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The 5 Best American Historical Fiction Books to Read Aloud to Your Kids
Posted By Paula Bolyard On August 19, 2013 @ 9:00 am In Books and Magazines,Children,Education,History,Home Schooling,Literature | 12 Comments
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Jim Trelease, author of the The Read-Aloud Handbook, shares four important reasons for reading aloud to children:
• Conditions the child to associate reading with pleasure;
• Creates background knowledge;
• Builds "book" vocabulary;
• Provides a reading role model.
The Department of Education reported back in 1983 that "the single most important activity for building the knowledge required for eventual success in reading is reading aloud to children" and said it was important that reading aloud continue throughout all the grades.
Whether your kids are in preschool or high school, whether they are homeschooled or attend public school, reading aloud is important for a child's development. In these days when electronic and digital media pervade nearly every area of our lives, reading together as a family can provide an oasis and a joyful refuge from the daily deluge of smart phones, the internet, TV, and video games.
Our family especially enjoyed historical fiction as our boys were growing up. While we did read textbook-style narratives of history to get an overview, it was while reading historical fiction that the stories of our American heritage came to life for our children — stories of adventure, war, poverty, success, perseverance, and American exceptionalism.
I've listed below a few of our family's favorites. Though not all are perfectly historically accurate on every point, they give an excellent sense of the times and the historical events. Moreover, the powerful stories will make history three-dimensional as your family is transported to another time and place a few chapters at a time. Though some of these books are written at a level kids in grades 5-8 can read for themselves, they're so inspiring and educational that you should read them together.
1. Johnny Tremain — Esther Hoskins Forbes
Johnny Tremain is a 14-year-old silversmith apprentice in Boston in 1773. A tragic accident leaves him with a deformed hand and inadvertently plunges him into the intrigue and excitement of the early stages of the American Revolution. He meets famous Boston patriots and witnesses the Boston Tea Party and the Battle of Lexington. You'll love Johnny's courage and determination and root for him chapter after chapter as the Revolution unfolds.
2. Carry On, Mr. Bowditch — Jean Lee Latham
Jean Lee Latham's 1955 Newbery award winner fictionalizes the true story of Nathaniel "Nat" Bowditch. Though denied a Harvard education, as an apprenticed bookkeeper he discovered a talent for math and complicated calculations. The book is set in Salem, Massachusetts, shortly after the American Revolution. Nat revolutionizes the world of maritime navigation. Bowditch wrote a book that is still a standard among mariners. The black and white illustrations enhance the charm of the book and will have your kids looking over your shoulder as you read to them.
3. Across Five Aprils — Irene Hunt
Jethro Creighton is 9 years old when the Civil War breaks out. The southern Illinois farm boy sees most of his male relatives go off to fight for both the North and the South. When his father falls ill, Jethro takes responsibility for the family farm and encounters a myriad of hardships and adventures. This book will have you on the edge of your seat as the Civil War unwinds and then drags on. We listened to the audio book on a cross-country car trip and found ourselves sitting in the car at rest stops because we wanted to see what happened next!
4. Little Britches: Father and I Were Ranchers – Ralph Moody
Little Britches was first released in 1950 and, along with the other books in the series, has been in print continuously since then. It's the autobiographical tale of a young boy whose family moves to a Colorado ranch in 1906. After his father's death, Ralph becomes the Man of the Family (the title of the second book in the series). Life on the ranch is exciting, dangerous, and complicated. Landowners battle over water rights and go to extreme lengths to supply their farms and ranches.
5. Miracles on Maple Hill — Virginia Sorensen
This 1957 Newbery winner tells the story of a father who returned home from World War II a broken man, detached from his family. His wife decides the family needs to spend some extended time at Grandma's country house. Dad slowly regains his physical and mental health as winter turns to spring and the family witnesses a series of small miracles. The description of maple sugaring is fascinating — it will make you want to run out and hang buckets on your maple trees this spring!
Reading historical fiction not only teaches your children about the facts of history, but teaches them to love and enjoy it. Rather than reading dreary textbooks that do little more than recite dates and events in order, historical fiction personalizes the stories and puts the reader right in the middle of the action. Textbooks do have their place, but supplement them with vibrant, living historical fiction — and enjoy history together as a family!
Article printed from PJ Lifestyle: http://pjmedia.com/lifestyle
URL to article: http://pjmedia.com/lifestyle/2013/08/19/the-5-best-american-historical-fiction-books-to-read-aloud-to-your-kids/
Barack Obama is proving an embarrassing amateur on the world stage compared to George W. Bush
By Nile Gardiner
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/nilegardiner
George W. Bush was widely mocked by the Left during the Iraq War, with liberals jeering at the "coalition of the willing," which included in its ranks some minnows such as Moldova and Kazkhstan. Michael Moore, in his rather silly documentary Fahrenheit 9/11, went to great lengths to lampoon the Iraq War alliance. But the coalition also contained, as I pointed out in Congressional testimony back in 2007, Great Britain, Australia, Spain, Italy, Poland, and 16 members of the NATO alliance, as well as Japan and South Korea. In Europe, France and Germany were the only large-scale countries that sat the war out, with 12 of the 25 members of the European Union represented. The coalition, swelled to roughly 40 countries, and was one of the largest military coalitions ever assembled.
As it stands, President Obama's proposed military coalition on Syria has a grand total of two members – the US and France. And the French, as we know from Iraq, simply can't be relied on, and have very limited military capability. It is a truly embarrassing state of affairs when Paris, at best a fair weather friend, is your only partner. John Kerry tried to put a brave face on it at his press conference today, by referring to France "as our oldest ally," but the fact remains that his administration is looking painfully isolated.
There can be no doubt that David Cameron's defeat in the House of Commons was a huge blow to President Obama, and has dominated the US news networks this morning. The absence of Britain in any American-led military action significantly weakens Obama's position on the world stage, and dramatically undercuts the Obama administration. The vote reflected not only a lack of confidence in the Commons in the prime minister's Syria strategy, it also demonstrated a striking lack of confidence in Barack Obama and US leadership.
In marked contrast to Obama, President Bush invested a great deal of time and effort in cultivating ties with key US allies, especially Britain. The Special Relationship actually mattered to George W. Bush. For Barack Obama it has been a mere blip on his teleprompter. Bush also went out of his way to build ties with other allies in Europe, including with Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar, and an array of countries in Eastern and Central Europe. Obama simply hasn't bothered making friends in Europe, and has treated some nations with sheer disdain and disrespect, including Poland and the Czech Republic. He has found common currency with France's Socialist President Francois Hollande, an ideological soul-mate, but finds himself in a very lonely position elsewhere across the Atlantic.
In addition, and most importantly, George W. Bush was a conviction president on foreign policy matters, driven by a clear sense of the national interest. President Bush emphatically made his case to the American people and to the world, explaining why he believed the use of force was necessary, and dozens of countries decided to follow him. In the case of Barack Obama, whose foreign policy has been weak-kneed, confused and strategically incoherent, the president hasn't effectively made the case for military intervention in Syria, and has made no serious effort to cultivate support both at home and abroad. President Bush may not have been greatly loved on the world stage, but he was respected by America's allies, and feared by his enemies. In marked contrast, Obama hasn't generated a lot of respect abroad, and he certainly isn't feared.
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Tags: Barack Obama, George W Bush, iraq, John Kerry, Syria
Labels: Barack Obama, George W. Bush, Iraq War, Middle East
Obama's bread and circuses
By CAROLINE B. GLICK
http://www.jpost.com/Opinion
Over the past week, President Barack Obama and his senior advisers have told us that the US is poised to go to war against Syria. In the next few days, the US intends to use its airpower and guided missiles to attack Syria in response to the regime's use of chemical weapons in the outskirts of Damascus last week.
The questions that ought to have been answered before any statements were made by the likes of Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel have barely been raised in the public arena. The most important of those questions are: What US interests are at stake in Syria? How should the US go about advancing them? What does Syria's use of chemical weapons means for the US's position in the region? How would the planned US military action in Syria impact US deterrent strength, national interests and credibility regionally and worldwide? Syria is not an easy case. Thirty months into the war there, it is clear that the good guys, such as they are, are not in a position to win.
Syria is controlled by Iran and its war is being directed by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps and by Hezbollah. And arrayed against them are rebel forces dominated by al-Qaida.
As US Sen. Ted Cruz explained this week, "Of nine rebel groups [fighting the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad], seven of them may well have some significant ties to al-Qaida."
With no good horse to bet on, the US and its allies have three core interests relating to the war. First, they have an interest in preventing Syria's chemical, biological and ballistic missile arsenals from being used against them either directly by the regime, through its terror proxies or by a successor regime.
Second, the US and its allies have an interest in containing the war as much as possible to Syria itself.
Finally, the US and its allies share an interest in preventing Iran, Moscow or al-Qaida from winning the war or making any strategic gains from their involvement in the war.
For the past two-and-a-half years, Israel has been doing an exemplary job of securing the first interest. According to media reports, the IDF has conducted numerous strikes inside Syria to prevent the transfer of advanced weaponry, including missiles from Syria to Hezbollah.
Rather than assist Israel in its efforts that are also vital to US strategic interests, the US has been endangering these Israeli operations. US officials have repeatedly leaked details of Israel's operations to the media. These leaks have provoked several senior Israeli officials to express acute concern that in providing the media with information regarding these Israeli strikes, the Obama administration is behaving as if it is interested in provoking a war between Israel and Syria. The concerns are rooted in a profound distrust of US intentions, unprecedented in the 50-year history of US-Israeli strategic relations.
The second US interest threatened by the war in Syria is the prospect that the war will not be contained in Syria. Iraq, Lebanon and Jordan specifically are threatened by the carnage. To date, this threat has been checked in Jordan and Lebanon. In Jordan, US forces along the border have doubtlessly had a deterrent impact in preventing the infiltration of the kingdom by Syrian forces.
In Lebanon, given the huge potential for spillover, the consequences of the war in Syria have been much smaller than could have been reasonably expected. Hezbollah has taken a significant political hit for its involvement in the war in Syria. On the ground, the spillover violence has mainly involved Sunni and Shi'ite jihadists targeting one another.
Iraq is the main regional victim of the war in Syria. The war there reignited the war between Sunnis and Shi'ites in Iraq. Violence has reached levels unseen since the US force surge in 2007. The renewed internecine warfare in Iraq redounds directly to President Barack Obama's decision not to leave a residual US force in the country. In the absence US forces, there is no actor on the ground capable of strengthening the Iraqi government's ability to withstand Iranian penetration or the resurgence of al-Qaida.
The third interest of the US and its allies that is threatened by the war in Syria is to prevent Iran, Russia or al-Qaida from securing a victory or a tangible benefit from their involvement in the war.
It is important to note that despite the moral depravity of the regime's use of chemical weapons, none of America's vital interests is impacted by their use within Syria. Obama's pledge last year to view the use of chemical weapons as a tripwire that would automatically cause the US to intervene militarily in the war in Syria was made without relation to any specific US interest.
But once Obama made his pledge, other US interests became inextricably linked to US retaliation for such a strike. The interests now on the line are America's deterrent power and strategic credibility. If Obama responds in a credible way to Syria's use of chemical weapons, those interests will be advanced. If he does not, US deterrent power will become a laughing stock and US credibility will be destroyed.
Unfortunately, the US doesn't have many options for responding to Assad's use of chemical weapons. If it targets the regime in a serious way, Assad could fall, and al-Qaida would then win the war. Conversely, if the US strike is sufficient to cause strategic harm to the regime's survivability, Iran could order the Syrians or Hezbollah or Hamas, or all of them, to attack Israel. Such an attack would raise the prospect of regional war significantly.
A reasonable response would be for the US to target Syria's ballistic missile sites. And that could happen. Although the US doesn't have to get involved in order to produce such an outcome. Israel could destroy Syria's ballistic missiles without any US involvement while minimizing the risk of a regional conflagration.
There are regime centers and military command and control bases and other strategic sites that it might make sense for the US to target.
Unfortunately, the number of regime and military targets the US has available for targeting has been significantly reduced in recent days. Administration leaks of the US target bank gave the Syrians ample time to move their personnel and equipment.
This brings us to the purpose the Obama administration has assigned to a potential retaliatory strike against the Syrian regime following its use of chemical weapons.
Obama told PBS on Wednesday that US strikes on Syria would be "a shot across the bow."
But as Charles Krauthammer noted, such a warning is worthless. In the same interview Obama also promised that the attack would be a nonrecurring event. When there are no consequences to ignoring a warning, then the warning will be ignored.
This is a very big problem. Obama's obvious reluctance to follow through on his pledge to retaliate if Syria used chemical weapons may stem from a belated recognition that he has tethered the US's strategic credibility to the quality of its response to an action that in itself has little significance to US interests in Syria.
And this brings us to the third vital US interest threatened by the war in Syria – preventing Iran, al-Qaida or Russia from scoring a victory.
Whereas the war going on in Syria pits jihadists against jihadists, the war that concerns the US and its allies is the war the jihadists wage against everyone else. And Iran is the epicenter of that war.
Like US deterrent power and strategic credibility, the US's interest in preventing Iran from scoring a victory in Damascus is harmed by the obvious unseriousness of the "signal" Obama said he wishes to send Assad through US air strikes.
Speaking on Sunday of the chemical strike in Syria, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu warned, "Syria has become Iran's testing ground.... Iran is watching and it wants to see what would be the reaction on the use of chemical weapons."
The tepid, symbolic response that the US is poised to adopt in response to Syria's use of chemical weapons represents a clear signal to Iran. Both the planned strikes and the growing possibility that the US will scrap even a symbolic military strike in Syria tell Iran it has nothing to fear from Obama.
Iran achieved a strategic achievement by exposing the US as a paper tiger in Syria. With this accomplishment in hand, the Iranians will feel free to call Obama's bluff on their nuclear weapons project. Obama's "shot across the bow" response to Syria's use of chemical weapons in a mass casualty attack signaled the Iranians that the US will not stop them from developing and deploying a nuclear arsenal.
Policy-makers and commentators who have insisted that we can trust Obama to keep his pledge to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons have based their view on an argument that now lies in tatters. They insisted that by pledging to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power, Obama staked his reputation on acting competently to prevent Iran from getting the bomb. To avoid losing face, they said, Obama will keep his pledge.
Obama's behavior on Syria has rendered this position indefensible. Obama is perfectly content with shooting a couple of pot shots at empty government installations. As far as he is concerned, the conduct of air strikes in Syria is not about Syria, or Iran. They are not the target audience of the strikes. The target audience for US air strikes in Syria is the disengaged, uninformed American public.
Obama believes he can prove his moral and strategic bonafides to the public by declaring his outrage at Syrian barbarism and then launching a few cruise missiles from an aircraft carrier. The computer graphics on the television news will complete the task for him.
The New York Times claimed on Thursday that the administration's case for striking Syria would not be the "political theater" that characterized the Bush administration's case for waging war in Iraq. But at least the Bush administration's political theater ended with the invasion. In Obama's case, the case for war and the war itself are all political theater.
While for a few days the bread and circuses of the planned strategically useless raid will increase newspaper circulation and raise viewer ratings of network news, it will cause grievous harm to US national interests. As far as US enemies are concerned, the US is an empty suit.
And as far as America's allies are concerned, the only way to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power is to operate without the knowledge of the United States.
Labels: Barack Obama, Middle East
An Accidental War
Perfunctory and ineffectual war-making in Syria is worse than nothing.
British Prime Minister David Cameron, Syria's President Assad and US President Obama
I see the Obama "reset" is going so swimmingly that the president is now threatening to go to war against a dictator who gassed his own people. Don't worry, this isn't anything like the dictator who gassed his own people that the discredited warmonger Bush spent 2002 and early 2003 staggering ever more punchily around the country inveighing against. The 2003 dictator who gassed his own people was the leader of the Baath Party of Iraq. The 2013 dictator who gassed his own people is the leader of the Baath Party of Syria. Whole other ball of wax. The administration's ingenious plan is to lose this war in far less time than we usually take. In the unimprovable formulation of an unnamed official speaking to the Los Angeles Times, the White House is carefully calibrating a military action "just muscular enough not to get mocked."
That would make a great caption for a Vanity Fair photo shoot of Obama gamboling in the surf at Martha's Vineyard, but as a military strategy it's not exactly Alexander the Great or the Duke of Wellington. And it's trickier than it sounds: I'm sure Miley's choreographer assured her she was "just muscular enough not to get mocked," and one wouldn't want to see the United States reduced to twerking arrhythmically to no avail in front of an unimpressed Bashar Assad's Robin Thicke. Okay, okay, that metaphor's as thinly stretched as Miley's talent, so what does unmockable musculature boil down to? From the New York Times: "A wide range of officials characterize the action under consideration as 'limited,' perhaps lasting no more than a day or two."
Yeah, I know, that's what Edward III said about the Hundred Years' War. But Obama seems to mean it:
An American official said that the initial target lists included fewer than 50 sites, including air bases where Syria's Russian-made attack helicopters are. The list includes command and control centers as well as a variety of conventional military targets. Perhaps two to three missiles would be aimed at each site.
Got that? So, if you're a Syrian air-base commander, you might want to think about moving those Russian helicopters, or at least yourself — perhaps to that black-eyed cutie's apartment, above the restaurant where the kibbeh with the pomegranate sauce is to die for, just for the night, until the Great Satan has twerked his ordnance at you twice or thrice and gone away to threaten the Yemenis or Somalis or whoever's next.
In the world's most legalistic culture, it was perhaps inevitable that battle plans would eventually be treated under courtroom discovery rules and have to be disclosed to the other side in your pre-war statement. But in this case it doesn't seem to be impressing anyone. Like his patrons in Tehran and Moscow, Assad's reaction to American threats is to double up with laughter and say, "Bring it, twerkypants." Headline from Friday's Guardian in London: "Syria: 'Napalm' Bomb Dropped on School Playground, BBC Claims" — which, if true, suggests that even a blood-soaked mass murderer is not without a sense of humor. Napalm, eh? There's a word I haven't heard since, oh, 40 years ago or thereabouts, somewhere in the general vicinity of southeast Asia.
The BBC footage is grisly; the British media have been far more invested in the Syrian civil war than their U.S. colleagues. But what's the net effect of all the harrowing human-interest stories? This week, David Cameron recalled Parliament from its summer recess to permit the people's representatives to express their support for the impending attack. Instead, for the first time since the British defeat at Yorktown in 1782, the House of Commons voted to deny Her Majesty's Government the use of force. Under the Obama "reset," even the Coalition of the Willing is unwilling. "It's clear to me that the British Parliament and the British people do not wish to see military action," said the prime minister. So the Brits are out, and, if he goes at all, Obama will be waging war without even Austin Powers's Union Jack fig leaf.
"This House will not fight for king and country"? Not exactly. What the British people are sick of, quite reasonably enough, is ineffectual warmongering, whether in the cause of Blairite liberal interventionism or of Bush's big-power assertiveness. The problem with the American way of war is that, technologically, it can't lose, but, in every other sense, it can't win. No one in his right mind wants to get into a tank battle or a naval bombardment with the guys responsible for over 40 percent of the planet's military expenditures. Which is why these days there aren't a lot of tank battles. The consummate interventionist Robert Kagan wrote in his recent book that the American military "remains unmatched." It's unmatched in the sense that the only guy in town with a tennis racket isn't going to be playing a lot of tennis matches. But the object of war, in Liddell Hart's famous distillation, is not to destroy the enemy's tanks (or Russian helicopters) but his will. And on that front America loses, always. The "unmatched" superpower cannot impose its will on Kabul kleptocrats, Pashtun goatherds, Egyptian generals, or Benghazi militia. There is no reason to believe Syria would be an exception to this rule. America's inability to win ought to be a burning national question, but it's not even being asked.
Let us stipulate that many of those war-weary masses are ignorant and myopic. But at a certain level they grasp something that their leaders don't: For a quarter-century, from Kuwait to Kosovo to Kandahar, the civilized world has gone to war only in order to save or liberate Muslims. The Pentagon is little more than central dispatch for the U.S. military's Muslim Fast Squad. And what do we have to show for it? Liberating Syria isn't like liberating the Netherlands: In the Middle East, the enemy of our enemy is also our enemy. Yes, those BBC images of schoolchildren with burning flesh are heart-rending. So we'll get rid of Assad and install the local branch of al-Qaeda or the Muslim Brotherhood or whatever plucky neophyte democrat makes it to the presidential palace first — and then, instead of napalmed schoolyards, there will be, as in Egypt, burning Christian churches and women raped for going uncovered.
So what do we want in Syria? Obama can't say, other than for him to look muscular without being mocked, like a camp bodybuilder admiring himself in the gym mirror.
Oh, well. If the British won't be along for the ride, the French are apparently still in. What was the old gag from a decade ago during those interminable U.N. resolutions with Chirac saying "Non!" every time? Ah, yes: "Going to war without the French is like going hunting without an accordion." Oddly enough, the worst setback for the Islamic imperialists in recent years has been President Hollande's intervention in Mali, where, unlike the money-no-object Pentagon, the French troops had such undernourished supply lines that they had to hitch a ride to the war on C-17 transports from the Royal Air Force and Royal Canadian Air Force. And yet they won — insofar as anyone ever really wins on that benighted sod.
Meanwhile, the hyperpower is going to war because Obama wandered off prompter and accidentally made a threat. So he has to make good on it, or America will lose its credibility. But he only wants to make good on it in a perfunctory and ineffectual way. So America will lose its credibility anyway.
Maybe it's time to learn the accordion . . .
Labels: Barack Obama, Mark Steyn, Middle East
Today's Tune: Bob Dylan - Pretty Saro
Labels: Bob Dylan, Today's Tune
Slate Editor: Private School Parents Are Bad People, Or Something
Posted By Matt Vespa On August 29, 2013 @ 3:45 pm In Culture,Economy,News,Politics | 8 Comments
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Slate, a Washington Post-affiliated site, is known for being a cesspool of left-wing drivel. Yet, it was the usual nonsense – with the occasional piece that slammed Obama on the lack transparency, drones, or whatever liberals thought was wrong within his administration. Now, Allison Benedikt, the managing editor for Slate's feminist Double X blog, has a problem with private school. If you send your kid to private school, you're a bad bad person. And people wonder why feminism is other bad f-word.
In Benedikt's August 29 post, she admits she's not a "educational policy wonk." She's just "judgmental." Yeah, this sounds like a girl you want to bring home to mom and dad. Yet, wait for her grand policy proposal to fix education:
It's simple! Everyone needs to be invested in our public schools in order for them to get better. Not just lip-service investment, or property tax investment, but real flesh-and-blood-offspring investment. Your local school stinks but you don't send your child there? Then its badness is just something you deplore in the abstract. Your local school stinks and you do send your child there? I bet you are going to do everything within your power to make it better.
Many of my (morally bankrupt) colleagues send their children to private schools. I asked them to tell me why. Here is the response that most stuck with me: "In our upper-middle-class world, it is hard not to pay for something if you can and you think it will be good for your kid." I get it: You want an exceptional arts program and computer animation and maybe even Mandarin. You want a cohesive educational philosophy. You want creativity, not teaching to the test. You want great outdoor space and small classrooms and personal attention. You know who else wants those things? Everyone.
Whatever you think your children need—deserve—from their school experience, assume that the parents at the nearby public housing complex want the same. No, don't just assume it. Do something about it. Send your kids to school with their kids. Use the energy you have otherwise directed at fighting to get your daughter a slot at the competitive private school to fight for more computers at the public school. Use your connections to power and money and innovation to make your local school—the one you are now sending your child to—better. Don't just acknowledge your liberal guilt—listen to it.
So, Benedikt isn't a fan of school choice – a typical liberal view – and calls her colleagues "morally bankrupt." This isn't a policy proposal, or a call for a "moral adjustment." It's a whiny rant.
Now, admittedly, I'm a product of private education, and it was great. At the same time, emphasizing this investment in public education has its problems, which are egregiously omitted from this piece. Additionally, I'm not even scratching the surface, but here are a few.
First, confidence in public education is abysmal. In fact, confidence levels have reached historic lows. There isn't a lot of room for positive advocacy when only 29% of Americans trust the system. Second, teachers unions incessant habit to protest for unsustainable pay and benefits raises isn't helping the image of teachers or education. Keep in mind, teachers only work nine months out of the year, unlike the rest of us. Also, while the teachers are protesting, they're not instructing their students. Yeah, talk about a crackerjack education. Lastly, we need to talk about the family.
This is probably one of the most important aspects of the crisis. The growing number of single mothers in America – and the erosion of the American family – has played a part in the crumbling education system. Single mothers aren't to blame. After all, there are only so many hours in the day. Yet, in 1966, the Coleman Report was released, which shattered the typical liberal equation that x amount of dollars should equal y results.
It stated that the success of a school district depended on the family structure of the respective student body. Granted there were other factors such as the amount of television watched, how many days were missed, how much reading material was present in the home etc. but family is the key to it all. George Will noted in a lecture at Washington University in St. Louis in December of 2012 that because the family structure has dissolved – and we still don't know why – there's an emerging class of youngsters who don't know their shapes or colors. Yes, the benefits of a family dinner are quite astounding. As Will noted, you'll be surprised how much of an impact saying "here honey, have a round green pea" will have concerning development of your child's skills in this area.
Regardless, the shortfalls in our system are stark. Recently, 11,000 – or 80% – of NYC's high school seniors had to re-learn basic skills in reading, writing, and arithmetic to enter community college. So, frankly, it's rational parents have questions about public education.
James Pethokoukis of AEI cited his colleague Michael McShane in a response post published today saying Benedikt's piece lacked data – and logic for that matter:
Oh, by the way, do we have any data on the educational impact of helping lower-income and poor kids escape the public education monopoly? Like, say, data from the District of Columbia Opportunity Scholarship Program? Well, the US Education Department's OSP study found the program, McShane points out, "produced $2.62 in benefits for every dollar spent on it. In other words, the return on public investment for the private-school voucher program during its early years was 162 percent." What's more, "The OSP increased the high-school graduation rate of students by 12 percentage points if they were lucky enough to win the annual scholarship lottery."
One more from McShane:
It's also a proud tradition in America (since Pierce v. Society of Sisters in 1925) to recognize that children are not instruments of the state. They do not exist to promote the goals of the government or the community, they (and their parents) are free to (within limits) to be educated as they best see fit. Obviously this person has no idea about the anti-Catholicism and anti-immigrant racism that lead people to make the same argument that she is making, albeit 100 years ago.
In all, Benedikt is pyromanic in a field of straw men. Additionally, she has called the president a bad man for sending his daughters to private school. Within the liberal worldview, that's so racist.
Article printed from The PJ Tatler: http://pjmedia.com/tatler
URL to article: http://pjmedia.com/tatler/2013/08/29/slate-editor-private-school-parents-are-bad-people-or-something/
Shamed into War
If Obama is going to strike Syria, he should do it constitutionally and with purpose.
Having leaked to the world, and thus to Syrian president Bashar Assad, a detailed briefing of the coming U.S. air attack on Syria — (1) the source (offshore warships and perhaps a bomber or two), (2) the weapon (cruise missiles), (3) the duration (two or three days), (4) the purpose (punishment, not "regime change") — perhaps we should be publishing the exact time the bombs will fall, lest we disrupt dinner in Damascus.
So much for the element of surprise. Into his third year of dithering, two years after declaring Assad had to go, one year after drawing — then erasing — his own red line on chemical weapons, Barack Obama has been stirred to action.
Or more accurately, shamed into action. Which is the worst possible reason. A president doesn't commit soldiers to a war for which he has zero enthusiasm. Nor does one go to war for demonstration purposes.
Want to send a message? Call Western Union. A Tomahawk missile is for killing. A serious instrument of war demands a serious purpose.
The purpose can be either punitive or strategic: either a spasm of conscience that will inflame our opponents yet leave not a trace, or a considered application of abundant American power to alter the strategic equation that is now heavily favoring our worst enemies in the heart of the Middle East.
There are risks to any attack. Blowback terror from Syria and its terrorist allies. Threatened retaliation by Iran or Hezbollah on Israel — that could lead to a guns-of-August regional conflagration. Moreover, a mere punitive pinprick after which Assad emerges from the smoke intact and emboldened would demonstrate nothing but U.S. weakness and ineffectiveness.
In 1998, after al-Qaeda blew up two U.S. embassies in Africa, Bill Clinton lobbed a few cruise missiles into empty tents in Afghanistan. That showed 'em.
It did. It showed terminal unseriousness. Al-Qaeda got the message. Two years later, the USS Cole. A year after that, 9/11.
Yet even Clinton gathered the wherewithal to launch a sustained air campaign against Serbia. That wasn't a mere message. That was a military strategy designed to stop the Serbs from ravaging Kosovo. It succeeded.
If Obama is planning a message-sending three-day attack, preceded by leaks telling the Syrians to move their important military assets to safety, better that he do nothing. Why run the considerable risk if nothing important is changed?
The only defensible action would be an attack with a strategic purpose, a sustained campaign aimed at changing the balance of forces by removing the Syrian regime's decisive military advantage — air power.
Of Assad's 20 air bases, notes (retired) General Jack Keane, six are primary. Attack them: the runways, the fighters, the helicopters, the fuel depots, the nearby command structures. Render them inoperable.
We don't need to take down Syria's air-defense system, as we did in Libya. To disable air power, we can use standoff systems — cruise missiles fired from ships offshore and from aircraft loaded with long-range smart munitions that need not overfly Syrian territory.
Depriving Assad of his total control of the air and making resupply from Iran and Russia far more difficult would alter the course of the war. That is a serious purpose.
Would the American people support it? They are justifiably war-weary and want no part of this conflict. And why should they? In three years, Obama has done nothing to prepare the country for such a serious engagement. Not one speech. No explanation of what's at stake.
On the contrary. Last year Obama told us repeatedly that the tide of war was receding. This year, he grandly declared that the entire War on Terror "must end." If he wants Tomahawks to fly, he'd better have a good reason, tell it to the American people, and get the support of their representatives in Congress, the way George W. Bush did for both the Afghanistan and Iraq wars.
It's rather shameful that while the British prime minister has recalled Parliament to debate possible airstrikes, Obama has made not a gesture in that direction.
If you are going to do this, Mr. President, do it constitutionally. And seriously. This is not about you and your conscience. It's about applying American power to do precisely what you now deny this is about — helping Assad go, as you told the world he must.
Otherwise, just send Assad a text message. You might incur a roaming charge, but it's still cheaper than a three-day, highly telegraphed, perfectly useless demonstration strike.
— Charles Krauthammer is a nationally syndicated columnist. © 2013 the Washington Post Writers Group
Labels: Charles Krauthammer, Middle East
Obama is talking America into a war
By George F. Will
Barack Obama's foreign policy dream — cordial relations with a Middle East tranquilized by "smart diplomacy" — is in a death grapple with reality. His rhetorical writhings illustrate the perils of loquacity. He has a glutton's, rather than a gourmet's, appetite for his own rhetorical cuisine, and he has talked America to the precipice of a fourth military intervention in the crescent that extends from Libya to Afghanistan.
Characterizing the 2011 Libyan project with weirdly passive syntax ("It is our military that is being volunteered by others to carry out missions"), he explained his sashay into Libya's civil war as preemptive: "I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action."
With characteristic self-satisfaction, Obama embraced the doctrine "R2P" — responsibility to protect civilians — and Libya looked like an opportunity for an inexpensive morality gesture using high explosives.
Last August, R2P reappeared when he startled his staff by offhandedly saying of Syria's poison gas: "A red line for us is we start seeing a whole bunch of chemical weapons moving around or being utilized." The interesting metric "whole bunch" made his principle mostly a loophole and advertised his reluctance to intervene, a reluctance more sensible than his words last week: Syria's recidivism regarding gas is "going to require America's attention and hopefully the entire international community's attention." Regarding that entirety: If "community" connotes substantial shared values and objectives, what community would encompass Denmark, Congo, Canada, North Korea, Portugal, Cuba, Norway, Iran, Britain, Saudi Arabia, Poland and Yemen?
Words, however, are so marvelously malleable in the Obama administration that the Oxford English Dictionary's definition of "coup" ("a change in the government carried out violently or illegally") somehow does not denote what happened in Egypt. Last week, an Obama spokesman said: "We have made the determination that making a decision about whether or not a coup occurred is not in the best interests of the United States." So convinced is this White House of its own majesty and of the consequent magic of its words, it considers this a clever way of saying the law is a nuisance.
Section 508 of the Foreign Assistance Act forbids aid to "any country whose duly elected head of government is deposed by military coup" until the president determines that "a democratically elected government" has been restored. Secretary of State John Kerry was perhaps preparing to ignore this when he said something Egypt's generals have not had the effrontery to claim — that the coup amounted to "restoring democracy."
Perhaps Section 508 unwisely abridges presidential discretion in foreign policy, where presidents arguably deserve the almost unfettered discretion they, with increasing aggressiveness, assert everywhere. And perhaps if Obama were not compiling such a remarkable record of indifference to law, it would be sensible to ignore his ignoring of this one.
But remember Libya. Since the War Powers Resolution was passed over Richard Nixon's veto in 1973, presidents have at least taken care to act "consistent with" its limits on unilateral presidential war-making. Regarding Libya, however, Obama was unprecedentedly cavalier, even though he had ample time to act consistent with the Constitution by involving a supportive Congress. As Yale Law School's Bruce Ackerman then argued:
"Obama has overstepped even the dubious precedent set when President Bill Clinton bombed Kosovo in 1999. Then, the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel asserted that Congress had given its consent by appropriating funds for the Kosovo campaign. It was a big stretch, given the actual facts — but Obama can't even take advantage of this same desperate expedient, since Congress has appropriated no funds for the Libyan war. The president is simply using money appropriated to the Pentagon for general purposes to conduct the current air campaign."
Obama is as dismissive of "red lines" he draws as he is of laws others enact. Last week, a State Department spokeswoman said his red line regarding chemical weapons was first crossed "a couple of months ago" and "the president took action" — presumably, announcing (non-lethal) aid to Syrian rebels — although "we're not going to outline the inventory of what we did."
The administration now would do well to do something that the head of it has an irresistible urge not to do: Stop talking.
If a fourth military intervention is coming, it will not be to decisively alter events, which we cannot do, in a nation vital to U.S. interests, which Syria is not. Rather, its purpose will be to rescue Obama from his words.
Read more from George F. Will's archive or follow him on Facebook.
Read more about this issue:
Charles Krauthammer: Obama unbound
Kenneth S. Baer: Obama's mainstream pitch
E.J. Dionne: The liberation of Barack Obama
Charles Krauthammer: War by wordplay
The Post's View: Wishful thinking on the war on terror
Labels: George Will, Middle East
Bob Dylan: facing the music
Bob Dylan once dismissed his 1970 album Self Portrait as a joke. But newly released recordings from that era suggest that something serious was going on in the singer's mind
http://www.theguardian.com
Photograph by Al Clayton © Sony Music
"I don't know if I should keep playing this. Nobody's calling in and saying they want to hear it or anything … usually when something like this happens people say, 'Hey, the new Dylan album,' but not tonight." The words are those of an unspecified radio DJ, quoted in a 1970 Rolling Stone review of the album Self Portrait, a collection of 24 pieces of music that completely confounded its audience. The writer was Greil Marcus, who would go on to write some of the best commentary and criticism about Bob Dylan and his art, and whose opening sentence on this occasion eventually made his piece the most famous record review ever written: "What is this shit?"
Face Value, an exhibition of pastel portraits by Bob Dylan
National Portrait Gallery,
Starts 24 August 2013
Until 5 January 2014
All musical oeuvres contain duds. Plenty of musicians fall into phases where such things are all they can produce. This was Dylan's fate for much of the 1980s, as owners of such albums as Empire Burlesque and Down in the Groove will know. Self Portrait, though, is rather different: this was a deliberately bad record, apparently created to distance its creator from his public, and earn him some peace and quiet. "The reason that album was put out [was] so people would just at that time stop buying my records, and they did," Dylan later reflected. That explanation came in 1981; three years later, he described Self Portrait as "a joke".
It reached number one in the UK charts, and number four in America. Even now, millions own it – a strange package, fronted by a faux-naif Dylan painting, in keeping with its title. It comprises covers of songs made famous by the Everly Brothers, Simon and Garfunkel, the singer-songwriter Gordon Lightfoot, and more. Plenty of the tracks are smothered in syrupy arrangements, dubbed on to Nashville sessions at which Dylan was not even present. In three songs taken from his 1969 performance at the Isle of Wight festival with The Band, he sounds tired and detached: even the version of that biting countercultural anthem "Like a Rolling Stone" suggests something played by a half-cut cabaret performer.
The whole thing is stretched over 73 minutes, and the idea that it amounts to some kind of neo-Dadaist prank is there in its opening track. The music could soundtrack the opening titles of a spaghetti western, and a chorus of backing singers intones the same couplet 15 times: "All the tired horses in the sun / How'm I s'posed to get any riding done?" The approved version of the lyrics says "riding"; at times, though, it sounds distinctly like "writing".
In the first volume of Chronicles, the memoir he published in 2004, Dylan explained the genesis of Self Portrait thus: "I just threw everything I could think of at the wall, and whatever stuck, released it." He also put it firmly in the context of a time when he was a new father, trying desperately to keep his life simple, while running away from the droves of young Americans who still thought he was their king, and a purveyor of "message songs".
Having recovered from the motorcycle accident he suffered in June 1966, Dylan had remained in the upstate New York settlement of Woodstock, where he was quickly joined by the musical soulmates who would soon call themselves The Band. To his horror, though, Woodstock also became a magnet for exactly the kind of people he was trying to avoid. Attempting to shake himself free, he wrote, he did "unexpected things like pouring a bottle of whiskey over my head and walking into a department store and act[ing] pie-eyed, knowing that everyone would be talking amongst themselves as I left". His image, he resolved, "would have to be something a bit more confusing, a bit more humdrum". Unintentionally, that serves as a pretty good description of Self Portrait, a record both far too ordinary and completely perplexing.
Self Portrait, the 1990 album
And then, 43 years after it was recorded, there came some unexpected news. In July this year, Dylan's record company announced the 10th instalment of the so-called Bootleg Series, whose sporadic collections of unreleased archive material began in 1991. From those who follow Dylan closely, there were gasps of surprise at what was about to be released: an anthology, available in both standard and "deluxe" versions, titled Another Self Portrait. A four-minute YouTube film told the essential story: in 2012, a tape had been found containing material from the sessions that produced the original album, which had sparked the idea of returning to this period anew. On the face of it, this rediscovered music told the story of a project that Self Portrait travestied – whose working title, according to one of the musicians involved, might have been Folk Songs of America, pointing to two later albums on which Dylan re-explored the folk repertoire, Good as I Been to You (1992) and World Gone Wrong (1993).
Was this, perhaps, further proof of the modern music industry's tendency to wring even its most lifeless assets dry? The opening sentence of the Marcus review still hangs heavy, and the fact that Self Portrait has long been understood as an act of self-sabotage suggested an obvious update: "What is this new shit?"
But Another Self Portrait is not like that at all. A lot of it is revelatory, confirming that Dylan did indeed begin the Self Portrait period with the intention of creating an anthology of songs that would simultaneously tap back into his roots in orthodox American folk music, while also pushing him somewhere new. There are songs written by the Pennsylvania-born singer-songwriter Eric Andersen and Tom Paxton and Bob Gibson, both folk singers whose age and musical style kept them clear of the counterculture that almost buried Dylan under the weight of its expectations.
Dylan returns to the old Scots ballad "The Daemon Lover" – given its American title "House Carpenter", just as it had been when he first recorded it in 1961 – and the American folk standard "Railroad Bill". As with material that eventually made it on to Self Portrait, where it was adorned with drums, bass and strings, all these songs are arranged simply: Dylan's voice and guitar, additional guitar parts by the New York multi-instrumentalist David Bromberg, and his arranger and bandleader Al Kooper on occasional piano.
But most suprising is the quality of Dylan's singing. As part of the build-up to Another Self Portrait, Sony Music put out a video to accompany a version of an 18th-century English folk song titled "Pretty Saro" – and on this recording, among others, his voice seems able to stretch single syllables into miniature melodies. Sight unseen, you would probably not think it was Dylan you were listening to. His approach develops the softened, country tones he used on Nashville Skyline, which can also be heard in exerpts from the Isle of Wight concert, spruced up and included in the "Deluxe" edition. Around eight years later, after he had reverted to the coarser vocal stylings he developed during the 1960s, Dylan's voice began to slowly fade: it is on this material, much of which has never even made it on to illegal bootlegs, that one probably hears him peak as a singer.
Another Self Portrait
And there is more. Amid the Self Portrait material and Isle of Wight recordings are a smattering of pieces that were recorded during sessions for the albums that book-ended Self Portrait: Nashville Skyline and New Morning.(The latter, chiefly because of the reaction to Self Portrait, was acclaimed as a stunning return to form: "his best album in years", wrote Marcus.) Two items stand out: a version of New Morning's euphoric title track, with an added part for horns written by Al Kooper, and a take of "Sign on the Window" to which Kooper added strings, harp and piccolo.
In contrast to the schmaltzy Self Portrait, no Dylan recording has ever sounded so poised, not least when the music drops and he delivers four great lines: "Build me a cabin in Utah /Marry me a wife, catch rainbow trout / Have a bunch of kids who call me pa / That must be what it's all about."
If this period of Dylan's career has one overriding meaning, these lyrics spell it out. Most of his audience surely did not want to hear such things – not when Vietnam was tearing the country apart and some people were still looking to him for a sign. Moreover, although on paper such lyrics might look so hokey as to suggest an ironic put-on, I think he meant every word: in Chronicles, after all, he writes of fantasising about "a nine-to-five existence, a house on a tree-lined block with a white picket fence, pink roses in the backyard".
In the ultimate irony, Woodstock became not just the name of his adopted hometown, but the setting for the festival that traded on his association with the place, and led him to accept the offer to play the Isle of Wight as a means of escape. Again, Chronicles captures his horror at what was afoot: "The events of the day, all the cultural mumbo jumbo, were imprisoning my soul – nauseating me – civil rights and political leaders being gunned down, the mounting of the barricades, the government crackdowns, the student radicals and demonstrators versus the cops and the unions – the streets exploding, fire of anger boiling – the contra communes – the lying, nosy voices – the free love, the anti-money system movement – the whole shebang. I was determined to put myself beyond the reach of it all. I was a family man now, didn't want to be in that group portrait."
Self-evidently, all this was profoundly political. Dylan, after all, could easily be understood as someone now following small-c conservative impulses, founded on a disdain for the tie-dyed degeneracy into which the hippies had tumbled, and a horror at how divided America had become. On Music for Big Pink, the debut album The Band released in July 1968, the four Canadians and a southerner, who dressed like gold-rush prospectors – had made the same thoughts explicit. That album began with "Tears of Rage", a song with Dylan lyrics that surveyed the USA's generational war: "What dear daughter 'neath the sun / Would treat a father so / To wait upon him hand and foot / And always tell him, No?" On the front of the record was another faux-naif Dylan painting; the gatefold featured a photograph in which the group posed with their families, parents in the foreground – a symbol, their leader Robbie Robertson later said, of "rebelling against the rebellion".
The Band had accompanied him on the homemade recordings that were eventually released as The Basement Tapes – evocations of a long-lost America, captured not just in such original pieces as "I Shall Be Released" and "This Wheel's on Fire", but scores of folk songs. In turn, that music was followed by John Wesley Harding, the pared-down Dylan album full of biblical allusions which led on to Nashville Skyline and the music Dylan recorded with Kooper and Bromberg.
Too many accounts of Dylan's progress have characterised this period as a long, fallow spell in which he lost his way: in fact, aided by some of the most capable musicians he ever worked with, fascinating recordings were pouring out of him. This was not pop music. It remains for grown-ups, full of ambiguities and sadness, and a profound sense of American history. How great to hear it at last, removed from the games its author went on to play with it: a self-portrait so improved as to make the first almost irrelevant.
• Listen to an exclusive album stream from Another Self Portrait (1969-1971): The Bootleg Series Vol 10
Labels: Bob Dylan
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This is my version of the ultimate MK3S. It consists of a large collaboration of creators BUT I have modified many of their parts in order for best printing results. These results come from building 7 MK3/MK3S kits, each one improving on my own custom remixes of the parts for the best results. I will include some instructions, if there are no instructions on some parts, that means the instructions can be found on the original creators page which will be credited at the bottom. Some parts will need to be printed from the original creators and should be self explanatory. Additional screws and hardware will most likely be needed.
ALSO please follow my Instagram @render.labs for future updates and prints! Appreciate it!
I edited the original motor hold from Vekoj to accommodate for my custom camera arm.
The custom camera arm needs a M3x18mm screw and M3 nut to fit the GoPro style Pi V2 Camera and the mount.
The camera will be mounted in the camera front and back mount and attached to the camera arm.
This piece will be attached on after the z-chain is linked.
Print 14 of these z-chain links and clips.
Attach together and attach to camera arm.
Carefully attach to motor and place wiring through the z-chain and add clips.
Don't forget to print the LAST LINK it has a larger bottom piece to attach to the case.
Print with supports but remember to block supports on the spiral wrap square nut spots or you will never be able to remove them.
The reason I removed the X and Y cable chain was because it will destroy and fray your wires and makes maintenance very difficult. Believe me.
You will also need an extra M3x8mm screw and square nut to attach to the EINSY case.
Also print two of each of the hinges and attach using four M3x10mm screws and nuts.
Stops the annoying rubber feet from shifting around and falling out of the frame.
You should purchase M3 3030 extrusion hammer t nuts to install these, they are quite difficult to install but worth it. Good luck fitting these in as it can get frustrating.
Edited the motor hold to fit the camera arm.
Edited the entire EINSY case to use spiral wraps instead of chains as the chains damaged the wires except the z-axis.
Made the EINSY Base thicker as well as parts of the Pi case for strength on print removal.
Took out all the links and kept the camera casing.


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This blog focuses on the Come Follow Me lessons for 2021, focusing on the Doctrine and Covenants and Church history. We offer faithful perspectives, insights, and links to supplement our study. Unlike many supplements you will see/hear this year, we adhere to what Joseph and Oliver taught. Our approach: And inasmuch as they erred it might be made known; And inasmuch as they sought wisdom they might be instructed D&C 1:25–26. See our related podcasts on the link on the left below.
May 31-Jun 6: D&C 60-62
These sections give insights into how to follow the directions of the Lord even in difficult circumstances. The Lord also explains that we are responsible to use our own best judgment as we seek to do what is right.
The history and context of these revelations is also relevant to our understanding of the Book of Mormon, as we'll discuss below.
Section 60 was given on August 8, 1831, to those who wanted to know what the Lord wanted them to do once they arrived in Independence.
Remember that in June, in Kirtland, the Lord had instructed them about their journey to Independence.
D&C 52:9 And let them journey from thence preaching the word by the way, saying none other things than that which the prophets and apostles have written, and that which is taught them by the Comforter through the prayer of faith.
10 Let them go two by two, and thus let them preach by the way in every congregation, baptizing by water, and the laying on of the hands by the water's side.
In Section 60, the Lord explained that he was pleased they had come to Independence, but "with some I am not well pleased, for they will not open their mouths, but the hide the talent which I have given unto them, because of the fear of man." (verse 2)
Verse 3 sets out what I refer to as the rule of Alma 12:9; i.e., we receive knowledge according to how much heed and diligence we give to what we're given, and we gain more when we accept new knowledge and lose what we have when we harden our hearts.
And it shall come to pass, if they are not more faithful unto me, it shall be taken away, even that which they have. (Doctrine and Covenants 60:3)
The same principle is found in other passages, such as 2 Nephi 28:30, and in Matthew, Mark and Luke: For whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have more abundance: but whosoever hath not, from him shall be taken away even that he hath (Matthew 13:12) and For unto every one that hath shall be given, and he shall have abundance: but from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath. (Matthew 25:29)
Starting in verse 5, the Lord gives instructions about how to travel back to Kirtland. Review the map again to see where these events took place. (click to enlarge)
I've bolded some of the key points.
5 But, verily, I will speak unto you concerning your journey unto the land from whence you came. Let there be a craft made, or bought, as seemeth you good, it mattereth not unto me, and take your journey speedily for the place which is called St. Louis.
This passage illustrates that some things "mattereth not" unto the Lord. He left it up to the people involved to use their own judgment about how to travel, but he gave them the destination and the urgency.
It's interesting that the Lord did not just say "take your journey speedily for St. Louis," the way most of us would say it. The phrase "which is called" is used 27 times in the Bible and 10 times in the Latter-day scriptures. This is an example of how the commandments were given "after the manner of their language" (D&C 1:24), which, in Joseph's case, was rich in biblical phrasing, both in these revelations and in his translation of the plates. E.g., "they came down into the land which is called the land of Zarahemla." Omni 1:13.
6 And from thence let my servants, Sidney Rigdon, Joseph Smith, Jun., and Oliver Cowdery, take their journey for Cincinnati;
Cincinnati is the site of an important Hopewell fort called Miami Fort on a high bank at the convergence of the Ohio and the Great Miami River, forming a triangle at the top. The location is called Shawnee Lookout, high above the rivers. When I visited the site I took this photo of the Ohio River.
I also noticed that a golf course there had a museum of Hopewell artifacts found in the area that is well worth seeing if you visit the area. Actually, the golf course closed in 2019 and I don't know what happened to the artifacts, but I have photos of them. Here's one photo I took of a copper breastplate.
For some photos of the fort area, click here: https://www.waymarking.com/gallery/image.aspx?f=1&guid=cf24ca6d-399e-4aea-ba3e-3b619fb7fe46&gid=3
Miami Fort has the double wall system typical of Hopewell defensive positions. Archaeologists note that the people lived in the valleys below. Most of them say these locations were for "ceremonial purposes," but they don't explain why the Native Americans built a system of double walls which, combined with the steep cliffs on both sides, made the area easy to defend. In other words, these were "places of resort" (Alma 48:5, 8, 52:6).
The double wall, steep cliffs, and triangular shape is identical in design to the Indian Point fort near Kirtland, which is also found at the convergence of two rivers. Anyone who visits Kirtland needs to see this site.
The historical marker explains that the walls of the Indian Point site were built around 140 BC, just when we would expect from the Book of Mormon.
That might seem like a digression but it's not really because as we'll see in upcoming Come Follow Me lessons, Joseph Smith and his contemporaries were frequently encountering the mounds of the Nephites in these areas.
Sections 61-2 were given along the Missouri River, as the wonderful painting that illustrates this lesson depicts.
The journey from Kirtland to Independence and back again was not easy. We see on the map in the Joseph Smith papers (below, click to enlarge) that the Saints traveled by land to get from St. Louis to Independence, despite traveling by river from Cincinnati to St. Louis.
That may seem surprising. We normally think of rivers as the easiest way to travel in the days before highways and motorized vehicles, but the Missouri River was treacherous for ships. A museum in Kansas City explains that "The most treacherous of the many hazards were fallen trees lying hidden from sight just under the river's surface. These "snags" crippled and sank hundreds of steamboats from the 1820s to the 1870s."
During the 1850s and 1860s, many Latter-day Saints emigrating from England to Utah arrived in St. Louis and took steamboats up the Missouri River before joining wagon trains and handcart companies. One of these, the Steamboat Arabia, took many Latter-day Saints before it struck a snag and sunk in 1856.
Everyone escaped before the boat sank, but the entire cargo was lost. In the ensuring years, the boat was covered with silt and the river changed course. Some adventurers sought to recover the cargo. They searched the river without success until a local farmer told them he'd heard the boat was buried under his farm, half a mile away from the current course of the river. It turned out, the legend was correct: the boat was covered by 45 feet of farmland. In 1988, the boat was excavated.
Now the artifacts are on display at the museum. The web page is https://www.1856.com/. The museum also has a display about the Mormon immigration to Utah.
With this context, let's look at D&C 61:4-6.
4 Nevertheless, I suffered it that ye might bear record; behold, there are many dangers upon the waters, and more especially hereafter;
5 For I, the Lord, have decreed in mine anger many destructions upon the waters; yea, and especially upon these waters.
6 Nevertheless, all flesh is in mine hand, and he that is faithful among you shall not perish by the waters.
The Steamboat Arabia was only one of about 400 steamboats that sunk on the Missouri River. These boats carried as much as 200 tons of food, liquor, weapons, equipment, clothing, tools and other supplies. Much of this cargo would be useful for good purposes, but much of it could be used for evil purposes. Perhaps that's what the Lord was referring to in these verses.
14 Behold, I, the Lord, in the beginning blessed the waters; but in the last days, by the mouth of my servant John, I cursed the waters.
15 Wherefore, the days will come that no flesh shall be safe upon the waters.
16 And it shall be said in days to come that none is able to go up to the land of Zion upon the waters, but he that is upright in heart.
17 And, as I, the Lord, in the beginning cursed the land, even so in the last days have I blessed it, in its time, for the use of my saints, that they may partake the fatness thereof.
18 And now I give unto you a commandment that what I say unto one I say unto all, that you shall forewarn your brethren concerning these waters, that they come not in journeying upon them, lest their faith fail and they are caught in snares;
(Doctrine and Covenants 61:14–18)
In this case, the boats on the Missouri River were caught in literal snares.
These passages are also interesting to consider in light of Helaman 3. In the days of the Nephites, the waters were not cursed.
10 And it came to pass as timber was exceedingly scarce in the land northward, they did send forth much by the way of shipping.
11 And thus they did enable the people in the land northward that they might build many cities, both of wood and of cement. [Note: not stone and cement. The Hopewell constructed homes using wood and cement. Reconstructions of this technique are found in several museums in the Midwestern U.S.]
14 But behold, a hundredth part of the proceedings of this people, yea, the account of the Lamanites and of the Nephites, and their wars, and contentions, and dissensions, and their preaching, and their prophecies, and their shipping and their building of ships, and their building of temples, and of synagogues and their sanctuaries, and their righteousness, and their wickedness, and their murders, and their robbings, and their plundering, and all manner of abominations and whoredoms, cannot be contained in this work.
(Helaman 3:10–14)
Regarding the curse on the waters, the lesson manual points out:
Are all waters cursed by the Lord?
The Lord's warning in Doctrine and Covenants 61 was, in part, a warning about the dangers His people could face while traveling to Zion on the Missouri River, which was known at that time for being dangerous. This warning should not be interpreted to mean that we should avoid traveling by water. The Lord has "all power," including power over the waters (verse 1).
The lesson summarizes Section 62 with good questions we can each ask ourselves.
The Lord wants me to make some decisions "as seemeth [me] good."
Sometimes the Lord gives us specific direction, and other matters He leaves up to us to decide. How do you see this principle illustrated in Doctrine and Covenants 62? (see also Doctrine and Covenants 60:5; 61:22). How have you seen this principle in your life? Why is it good for us to make some decisions without specific direction from God?
May 17-23: D&C 51-57
This week covers seven sections received in Kirtland, Ohio, in May and June, 1831. When we study these sections in historical context, we ca...
Studying the scriptures in 2021
Me studying the scriptures on the Isle of Patmos, Greece. 2021 is the year we (members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) f...
January 25-31: D&C 6-9
This lesson includes important revelations and events that teach us how the Lord reveals truths to our minds and hearts. The events revolv...
Errors and omissions in Church history
Resources for 2021 and a quiz
Manhattan Ward Come Follow Me lesson
jonathan3d
I blog about LDS topics from a faithful perspective, although I disagree with much of what LDS intellectuals teach. I also blog about science, art, economics, legal and environmental issues. I've lived in Europe, Asia, Africa, and North America and I've visited every continent and over 65 countries for work and fun. I've had over 50 books published. The photo is me on a plane in 2020.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Excellent 420 m2 apartment in one of the best locations in Palermo.Ideal for large families with comfortable access to different parts of the city.Ample double living room, dining room and spacious sitting room open to a balcony with great view. 5 bedrooms and3 spacious bathrooms and playroom. Large full of light kitchen, laundry and service quarters complete the apartment.Garage. The apartment needs full renovation.This material is based upon information which we consider reliable, but because it has been supplied by third parties, we cannot represent that it is accurate or complete, and it should not be relied upon as such. This offering is subject to errors, omissions, changes including price or withdrawal without notice.


Bill Franke, the Count Dracula of the airline industry, has struck again with the elimination of the most valuable perk offered under Frontier Airline's Elite Flyer program: two free checked bags. Frontier's customer service manager, April Beal, broke the bad news to customers in the most disingenuous way possible: In an email enumerating the latest benefits of being an Elite flyer, she did NOT list "Two Free Checked Bags." This left customers only to infer that their favorite perk had been 86'd.
This reminds me of the National Lampoon joke about how a teacher broke the news to little Billy that his parents had been killed in a car crash. "Okay, kids, everyone with a mommy and daddy please stand up. Uh, Billy, not so fast..." It has become standard operating procedure for Frontier to promote bad news as though it were good news. Under Mr. Franke's direction, this began when Frontier eliminated Philadelphia flights, hyping Trenton as a "convenient" new alternative. Speaking as someone who grew up in New Jersey, I can tell you that NO flyer headed East would prefer Trenton as a destination. Frontier also hyped Wilmington when it began to fly there. This is another destination that no flyer would willingly choose, especially a flyer arriving at night in need of a rental car (the Budget/Avis counter officially closes at 9) or a decent hotel room.
Frontier has not yet fallen to the sorry depths of Spirit, another of Mr. Franke's dubious success stories, but it looks to be headed there fast.
Last edited by rickack; Mar 11, 2015 at 6:52 PM.
You do know that Frontier was purchased by a private equity firm right? Indigo Partners stated in 2014 that their goal was to transform Frontier to a ULCC so its no surprise they ditched the free bags. I highly doubt a private equity firm wants to own an airline longer that it absolutely must so its pumping up the balance sheet with ancillary fees.
People that fly Frontier are very price sensitive (polite way of saying cheapskates) as long as they keep their prices a couple dollars lower than their competitors they'll win the business.
Alternative airports with lower costs is often part of the ULCC strategy so no surprise they use TTN vs PHL.


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Q: Associate file extension with Electron application When a user double clicks on a file with an extension of cmf, I would like to automatically launch the Electron application that I've built. I've been searching around and I've seen several mentions of the electron-builder but no examples of how this can be used to create this association.

A: You want to look at the protocol functionality. I don't have enough experience with it to understand the finer points: like which app takes precedence if multiple app register the same protocol. Some of that might be user-defined.

const { app, protocol } = require('electron')
const path = require('path')

app.on('ready', () => {
  protocol.registerFileProtocol('atom', (request, callback) => {
    const url = request.url.substr(7)
    callback({ path: path.normalize(`${__dirname}/${url}`) })
  }, (error) => {
    if (error) console.error('Failed to register protocol')
  })
})

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