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Home Government
Wikileaks' Assange granted bail
Julian Assange, editor of whistleblowing site Wikileaks, is set for release on bail of £200,000, but must be electronically tagged and held to a curfew
Written by Karen Friar and Tom Espiner, Contributor on Dec. 14, 2010
Wikileaks editor Julian Assange has been granted bail in his fight against extradition to Sweden on sex-crimes charges, subject to appeal by prosecutors.
On Tuesday, the City of Westminster Magistrates Court in London decided that Assange could be released on bail, if a £200,000 security deposit can be raised. Two sureties of £20,000 have already been deposited with the court, and Sarah Saunders, a friend of Assange's, has offered £150,000 surety.
Swedish investigators want Assange to be extradited on a European Arrest Warrant for questioning about allegations of sexual molestation and rape. Tuesday's hearing was the second round in the court battle over Assange, who was denied bail in the same court a week ago on the basis that he was a flight risk.
As a condition of bail, Assange must stay, eat and sleep at a supporter's home at Ellingham Hall in Bungay, Suffolk, and must report daily to local police there. He has a curfew of 10am to 4pm, then 10pm to 4am, during which he must stay indoors. He must wear an electronic tag with geolocation sensors to make sure he sticks to these rules. The Wikileaks editor has already surrendered his passport to UK police, and he is barred from applying for any other international documents.
Mark Stephens, Assange's solicitor, said that Assange will be held for the time being at Wandsworth prison in a statement outside the court. Should the Swedish prosecutors decide to appeal the magistrate's decision to grant bail, Assange will be held until a hearing at the High Court, which would likely be either Wednesday or Thursday. Should the prosecutors decide not to appeal, Assange will be held in the cells at Wandsworth until the security amount of £200,000 can be raised and deposited at the court.
Over the past few weeks, Wikileaks has begun publishing hundreds of thousands of sensitive US diplomatic cables, revealing secret information on the US government's approach to the Iraq war and its attitude to allies and enemies alike. The potentially embarrassing documents have provoked condemnation from many in the US, with some politicians there looking to prosecute Assange under espionage laws. Amazon, PayPal and MasterCard are among the companies that have cut off their business relationship with the whistleblower group, leading to a backlash from activist organisation Anonymous and others.
Assange's supporters, who include journalist John Pilger and film director Ken Loach, have pointed out that the charges come at a time when Wikileaks is in the process of publishing. The cables are potentially embarrassing to governments around the world.
The next scheduled appearance in court for Assange is at a case management session on 11 January. At present, Assange is being held in custody at Wandsworth until the bail security is deposited with the court. Swedish prosecutors have two hours to file an appeal against the granting of bail.
"We'll know in two hours whether the Swedish authorities will appeal," John Pilger told ZDNet UK at the court.
"We're all very pleased that Julian got bail, but we're still waiting to hear whether the Swedish will appeal," Ken Loach told ZDNet UK. "If there is an appeal, that's just vindictive and shows political motivation."


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Hedina Tahirović-Sijerčić (Sarajevo, 11 de noviembre de 1960) es una periodista, locutora, traductora, poetisa e investigadora lingüística romaní bosnia. Fue la primera productora de cine y televisión de origen romaní en Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Trayectoria
Tahirović-Sijerčić nació en Sarajevo el 11 de noviembre de 1960 y pertenece al pueblo gurbeti romaní. En 1985 se graduó en periodismo en la Universidad de Sarajevo y obtuvo un título adicional en enseñanza en la Universidad de Tuzla. También obtuvo un diploma de Magister en el Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios de Posgrado y Estudios de Género de la Universidad de Sarajevo. Tras emigrar a Canadá, obtuvo un título adicional de profesora en el Ontario College of Teachers.
En la década de 1980, Tahirović-Sijerčić se convirtió en una reconocida locutora de radio y televisión en Bosnia-Herzegovina. De 1986 a 1992, fue la redactora jefe del programa de radio Lačho džive, Romaleni (Que tengáis un buen día, pueblo gitano) y entre 1991 y 1992, presentó Malavipe (Encuentros), un programa de TV Sarajevo. Fue la primera productora de cine y televisión de origen romaní en Bosnia-Herzegovina. Trabajó para establecer los derechos del pueblo romaní, con la Unión Romaní Internacional.

En la década de 1990, emigró a Alemania y posteriormente a Canadá, y desde entonces se ha dedicado a apoyar los derechos del pueblo romaní y a preservar y archivar la cultura romaní. En la década de 1990, tras su emigración a Canadá, comenzó a dar clases en el Consejo Escolar del Distrito de Toronto, al tiempo que escribía ficción y poesía.
En 1989, fue escritor/editor de dos películas documentales: Adjive Romen y Karankoci-Koci. En 1991, Hedina ha traducido la película Ratvali bijav ("Boda de Sangre") por García Lorca de romaní a serbio. En 1999, fue el editor jefe y uno de los autores contribuyentes en el folleto Kanadake Romane Mirikle ("Perlas romaní de Canadá"). Hedina es el autor del libro Romany Lagends ("Leyendas romaní") con textos en inglés y alemán (2004). En 2007 publicó la colección de poemas Dukh ("Dolor").

Tahirović-Sijerčić también escribe obras de no ficción, y se ha centrado especialmente en la documentación de la cultura romaní y la investigación del dialecto gurbeti. Ha publicado tres colecciones de cuentos populares y folclore romaní, varios diccionarios del dialecto gurbeti, una biografía de su padre y una autobiografía. Ha enseñado lengua, cultura y literatura romaní en la Universidad de Zagreb. Sus libros publicados incluyen obras escritas en gurbeti, bosnio e inglés. Ha escrito cinco libros infantiles y dos volúmenes de poesía. Su obra ha sido galardonada con varios premios, entre ellos el Premio Ferenc Sztojka, la Pluma de Oro de Papusza y el Premio a la Libertad del Centro Internacional de la Paz de Sarajevo. Ha traducido sus propios escritos al inglés y al alemán, además de editar antologías de obras traducidas de escritores gitanos. De 1998 a 2001 fue la redactora jefe de Romano Lil, una revista para gitanos canadienses.

En 2009, fue objeto de un documental, Hedina, sobre su vida, dirigido por Zoran Kubura. En 2014, fue nombrada miembro de un comité de expertos para asesorar al Consejo de Europa sobre la Carta Europea de las Lenguas Regionales y Minoritarias en Bosnia y Herzegovina.

Habla varios idiomas, entre ellos el bosnio (serbio, croata y montenegrino), el romaní (gurbeti), el inglés y el alemán.

Reconocimientos
 2011: Premio Libertad (Nagrada Sloboda) del Centro Internacional para la Paz de Sarajevo
 2011: The Ferenc Sztojka Prize de Zagreb, Croacia
 2010: The Golden Pen of Papusza en Tarnow, Poland
 2009: Premio del Libro, la XXI Feria del Libro de Sarajevo

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Gitanos bosnios
Gitanas
Escritores gitanos
Poetisas
Bosnias del siglo XX
Bosnias del siglo XXI
Alumnado de la Universidad de Sarajevo

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Маркси́стская полити́ческая эконо́мия — направление в экономической теории, политическая экономия, основу которой составляет трудовая теория стоимости (Адам Смит, Давид Рикардо), которую Карл Маркс логически продолжил и расширил теорией прибавочной стоимости. Это направление является составной частью марксизма, его развивали Фридрих Энгельс, Карл Каутский, Роза Люксембург, Георгий Плеханов, Владимир Ленин. Отдельные положения Маркса подвергли пересмотру «ревизионисты» — Эдуард Бернштейн, Михаил Туган-Барановский, Вернер Зомбарт.

Теория

Товар

Товар — некая вещь, которая участвует в обмене. С развитием разделения труда, постепенно предметы начинают производить преимущественно для обмена, а не для личного потребления. Товар становится всеобщей формой производственных отношений, развиваясь и перерастая в капитал, характеризующий сущность капиталистического способа производства. Ленин в книге «Экономическое содержание народничества и критика его в книге г. Струве» даёт такую характеристику капитализма: «Продукт [производства] принимает форму товара в самых различных общественных производственных организмах, но только в капиталистическом производстве такая форма продукта труда является общей, а не исключительной, не единичной, не случайной. Второй признак капитализма — принятие товарной формы не только продуктом труда, но и самим трудом, то есть рабочей силой человека».

У товара одновременно имеется:
 полезность (ценность для потребителя, потребительная стоимость). Полезность означает свойство вещи удовлетворять человеческую потребность того или иного рода (еда удовлетворяет голод, одежда согревает). «Потребительные стоимости» разных товаров не имеют сопоставимой эквивалентности, даже если они удовлетворяют одну и ту же потребность (ценность одежды для потребителя не имеет прямой зависимости от её теплопроводности или влагозащищённости). Полезность порождается свойствами конкретного предмета вне зависимости от того, является ли он результатом действия исключительно природных сил, произведён ли человеком для личного потребления или для обмена (то есть рассматривается как личный предмет или как товар).

 меновая стоимость или просто стоимость (количественное соотношение обмена одного товара на другой). Она проявляется лишь при обмене. Меновые стоимости различных товаров однородны и отличаются друг от друга лишь количественно. Точно также, массы (вес) или длины совершенно разных предметов по сути однородны и отличаются лишь количественно.

Адам Смит одним из первых разделил полезность и меновую стоимость. Он сделал вывод, что стоимость в процессе обмена зависит от количества труда, необходимого для производства товаров. Таким образом стоимость зависит от количества труда, то есть от часов рабочего времени. А разные по своей сути и полезности товары при обмене уравниваются именно по стоимости, то есть имеют тенденцию к обмену пропорционально затратам рабочего времени.

Конкретный и абстрактный человеческий труд
Конкретный труд:
 Разновидность конкретной деятельности, необходимой для производства конкретной вещи, которая обладает полезностью (потребительной стоимостью)
 Отличается от других видов труда, производящих другие вещи и напрямую с ними не сопоставляется
 Не связан ни с какой исторически обусловленной организацией труда и правом собственности
 Может осуществляться лишь в соединении с силами природы и опираясь на них

Абстрактный труд:
 Качественно однородный человеческий труд, обезличенный и сопоставимый с трудом другого человека (усреднённый для текущих условий производства в конкретном обществе)
 Осуществляется в виде физиологической затраты человеческой рабочей силы
 Является источником стоимости, которая проявляется исключительно в процессе эквивалентного обмена.

Деньги

Функции денег:
 мера стоимостей (выражение стоимостей товаров как количественно сравнимых единиц, появляется понятие цены, то есть денежного выражения стоимости товара);
 средства обращения (Кругооборот товара Т — Д — Т),
 средство накопления (параллельно движущимся денежным потокам существуют и денежные резервы и постоянно происходят переливы из одних в другие),
 средство платежа (кредит, который создает возможность распоряжаться ресурсами, которые не только ещё не превращены в деньги, но часто и не произведены).
 средство накопления сокровищ.
 всемирные деньги (опосредование мировой торговли).

Прибавочная стоимость

Понятие прибавочной стоимости, или прибавочной ценности (англ. surplus value), базируется на оценке стоимости, как овеществлённом труде, которая предполагает, что стоимость товара не зависит от спроса и предложения и определяется количеством вложенного труда (См. Трудовая теория стоимости). В рамках этой теории Карл Маркс ввёл понятие прибавочной стоимости — как разницы между созданной в процессе труда новой стоимостью (превышение трудовой стоимости товара над стоимостью ранее овеществлённого труда — сырья, материалов, оборудования) и стоимостью рабочей силы (обычно выражена в форме заработной платы), которая была использована для создания этой новой стоимости. Источником прибавочной стоимости, по Марксу, является продолжение потребления рабочей силы дольше того времени, в течение которого воспроизводится её собственная стоимость.

По теории Маркса, прибавочная стоимость проявляется в своих особых формах: предпринимательская прибыль, проценты, рента, налоги, акцизы, пошлина, то есть как уже распределённая между всеми агентами капиталистического производства и вообще между всеми претендентами на участие в прибыли.

По Марксу, прибавочный продукт создаётся исключительно в сфере производства, а не в сфере обращения, в котором он лишь наглядно себя проявляет. Прибавочный продукт существует при любом производстве и служит источником налогов и накопления. Но лишь при капитализме он получает своё окончательное развитие в виде прибавочной стоимости, которая проявляется в форме прибыли, становясь самостоятельной целью производства.

Маркс делил прибавочную стоимость на:
 абсолютную: создаётся путём удлинения рабочего дня;
 относительную: возникает из-за удешевления рабочей силы и сокращения необходимого рабочего времени, что приводит к изменению соотношения времени между необходимым и прибавочным трудом в рамках того же самого рабочего дня.

Следует отличать прибавочную стоимость от добавленной стоимости.

Понятие прибавочная стоимость — одно из центральных понятий марксистской экономической теории. Маркс указывал, что при капиталистическом способе производства прибавочная стоимость присваивается капиталистом в виде прибыли, в чём и выражается эксплуатация им рабочего. По словам Маркса, норма прибавочной стоимости есть «точное выражение степени эксплуатации рабочей силы капиталом, или рабочего капиталистом».

 Норма прибавочной стоимости = m / v = прибавочный труд/необходимый труд

«Стоимость» или «ценность»?
В первом переводе «Капитала» 1872 года под редакцией Германа Лопатина и Николая Даниельсона был использован перевод термина  как «стоимость». При этом параллельно в научных трудах Николая Зибера, посвященных Рикардо и Марксу, применялся вариант «ценность», в том числе как перевод аналогичного «Wert» английского слова «Value».

Второй перевод «Капитала», выполненный Евгенией Гурвич и Львом Заком под редакцией Петра Струве, вышел в 1898 году. В нём термин Wert переводился по настоянию редактора как «ценность». Михаил Туган-Барановский высоко оценил данный перевод, но подвергся критике Ленина, который настаивал именно на термине «стоимость».

В третьем варианте перевода «Капитала» Скворцова-Степанова, Богданова и Базарова снова был использован термин «стоимость». Ленин считал этот перевод лучшим из сделанных на тот момент, что обеспечило именно такому варианту массовые переиздания после Октябрьской революции.

Советский философ-марксист Эвальд Ильенков, специалист по логике «Капитала», критиковал вариант «стоимость» и ряд других ошибок перевода, отмечая: «Ни в одном из европейских языков, на которых думал и писал Маркс, такого разведения "ценности" и "стоимости" нет, и русский перевод поэтому часто обрывает важнейшие смысловые связи, несомненно имеющиеся у Маркса.»

Российский философ Б. П. Вышеславцев отмечал, что установившийся в советской науке перевод немецкого слова , как «стоимость», «филологически неверен, философски безграмотен и покоится на непонимании духа языка», поскольку слову стоимость в немецком языке на самом деле соответствует слово . Также он указывает, что «Стоимость выражает то, что политическая экономия и Маркс называют ценой в отличие от ценности. Это важное противопоставление уничтожается при пользовании термином стоимость, ибо стоимость и есть цена. Но нелепость перевода достигает своего предела, когда мы имеем дело с потребительной ценностью: дело в том, что огромная потребительная ценность может не иметь никакой стоимости. Воздух и вода имеют великую ценность, но ничего не стоят».

В 1989 году была опубликована статья В. Я. Чеховского «О переводе Марксова понятия "Wert" на русский язык», в которой автор также высказывается за вариант «ценность». Впоследствии он выступил в качестве переводчика и редактора выпущенного в 2015 первого тома «Капитала», который вызвал негативные отклики Александра Бузгалина и Людмилы Васиной из журнала «Альтернативы».

Капитализм

Основными признаками капитализма могут быть названы следующие:
 производство, нацеленное на обмен, носит всеобщий характер
 рабочая сила является товаром
 стремление к прибыли — главная движущая сила производства
 извлечение прибавочной стоимости, отделение непосредственного производителя от средств производства, составляют внутреннюю экономическую форму
 следуя императиву экономического роста, капитал стремится к глобальной интеграции посредством мировых рынков.
 основной закон развития — распределение прибыли пропорционально вложенному капиталу:
        Пi  =  р×Кі
 или
        Пі  =  р×(Сі + Vі)

 где: Пі — прибыль і-го предприятия,
      Кі — вложение капиталиста в производство товара і-го предприятия
      Сі — постоянный капитал (предмет труда + средства труда как износ орудий труда) і-го предприятия
      Vі — переменный капитал (заработная плата рабочих) і-го предприятия

Производительные силы
Производительные силы () — средства производства и люди, обладающие определённым производственным опытом, навыками к труду и приводящие эти средства производства в действие. Таким образом, люди — основной элемент производительных сил общества. Производительные силы выступают в качестве ведущей стороны общественного производства. Уровень развития производительных сил характеризуется степенью общественного разделения труда и развитием средств труда, прежде всего техники, а также степенью развития производственных навыков и научных знаний. Карл Маркс впервые использовал это понятие в работе «Манифест коммунистической партии» (1848 год).

Производственные отношения
Производственные отношения (производственно-экономические отношения) — отношения между людьми, складывающиеся в процессе общественного производства и движения общественного продукта от производства до потребления.

Сам термин «производственные отношения» был выработан Карлом Марксом («Манифест коммунистической партии» (1848) и др.).

Производственные отношения отличаются от производственно-технических отношений тем, что они выражают отношения людей через их отношения к средствам производства, то есть отношения собственности.

Производственные отношения являются базисом по отношению к политике, идеологии, религии, морали и др. (общественной надстройке).

Производственные отношения являются социальной формой производительных сил. Вместе они составляют две стороны каждого способа производства и связаны друг с другом по закону соответствия производственных отношений характеру и уровню развития производительных сил: производственные отношения складываются в зависимости от характера и уровня развития производительных сил как форма их функционирования и развития, а также от форм собственности. В свою очередь, производственные отношения воздействуют на развитие производительных сил, ускоряя или тормозя их развитие. Производственные отношения обуславливают распределение средств производства и распределение людей в структуре общественного производства (классовую структуру общества).

Социальный акцент марксистской политической экономии
Социальная несправедливость и пути её преодоления, построения справедливого общества — эти проблемы попадают в центр внимания мыслителей, философов, начиная с глубокой древности. В Новое время один за другим появляются труды, специально посвящённые вопросам преобразования общества на социалистических принципах — теории утопического социализма. В марксизм они входят, как один из трёх его источников, наряду с буржуазной политической экономией. Однако собственно в предмет политэкономии эту проблематику вводит предшественник Маркса, С. Сисмонди, представляющий в науке течение экономического романтизма.

Ещё при жизни Маркса, по ходу разложения буржуазной политической экономии на отдельные, часто расходящиеся во мнениях, течения, многие из них «выкидывают» из состава предмета социальную составляющую. Этот процесс продолжался и в XX веке; обосновывая такую позицию, английский экономист Лайонел Роббинс в 1932 году заявил:Экономика имеет дело с удостоверяемыми фактами, а этика — с оценками и обязанностями. Эти две области исследования не лежат в одной плоскости рассуждений.

Однако далеко не все экономисты поддержали эту позицию. Дж. М. Кейнс возразил Роббинсу:
Вопреки Роббинсу, экономика является морально-этической наукой по своей сущности. Иначе говоря, она использует самоанализ и субъективную оценку ценности.

Обоснованные Марксом требования рабочих к капиталистам находили и неожиданную поддержку. В 1950 году Пьер Биго издал специальное исследование под названием «Марксизм и гуманизм». В качестве руководящего тезиса своей монографии этот видный французский иезуит (о нём см. :fr:Fidei donum) избрал цитату из рождественского послания Пия XII от 24 декабря 1942 года, где папа римский констатирует небогоугодность нынешнего социального порядка, признавая обоснованность требований рабочих о его переустройстве:Но Церковь не может попустительствовать или закрывать глаза на то, что рабочий, который тщится облегчить свою долю, сталкивается с системой, которая находится в несогласии с природой и противна Божьему порядку и предназначению, которое Он положил благам земным.

В развитие этого целеполагающего тезиса понтифика, П. Биго критически рассматривает категорию прибавочной стоимости, которая в учении Маркса является отправной точкой в исследовании отмеченной социальной несправедливости. «П. Биго считает, — пишет французский историк экономических учений Эмиль Жамс, — что извлечение прибавочной стоимости, даже если она не обуславливается удлинением рабочего дня, о котором говорит Маркс», может иметь место и действительно имеет место благодаря интенсификации труда и истощению умственных способностей человека".

П. Биго даёт следующую оценку воззрений Маркса об отношениях между трудом и капиталом в части трактовки акта купли-продажи рабочей силы:Маркс рассматривал капитализм как овеществление и продажу человека, следовало бы сказать — как его материализацию. Марксистский материализм… направлен прежде всего на то, чтобы освободить человека от этой экономической материализации, которая составляет основу продажи человека.

Критика марксистской политэкономии
Многие экономисты и историки, анализировавшие наследие Маркса в области экономики, считают научную значимость его работ невысокой. По мнению Пола Самуэльсона (1915—2009), видного американского экономиста, лауреата премии по экономике памяти Альфреда Нобеля, «с точки зрения вклада в чисто экономическую теоретическую науку Карла Маркса можно рассматривать как мелкого экономиста пост-рикардианской школы». Французский экономист Жак Аттали в своей книге «Карл Маркс: Мировой дух» указывает, что «Джон Мейнард Кейнс считал "Капитал" Маркса устаревшим учебником по экономике, не только ошибочным с экономической точки зрения, но и лишенным интереса и практического применения в современном мире». Сам Аттали, который симпатизирует Марксу и пропагандирует его учение, тем не менее считает, что Маркс так и не смог доказать ключевых положений своей экономической теории: трудовую теорию стоимости, теорию прибавочной стоимости и «Закон понижения нормы прибыли» при капитализме, — хотя и упорно пытался это сделать, в течение 20 лет собирая экономическую статистику и изучая алгебру. Таким образом, по мнению Аттали, эти ключевые положения его экономической теории так и остались недоказанными гипотезами. Между тем, именно эти гипотезы являлись краеугольными камнями не только марксистской политэкономии, но и марксистской классовой теории, а также марксистской критики капитализма: по Марксу эксплуатация рабочих заключается в том, что капиталисты присваивают прибавочную стоимость, созданную рабочими.

Стэнфордская философская энциклопедия в статье «Карл Маркс» также считает, что выводы о норме прибыли, сделанные Марксом на основе его теории прибавочной стоимости, «не только ошибочны эмпирически, но и неприемлемы теоретически». Далее статья содержит критику трудовой теории стоимости в следующей форме:
Утверждение Маркса о том, что только труд может создавать прибавочную стоимость, не основано на какой-либо аргументации или анализе, и можно утверждать, является просто элементом (артефактом) его представлений. Любой товар можно было выбрать на подобную роль. Следовательно, с равным основанием можно было бы изложить кукурузную теорию стоимости, утверждая, что кукуруза обладает уникальной силой создания большей стоимости, чем она сто́ит. Формально, она будет идентична трудовой теории стоимости.

Хотя Маркс в первом томе «Капитала» достаточно подробно обосновывает, почему труд не является товаром, что товаром является рабочая сила, и что этот специфичный товар имеет принципиальные отличия для нужд производства, по сравнению с любым другим товаром — все товары лишь переносят свою стоимость на конечный продукт, а товар «рабочая сила» этого не делает, зато создаёт новую стоимость.

Критика теории трудовой стоимости содержится и в зарубежных учебниках по истории экономической мысли.

Некоторые авторы указывали на расплывчатость, неясность и неконкретность формулировок Маркса, которые похожи не столько на экономические, сколько на философские умозаключения (Маркс по образованию был юристом и философом). Жак Аттали считает, что многие экономические постулаты (тезис о фетишизации денег при капитализме, об отчуждении труда, тезис о капитале как о мёртвом труде-вампире, высасывающем живой труд и т. д.) он выводил не из объективной реальности или фактов, а из своих личных ощущений и комплексов.

Сам Маркс невысоко оценивал свой вклад в экономическую науку, в отличие от своего вклада в области социальной теории.

Существует взгляд, что марксистская политэкономия, вернее, та её часть, которая была привнесена самим Марксом, не является традиционной экономической наукой, а представляет собой самостоятельное философское ответвление политической экономии.

Марксистская школа политэкономии после Маркса
До 1930-х годов научные исследования в рамках марксистской доктрины ограничивались кругом немецких и российских авторов, и только в Германии и России марксизм оказывал сильное влияние на исследования экономистов-несоциалистов.

В Германии и Австрии
Марксизм был официальной идеологией Социал-демократической партии Германии, добившейся большого влияния на рабочий класс. Её огромная организация предлагала профессиональную карьеру только ортодоксальным марксистам, в таких обстоятельствах литература неминуемо должна была носить апологетический и интерпретационный характер. Идейный лидер К. Каутский в целом не был оригинальным мыслителем, но в книге «Аграрный вопрос» (1899) попытался распространить Марксов закон концентрации на сельское хозяйство.

По определению исследователя истории экономической мысли Йозефа Шумпетера
Авторов, которые посреди желчных споров сумели разработать более или менее новые аспекты марксистской доктрины, обычно называют неомарксистами.
К таковым Шумпетер отнёс О. Бауэра, Р. Гильфердинга, Г. Гроссмана, Г. Кунова, Р. Люксембург и Ф. Штернберга. Они прежде всего были заинтересованы в тех частях Марксова учения, которые имеют непосредственное отношение к тактике социалистов в период, являвшийся, по их мнению, последней, «империалистической», фазой капитализма. В этом их взгляды соприкасались с доктринами ленинизма и троцкизма, которые сосредоточились на империализме, хотя в остальных вопросах эти теоретики стояли на антибольшевистских позициях. Эти авторы добились относительного успеха в разработке теории протекционизма и тенденции (реальной или воображаемой) капиталистического общества проявлять склонность к ведению войн.

Однако сохранить идейную дисциплину внутри большой партии не удалось, Э. Бернштейн выступил с работами, подвергшими ревизии все аспекты марксизма. Критика Бернштейна оказала стимулирующее влияние и способствовала появлению более точных формулировок, повлияла на увеличение готовности марксистов отказаться от предсказаний обнищания и краха капитализма. Но если говорить о научной позиции марксистов, на неё влияние ревизионизма не было плодотворным:
Бернштейн был замечательным человеком, но неглубоким мыслителем и тем более не теоретиком.
Австромарксистами Карлом Реннером, Отто Бауэром, Отто Нейратом были предприняты попытки скорректировать вопросы экономической политики.

В России
Роль немецкого влияния была велика. С точки зрения научных исследований из ортодоксальных авторов Шумпетер считает нужным упомянуть только Г. Плеханова и Н. Бухарина. В. Ленин и Л. Троцкий не внесли в экономический анализ ничего, что не было бы предвосхищено Марксом или немецкими марксистами.

Оригинальным российским течением стал «легальный марксизм», выдвинувший аргументы в пользу возможности и прогрессивности капитализма в России. Первой книгой, в которой были изложены эти идеи, стали изданные в 1894 году «Критические заметки к вопросу об экономическом развитии России» П. Струве, который позднее вспоминал:
В развитии мировой экономической мысли моя книга, насколько мне позволяет сказать мое знакомство с литературой предмета, была первым проявлением того, что позже стало известно под именем марксистского или социал-демократического «ревизионизма».

Марксизм сильно повлиял на всех российских экономистов, включая тех, кто с ним полемизировал. Самым выдающимся из «полумарксистских» критиков Маркса был М. Туган-Барановский.

Сближение экономистов-марксистов с экономическим мейнстримом
Экономическая интерпретация истории Маркса является его вкладом в социологию первостепенной важности. Марксистская политэкономия уже к моменту написания выглядела устаревшей, её практический смысл состоял в создании идейной базы для обоснования классовой борьбы пролетариата. Вследствие этого с 1920-х годов стал наблюдаться феномен увеличения числа экономистов, которые придерживались марксистской идеологии, но в вопросах чистой экономической теории стали использовать немарксистскую методологию. Эта тенденция представлена именами Э. Ледерера, М. Добба, О. Ланге и А. Лернера.
Можно утверждать, что, за исключением вопросов экономической социологии, научно подготовленный социалист более не является марксистом.

Польская школа
Перри Андерсон указывал, что можно говорить о польской школе марксистской политической экономии, в которую входят Роза Люксембург, Генрик Гроссман, Михал Калецкий и Наталия Мошковская, хотя с Польшей связана научная деятельность только Калецкого.

Неомарксистская политэкономия
Группа авторов вокруг журнала «Monthly Review», включая Пола Суизи, Пола Барана и Гарри Магдоффа, стала зачинателями неомарксистской политической экономии. На неё повлияли посткейнсианство (Джоан Робинсон) и неорикардианство (Пьеро Сраффа). Теоретиками неомарксистской политэкономии также считаются Морис Добб, Ричард Вольф, Стивен Резник, Эндрю Глин, Анвар Шейх, Герберт Гинтис, Адам Пшеворский, Дэвид Гордон, Нобуо Окисио, представители аналитического марксизма Самуэль Боулс, Джон Рёмер, Юн Эльстер.

Неомарксисты Иммануил Валлерстайн, Самир Амин, Андре Гундер Франк выступили важными разработчиками мир-системного анализа капитализма как глобальной системы.

Троцкистских убеждений придерживался бельгийский экономист Эрнест Мандель, исследовавший кризисы позднего капитализма и их взаимосвязь с теорией длинных волн, бюрократию и природу Советского Союза, историю и перспективы марксистской политэкономии.

В СССР
20-е годы оцениваются как расцвет советской экономической науки, в политэкономии шли дискуссии по методологии. В начале 30-х годов дискуссии были прерваны, многие экономисты стали жертвами репрессий. Формой развития политэкономии стало постепенное признание необходимости и неизбежности при социализме старых экономических форм, хотя бы в усечённом, «преобразованном» виде. Сначала была признана необходимость хозяйственного расчета, торговли, денег, затем в 30-е годы было признано товарное производство и закон стоимости в советской экономике. В послевоенные годы признание получили и другие экономические категории: процент, прибыль, цена производства, рента и т. д. С конца 30-х годов советские экономисты более или менее четко делятся на два лагеря. Одни, получившие неофициальное название «товарники», пытаются ввести в экономическую науку реальные проблемы, согласовав их постановку с официозными основами политической экономии, обосновать необходимость товарного производства при социализме. Другие, по собственной инициативе или следуя указаниям сверху, возобновляют борьбу за «чистоту» экономической науки, в том виде как она понималась классиками марксизма. При жизни Сталина научная полемика регулярно перерастала в травлю, однако после его смерти она приняла более благопристойные формы борьбы различных направлений в науке.

Благодаря своей роли аналитического центра советского руководства созданный в 1956 году Институт мировой экономики и международных отношений (ИМЭМО) смог, оставаясь в рамках марксизма, внести вклад в пересмотр наиболее противоречивших фактам идеологических догм и анахроничных представлений в области политической экономии капитализма, таких как закон роста органического строения капитала (отношения постоянного капитала к переменному), всеобщий закон капиталистического накопления, закон абсолютного и относительного обнищания рабочего класса, тенденция нормы прибыли к понижению, непроизводительный характер труда в сфере торговли и услуг, закон преимущественного роста первого подразделения общественного производства, закон отставания сельского хозяйства от развития промышленности. Помимо новых фактов материал для обновления марксизма учёные ИМЭМО, имевшие доступ к современной литературе, черпали из западных теорий, прежде всего из институционализма.

В Советском Союзе изучение марксистской политической экономии являлось необходимой составляющей экономического (и в целом, высшего) образования. Рассматриваемая как единственно верная отправная точка в изучении социально-экономических процессов, в разрезе методологическом марксистская политическая экономия подразделялась на «политэкономию капитализма» и «политэкономию социализма». Первая служила основой исследований экономики и производственных отношений в капиталистическом мире и его периферии, вторая же затрагивала формационно-специфические вопросы развития народного хозяйства и международных экономических отношений социалистических стран; формулировала главную целевую функцию (сбалансированный рост благосостояния трудящихся при соблюдении принципов социальной справедливости) и пути её реализации с упором на принцип планового развития. При этом основные положения марксистской политэкономии для всех экономистов, чиновников и для большинства населения СССР являлись непререкаемыми догмами, и само это учение (марксизм-ленинизм), по словам историков Р. Медведева и Ж. Медведева, «превратилось в светскую форму религиозного сознания».

Политическое значение
Политическое влияние марксизма в XX в. было огромным: марксизм доминировал примерно на 1/3 территории земного шара.
Марксистская политэкономия выступила экономической доктриной социализма, реализованного в XX веке в СССР, КНР, в странах Восточной Европы, Индокитая, на Кубе, в Монголии. В свою очередь социальные изменения в странах, строивших социализм, подтолкнули глубокую трансформацию социально-экономического устройства развитых капиталистических стран, качественно улучшившую социальное положение основной массы их населения и развитие институтов демократии в этих странах.

С другой стороны, почти во всех социалистических (де-факто государственно-капиталистических) странах марксистская экономическая наука превратилась в догматическое учение, не отвечавшее реалиям.

Реформы в КНР сопровождались активным внедрением современных западных экономических теорий, что привело к параллельному развитию немарксистских и марксистских экономических взглядов. В ведущих учебных центрах КНР курсы читают экономисты молодого поколения, вернувшиеся из-за границы после учёбы, учебники, по которым занимаются студенты, в основном те же, что на Западе. Утвердившиеся в экономическом сообществе КНР строгие профессиональные критерии, выстроенные по западным образцам, не позволяют марксистам успешно конкурировать в сфере преподавания и науки с коллегами-экономистами, получившими современное образование. Однако китайские власти поставили марксистам задачу идеологического обоснования проводимых в Китае реформ и популярного изложения экономической политики властей. Подобное разделение труда составляет основу для бесконфликтного сосуществования двух течений.

Примечания

Литература

 Гринин Л. Е. Производительные силы и исторический процесс. 3-е изд. М.: КомКнига, 2006.

 Политическая экономия. Капиталистический способ производства: Учебник для экономических высших учеб. заведений и факультетов / (Гл. ред. акад. А. М. Румянцев). — М.: Политиздат, 1973. — 623 с.

Ссылки
 К. Маркс «Капитал». Том I
 К. Маркс «Капитал». Том II
 К. Маркс «Капитал». Том III
 Каутский К. «Экономическое учение Карла Маркса»

 Страница, посвященная М.п/э
 Курс лекций «Политическая экономия» д.э.н. А. В. Бузгалина на экономическом факультете МГУ

Марксизм
Политическая экономия
Экономические учения, направления и школы
Марксистская политическая экономия


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Interstate 555 (I-555) is an Interstate Highway that connects Turrell, Arkansas, at I-55 to Jonesboro at Arkansas Highway 91 (Hwy. 91). I-555 travels along what is currently U.S. Route 63 (US 63) for its entire route. That highway was upgraded in the 2000s to Interstate Highway standards. I-555 is the second Interstate with all three digits the same, to exist, the first to be signed as an Interstate (I-444 in Oklahoma is unsigned).
The road provides a limited-access highway corridor between Memphis, Tennessee, and Arkansas's fifth largest city, Jonesboro.
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^ "I-555 to be dedicated (2016-05-11) Friday in Jonesboro". KASU. Retrieved March 10, 2016.
^ "40-years-in-the-making-i-555-in-arkansas-becoming-reality". KATV. Retrieved March 11, 2016.
^ Google (June 19, 2015). "Interstate 555" (Map). Google Maps. Google. Retrieved June 19, 2015.
^ Arkansas News Bureau. "Highway Commission Approves I-555 Designation For Section Of U.S. 63". Times Record.


text:
Other Great War Chat
General Great War Discussion
French's Contemptible Little Army - again
By Liz in Eastbourne, 13 February , 2018 in Other Great War Chat
sir frederick maurice
Liz in Eastbourne
Brigadier-General
Posted 13 February , 2018 (edited)
The old discussion about whether the Kaiser actually issued an order in 1914 referring to French's contemptible little army seems never to have been settled, if you look at websites referring to it, and even discussions on this forum, though Mike (Skipman) posted several very illuminating newspaper and book extracts on this thread years ago. (I'd have posted on the old thread but the title spelling put me off!)
Many writers settle for variations on 'believed to have been said though others think it was government propaganda' , to be on the safe side. I know that it doesn't matter, since the way in which it was proudly taken up by the troops still resonates regardless of its origin, but in trying to write a sentence in passing about the Old Contemptibles that would be accurate as to the phrase's origins, I found I wanted to sort out the evidence, and perhaps others can help. It will take a few posts to lay it out.
Edited 13 February , 2018 by Liz in Eastbourne
Some current views to start with.
Firstworldwar.com
( http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/kaisercontemptible.htm )
boldly declares the text of the 'Orders issued by the German Emperor' as circulated by the BEF to be a primary source, saying that its existence is demonstrated by controversy over what exactly the Kaiser meant. The absence of a German source document does not warrant a mention.
Epitaphs of the Great War has it right, in my view
http://www.epitaphsofthegreatwar.com/contemptible/
taking its evidence from the research of 1925 by Arthur Ponsonby MP and citing Major-General Sir Frederick Maurice as another who sought to reveal the truth.
A more recent strand of opinion claims that Maurice was actually the perpetrator. Paul Fussell in The Great War and Modern Memory (1975) says (p 116):
'It is now known that the phrase emanated not from the German side but from the closets of British propagandists, who needed something memorable and incisive to inspirit the troops. The phrase was actually devised at the War Office by Sir Frederick Maurice and fathered upon the Kaiser.' He gives no references, but the first sentence can clearly be traced to Maurice's own newspaper article on December 1925, which I will post. The second part I can't find any reference for. A letter from Henry Williamson in the Times of 13 August 1971 claims Maurice invented the phrase, and the alleged German army order, himself and that he described how he did it 'in his autobiography'.
What autobiography? I have looked through the booklets that seemed the most likely candidates for revelations concerning the war, '40 Days in 1914' (published 1919) and 'Intrigues of the War: Startling Revelations Hidden Until 1922. Important Military Secrets Now Disclosed' (published 1922) – both digitised -
but there is nothing there and they are too early for it to be expected, really.
However, a number of more recent authors claim that this is now accepted truth. Nigel Rees -not a war historian of course- says in his 2011 book 'It is now accepted that the phrase was devised at the War Office by Sir Frederick Maurice.' I do wonder if all these writers are just using Fussell as a source.
I am going to post what I've found in The Times, Trove and the British Newspaper Archive that seems to be useful, starting with these claims from 1925 and later and then going back to the way the story appeared in 1914 – plus the interesting history of the term 'contemptible little army' before 1914.
Wrong century corrected
Posted 13 February , 2018
DAILY HERALD 31 Oct 1925 (sourced via British Newspaper Archive)
ONE MORE WAR MYTH DEAD
Our "contemptible little army"
WAS ORDER FORGED?
Mr Ponsonby on a "pure fabrication"
Following the disclosures by General Charteris concerning the "German corpse factory" story, the truth about wartime "propaganda" is driven home with still greater force by Mr Arthur Ponsonby's exposure of another myth. This time it is the phrase "the contemptible little army" – a reference which, it is widely believed, was made by the ex-Kaiser to the British Expeditionary Force in 1914. Mr Ponsonby, who was Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs in the Labour Government, has taken up a challenge which arose out of correspondence in The Nation last August regarding the phrase. He says:
"I invited the assistance of a German ex-General and writer to have a special search made for this phrase, which was said in this country to be an extract from one of the ex- Kaiser's speeches during the war. There would be little difficulty in looking up all the Imperial utterances and discovering the sentence of which this was supposed to be a translation.
"All endeavours, however, to find any passage in the speeches remotely resembling the passage in question failed.
"Not content with having had the archives and the Press files ransacked, my friend succeeded in getting a request for information into the precincts of Doorn. The ex-Kaiser has written the following marginal note on the paper referring to the point in question:-
"Ich habe eine solche Rede niemals gehalten, sondern stets in Gegenteil den hohen Werth der Brit. Armee betont und vor ihrer Unterschätzung im Frieden gewarnt."- W
(Translation: I have never delivered such a speech, but on the contrary continually emphasised the high value of the British Army, and often, indeed, in peacetime, gave warning against underestimating it.)
" I was wrong, therefore," Mr Ponsonby adds, "in believing the phrase was a mistranslation. It was a pure fabrication."
Major-General Neill Malcolm, in a letter to The Times, says that it is certain that in 1914 the Expeditionary Force accepted the document as genuine, and he quotes a BEF Routine Order of September 24 of that year, purporting to be a copy of an order issued by the German Emperor. The alleged order, which Mr Ponsonby has now exposed, commanded the German troops to exterminate the " treacherous English" and "walk over General French's contemptible little army". END
Ponsonby's reference to his having previously thought the German order existed, but was mistranslated, suggests that there had been discussion of this, which I suspect is what gave rise to later beliefs that there had been a German original, when it was just an invented text postulated by German speakers to explain the phrase.
Versions of the previous article were published in newspapers all over the country, following the controversy in The Nation in August (I haven't seen that, and it may have included the mistranslation idea mentioned in my previous post.) Major-General Neill Malcolm responded to the controversy with this letter to The Times of 30 October 1925:
I haven't found the London Daily News original, but this appears to be a faithful reproduction of it.
ADELAIDE CHRONICLE 26 December 1925 (sourced via TROVE)
"THE CONTEMPTIBLE LITTLE ARMY"
A WAR FICTION
While we are waiting to clear up the Corpse factory story, which cannot be left where it is, another well-established war story has been challenged (writes Major-General Sir F. Maurice in the London Daily News). Mr Ponsonby has been making a careful investigation into the truth of the statement that the Kaiser directed his generals to concentrate their energies upon the single purpose of walking over 'General French's contemptible little army'. He has got a German general to make a search of the files of the newspapers of his country, and he says that he has nowhere been able to find a report of a speech by the Kaiser referring to our army in such terms, and to clinch the matter he has obtained a statement from Doorn by the Kaiser that he never said anything of the kind.
General Sir Neill Malcolm has just reminded us that as far as the British army is concerned the statement was not represented as being a part of one of the Kaiser's speeches, but as an order to the German army. In the army orders of the British Expeditionary Force of 24 September 1914 it was stated:-
The following is a copy of orders issued by the German Emperor on 19 August, 1914:-
It is my Royal and Imperial Command that you concentrate your energies, for the immediate present, upon one single purpose, and that is that you address all your skill and all the valour of my soldiers to exterminate first the treacherous English and walk over General French's contemptible little Army."
Aix-la-Chapelle,
Inspiriting the troops
Now it happened that our little army in the fourth week of September 1914 was having a very hard time on the Aisne, and GHQ hit upon the idea of using routine orders to issue statements which it was believed would encourage and inspirit the troops. Most of these took the form of casting ridicule upon the German army. I remember in particular a facetious little poem which made fun of the German Landwehr. These efforts were seen to be absurd by the men in the trenches, and they were soon dropped.
It would appear that the report about the German Emperor's reference to our contemptible little army first appeared in England towards the end of August, and reached GHQ some time in September, to be converted by an ingenious propagandist, who was searching for material of an inspiriting kind, into a German army order. At the time no one was disposed to examine the alleged order with critical eyes, and it served its purpose, but it will not stand looking into today.
In the first place, German headquarters on August 19 were not at Aix-la-Chapelle, but at Coblence, and they were moved a few days later to Luxembourg. Aix-la-Chapelle was doubtless chosen with the idea that an order issuing from a place on the frontier of Belgium would confirm the impression that the Germans were giving especial attention to the left wing of the armies of their enemies, on which stood the British Expeditionary Force. Unfortunately, the Kaiser was never there in August, 1914.
But there is yet another reason which stamps the order as a fabrication. On August 19 the Germans were quite uncertain whether the British had landed, and they had no information whatsoever as to where it was. On August 20, the day on which Sir John French issued an order for the advance of his army from behind Maubeuge to Mons to begin early the following morning von Moltke, the German chief of the general staff, telegraphed from Coblence to von Kluck, who commanded the 1st Army on the German right, "Disembarkation of the English at Boulogne and their employment from direction of Lille must be reckoned with. The opinion here, however, is that large-scale disembarkations have not yet taken place."
Now anyone who knows the rudiments of German military organisation is aware that the Kaiser did not issue orders for the operation of his armies of his own volition. The constitutional practice was for all such orders to be prepared by the chief of the general staff, and that general staff was certainly not so ignorant of its business as to tell the German generals to concentrate their energies upon exterminating an army when they could not tell them where that army was.
I have no knowledge of how the original announcement appeared in the English press, but I have not the smallest doubt that the Kaiser's military order which was published in our army orders was nothing more than the invention of a propagandist. It would seem, therefore, to be reasonably certain that the title of which our first five divisions are prouder than any other was not given to them by the German Emperor. The "Contemptible Little Army" has outlived the Russian armies only to join at last that interesting fable in the realms of fiction.
Typo correction
Perhaps when General Malcolm wrote to The Times he wasn't really vouching for the authenticity of the annexe to the BEF Routine Orders of September 24, and the key sentence is the last: 'Perhaps some officer in the Headquarters Staff could throw further light upon it.' ' Sir Frederick Maurice duly did so but was coy about the identity of the 'propagandist'. It doesn't look like a confession - did he make one later?
Just looking quickly through the papers it doesn't seem as though people were shocked and horrified by these revelations - they were quite worldly about them, and the press had used the word 'alleged' about the text's authenticity long before. The only reply I noticed in the Times was about a robust English antecedent of the phrase, echoing as it did Cromwell's words:
As I mentioned before, Mike (Skipman) already posted some interesting material on an earlier thread about the antecedents of the phrase. In 1899 both the Hereford and the Leominster newspapers reported on a ploughing match dinner in Pembridge , attended by solid countrymen and not literary types in London, at which the speaker said the regular army was swelled by the Militia, Volunteers, Yeomanry, Indian Army etc, so Continental neighbours 'would find that it 'was not such a contemptible little army after all (hear hear, and applause).'
On 13 April 1875 the Irish Times reported on a meeting of the Kaiser (previous one of course)and the King (I forget whose King!) in Venice:
'And as the Kaiser and the King are on the ground before the not contemptible little army drawn up before them...'.
It probably was not an awkwardly high-flown phrase for ordinary solders at all, just a resonant one. That doesn't prove anything except that whether inventing or translating the producer of the text picked a good phrase.
This is the letter sent to The Times in 1971 by Henry Williamson, fingering Maurice as the War Office propagandist himself. So far I haven't found his source. Can anyone help?
Whether he was correct or not on the details, Williamson did remind people that Sir Frederick Maurice, who was in the War Office in 1914, had stated categorically that the Kaiser's supposed Army Order was a propaganda creation. People seemed to have forgotten about that since 1928, when Ponsonby published his book 'Falsehood in War-Time' from which Skipman quoted on the other thread.
Btw I know Ponsonby was a Labour MP and a pacifist, and Maurice had a major and public falling out with Lloyd George, but neither of these things seems to me to bear on their trustworthiness on this issue.
Here's Lieutenant-Colonel Garwood apologising for his mistake in 1936:
Later, however, correspondents reverted to discussing a putative German original which had been mistranslated. They claim that the comment could have been an annotation on a report, subsequently used by the British 'propaganda service'.
Just to finish up this long opening roundup of evidence, I'm adding some details on how this phrase and its alleged context first surfaced. Newspapers carried accounts at the end of August along the lines of this, from the Yorkshire Evening Post of 29 August:
'At a conference, held last Wednesday week, at the Imperial Headquarters at Aix-la-Chapelle, of the general officers commanding divisions and brigades of the German Northern Army. it is said that the Kaiser issued this grim order: It is my Royal and Imperial Command that you concentrate your energies, for the immediate present, upon one single purpose, and that is that you address all your skill and all the valour of my soldiers to exterminate first the treacherous English and walk over General French's contemptible little Army."
This did not appear in The Times until 1 October:
The Times had reported earlier however, on 12 September 1914, the speech of Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, at the National Liberal Club, which contained the paragraph below. If you've got this far you'll be pleased to know this is the last bit of evidence from me (for now); I'm hoping others can add to it.
One more addition I forgot to put in yesterday: the German denial of this Army Order, which was published in the regular column 'Through German Eyes' in The Times of 26 October 1914. It's in the penultimate paragraph.
michaeldr
I regret that I cannot usefully add to your thread
but would like to say however, how much I have enjoyed following your research here for the last couple of days
Edited 14 February , 2018 by michaeldr
Pat Atkins
Location:Brighton
Interests:1914: 5th Signals Coy, RE and 1915: 1/23 Londons; 2 Royal Fusiliers; 1st Field Sqdn RE. Le Cateau, Givenchy, Gallipoli, PoWs. HMS Caradoc. KOSB, Scottish Rifles. Lanarkshire Yeomanry.
I'd like to echo Michael's comments - I can't add anything either, but have really enjoyed your work on this. Thanks for making it available here, it's fascinating. I hope it elicits responses from others who do have something to contribute!
Cheers, Pat.
healdav
Interests:Luxembourg history, walking, battlefield guiding
20 hours ago, Liz in Eastbourne said:
I have long thought that this was correct, and is a typical translation by people who translate using a dictionary only.
My only gripe with the Peskett letter is that it can also be "A contemptibly SMALL army". There are not many languages that distinguish between small and little.
3 hours ago, michaeldr said:
Thank you, Michael - glad it's been of interest so far!
2 hours ago, Pat Atkins said:
Thanks, Pat. It seemed worth putting it all together, as far as I could.
1 hour ago, healdav said:
I agree with you that it makes some sense, but I no longer think it's what happened. I don't think Sir Frederick Maurice's account in 1925 can be disregarded, do you?
Suppose there was such a phrase somewhere in the Kaiser's output, and this was opportunistic adaptation rather than creation on the part of the propagandists - why go on to suppose that this was an innocent/ignorant mistranslation when there was so much to be gained by deliberately mistranslating it into a rabble-rousing insult? I was very struck by that ploughing match dinner in Pembridge in 1899, when 'their Continental neighbours... would find... it was not such a contemptible little army after all' provoked 'hear, hear and applause'. I think the War Office had a good idea of what would work, and a test run referring to a speech in the newspapers in August 1914 confirmed their view so they expanded it with the BEF annexe to Routine Army Orders on 24 September.
But if someone finds a German original, of course, that will change everything!
46 minutes ago, Liz in Eastbourne said:
I haven't a clue whether it is something said by the Kaiser or made up in Britain. I was just commentating on the letter and the translation there.
1 minute ago, healdav said:
You don't have to be so brusque. You appeared to be saying you had always thought his interpretation was correct and my reply related to that.
David Ridgus
Location:Reading
Interests:The BEF in 1914 Arras The Royal Berkshire Regiment
Like Michael and Pat I can add nothing of value, but it has been fascinating to see the evidence trail laid out so clearly.
I've always thought it highly unlikely that Wilhelm would have said something so crass about a service he had been attached to for decades and I'd always assumed it was pure propaganda and invention. However both the mistranslation and the 1899 dinner theories seem strong runners.
I fear in the end the final sentence you arrive at may need to be a masterpiece of bet hedging!
Thank you, David.
Well, I think it was pure propaganda and invention, myself, after laying out the evidence so far. The translation theory seems to me to be a red herring, and the 1899 dinner report isn't so much a theory as a support for the idea that this was a phrase easily made to resonate with British people, not peculiar at all.
Maurice's article in my #5, which I have transcribed from Trove after laboriously correcting the transliteration of the newspaper column for them on the site, seems to me to be an absolute clincher. The only query is whether those authors who claim he was responsible for the invention have a basis for that, as Williamson suggested. I think his definite statement in this article that it was the work of a propagandist, and the fact that he was in the War Office at the time, mean that he knew about it, even if he wasn't directly responsible for it.
So I won't be doing any bet hedging unless some evidence comes up to push me onto the other side of the fence - to mix my metaphors.
David Filsell
Time to add a little confusion and I admit to working from memory here, however I once found a reference to the quote with a qualified correction that the actual words used by the Kaiser were in describing the BEF as not a contemptible army but as contemptibly little army. If this is so, and I cannot now give the reference he was absolutely correct. Two Corps does an army make - then or now.
That confusion has already been mentioned in #3 and #10.
In the absence of any German text or witness, I think it comes from Ponsonby's suggestions in The Nation in August 1925, mentioned in #3, which he then said he had abandoned on realising there was no German text. The other threads on this subject have quite a bit of confusion from people working from memory, and I was hoping we could stick to actual evidence. I may have to consult The Nation in the British Library if no one can produce it.
Sepoy
Location:near Aldershot
Here is a "Recruitment" leaflet dated October, 1914.


text:
Mali Bukovec is een plaats in de gemeente Mače in de Kroatische provincie Krapina-Zagorje. De plaats telt 246 inwoners (2001).

Plaats in Krapina-Zagorje


text:
Like Broadway Show, Previews Over, Barclays Prepares for Opening Night
By Net Income May 23, 2012, 7:05am EDT
Share All sharing options for: Like Broadway Show, Previews Over, Barclays Prepares for Opening Night
Brooklyn Sports & Entertainment
USA Today got inside Barclays Center this week for one of, if not the last, media preview of the arena. Between now and early September, workmen will be finishing up the remaining 25 percent of the arena as well as the Transit Connection, which has only about 10 percent left. It's all part of the roll-out strategy, a peek here, a peek there, what Jay-Z has called the arena's first big advantage: the unexpected.
So far, the strategy has worked. USA Today reports that since the Nets unveiled their new corporate identity three weeks ago, the team has sold more than $4 million worth of tickets and 2,000 non-premium season ticket plans. Seventy-five percent of the 104 suites have been sold. At the NBA Store and NBA.com, the Nets lead in sales of team-themed merchandise.
Asked the difference between the Nets new arena and the Knicks renovated Madison Square Garden, Bruce Ratner replied, "There is nothing like new. The first thing is new. You can renovate your house. But there's nothing like a brand new house." The next stage of the rollout: dance rehearsals for the Brooklyn Nets dancers.
First look: Inside Brooklyn Nets new $1 billion arena - Michael McCarthy - USA Today
Brooklyn's Barclays Center sits atop venues rankings months before opening - Justin Goicochea - Ticket News
So You Think You Can Dance? Prove It Next Saturday - New York Times
New-look Nets Dancers to host open auditions in Brooklyn - Rich Calder - New York Post


Last week, Mark Zuckerberg announced "Facebook's plan to bring the global community together." A few months earlier, a Swedish billionaire, László Szombatfalvy, established the Global Challenges Foundation and announced a $5-million-dollar prize to solicit ideas for remodeling global cooperation. The timing couldn't be more symbolic, as many pundits are alarmed by what they see as an unraveling of the international system, exemplified by Brexit and a surge of anti-establishment political movements.
Globalization is vehemently disparaged by a number of prominent politicians, and Francis Fukuyama who, at one point, declared the 'end of history,' is nowwondering how prepared our institutions really are to withstand a strong backlash. In this context, one could wonder, 'Do we even need a system for global cooperation'? For me, the answer is a resounding Yes.
Global and regional institutions, such as the U.N. Security Council or the EU, arewidely criticized for their shortcomings. Yet, it's terrifying to imagine what the world would look like without them. When an unexpected event happens, be it an attack or a provocation aimed at testing the international system, the affected country, in the absence of a coordination mechanism, has no option but to escalate or accept its fate. Either response will likely invite more aggression. If the parties have access to impartial platforms for dialogue, as imperfect as they may be, cycles of violence can be pre-empted and stemmed.
Even if we look at matters beyond the realm of security – such as climate change – without strong international cooperation, this quintessential tragedy of the commons cannot be solved. Each individual country is better off on the sidelines, waiting for others to address the issue. So the climate will continue to deteriorate, and everyone will be worse off, until and unless various stakeholders come together, show leadership, and begin cooperation in the spirit of mutual trust. For that, a robust global governance mechanism is truly indispensable.
Today, we have a proxy-based system where a person is represented in the U.N. via her nation-state. That has to change. Here, the international institutions need to learn from Facebook, WeChat, and Twitter to deploy technology and connect directly to the people. Firstly, they need to adopt, embrace and internalize the "user experience" style of thinking, leverage the existing social-network infrastructure to connect to individuals from every corner of the world, engage with them, learn about their issues, and develop a response mechanism.
Surely, the digital divide poses a problem, but addressing it is already one of the topics the U.N. is working on. It is better positioned and incentivized to find the remedies than any commercial enterprise alone. And perhaps the U.N. should consider developing an alternative, non-commercial social network with an app in every language and a functionality to help people worldwide to connect and get engaged in global affairs.
Switzerland – the most competitive economy in the world, as assessed by the World Economic Forum – is able to keep its citizens politically with a form of direct democracy. Can modern technology be used to replicate this on a global scale? Can the U.N. make it possible for every person on the planet to get directly engaged in its decision-making process and influence world affairs? It is a question worth exploring.
As the U.N. learns to draw legitimacy from the people, it should involve those very same people in implementing the agenda they help to define. The network of global institutions needs to find a way to raise funds from actors other than nation states. That will help create more accountability in the system and foster greater inclusivity. When Warren Buffett "signed papers that give $31 billion to the Gates Foundation," did it cross his mind that the U.N. could deploy those resources to advance public interest as well, if not better? If the answer is no, it's time for a serious self-evaluation. By attracting funders other than Nation States, be it major gifts from philanthropists and corporations or micro-contributions from general public, the U.N. will not just secure financial resources – it will gain stakeholders vested in its success.
To start with, the U.N. should learn from László Szombatfalvy and become comfortable crowd-sourcing solutions. The way to overcome the agency problemis to reduce agency. The U.N., the World Bank, and others should make use of the "pay for performance" methodology – one that is agnostic to the type of solution an entrepreneurial venture offers, as long as it addresses the problem.
For example, if the societal value of improving 5th grade reading in Sub-Saharan Africa by 30% happens to be $100M, this figure should just be announced. Whoever is creative enough to raise funds and deliver on this goal for less, can be compensated when the goal is achieved. Such an approach assures results at a capped cost, and it helps foster innovation and outsources risk to third parties – if no one is able to meet the goal, no one gets paid.
To become agile, the U.N. needs to learn from tech startups. Perhaps by partnering with them to test machine learning or other new solutions to global problems. In such partnerships, everybody wins: startups make a contribution and boost their credentials by working on the hairiest of problems and the U.N. gets energy and fresh ideas from startups.
From the dawn of civilization, human beings have been expanding their circle of affiliation from a family unit, to a tribe, to a city-state, to a nation. The admittedly philosophical problem with the founding of the modern global governance system is that it wasn't set up with an aspirational goal of expanding this circle of affiliation to include all of humanity. Such a mandate and a clearly defined positive vision for the global cooperation, as opposed to conflict-prevention, is what's missing from the genesis story of this international system. And, consequently, it stifles proactive agenda setting, which the critics and detractors unvaryingly dismiss and oppose as mission-creep.
To overcome this impediment, the U.N. must learn to boldly set a forward-looking agenda. Take the debate on artificial intelligence (AI), for instance. Some argue that it presents the biggest existential risk to human civilization since the invention of the nuclear weapons. Others forecast that it will make us all better off. Global cooperation on the safe development of AI is vital, and addressing this challenge proactively presents an opportunity for the U.N. to demonstrate leadership.
Through modern technology, international institutions must find a way to tailor communication to each individual stakeholder and explain how her or his life is impacted by global issues, broadening the scope of civic duty beyond the community, nation, and all the way to global political awareness.
Those ideas may or may not be immediately implementable, but what's important is the initiative taken by the Global Challenges Foundation to stimulate blue-sky thinking. The marginal improvements to the global cooperation system will no longer suffice. My hope is, for the sake of humanity's common future, that our international institutions will embrace change and commit to a fundamental transformation.
The Fermi Paradox - Where Are All The Aliens?


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Kintamani ~ this anomal life.
Kintamani is a village on the western edge of the larger caldera wall of Gunung Batur in Bali (source: Wikipedia).
Food with a view at Batur Sari Restaurant. The buffet here is nothing remarkable (and expensive at $15 per person), you're really just paying for the view.
The driver we hired to take us around actually just dropped us off here and didn't give much of a choice. I think the restaurant had some kind of agreement with the drivers. There were also lots of tour buses that came here. So yes, this place is pretty touristy. I think it's difficult to find a place in Bali that isn't.
You can see Mount Batur more clearly here.
A woman sells fruits at the roadside. I've also seen people sell puppies on the roadside here.
Lake Batur on the right.
Quite a pretty place. It is unfortunate that it has become so touristy.


text:
The Economy of Francesco. Young People, A Commitment, The Future
Inspired by St. Francis of Assisi and by Pope Francis, 2,000 young adults met online to discuss making the economy more responsive to human dignity and more respectful of creation.
The Economy of Francesco project, sponsored in part by the Vatican Dicastery for Promoting Integral Human Development, hosted a virtual global meeting Nov. 19-21.
Below the Final statement and Common commitment
We young economists, entrepreneurs and change makers of the world, summoned to Assisi by Pope Francis, in the year of the COVID-19 pandemic, want to send a message to economists, entrepreneurs, political decision makers, workers and citizens of the world, to convey the joy, the experiences, the hopes and challenges that we have gained and gathered up in this period by listening to our people and to our hearts. We are convinced that a better world cannot be built without a better economy and that the economy is so important for the lives of peoples and the poor that we all need to be concerned with it.
For this reason, in the name of the young people and the poor of the Earth,
we ask that:
the great world powers and the great economic and financial institutions slow down their race to let the Earth breathe. COVID has made us all slow down, without having chosen to do so. When COVID is over, we must choose to slow down the unbridled race that is suffocating the earth and the weakest people who live on earth;
a worldwide sharing of the most advanced technologies be activated so that sustainable production can also be achieved in low-income countries; and that energy poverty – a source of economic, social and cultural disparity – be overcome to achieve climate justice;
the subject of stewardship of common goods (especially global ones such as the atmosphere, forests, oceans, land, natural resources, all ecosystems, biodiversity and seeds) be placed at the centre of the agendas of governments and teaching in schools, universities and business schools throughout the world;
economic ideologies should never again be used to offend and reject the poor, the sick, minorities and disadvantaged people of all kinds, because the first response to their poverty is to respect and esteem each person: poverty is not a curse, it is only misfortune, and it is certainly not the responsibility of those who are poor;
the right to decent work for all, family rights and all human rights be respected in the life of each company, for every worker, and guaranteed by the social policies of each country and recognized worldwide by an agreed charter that discourages business choices based solely on profit and founded on the exploitation of minors and the most disadvantaged;
tax havens around the world be abolished immediately, because money deposited in a tax haven is money stolen from our present and our future and that a new tax pact be the first response to the post-COVID world;
new financial institutions be established and the existing ones (the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund) be reformed in a democratic and inclusive sense to help the world recover from poverty and imbalances produced by the pandemic; sustainable and ethical finance should be rewarded and encouraged, and highly speculative and predatory finance discouraged by appropriate taxation
companies and banks, especially large and globalized ones, introduce an independent ethics committee in their governance with a veto on the environment, justice and the impact on the poorest;
national and international institutions provide prizes to support innovative entrepreneurs in the context of environmental, social, spiritual and, not least, managerial sustainability because only by rethinking the management of people within companies will global sustainability of the economy be possible;
States, large companies and international institutions work to provide quality education for every girl and boy in the world, because human capital is the first capital of all humanism;
economic organizations and civil institutions not rest until female workers have the same opportunities as male workers because, without an adequate presence of female talent, businesses and workplaces are not fully and authentically human and happy places;
Finally, we ask for everyone's commitment so that the time prophesied by Isaiah may draw near: "They shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more" (Is 2, 4). We young people can no longer tolerate resources being taken away from schools, health care, our present and our future to build weapons and fuel the wars needed to sell them. We would like to tell our children that the world at war is finished forever.
All this – which we already experience in our work and in our lifestyles – we ask knowing that it is very difficult and that perhaps many consider it utopian. Instead, we believe it is prophetic and therefore that we can ask, ask and ask again, because what seems impossible today will seem less so tomorrow thanks to our commitment and our insistence. You adults who control the economy and businesses have done a lot for us young people, but you can do more. Our times are too difficult to ask for anything but the impossible. We have faith in you and that is why we ask much of you. But if we asked for less, we wouldn't be asking enough.
We ask all this first of all from ourselves and we are committed to living the best years of our energy and intelligence so that the EoF can increasingly bring salt and leaven to everyone's economy.
YOUTH in Action! Experience, news, meetings, chats...on the move
Any Questions? Keep in touch!
Contact me at: youthinaction@comboniyouth.org
« Learning to Live
" You know everything…" »


With the opening of its Georgetown location in May and the recent acquisition of Creery Custom Shirtmakers, Ledbury has been experiencing expansion and now there's one more change in the works. Ledbury will be moving its headquarters and retail flagship of custom and luxury menswear to 315 W. Broad St. in the Arts District near Quirk Hotel. Currently located in Shockoe Bottom at 117 S. 14th St., that store is set to close at the end of August, with the new location opening right after on September 1.
The new location owned by the Ukrops, consists of three floors and 11,700 square feet of space, an exponential increase from Ledbury's current 650 square feet in the 14th St. building. The lead designer and architect of the space is SMBW, who also headed the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts expansion and Main Street Station renovation.
The Bespoke Production Workshop (currently located at the 5710 Patterson Ave. location) will be moved from the Near West End store into the Broad Street space. This will free up more room in the West End store for custom fittings, and provide a more relaxing atmosphere for customers.
In addition to the Bespoke Production Workshop, the Ledbury store and offices are also being added at the new location. It will have a made-to-measure lounge, outdoor courtyard and 12-space parking lot. The building's first floor will be a 2,000-square-foot retail space featuring Ledbury's full ready-to-wear collection of shirts, blazers, pants, accessories and more. The lounge and Bespoke Production Workshop are being positioned near the rear where patrons can actually see the maker process of the clothing. The second and third floors will house offices with areas included for production, design, marketing, customer service and operations.
Trible also says they're looking to make this new location a destination with the addition of outdoor events and live music on select days. And stay tuned for more from the company: While Trible says they are focusing their attention on their recently opened and new locations for now, he says the company continues to look towards more expansion.


Welcome to my blog and thanks for your supportive comment. I wholeheartedly agree with the enrichment provided by Twitter and a whole lot of new friends from all over the world. It's an exciting community to be a part of. I guess, just like in the 'real world' we chose friends with similar interests and with whom we like to share ideas. Thanks for sharing yours.
Congratulations, Norah. I so identify with that learning curve, and the surprise at what blogging and Twitter can bring.
Thanks for your comment and support. I very much appreciate your willingness to share your journey, and perspectives, with me.
-> I really like this quote, it seems to resonate!
Congratulations on your 6 month marker and good luck for the journey along the never-ending learning curve, we're all in it together I think!
Thanks for your comment and support. I really appreciate sharing the learning and journey with you. It is great to have the good company of a fellow traveler along the way to make the journey more pleasant.
How lovely, Nor! It has been a journey and I can't wait to see where it continues to lead. It's especially great to read you writing 'n00b', too!
Thanks for sharing my journey. You've been there every step of the way. I appreciate your support. Maybe not a n00b any more?


This guy went above (the clouds) and beyond to make sure his daughter got to enjoy Halloween.
While aboard a plane, he handed out a note encouraging the other passengers to hand out candy to his daughter, so she could celebrate Halloween, even though they were far from being able to do any traditional trick-or-treating.
My 3-year-old daughter, Molly, was bummed that she wouldn't be able to go trick-or-treating this year due to this flight … so I decided to bring trick-or-treating to her. If you are willing, when my little donut comes down the aisle, please drop this in her basket. You'll be making her Halloween! If you're unwilling, no worries, just pass the treat back to me. Thanks so much!"
Hmm, candy on a plane? That may be the perfect way to make sure kids don't kick and scream on a flight. Well, at least until they run out.
There's no doubt about it: this guy took Halloween to new heights -- about 30,000 feet high.


text:
The ancient town, of Greek origins, was destroyed and buried, together with Pompei, Oplontis, Stabiae and other small villages by the Vesuvius eruption of A.D. 79. During the mid-eighteenth century excavations of part of the buried town brought to light the marine side of the old town. A lot of human skeletons were found at the ancient shoreline, suggesting that numerous inhabitants attempted to escape but perished because of the pyroclastic flow and the volcanic gases. The escavation had began quite by accident in 1709 when during the digging of a well, some workers discovered a wall which was later found to be one of the stages of the ancient theatre. Regular excavations were started later under the patronage of Carlo III Borbone, the king of the Reign of Naples who appointed the engineer Karl Weber as director of excavations. Numerous buildings and manufacts were uncovered and Karl Weber documented all of them but this was not sufficient to prevent that most of the artifacts were removed by treasure hunters. One of the most important and fascinating discoveries was the excavation of Villa of the Papyri, a suburban villa, where a large number of ancient papyri written in Greek and Latin, were discovered together with marvellous bronzes and marble works. The ancient papyri, most of which dealing with the philosophical subjects of Epicurean inspiration are still object of study and are preserved at the Archeological National Museum of Naples.
The excavations were then discontinued and were alternatively abandoned and resumed for almost two hundred years because of the difficulties given by the compact mass of tufaceous material and the infiltration of water into the ruins. They were resumed in 1927 under the direction of Amedeo Maiuri and most of the public monuments of the old town were uncovered. The special condition under which Herculaneum was buried preserved most of the buildings and made possible the conservation of magnificent paintings, wooden furniture, pieces of cloth and splendid jewelleries which offer a detailed information about the life of the old inhabitants of the Naples coast. This information are very difficulty achieved in other centres of the ancient roman society because the romans, unlike other populations, did not have the tradition of burying the dead with their own belongings. The excavations of Herculaneum which, together with those of Pompei, had precipitated the modern science of archeology, are still continuing but although the ruins were declared a Unesco World Heritage Site, they are bound restricted by the presence of the inhabited dwellings of the present town.
After the eruption of 79 A. D. the memory of the existence of Herculaneum had been lost for centuries. No one knows the date of the foundation of the new town of Resina, which was built in the same place. We know for sure that in 121 A.D. the Roman emperor Adrian ordered the re-opening of the road from Naples to Salerno and surely someone started building dwellings in this area. We have to wait until year 1060 for the first written documentation reporting of the Pugliano church which was already famous for its preservation of two ancient roman sarcophagi. The church was surrounded by a village which developed in the town of Resina (re-named Ercolano in 1969). Resina which had to face numerous eruptions of the Vesuvius, was also attacked by different populations and became a dukedom during the Angevin domination. Its population had to pay an incredible amount of money to get freedom in 1868. During the eighteenth century, when the king of Naples decided to build his Palace in Portici, a new era started for Resina. A lot of beautiful villas where built along the Golden Mile and Resina became one of the most famous balneary place in the bay of Naples. The area was known to be a whealthy place and the king himself choose this town to build a villa which had the remembrance of the Schonbrun Palace in Vienna and was the favourite of his wife. Villa Favorita, together with other splendid villas, host a lot of aristocrats and diplomats and soon became the most famous and enjoyable place for a splendid holiday. A funicular was built to take tourists up on the slopes of the Volcano and Resina became very famous all over the world for its beautiful sceneries. The two world wars caused the end of this golden age for the aristocrats of the area and the town returned to its normal life.
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text:
Essa Al-Busmait (, ur. 1 stycznia 1956) – bahrajński żeglarz sportowy, uczestnik igrzysk olimpijskich.

Al-Busmait reprezentował Bahrajn podczas igrzysk olimpijskich 1996 odbywających się w Atlancie. Rywalizował w klasie Soling wraz z Khaledem Al-Sadą i Ahmedem Al-Saiem. Bahrajńczycy zajęli ostatnie, 22. miejsce w klasyfikacji końcowej.

Przypisy

Urodzeni w 1956
Bahrajńscy żeglarze sportowi
Bahrajńscy olimpijczycy
Uczestnicy Letnich Igrzysk Olimpijskich 1996