his command actually forced their horses through the redoubt's embrasures, sowing confusion and allowing the French cavalry and infantry to take the position. The battle had all but ended, with both sides so exhausted that only the artillery was still at work. At 15:30, the Raevsky redoubt fell with most of the 24th Division's troops. All the Russian cannoneers in Raevsky also died right next to their cannons, and General Likhachev was captured by the French. But, besides the dead Russian troops were the corpses of 1000 Caulaincourt's cuirassiers, including Caulaincourt himself.
However, the fall of the Raevsky redoubt did not have much meaning. The Russian troops successfully moved to the rear without being destroyed (despite suffering heavy losses). So, in spite of losing some areas in the battlefield, the Russian formation was prevented from collapsing. On the French side, the gain of the Raevsky redoubt cost them large casualties and, after that, Napoleon himself ordered his troops to retreat to the starting line. The Russians then reoccupied their previous positions.
The third area of operations was around the village of Utitsa. The village was at the southern end of the Russian positions and lay along the old Smolensk road. It was rightly perceived as a potential weak point in the defense as a march along the road could turn the entire position at Borodino. Despite such concerns the area was a tangle of rough country thickly covered in heavy brush well suited for deploying light infantry. The forest was dense, the ground marshy and Russian Jaeger were deployed there in some numbers. Russian General Nikolay Tuchkov had some 23,000 troops but half were untrained Opolchenye (militia) armed only with pikes and axes and not ready for deployment. Poniatowski had about 10,000 men all trained and very eager to fight but his first attempt did not go well. It was at once realized the massed troops and artillery could not move through the forest against Jaeger opposition so had to reverse to Yelnya and then move eastward. Tuchkov had deployed his 1st Grenadier Division in line backing it with the 3rd division in battalion columns. Some four regiments were called away to help defend the redoubts that were under attack and another 2 Jaeger regiments were deployed in the Utitsa woods, weakening the position. The Polish contingent contested for the village of Utitsa, effecting its capture with their first attempt but Tuchkov had ejected the French forces by 08:00. General Jean-Andoche Junot led the Westphalians to join the attack and again captured Utitsa, which however was set on fire by the departing Russians. After the village's capture, Russians and Poles continued to skirmish and cannonade for the rest of the day without much progress. The heavy undergrowth greatly hindered Poniatowski's efforts but eventually he came near to cutting off Tuchkov from the rest of the Russian forces. General Barclay sent help in the form of Karl Gustav von Baggovut with Konovnitzyn in support. Any hope of real progress by the Poles was then lost.
Towards 15:00, after hours of heroic and stoic resistance, the Russian army was in dire straits, but the no less valiant French forces were exhausted and had neither the necessary stamina nor the necessary will to carry out another assault of the enemy line. At this crucial juncture, Murat's chief of staff, General Augustin Daniel Belliard rode straight to the Emperor's Headquarters and, according to General Ségur who wrote an account of the campaign, told him that the Russian line had been breached, that the road to Mozhaysk, behind the Russian line, was visible through the gaping hole the French attack had pierced, that an enormous crowd of runaways and vehicles were hastily retreating, and that a final push would be enough to decide the fate of the Russian army and of the war. Generals Daru, Dumas and Marshal Louis Alexandre Berthier also joined in and told the Emperor that everyone thought the time had come for the Guard to be committed to battle. Given the ferocity of the Russian defense, everyone was aware that such a move would cost the lives of thousands of Guardsmen, but it was thought that the presence of this prestigious unit would bolster the morale of the entire army for a final decisive push. A notable exception was Marshal Bessières, commander of the Guard cavalry, who was one of the very few senior generals to strongly advise against the intervention of the Guard. As the general staff were discussing the matter, general Rapp, a senior aide-de-camp to the Emperor, was being brought from the field of battle, having been wounded in action. He immediately recommended to the Emperor that the Guard be deployed for action at which the Emperor is said to have retorted: "I will most definitely not; I do not want to have it blown up. I am certain of winning the battle without its intervention." Determined not to commit this valuable final reserve so far away from France, Napoleon rejected another such request, this time from Marshal Ney. Instead, he called the commander of the "Young Guard", Marshal Mortier and instructed him to guard the field of battle without moving forward or backward, while at the same time unleashing a massive cannonade with his 400 guns.
Napoleon went forward to see the situation from the former Russian front lines shortly after the redoubts had been taken. The Russians had moved to the next ridge-line in much disarray, however that disarray was not seen from that distance with the dust and haze raised by an army on the move. Kutuzov ordered the Russian Guard to hold the line and so it did. All of the artillery that the French army had was not enough to move it. Those compact squares made good artillery targets and the Russian Guard stood in place from 4pm to 6pm unmoving under its fire resulting in huge casualties. All he could see were masses of troops in the distance and thus nothing more was attempted. Neither the attack, which relied on brute force, nor the refusal to use the Guard to finish the day's work showed any brilliance on Napoleon's part.
Only the misplacement of Russian forces by Kutuzov over both Bagration's and Barclay's protest prevented the ruin of the French army that day, both the Prussian Staff Officer Karl von Clausewitz, the historian and future author of On War, and Alexander I of Russia noting that the poor positioning of troops in particular had hobbled the defense. Barclay communicated with Kutuzov in order to receive further instructions. According to Ludwig von Wolzogen (in an account dripping with sarcasm), the commander was found a half-hour away on the road to Moscow, encamped with an entourage of young nobles and grandly pronouncing he would drive Napoleon off the next day. Despite his bluster, Kutuzov knew from dispatches that his army had been too badly hurt to fight a continuing action the following day. He knew exactly what he was doing: by fighting the pitched battle, he could now retreat with the Russian army still intact, lead its recovery, and force the weakened French forces to move even further from their bases of supply. The dénouement became a textbook example of what a hold logistics placed upon an army far from its center of supply. On September 8, the Russian army moved away from the battlefield in twin columns to Semolino, allowing Napoleon to occupy Moscow and await for 5 weeks a Russian surrender that would never come.
Kutuzov would proclaim over the course of several days that the Russian Army would fight again before the wall of Moscow. In fact, a site was chosen near Poklonnaya Gora within a few miles of Moscow as a battle site. However, the Russian Army had not received enough reinforcements, and it was too risky to cling to Moscow at all cost. Kutuzov understood that the Russian people never wanted to abandon Moscow, the city which was regarded as Russia's "second capital"; however he also believed that the Russian Army couldn't have enough force to protect that city. Kutuzov then called for a council of war at the night of September 1 at Fili village. In a heated debate that split five to four to give battle, Kutuzov, after listening to each General, endorsed retreat. Thus passed the last chance of battle before Moscow was taken.
It is not unusual for a pivotal battle of this time period to be difficult to document. Similar difficulties exist with other examples such as the Battle of Waterloo or other battles that took place in the War of 1812 in North America, while the Battle of Borodino offers its own particular challenges to accuracy. Modern historian Adam Zamoyski noted: "No other campaign in history has been subjected to such overtly political uses."
Personal accounts of the battle frequently magnified an individual's own role or minimised those of rivals. The politics of the time were complex and complicated by ethnic divisions between native Russian nobility and those having second and third-generation German descent, leading to sharp rivalry for positions in command of the army. Not only does a historian have to deal with the normal problem of a veteran looking back over years or decades recalling events as he or she would have liked them to have been, but in some cases outright malice was involved. Nor was this strictly a Russian event, as bickering and sabotage was not in the least unknown amongst the French Marshals and their reporting Generals. To "lie like a bulletin" was not just a French affair either, with Kutuzov in particular promoting an early form of misinformation that has continued to this day. Further distortions occurred during the Soviet years, when an adherence to a "formula" was the expectation during the Stalin years and for some time after that. The over-reliance of western histories, both on the battle and of the campaign, on French sources has been noted by later historians.
The views of historians of the outcome of the battle changed with both passing time and the changing political situations surrounding them. Kutuzov proclaimed a victory both to the army and to Emperor Alexander. While many a general throughout history claimed victory out of defeat (Ramses II of Egypt did so), in this case there were multiple reasons. Kutuzov was the one man to whom the entire Russian Army could give its allegiance, but it was an army that, despite the huge losses, considered itself undefeated. Announcing a defeat would have removed Kutuzov from his command, and further damaged an army that had endured much and still stood proud. While Alexander was not deceived by the announcement, it gave him the justification needed to allow Kutuzov to march his army off to rebuild the Russian forces and later complete the near utter destruction of the French army. As such, what was said by Kutuzov and those supporting his views was allowed to pass into the histories of the time unchecked and unfettered.
Histories during the Soviet era raised the battle to a mythic contest with serious political overtones, and had Kutuzov as the master tactician on the battlefield directing every move with the precision of a ballet master directing his troupe. Kutuzov's abilities on the battlefield were, in the eyes of his contemporaries and fellow Russian generals, far more complex and often described less than complimentarily. Noted author and historian David G. Chandler writing in 1966 echoes the Soviet era Russian histories in more than a few ways, asserting that General Kutuzov remained in control of the battle throughout, ordered counter-moves to Napoleon's tactics personally rather than Bagration and Barclay doing so and put aside personal differences to overcome the dispositional mistakes of the Russian Army. Nor is the tent scene played out; instead Kutuzov remains with the army. Chandler also has the Russian army in much better shape moving to secondary prepared positions and seriously considering attacking the next day. Later historians Riehn and Mikaberidze have Kutuzov leaving most of the battle to Bagration and Barclay de Tolly, leaving early in the afternoon and relaying orders from his camp 30 minutes from the front. His dispositions for the battle are described as a clear mistake leaving the right far too strong and the left much too weak. Only the fact that Bagration and Barclay were to cooperate fully saved the Russian army and did much to mitigate bad positioning of the available forces. Nothing would be more damning than 300 artillery pieces standing silent on the Russian right.
With both sides evenly matched and Napoleon unimaginatively content to launch his troops straight into the teeth of prepared positions, the battle was destined to be a costly and exhausting stalemate.
The casualties of the battle were staggering: according to French General Staff Inspector P. Denniee, the Grand Army lost approximately 28,000 soldiers: 6,562 (including 269 officers) were reported as dead, 21,450 as wounded. But according to French historian Aristid Martinien, at least 460 French officers (known by name) were killed in battle. In total, the Grand Army lost 1,928 officers dead and wounded, including 49 generals. The list of slain included French Generals of Division Auguste-Jean-Gabriel de Caulaincourt, Louis-Pierre Montbrun, Jean Victor Tharreau and Generals of Brigade Claude Antoine Compère, François Auguste Damas, Léonard Jean Aubry Huard de Saint-Aubin, Jean Pierre Lanabère, Charles Stanislas Marion, Louis Auguste Marchand Plauzonne, and Jean Louis Romeuf.
Some 52,000 Russian troops were reported as dead, wounded or missing, including 1,000 prisoners; some 8,000 men were separated from their units and returned over the next few days, bringing the total Russian losses to 44,000. Twenty-two Russian generals were killed or wounded, including Prince Bagration, who died of his wounds on September 24.
Historian Gwynne Dyer compared the carnage at Borodino to "a fully-loaded 747 crashing, with no survivors, every 5 minutes for eight hours."
Taken as a one-day battle in the scope of the Napoleonic conflict, this was the bloodiest battle of this series of conflicts with combined casualties between 64,000 and 65,000. The next nearest battle would be Waterloo, at about 55,000 for the day.
Although the Battle of Borodino can be seen as a victory for Napoleon, some scholars and contemporaries described Borodino as a Pyrrhic victory. Russian historian Oleg Sokolov agrees that Borodino constituted a Pyrrhic victory for the French, which would ultimately cost Napoleon the war and his crown, although at the time none of this was apparent to either side. Sokolov adds that the decision to not commit the Guard saved the Russians from an Austerlitz-style defeat and quotes Marshal Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr, one of Napoleon's finest strategists, who analyzed the battle and concluded that an intervention of the Guard would have torn the Russian army to pieces and allowed Napoleon to safely follow his plans to take winter quarters in Moscow and resume his successful campaign in spring or offer the Tsar acceptable peace terms. Digby Smith calls Borodino 'a draw' but believes that posterity proved Napoleon right in his decision to not commit the Guard so far away from his homeland. According to Christopher Duffy, the battle of Borodino could be seen as a new Battle of Torgau in the 18th century, when both of the sides sustained terrible losses but neither could achieve their tactical goals, and the battle itself did not have a clear result, even though both sides claimed the battle as their own victory.
However, in a long term war of attrition, the battle was just one more source of losses to the French when they were losing two men to one. Both the French and the Russians suffered terribly but the Russians had reserve troops, and a clear advantage in the logistics war. The French Army supplies came over a long road lined with hostile forces. According to Rhien, so long as the Russian Army existed the French continued to lose. This victory ultimately cost Napoleon his army, as it allowed the French emperor to believe that the campaign was winnable, exhausting his forces as he went on to Moscow to await a surrender that would never come. Historian Rhiem notes that the Borodino victory allowed Napoleon to move on to Moscow, where—even allowing for the arrival of reinforcements—the French Army only possessed a maximum of 95,000 men, who would be ill-equipped to win a battle due to a lack of supplies and ammunition. The Grande Armée suffered 66% of its casualties by the time of the Moscow retreat; snow, starvation, and typhus ensured that only 23,000 men crossed the Russian border alive. Furthermore, while the Russian army suffered heavy casualties in the battle, they had fully recovered by the time of Napoleon's retreat from Moscow; they immediately began to interfere with the French withdrawal, costing Napoleon much of his surviving army.
Poet Mikhail Lermontov romanticized the battle in his poem Borodino. The battle was famously described by Count Leo Tolstoy as "a continuous slaughter which could be of no avail either to the French or the Russians" in the culminating books X and XI of his novel War and Peace. A huge panorama representing the battle was painted by Franz Roubaud for the centenary of Borodino and installed on the Poklonnaya Hill in Moscow to mark the 150th anniversary of the event. Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky also composed his 1812 Overture to commemorate the battle.
In Russia, the Battle of Borodino is reenacted yearly on the first Sunday of September. On the battlefield itself, the Bagration flèches are preserved; a modest monument has been constructed in honour of the French soldiers who fell in the battle. There are also remnants of trenches from the seven-day battle fought at the same battlefield in 1941 between the Soviet and German forces (which took fewer human lives than the one of 1812).
↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 Riehn, p. 255.
↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 Smith, p. 392.
↑ 8.0 8.1 Riehn, p. 253.
↑ 10.00 10.01 10.02 10.03 10.04 10.05 10.06 10.07 10.08 10.09 10.10 10.11 10.12 Lê Vinh Quốc (chủ biên), Nguyễn Thị Thư, Lê Phụng Hoàng, Các nhân vật Lịch sử Cận đại, Tập II: Nga. NXB Giáo dục, Tp. Hồ Chí Minh 1997; Chương IV: Cutudốp.
↑ 18.0 18.1 Riehn, p. 236.
↑ 29.0 29.1 Mikaberidze p. 52.
↑ 30.0 30.1 Mikaberidze, p.53.
↑ 32.0 32.1 32.2 Riehn, p. 244.
↑ Mikaberidze, p. 26, pp. 75–76.
↑ 40.0 40.1 40.2 Riehn, p. 246.
↑ Hourtoulle, François-Guy (2000). Borodino—La Moskowa: La Bataille des Redoutes. Histoire et collections. p. 44. ISBN 2-908182-95-5.
↑ 49.0 49.1 Riehn, p. 250.
↑ 50.0 50.1 50.2 Riehn, p. 251.
↑ Smith, "Great Cavalry Charges...", p. 126.
↑ Riehn, pp. 250, 251.
↑ Smith, "Great Cavalry Charges...", pp. 122–129.
↑ 56.0 56.1 Mikaberidze, p.136.
↑ 57.0 57.1 Riehn, p. 254.
↑ 59.0 59.1 Sokolov, pp. 454–455.
↑ 61.0 61.1 61.2 Mikaberidze, pp. 224–225.
↑ 67.0 67.1 67.2 67.3 67.4 67.5 Mikaberidze, pp. xi–xii.
↑ "Out in the Cold". The Washington Post. August 8, 2004.
↑ Napoleon was in the habit of issuing regular bulletins describing his campaigns. 'To lie like a bulletin' was a recognised phrase amongst his troops. Herold, J. Christopher (1969). The Mind of Napoleon, A Selection from His Written and Spoken Words. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 125. ISBN 0-231-08523-0.
↑ The Campaigns of Napoleon, Volume 1 By David G. Chandler, pp. 806–807.
↑ P. Denniee. Itineraire de l'Empereur Napoleon. Paris, 1842.
↑ 75.0 75.1 Martinien A. Tableaux par corps et par batailles des officiers tues et blesses pendant les guerres de l'Empire (1805–1815). P., 1899.
↑ Andrew Roberts. Napoleon and Wellington: the Battle of Waterloo and the great commanders who fought it. Simon and Schuster, 2001 ISBN 978-0-7432-2832-9, ISBN 978-0-7432-2832-9, p. 254; Theodore Ayrault Dodge. Napoleon; a History of the Art of War: From the beginning of the Peninsular war to the end of the Russian campaign, with a detailed account of the Napoleonic wars. Volume 3 of Napoleon; a History of the Art of War, Great captains Houghton, Mifflin and company, 1907, p. 583; David Avrom Bell. The first total war: Napoleon's Europe and the birth of warfare as we know it. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2007, ISBN 978-0-618-34965-4, ISBN 978-0-618-34965-4, p. 295; Alistair Horne. How Far from Austerlitz?: Napoleon 1805–1815. Macmillan, 1998. ISBN 978-0-312-18724-8, ISBN 978-0-312-18724-8, p. 316.
↑ Smith, "Great Cavalry Charges...", p. 146.
↑ Christopher Duffy, Frederick the Great: A Military Life, p. 217.
↑ Christopher Duffy, Borodino and the War of 1812, p. 11. Seeley, Service, 1972, trang 11. ISBN 0-85422-077-1.
↑ Gregory Fremont-Barnes, The encyclopedia of the French revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: a political, social, and military history, Tập 1, trang 174.
↑ Text of Borodino in Russian.
↑ Добро пожаловать на сервер "Монетный двор".
↑ Schmadel, Lutz D. (2003). Dictionary of Minor Planet Names (5th ed.). New York: Springer Verlag. p. 298. ISBN 978-3-540-00238-3.
Invalid language code. Pigeard, Alain (2004). Dictionnaire des batailles de Napoléon. Tallandier, Bibliothèque Napoléonienne. ISBN 2-84734-073-4.
Invalid language code. Razin, Eugene A. (1966). История военного искусства (History of Military Art). Moscow: Воениздат.
Invalid language code. Sokolov, Oleg (2005). L'armée de Napoléon. Éditions Commios. ISBN 978-2-9518364-1-9.
Invalid language code. Troitsky, Nikolai (2003). Фельдмаршал Кутузов: Мифы и Факты (Field Marshal Kutuzov: Myths and Facts). Moscow: Центрполиграф.
40x40px Wikimedia Commons has media related to Battle of Borodino.
40x40px Wikisource has the text of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica article Borodino.


For this set I made a unicorn egg cover, as well as a coordinating rainbow cover. The unicorn has ears, a horn, and flowers stitched on. They rainbow cover is just simple stripes. I did a couple different versions of the rainbow, one with brighter colors and one a little lighter, just to play around a little bit with the colors.
The egg covers are open on the bottom and they slide right over the plastic egg, pointier side of the egg up.
To remove the egg from the cover simply sqeeze and they egg will come out.
Such a fun way to dress up a simple egg and make the whole basket a little more fun.
Both the rainbow and unicorn eggs use the same basic egg pattern, it is the same pattern that I used for the bunny, chick, and lamb. The only difference is that in order to have the stripes line up I chose to join each round where the others are all worked in a spiral. I change my color in the last stitch of the round before the color change, when working the last sc of the round instead of pulling through a loop of the same color, pull through a loop of the new color.
You could stitch eyes on the front if you want, I chose to leave mine plain. If you do stitch eyes on I would recommend using embroidery floss rather than yarn because they are so small.
Fill eggs with treats and put inside the covers with the pointy side up.


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text:
Home > List of families > Fabaceae subfamily Papilionoideae > Aeschynomene > minutiflora
Aeschynomene minutiflora Taub.
subsp. minutiflora
Selected images: Click on each image to see a larger version and details of the record View all images (4)
Photo: Bart Wursten
Domboshawa
Detailed records: Display species records QDS maps by: Google Maps Point records by Google Maps
Species details: Click on each item to see an explanation of that item (Note: opens a new window)
Status: Native
Erect, sparsely branched annual herb, 15-60 cm high. Leaves mostly 6-12-foliolate, 5-25 mm long; leaflets, narrowly oblong-lanceolate, 5-13 mm long, often emarginate and mucronulate at the apex, hairless, with minute translucent dots. Stipules leaf-like, lanceolate, 4-18 mm long. Inflorescences terminal on lateral branches, 4-8-flowered. Standard creamy-white, often tinged dull orange-yellow inside and green-veined below; wings creamy-white with tips or upper margins orange-yellow; keel creamy white. Fruit of 1-2 articles, joined by a narrow neck, each c. 2.5 × 2.2 mm, minutely tuberculate.
Derivation of specific name: minutiflora: with very small flowers
Habitat: In Brachystegia and mopane woodland, often in thin sandy soil over rock or in sandy river beds.
Altitude range: 500 - 1830 m
Flowering time:
Worldwide distribution: Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Mozambique distribution: N,T
Growth form(s):
Endemic status:
Red data list status:
Insects associated with this species:
Spot characters: Display spot characters for this species
Content last updated: Friday 23 December 2011
Da Silva, M.C., Izidine, S. & Amude, A.B. (2004). A preliminary checklist of the vascular plants of Mozambique. Southern African Botanical Diversity Network Report No. 30 Sabonet, Pretoria Page 65.
Drummond, R.B. (1972). A list of Rhodesian Legumes. Kirkia 8(2) Page 216. As: Aeschynomene minutiflora
Mapaura, A. & Timberlake, J. (eds) (2004). A checklist of Zimbabwean vascular plants Southern African Botanical Diversity Network Report No. 33 Sabonet, Pretoria and Harare Page 46.
Phiri, P.S.M. (2005). A Checklist of Zambian Vascular Plants Southern African Botanical Diversity Network Report No. 32 Page 56.
Verdcourt, B. (2000). Papilionoideae Flora Zambesiaca 3(6) Pages 87 - 88.
Other sources of information about Aeschynomene minutiflora subsp. minutiflora:
Our websites:
Flora of Malawi: Aeschynomene minutiflora subsp. minutiflora
Flora of Zambia: Aeschynomene minutiflora subsp. minutiflora
Flora of Zimbabwe: Aeschynomene minutiflora subsp. minutiflora
External websites:
African Plants: A Photo Guide (Senckenberg): Aeschynomene minutiflora
BHL (Biodiversity Heritage Library): Aeschynomene minutiflora
EOL (Encyclopedia of Life): Aeschynomene minutiflora
ePIC (electronic Plant Information Center): Aeschynomene minutiflora
Flora Zambesiaca web site: Aeschynomene minutiflora
GBIF (Global Biodiversity Information Facility): Aeschynomene minutiflora
Google: Web - Images - Scholar
GRIN (Germplasm Resources Information Network): Aeschynomene minutiflora
iNaturalist: Aeschynomene minutiflora
IPNI (International Plant Names Index): Aeschynomene minutiflora
JSTOR Plant Science: Aeschynomene minutiflora
Kew Herbarium catalogue: Aeschynomene minutiflora
Mansfeld World Database of Agricultural and Horticultural Crops: Aeschynomene minutiflora
Plants of the World Online: Aeschynomene minutiflora
Tropicos: Aeschynomene minutiflora
Wikipedia: Aeschynomene minutiflora
Hyde, M.A., Wursten, B.T., Ballings, P. & Coates Palgrave, M. (2022). Flora of Mozambique: Species information: Aeschynomene minutiflora subsp. minutiflora.
https://www.mozambiqueflora.com/speciesdata/species.php?species_id=130530, retrieved 22 January 2022
Site software last modified: 24 September 2019 10:58am

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: Necessary to specify file types to cache? I read that it's important to specify which file types you want to leverage browser caching with. However, what if you're confident you want a similar time-frame for ALL files to cache, can you just set a general command like this?
.htaccess code:
ExpiresActive On
ExpiresDefault "access 64 days"

That's what I did for my site and it seems to be functioning as I expected (caching everything). Is there anything wrong with doing this instead of specifying each individual file type?

A: It's very easy to do specific file types without doing a lot of work.
There are some things you might not want to cache like html pages etc. If you update your site, it might not be reflected immediately for some people unless they clear their cache. Most people don' t do that often. Don't be lazy. lol Just do the files that won't change often like images etc. One rule get's 5 extensions and more can be added.
<FilesMatch "\.(gif|jpg|png|js|css)$">
  #expires in 1 month
  Expires A2592000
</FilesMatch>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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This entry was written by Phil, posted on 19 November 2018 at 12:00, filed under awfully deep, fillum, friction, pinkoes, popular singing groups, pottery, up to my eyes. Bookmark the permalink. Follow any comments here with the RSS feed for this post. Post a comment or leave a trackback: Trackback URL.
Well, I'm glad I followed Adam Roberts' tweet to this series. As someone who has enjoyed all of the worlds mentioned here to varying degrees, this has given me much food for thought as to why that is.
I posted a long and, since it seems to have disappeared forever into whatever electronic limbo receives such things, let's agree brilliant comment on this splendid series of blogs. Since my lost comment was, really, restating an argument (about the revelation that Dumbledore was a player, which you mention, which I take as a feature rather than a bug of the whole) developed in this blog post, maybe I'll just leave the link to that here for now, and come back later.
There's a lot in that. Certainly, when I wrote that in Potter "we aren't brought up short by the sublime – confronted with something that exceeds anywhere that the hero, or the story, can go" there's a qualification missing, viz. "(except for that one scene which sets up the narrative climax of the entire series)": Harry knowingly walking to his death is very nearly as powerful as the scene in which Aslan gives his back to the smiters and his cheeks to them that plucked off the hair – and, unlike that scene, its power is very much its own.
You also pass very lightly over a point I prefer to press quite hard: you cite Tolkien describing TLOTR as "a fundamentally religious and Catholic work", but one in which the religion is built into the world itself, then say "It's possible Rowling, who was raised an Anglican and attended Church of Scotland services whilst writing the novels (her eldest daughter was baptised in Edinburgh), is doing something similar". Is it, though? I think there are secret (thematic) harmonies to be heard in the Potter series, but I can't see that they're Christianity-shaped; I don't see a clear line dividing humility from pride, or openness from selfishness, or turning to the good from turning away. I's more about how heartbreakingly sad it is for someone to sacrifice him-/herself for somebody else, and how sometimes it may be necessary, and sometimes it may even (perhaps) be rewarded (eventually).
Thanks for this series. I wonder, though (as someone who only finished reading the HP books in the past 12 months), if fictions that rely on the numinous and parasitic both tend toward, if the author's not careful, a kind of self-congratulation. "Look at how sensitive I am and able to recognize the numinous!" "Look at how carefully I've created a correspondence between my creation and the real world!" Rowling manages a fiction that has what Calvino called "multiplicity" without falling into either of those traps (which maybe don't seem like traps to someone with more of a taste for things like the Discworld), and I think that's part of what makes the books feel satisfying and "real" for many people.


It is a fun coincidence that Abby's four month anniversary home falls on Mother's Day. I have so much to be thankful for, so much to rejoice in, so much to praise God for.
And yet, is it strange that tonight I feel...sad? For some reason, this year, my heart is heavy anticipating a day that I know for many women, is the hardest day of the year.
Maybe it's because someone especially dear to me is somewhere in between "being a mom and longing to be one", as last year her belly swelled with life, and yet this year finds her arms empty.
Maybe it's because my close friend has been waiting, and longing for her son across the ocean, and while we know to trust,.... soon,...he's not here today. Not yet. And it's hard.
Maybe it's because so many of you are waiting still, and I know your stories and read your blogs and follow your posts and am waiting with you.
Maybe it's because of others I care for deeply who I know are trying, aching, hoping...and God has not yet answered.
Maybe it's because I know there are so, so many children who want mommies, who need mommies, and who don't have them.
Maybe it's because I know there are birth moms out there who have given the greatest gift, made the hardest choice, and walk a difficult road this weekend as their children get tucked in by someone else.
Or maybe it's because I'm thinking of Abby's first mommy...wonder if sometimes Abby misses her...wonder if I'll ever be enough to fill that void.
I am so inadequate. I didn't have to adopt to come face to face with that truth. I am in no way more worthy or more equipped to be a mom than someone else. I have been chosen to help steward these 5 lives, and some days, it terrifies me. But I know what an absolute blessing it is. Such a gift. Such treasures.
I'm not sure how to write about that--the hurt I feel for those I love at the same time that I acknowledge and give thanks for the children I have.
I try to end my posts with answers. Or some sort of resolution.This time, I don't really have any.
All I have right now is heartache. So tonight I "pour out my soul before the Lord", like Hannah, on behalf of those I love. Those who are somewhere in between being a mom and longing to be one.
Beautiful post, brought tears to my eyes as well. Am reminded of Piper's words in "A Sweet & Bitter Providence" - "Is God's bitter providence the last word? Can I trust and love the God who has dealt [this] painful hand in life?"


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The office and warehouse close down for lunch Monday through Thursday from 11:30AM until 12:00PM. All outdoor drop off facilities are available 24/7, every day of the year.
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Deep Politics Forum › Deep Politics Forum › Historical Events
Kent State Anniversary Blues
Keith Millea
16-04-2010, 06:20 PM (This post was last modified: 16-04-2010, 06:22 PM by Keith Millea.)
http://www.counterpunch.org/krassner04162010.html
"How Can You Run When You Know?"
By PAUL KRASSNER
In my book, Magic Mushrooms and Other Highs: From Toad Slime to Ecstasy, Freddy Berthoff described his mescaline trip at a Crosby, Stills, Nash and Young concert in the summer of 1970 when he was 15. "Earlier that spring," he wrote, "the helmeted, rifle-toting National Guard came up over the rise during a peace-in-Vietnam rally at Kent State University. And opened fire on the crowd. I always suspected it was a contrived event, as if someone deep in the executive branch had said, 'We've got to teach those commie punks a lesson.'" Actually, President Nixon had called antiwar protesters "bums" two days before the shootings. While Freddy was peaking on mescaline, CSNY sang a new song about the massacre:
Tin soldiers and Nixon coming
We're finally on our own
This summer I hear the drumming
Four dead in O-hi-o…
Plus nine wounded. Sixty-seven shots – dum-dum bullets that exploded upon impact -- had been fired in 13 seconds. This incident on May 4, 1970 resulted in the first general student strike in U.S. history, encompassing over 400 campuses.
Arthur Krause, father of one of the dead students, Allison, got a call from John Ehrlichman, Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs, who said, "There will be a complete investigation." Krause responded, "Are you sure about that?" And the reply: "Mr. Krause, I promise you, there will be no whitewash."
But NBC News correspondent James Polk discovered a memo marked "Eyes Only" from Ehrlichman to Attorney General John Mitchell ordering that there be no federal grand jury investigation of the killings, because Nixon adamantly opposed such action.
Polk reported that, "In 1973, under a new Attorney General, Elliot Richardson, the Justice Department reversed itself and did send the Kent State case to a federal grand jury. When that was announced, Richardson said to an aide he got a call from the White House. He was told that Richard Nixon was so upset, they had to scrape the president off the walls with a spatula."
Last year, Allison Krause's younger sister, Laurel, was relaxing on the front deck of her home in California when she saw the County Sheriff's Deputy coming toward her, followed by nearly two dozen men. "Then, before my eyes," she recalls, "the officers morphed into a platoon of Ohio National Guardsmen marching onto my land. They were here because I was cultivating medical marijuana. I realized the persecution I was living through was similar to what many Americans and global citizens experience daily. This harassment even had parallels to Allison's experience before she was murdered."
What if you knew her
And found her dead on the ground
How can you run when you know?
Now, 40 years later, Laurel, her mother and other Kent State activists have been organizing the "2010 Kent State Truth Tribunal" scheduled for May 1-4 on the campus where the slaughter of unarmed demonstrators originally occurred. The invitation to participate in sharing their personal narratives has been extended to 1970 protesters, witnesses, National Guardsmen, Ohio and federal government officials, university administrators and educators, local residents, families of the victims. The purpose is to uncover the truth.
Laurel was 0nly 15 when the Kent State shootings took place. "Like any 15-year-old, my coping mechanisms were undeveloped at best. Every evening, I remember spending hours in my bedroom practicing calligraphy to Neil Young's 'After the Goldrush,' artistically copying phrases of his music, smoking marijuana to calm and numb my pain." When she was arrested for legally growing marijuana, "They cuffed me and read my rights as I sobbed hysterically. This was the first time I flashed back and revisited the utter shock, raw devastation and feeling of total loss since Allison died. I believed they were going to shoot and kill me, just like Allison. How ironic, I thought. The medicine that kept me safe from experiencing post-traumatic stress disorder now led me to relive that horrible experience as the cops marched onto my property."
She began to see the interconnectedness of those events. The dehumanization of Allison was the logical, ultimate extension of the dehumanization of Laurel. Legally, two felonies were reduced to misdemeanors, and she was sentenced to 25 hours of community service. But a therapist, one of Allison's friends from Kent State, suggested to Laurel that the best way to deal with the pain of PTSD was to make something good come out of the remembrance, the suffering and the pain. "That's when I decided to transform the arrest into something good for me," she says, "good for all. It was my only choice, the only solution to cure this memorable, generational, personal angst. My mantra became, 'This is the best thing that ever happened to me.' And it has been." That's why she's fighting so hard for the truth to burst through cement like blades of grass.
Paul Krassner is the editor of The Realist. His books include: Pot Stories for the Soul, One Hand Jerking and Murder at the Conspiracy Convention. He can be reached through his website: http://paulkrassner.com/
This article originally appeared in High Times.
"You never change things by fighting the existing reality. To change something, build a new model that makes the existing model obsolete."
Ed Jewett
Thanks for that, Keith.
"Where is the intersection between the world's deep hunger and your deep gladness?"
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As our Application for Artists is coming to a close, Portland Open Studios is happy to announce our internship program for 2017.
We offer the internship program to high school juniors, seniors, and college students. Students are connected with member artists to get a valuable window into a working artist's studio-life. Students who enrolled in the past have developed lasting, and mutually beneficial relationships with our artists and have returned as visitors and volunteers later in their career.
We are expanding the internship program. This year it begins on May 1, 2017, and runs through October 31, 2017.
Internships start at 3 weeks, with students expected to work 4 hours per week, and can be extended for up to 6 months. Of course, we still offer the traditional internship during the tour.
This is an unpaid working internship. Students can expect to learn many aspects of being a working artist, from cleaning to creating their own projects or contributing to the artist's work or aspects of business.
All interns are encouraged to participate in October to assist the artist during the Tour dates, even if they have completed the requirements prior to the event.
Portland Open Studios is working to add a student/mentor show to the programming in the summer of 2017, which could give a few students the opportunity to show their work.
Local area high school juniors, seniors, and college level students, are invited to APPLY NOW!
We invite students interested in this opportunity to apply at our website, www.portlandopenstudios.com/education The application is open until April 1, 2017. The forms mentioned below are also available on the website.
The opportunity to work with an artist in the studio.
Potential to earn extra or academic credit.
Valuable work experience for college application and resume.
Professional review of the student's work and/or assistance in establishing an art portfolio.
Opportunity to earn a letter of recommendation from their mentor.
Students over 18 or Parents/ Guardians of students under 18 are required to read and sign our standard Waiver of Liability .
Students, Teachers, and school administrators may use our Statement of Hours for the student to keep track of hours worked.
Portland Open Studios creates a unique educational opportunity for the public to witness art in the making, and learn about media, materials and the business of creative endeavor. Through this interaction, Portland Open Studios creates a platform for local artists to thrive, engage and foster a community that values the arts. The Tour is composed of local artists selected by an independent jury panel.
Portland Open Studios prints an annual Tour Guide for visitors to purchase, as well as mobile apps for Android and iPhone users, all of which contain the artists' contact information and directions to their studios. These juried artists throughout the metro area open their studios to the public during the second and third weekends of October to demonstrate their working life in their creative space.


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According to the World Economic Forum's Global Information Technology Report 2013, the recent experiences of Colombia, Uruguay, and Panama confirm the theories of those who research e-government and the suspicions of those who work every day in this field. Although there is no magic formula for success in advancing ICTs in public administration, those who do succeed share some common ingredients.
The first of these common ingredients is the political support of the highest authority in the country. In all three cases analyzed, the support of the president has been instrumental in mobilizing other critical elements, such as legislative changes, institutional strategy, and budgetary allocation.
Another common ingredient in these e-government success stories is the attention paid to the qualification of human resources. This component has two equally relevant sides: the leader and the team.
Although they have not done it alone, Jose Clastornik (Uruguay), Eduardo Jaén (Panama), and Diego Molano Vega (Colombia) share a common characteristic that became crucial for the advancement of e-government in their respective countries. All three, for different reasons, are able to communicate directly with the highest authority in the government and know how to interact in their country's political sphere. At the same time, they are each very knowledgeable about ICTs, after having had successful careers in the private sector.
A third factor—usually a consequence of the previous two—is the availability of financial resources. In recent years, Latin America has seen too frequently how sound political speeches on the subject of ICTs failed to change the life of any citizen and never moved beyond a nice planning document adorning the bookshelf of some ministerial office or multilateral organization. On many occasions, this is because of one fundamental reason: they did not "put their money where their mouth is," as the famous saying goes.
In those countries where ICTs do not have their own line in the national budget, years will continue to go by without solid ground being established for future socioeconomic progress. The budgets of other countries, such as Uruguay, ensure that ICTs have sufficient financial resources by allocating specific amounts to e-government in their budgets.
Although slightly less relevant and less evident than the three elements discussed above, some other aspects that have accelerated the progress of e-government in the countries studied are worth mentioning.
One such element is the search for international points of reference. As pointed out earlier, the organized effort to study, understand, and learn from what others have done, along with the initiative needed to visit countries that are more advanced and invite them to help, have been part of the corporate and political culture of the three countries studied. Colombia, Uruguay, and Panama have made this idea a dogma. They have participated in numerous instances of international relations and cooperation and have taken full advantage of the experience of others.
Another important aspect that should be considered is concerned with the ICT-related business capacity installed in the country. Colombia very cleverly used its Vive Digital push to generate an emerging entrepreneurial sector in the field of ICTs. These entrepreneurs were able to grow because of the investment efforts of the government; this, in turn, ensures that Colombia has the local knowledge needed to progress Uruguay has enjoyed a thriving and exporting technology sector for the past 15 years. And Panama, with its enviable geographical location, also has a large number of ICT multinationals operating within its borders.
Finally, in all three countries a certain element of continuity has been maintained in both their plans and their working teams. In some cases, the ruling party itself changed; in other cases, the ruling party remained in power. But in all three countries, a change of party or president did not mean a radical break in approach or policy. In all three, many members of the team remained in place and the majority of initiatives were continued, and the changes provided an opportunity to review the strategic approach, introduce new projects, and adapt the priority areas to ever-changing citizens' needs and technology opportunities.


Welcome to Rwenzori Center for Research and Advocacy's (RCRA) website, a home of information and learning. The name Rwenzori came from Mt.Rwenzori, simply to denote the heights of innovations backed by action research and advocacy.
RCRA is a Ugandan not-for-profit health organization, holds a membership status with the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), a member of Girls Not Brides Global Partnership to end child marriages, and is implementing an integrated Population, Health and Environment (PHE) Model in the Albertine Region.
We work with the government health facilities- [ Bugoye Health Centre III; Hiima Disp. Health Centre III; Isule Health Centre III; Kabatunda Health Centre III; Kinyabwamba Health Centre III; Kitswamba Health Centre III; Kyanya Sda Health Centre II; Maliba Health Centre III; Mukathi Health Centre III; Rwesande Health Centre IV in Kasese District ], private sector, community Health and Education structures, faith based organisations and church communities in the delivery of a continuum of services to the most vulnerable children and women.
We are committed to breaking the cycle of poverty by delivering sustainable solutions to the problems of indigent children, youth and their caregivers. We work to give life to every indigent child.
On this website, you can find information about the organization and our on-going projects. You are more than welcome to enjoy our photo galleries where you can take part in our previous and current projects in the districts where we work in the Albertine region. Last but not least, you can read our blog which is updated regularly!


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Tearjerker Anime Music That Gets Us Every Time
by Kara Dennison September 21, 2020
If you're a lover of anime music, you know that it has the power to take you back to scenes in your favorite show. Maybe it's the music itself, or maybe it's because it makes you recall the specific scene from which it hails. Either way, these songs can bring a tear to your eye without any help whatsoever. Here are a few that get us every time.
"To My Dearest" (ZOMBIE LAND SAGA)
The girls of ZOMBIE LAND SAGA go through a lot during their undeath. For some, it's the realization that the world they know is gone forever and they have to adapt to something entirely new. For others, their past is dangerously close, but they can't interact with it. In cases like that, these zombie idols turn — of course — to music. Lily Hoshikawa's solo "To My Dearest" goes out to a family member just within reach whom she can never see again. But there's more to it than just nostalgia: it's a song of love, understanding, and letting go.
"Blue" (Cowboy Bebop)
Cowboy Bebop is full of memorable music, thanks to composer Yoko Kanno. But as we reach the end of the Bebop's journey, we're left with "Blue" — a soulful song with a swelling orchestra and powerful lead vocal against a gentle choral accompaniment. The statute of limitations may be well past on this ending, but we're still going to leave it unsaid. This bit of anime music speaks for itself regardless… and if you have seen it to the end, revisiting this tune will likely get you a little choked up.
"Noriko" (Aim for the Top! Gunbuster)
One of two non-vocal tracks on the list. Anime music veteran Kohei Tanaka's score for Gainax giant robot series Gunbuster was larger than life, just like its title mech. For hot-blooded series heroine Noriko's musical motif, he provided a sweeping orchestral piece that's equal parts courageous and romantic. It's stunning to listen to on its own; but Gunbuster fans can probably think of plenty of emotional moments using this piece of music.
"Empty Diamond Crevasse" (Macross Frontier)
Penned by Yoko Kanno, Sheryl Nome's "Diamond Crevasse" served as the first ending theme for space opera Macross Frontier. The song came around again within the show itself, this time underscoring multiple events happening simultaneously. We won't go into what those events were… but when that one chord hits, if you know what happened, you'll get choked up. And if you don't? Well, any version of "Diamond Crevasse" is already affecting.
"Sis Puella Magica!" (Puella Magi Madoka Magica)
Music aside, the anime Puella Magi Madoka Magica is emotional enough as it stands, especially once that first shoe drops in episode 3. This particular tune turns up a lot throughout the show, and its light, innocent tone serves as a counterpoint to the actual life of a magical girl in this entropy-fueled world. There are plenty of other pieces of BGM that are heavier and more dramatic — and that almost seems to be why this one is so affecting.
What other pieces of anime music get the tears rolling for you?
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Kara Dennison
Kara Dennison is a writer, editor, and presenter with bylines at Crunchyroll, Sci-Fi Magazine, Sartorial Geek, and many others. She is a contributor to the celebrated Black Archive line, with many other books, short stories, and critical works to her name.
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Mitch Cox Announces Plan to Transform Vacant Lot into Upscale Multifamily Community in Bristol, Tennessee
by Jamie Ketron | Feb 20, 2014 | Development, General
Bristol, TENN. – With approval from the Bristol Planning Commission on February 17th, Mitch Cox Companies began the process of transforming the intersection of Bluff City Highway and Lavinder Lane to be the future site of a new multifamily community for young professionals, graduate students, and retirees. The property that was the former location of the now-razed Southside Shopping Center may soon be known as the Villas at Lavinder Lane.
The multifamily community will be developed by Mitch Cox Companies and Universal Development & Construction.
The plan consists of 125 one, two, and three bedroom apartments with rents approximately $650 for a one bedroom, $800 for a two bedroom, and $1000 for a three bedroom. Due to the typical low concentration of children of the tenant demographic for which the units are designed, only one building will have a three bedroom apartment in this community. offshore centre . All tenants will be screened for full criminal and financial history.
Bristol,Tennessee Mayor Michelle Dolan said in a press release on Tuesday, "At this time we are definitely hurting for housing in Bristol, I spoke with a realtor this week and he said that between Bristol and Johnson City they just don't have enough inventory, so we really need the housing in the area."
According to the market research performed by Mitch Cox Companies, it was found that no new apartments have been built in the south end of Bristol in over ten years.
Mitch Cox, founder and CEO of Mitch Cox Companies, said, "We are excited about the opportunity to come to the Bristol market, find a vacant piece of property near several large employers, and transform it into an upscale multifamily community."
The eleven buildings of the 6.75 acre apartment community will be similar in appearance to the Villas at Town Acres in Johnson City, TN: forty-percent brick and sixty-percent hardi-plank and architectural shingles as roofing. The finished community will have a pool, clubhouse, and 180 parking spaces plus 29 garages.
City Traffic Engineer David Metzger performed a trip generation analysis and estimates that the proposed apartment community would not adversely affect traffic volumes. The apartment community will create three times less traffic than the former shopping center had generated.
On Monday, the city's Planning Commission unanimously approved a special-use permit for the project. A special-use permit allows the planning commission the opportunity to be involved in very specific site-design criteria to ensure the conceptual plan becomes the engineered plan.
Shari Brown, Community Development Director for the city of Bristol, said, "One of the policies the city has is to improve the diversity of the city's housing stock and this project works towards meeting that policy very well."
Planning Commission Chairman, Kelly Graham, said "We are excited to see a $10 million investment in Bristol's future. Bristol is very lucky to have a blighted and underused piece of property developed into high-end housing that will greatly benefit the growth of Bristol for many years to come."
Founded in Johnson City in 1979, Mitch Cox Companies is a full-service real estate solutions company offering development, architectural, construction, brokerage and commercial property management services. The company also manages hotel properties across the Southeast and Midwest U.S. and manages residential community associations in the Tri-Cities region of Tennessee. To see our work, listings and news, visit our website, Facebook page, or call us at 423.282.6582.


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'From Her Will Come Forth the Spark'
In 1945, a young Polish Catholic woman who had spent World War II hiding Jews and fighting the Nazis traversed the new Poland, freshly liberated by the Red Army. In her memoir In My Hands: Memories of a Holocaust Rescuer, Irene Gut Opdyke recalled, "Word spread about what the Allies were finding in the countryside, about the scale of the Nazis' extermination camps ... Poland had been turned into the land of death. We who traveled across it in those days felt that we walked on graves wherever we stepped."
Parts of Poland still feel that way. Our group's tour guide at Auschwitz gestured to the grass and flowers at our feet and told us, "Everything is growing on the ashes [of the victims]. We're walking on the ashes."
As Christians, we know that life springs from death, that holy beauty exists beside hellish evil, and that God's ways don't always match human expectations. Six years before Hitler invaded Poland, St. Faustina offered a special prayer on the day of her perpetual vows: "Jesus, I beg You for my homeland; protect it against the assaults of its enemies" (Diary of St. Faustina, 119). To the world, it might seem as though this prayer failed. Poland was conquered, fractured, and terrorized: desecrated by the Nazis and then swallowed up by the Communists.
And yet, Jesus promised St. Faustina, "I bear a special love for Poland, and if she will be obedient to My will, I will exalt her in might and holiness. From her will come forth the spark that will prepare the world for My final coming" (Diary, 1732). "The land of death" would become the birthplace of the modern Divine Mercy devotion.
Poland is now politically free, and God has honored her by lighting on her soil the "spark" through His revelations to St. Faustina. Saint Faustina's prayer that her motherland be protected "against the assault of its enemies," however, is still very necessary. Jesus warned, "Do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul; rather fear him who can destroy both body and soul in hell" (Mt 10:28).
Poland isn't alone in needing this warning. Most modern nations seem more afraid of being destroyed by other countries than of disobeying God.
In the shrine at Czestochowa, upstairs from the famous icon of the Black Madonna, a 21st-century Way of the Cross reminds us that our real enemy is not the evil outside of us but the sin within us. In March 2001, the late Polish painter Jerzy Duda Gracz presented the monastery at Jasna Gora, one of the most popular pilgrimage sites in the world, with new Stations of the Cross. Gracz named these paintings after Golgotha, the mountain where Jesus was crucified, but many of the landscapes and faces he included in them are eerily recognizable to present-day viewers.
In painting the Stations, Gracz wanted to show contemporary Christians that Jesus' Passion is not a long-ago event committed in a distant land by distant people. Rather, it is the blow we strike at the exposed Sacred Heart every time we reject Christ's offer of love: in other words, every time we sin. Gracz said, "This Golgotha is present today, now and here, in the Catholic Poland."
It is not only in Poland. The sins Gracz depicts are those of the entire western world. In the first station, entitled "Pilate," microphones and lights crop up from the crowds around Jesus, and beside Pilate's basin of water stands a Catholic cardinal with a blindfold over his eyes. When Jesus falls for the second time, He is ignored by a crowd too busy preparing for Easter to notice His suffering. After His third fall, He lies near the bodies of aborted babies and weeps at the feet of children who are being used as soldiers and prostitutes.
But there are also reminders that healing is possible when we accept the graces God holds out for us. Jesus meets His mother because a throng of women lift Marian images above their heads. Station VI shows Mother Teresa as Veronica, and in Station X, when Jesus is stripped of His garments, He is sheltered by a canopy in a First Communion procession, where little girls throw flowers on His path.
At the crucifixion, the Blessed Virgin and St. John are represented by the icon of Our Lady of Czestochowa and Pope John Paul II, but dozens of other holy faces also flank the Lord's cross. Among them, toward the back, almost invisible in the shadows because of her dark habit, is St. Faustina.
O. Jan Golonka, OSPPE, called Christ's Passion "a mirror of Divine Mercy, in which every generation can look into its own individual and collective sins. This mirror shows the truth about the man and the nation." In this mirror we learn that while the sins of others can kill our bodies, only our own sins can kill our souls. Political enemies scarred Poland's landscape and memory, but she has the Lord's word that He will not only protect her as St. Faustina asked, but also that He will "exalt her in might and holiness" if she turns from sin and obeys His will. Let us "go and do likewise" (Luke 10:37).
For the sake of His sorrowful Passion, have mercy on us and on the whole world.
Marian Tascio is a writer and English teacher who lives in Yonkers, N.Y.