The invention discloses a dual-locking type polyaxial spinal screw which is convenient for orthopedic operations to capable of improving screw resistance of the vertebrae. The dual-locking type polyaxial spinal screw comprises a U-shaped screw seat and a screw body, the U-shaped screw seat is provided with a mounting hole, a U-shaped spacer sleeve is arranged in the U-shaped screw seat, the U-shaped spacer sleeve and the U-shaped screw seat are mutually clamped and avoid relative rotation, and a spherical mounting cavity is formed between the bottom of the U-shaped spacer sleeve and the U-shaped screw seat. The head of the screw body is spherical, the screw body extends outwards from the mounting hole of the U-shaped screw seat, and the spherical head of the screw body is contained in the spherical mounting cavity and capable of rotating in the spherical mounting cavity. A spacer sleeve locking support pin is arranged at the top of the U-shaped spacer sleeve and in threaded fit connection with the U-shaped screw seat, and when the spacer sleeve locking support pin is screwed downwards, the spacer sleeve locking support pin is capable of driving the U-shaped spacer sleeve to move downwards until being tightly pressed on the spherical head of the screw body. A pressure rod support pin is in threaded connection with a support pin mounting hole which is arranged in the spacer sleeve locking support pin.
双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉技术领域 本发明涉及医疗器械领域,尤其涉及一种骨科内固定手术治疗时所使用的脊柱螺钉。 Spinal double locking polyaxial screw Technical Field  The present invention relates to the field of medical devices, and particularly to an in spinal orthopedic fixation screws for use in surgery. 背景技术 遗传、发育异常、创伤、慢性应激以及肿瘤和其它疾病会导致脊柱的病理状况,这降低了脊柱的柔韧性,限制了脊柱的运动范围。  genetic, developmental abnormalities, trauma, chronic stress as well as tumors and other diseases may lead to pathologic conditions of the spinal column, which reduces the flexibility of the spine, limiting the range of motion of the spine. 采用外科内固定手术对上述病理状况进行治疗是目前医学上常用的治疗方法。 Use of surgical fixation for treatment of pathological conditions described above is commonly used in medical treatment. 脊柱多轴螺钉多在胸椎、腰椎、腰骶、髂骨等脊柱的前路和后路的内固定手术中使用。 Polyaxial spinal screw fixation is often used in the anterior and posterior thoracic, lumbar, sacral iliac spine of the like. 目前使用的脊柱多轴螺钉的结构包括:u型钉座和螺钉本体,U型钉座的底部设置有安装孔,安装孔上方的U型钉座中设置有U型挡套,U型挡套的顶部卡设在U型钉座内壁上的卡槽中,U型挡套的外壁与U型钉座的内壁相互卡合且不发生相对转动,U型挡套的底部与其下方的U型钉座之间形成球面安装腔,螺钉本体的头部为球形头部,螺钉本体从U型钉座上的安装孔中伸出,其球形头部容纳在球面安装腔中、并能在安装腔中转动。 Currently spinal column polyaxial screw used include: u-nails and screws seat body, the bottom of the U-shaped anvil is provided with a mounting hole, the U-shaped anvil mounting holes provided above the U-shaped retaining sleeve, a U-shaped retaining sleeve the top of the card holder provided on the inner wall of the staple in a U-shaped slot, U-shaped retaining sleeve and the inner wall of the outer wall of each U-shaped card engagement anvil relative rotation does not occur, U-shaped staple with its bottom below the U-shaped retaining sleeve forming a spherical head mounting chamber body between the screw head spherical seat, the screw body extend from the mounting hole in the U-shaped staples seat, which spherical head accommodated in the spherical cavity of the installation and can be installed in the chamber rotation. 外科手术中,脊柱多轴螺钉与脊柱固定棒配合使用,通常先在病变脊柱两侧分别打入多个脊柱多轴螺钉,然后在每侧的脊柱多轴螺钉的U型挡套的U型槽中贯穿设置一根脊柱固定棒。 Surgery, spinal polyaxial screw and a spinal fixation rod with the use of, respectively, usually first into the polyaxial screw in a plurality of spinal lesions spine on both sides, then the U-shaped retaining sleeve in each side of the spine of the polyaxial screw of U-shaped grooves in fixing a spinal rod bored. 在椎间退变融合和脊柱畸形矫正手术中,需要利用脊柱多轴螺钉进行撑开、加压等矫形操作,而由于螺钉本体的球形头部可以在球面安装腔中转动,即螺钉本体与U型钉座会相对转动,在进行撑开和加压等矫形操作时椎体的抗旋转的效果较差,加大了手术难度,从而可能导致最终的矫形效果不理想。 Fusion in the intervertebral degeneration and spinal deformity correction surgery, the need to use multi-axial spinal distraction screws, orthopedic and other pressing operations, and because the spherical head of the screw body may be rotatably mounted in a spherical cavity, i.e., the screw body and the U relatively rotatable anvil type, during the pressing, and the like inferior vertebral distraction anti-rotation effect of orthopedic operations, increase the difficulty of operation, which may lead to eventual orthopedic not ideal. 发明内容 本发明需要解决的技术问题是:提供一种能大大方便进行撑开和加压等矫形操作,提高椎体抗旋效果的双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉。  The present invention is a technical problem to be solved: to provide a distraction and greatly facilitate pressing orthopedic operation, etc., to improve the anti-rotation effect of the vertebral Spinal double locking polyaxial screw.  为解决上述问题,本发明采用的技术方案是:双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,包括:U型钉座和螺钉本体,U型钉座的底部设置有安装孔,安装孔上方的U型钉座中设置有U型挡套, U型挡套的外壁与U型钉座的内壁相互卡合且不发生相对转动,U型挡套的底部与其下方的U型钉座之间形成球面安装腔,螺钉本体的头部为球形头部,螺钉本体从U型钉座上的安装孔中向外伸出,其球形头部容纳在球面安装腔中、并能在安装腔中转动,U型挡套的顶部设置有挡套锁紧支钉,挡套锁紧支钉与U型钉座内壁之间螺纹配合连接,向下旋紧挡套锁紧支钉,挡套锁紧支钉能驱使U型挡套向下移动、直至U型挡套紧压在螺钉本体的球形头部上;所述的挡套锁紧支钉中设置有上下贯通的支钉安装孔,支钉安装孔中设置有压棒支钉, 压棒支钉与挡套锁紧支钉之间螺纹配合连接。  In order to solve the above problems, the present invention adopts the technical scheme is: Spinal double locking polyaxial screw, comprising: a U-shaped staple holder and a screw body, the bottom of the U-shaped anvil is provided with a mounting hole, the mounting hole above the U type anvil is provided with a U-shaped retaining sleeve, the inner wall of the U-shaped retaining sleeve and the outer wall of each U-shaped staples card holder engagement without relative rotation occurs between the spherical stopper sleeve is formed U-shaped with its bottom U-shaped anvil below mounting cavity, the body is spherical head of the screw head, the screw body mounting hole extending from the U-base of the staple outwardly, which spherical head accommodated in the spherical cavity of the installation, and is rotatably mounted in the chamber, U a top cover provided with a block type stopper nail is a locking sleeve, the locking sleeve retaining screw nail is between the inner wall of the U-shaped anvil and a mating connector, the locking sleeve downward nail is screwed stopper, the stopper nail is a locking sleeve can U-driven gear sleeve to move down until the U-shaped retaining sleeve pressed onto the spherical head of the screw body; nail is provided with a mounting hole vertically penetrating the stopper nail is in the locking sleeve, the mounting hole nail is nail is provided with a pressure rod, the threaded rod between the pressure jacket with the stopper nail is fitted the locking nail is connected.  进一步地,前述的双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,其中,U型挡套的外壁上设置有限位凸块, 所述的限位凸块卡设在U型钉座内壁上的限位凹槽中,所述的限位凸块能在限位凹槽中上下移动。  Further, the double-locking polyaxial screw spine, wherein the outer wall of the U-shaped sleeve provided with a limit stop bump, the bump stopper provided on the card anvil inner wall of the U-shaped stopper recess, the protrusion limiting movement of the stopper up and down in the groove.  进一步地,前述的双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,其中,所述的压棒支钉的底部设置有凸尖。  Further, the aforementioned double locking Spinal polyaxial screw, wherein the bottom of the push bar of the nail is provided with a convex tip.  本发明的有益效果:在U型钉座中设置了带压棒支钉的挡套锁紧支钉,挡套锁紧支钉向下旋紧时能驱使U型挡套向下移动、直至U型挡套紧压在螺钉本体的球形头部上,这样螺钉本体与U型钉座之间不再发生相对转动,从而大大方便了手术中进行撑开和加压等矫形操作,提高了椎体抗旋效果,另外,向下旋紧压棒支钉,使其紧压在脊柱固定棒上,从而起到锁定脊柱固定棒的作用。  Advantageous effects of the invention: the stopper sleeve is provided with a push bar locking nail is supported in the U-shaped staples of the staple holder, could drive the U-shaped stopper sleeve when the stopper sleeve moves downwards the locking nail is screwed down until the U-shaped retaining sleeve pressed onto the spherical head of the screw body, no relative rotation for other orthopedic distraction and pressing operations between the screw body and the U-shaped so that anvil, thus greatly facilitating the operation, increasing the anti-rotation effect of the vertebral body, in addition, the push bar nail is screwed down, it is pressed against the spinal fixation rod, which play the role of locking a spinal fixation rod. 附图说明 图1是本发明所述的双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉使用状态下的结构示意图。 BRIEF DESCRIPTION  FIG. 1 is a schematic view of the double locking polyaxial screw Spinal use state of the present invention.  图2是图1中U型钉座的结构示意图。  FIG. 2 is a schematic view of a U-shaped anvil configuration in FIG. 1.  图3是图2中U型钉座俯视方向的结构示意图。  FIG. 3 is a schematic top view of the direction of the U-shaped staple holder 2 of FIG.  图4是图1中U型挡套的结构示意图。  FIG. 4 is a schematic structural diagram of FIG type 1 U gear sets.  图5是图1中挡套锁紧支钉与压棒支钉之间的连接结构示意图。  FIG. 5 is a diagram showing a connection structure between a block in FIG. 1 the locking nail is set with a staple push bar support. 具体实施方式 下面结合附图和最优实施方式对本发明作进一步地详细说明。 DETAILED DESCRIPTION  accompanying drawings and the following detailed description of the best mode of the present invention will be further.  如图1、图2、图3、图4、图5所示,双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,包括:U型钉座I和螺钉本体2,U型钉座I的底部设置有安装孔4,安装孔4上方的U型钉座I中设置有U型挡套3, U型挡套3的外壁与U型钉座I的内壁相互卡合且不发生相对转动,U型挡套3的底部与其下方的U型钉座I之间形成球面安装腔,螺钉本体2的头部为球形头部21,螺钉本体2从U 型钉座I上的安装孔4中向外伸出,其球形头部21容纳在球面安装腔中、并能在安装腔中转动,U型挡套3的顶部设置有挡套锁紧支钉5,挡套锁紧支钉5与U型钉座I内壁之间螺纹配合连接,向下旋紧挡套锁紧支钉5,挡套锁紧支钉5能驱使U型挡套3向下移动、使其紧压在螺钉本体2的球形头部21上,U型挡套3的外壁上还设置有限位凸块31,所述的限位凸块31卡设在U型钉座I内壁上的限位凹槽11中,限位凸块31能在限位凹槽11中上下移动,限位  1, 2, 3, 4, 5, the double lock polyaxial spinal screw, comprising: U-nails and screws I seat body 2, the bottom of the U-shaped staple is provided with a seat I mounting holes 4, U anvil type I 4 above the mounting hole is provided in the U-shaped stopper sleeve 3, U-shaped retaining sleeve and the outer wall of the U-shaped anvil 3 I of the inner wall engaged with each other without relative rotation occurring, U-shaped stopper forming a spherical head mounting cavity, the screw body 2 between the bottom of its U-shaped sleeve anvil 3 I below 21 projecting outwardly, the screw body 2 from the U-shaped mounting hole anvil spherical head 4 of the I which the spherical head 21 housed and rotatably mounted in a spherical cavity in the mounting cavity, the top of the U-shaped stopper sleeve 3 is provided with a stopper nail is a locking sleeve 5, the stopper nail is a locking sleeve 5 and the U-shaped anvil I screwed connection between the inner wall, tighten down the locking nail is blocking sleeve 5, the stopper 5 can set the locking nail is driven by a U-shaped stopper sleeve 3 is moved downwardly, it is pressed against the spherical head of the screw body 2 21, the outer wall of the U-shaped stopper sleeve 3 is further provided with a limit projection 31, the stopper protrusion 31 is provided on the card holder the inner wall of the U-shaped staples I stopper grooves 11, the stopper protrusion 31 move up and down in the retaining groove 11, the stopper 块31与限位凹槽11的配合起到了对U型挡套3的限位作用;所述的挡套锁紧支钉5中设置有上下贯通的支钉安装孔51,支钉安装孔51中设置有压棒支钉6,所述的压棒支钉6与挡套锁紧支钉5之间螺纹配合连接,压棒支钉6的底部设置有凸尖61。 Block 31 mating with the retaining groove 11 plays a limiting role in the U-shaped stopper sleeve 3; said locking nail is blocking sleeve 5 is provided with a vertically penetrating staple support mounting hole 51, the mounting hole 51 nail is push bar is provided with a nail is 6, the pressure rod 6 with the nail is connected to the threaded sleeve locking nail is between the stopper 5, the bottom of the push bar nail is provided with a lobe 61 6.  手术时,在病变脊柱两侧分别打入多个双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,然后分别调整每个脊柱多轴螺钉上的U形钉座I的方位,以便穿设脊柱固定棒8,再将脊柱固定棒8贯穿安装在每侧的脊柱多轴螺钉的U型挡套3中的U型槽中,然后再向下旋紧挡套锁紧支钉5,挡套锁紧支钉5驱使U型挡套3向下移动、使其紧压在螺钉本体2的球形头部21上,这样球形头部21就不会在球面安装腔中转动,即螺钉本体2与U型钉座I之间不会发生相对转动, 也即挡套锁紧支钉5使螺钉本体2与U型钉座I相互锁定,在进行撑开、加压等操作时,螺钉本体2与U型钉座I之间不再发生相对转动,从而大大方便了手术中进行撑开和加压等矫形操作,提高了椎体抗旋效果。  surgery, in the lesion of the spine respectively on both sides into a plurality of double lock polyaxial spinal screw, and then were adjusted orientation of each U-shaped spinal staple holder on the I polyaxial screw, penetrating fixing the spinal rod to 8 U-shaped retaining sleeve. 3 of the U-shaped groove, and then through the spinal fixation rod 8 mounted on each side of the spine of the polyaxial screw, and then tighten down the locking nail is blocking sleeve 5, the stopper nail is a locking sleeve 5 drives the U-shaped stopper sleeve 3 is moved downward, it is pressed against the spherical head 21 of the screw body 2, so that the spherical head 21 will not be mounted rotatably in the spherical cavity, i.e., the screw body 2 and the U-shaped anvil when relative rotation occurs between the operation I, i.e. block 5 sets of locking the screw nail is a U-shaped main body 2 and the anvil I locked to each other during the expansion, compression and the like, the screw body 2 and the U-shaped anvil no relative rotation occurs between the I, thus greatly facilitating the operation for other orthopedic distraction and pressing operations, improving the anti-rotation effect of the vertebral body. 再向下旋紧压棒支钉6使其底部的凸尖61紧压在脊柱固定棒8表面,从而起到了锁定脊柱固定棒8的作用,凸尖61的设`置使得脊柱固定棒的锁定效果更加理想。 Then tightened down on support rod 6 so that the staple 61 pressed against the bottom of the dimples 8 on the surface of a spinal fixation rod, thus acts as a locking spinal fixation rod 8, the spur 61 is provided `set such that the spinal fixation rod locking the effect is more ideal.
1.双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,包括:u型钉座和螺钉本体,U型钉座的底部设置有安装孔,安装孔上方的U型钉座中设置有U型挡套,U型挡套的外壁与U型钉座的内壁相互卡合且不发生相对转动,U型挡套的底部与其下方的U型钉座之间形成球面安装腔,螺钉本体的头部为球形头部,螺钉本体从U型钉座上的安装孔中向外伸出,其球形头部容纳在球面安装腔中、 并能在安装腔中转动,其特征在于:U型挡套的顶部设置有挡套锁紧支钉,挡套锁紧支钉与U型钉座内壁之间螺纹配合连接,向下旋紧挡套锁紧支钉,挡套锁紧支钉能驱使U型挡套向下移动、直至U型挡套紧压在螺钉本体的球形头部上;所述的挡套锁紧支钉中设置有上下贯通的支钉安装孔,支钉安装孔中设置有压棒支钉,压棒支钉与挡套锁紧支钉之间螺纹配合连接。 1. Spinal double locking polyaxial screw, comprising: u-nails and screws seat body, with a U-shaped mounting holes in the bottom of the anvil body disposed, U-shaped anvil mounting holes provided above the U-shaped retaining sleeve, a U-shaped stopper each sleeve inner wall and an outer wall of the U-shaped card engagement anvil relative rotation does not occur, the spherical mounting cavity formed between the bottom of the U-shaped retaining sleeve with its U-shaped staple holder below the head of the screw body is spherical head screw a body extending outwardly from the mounting hole in the U-shaped staples seat, which spherical head accommodated in the spherical cavity of the installation, and is rotatably mounted in the cavity, wherein: U-type gear is provided with a top stopper sleeve lock sets between the nail is tight, the locking sleeve retaining branched staple anvil and the U-shaped inner wall mating threaded connections, tighten down the locking nail is blocking sleeve, the locking sleeve retaining the U-shaped nail is driven gear sleeve can be moved downwardly until U-shaped retaining sleeve is pressed against the spherical head of the screw body; said stopper sleeve locking nail is provided with a mounting hole vertically penetrating nail is, the nail is provided with a mounting hole nail is push bar, the push bar support nail and screw the locking sleeve between the stopper nail is fitted is connected.
2.根据权利要求1所述的双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,其特征在于:U型挡套的外壁上设置有限位凸块,所述的限位凸块卡设在U型钉座内壁上的限位凹槽中,所述的限位凸块能在限位凹槽中上下移动。 The double lock the polyaxial screw spinal claimed in claim 1, wherein: the outer wall of the U-shaped sleeve provided with a limit stop bump, the bump stopper provided on the card holder inner wall of the U-shaped staple the retaining groove, the protrusion limiting movement of the stopper up and down in the groove.
3.根据权利要求1或2所述的双锁式脊柱多轴螺钉,其特征在于:所述的压棒支钉的底部设置有凸尖。 The double lock spinal polyaxial screw of claim 1 or claim 2, wherein: the bottom of the nail is the push bar is provided with a convex tip.


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text:
Gen. Yoweri Museveni: DNA of Murderous Dictatorship
Amii Omara-OtunnuOctober 06,2021
Gen. Museveni, African dictator and Western agent of 35 years. Photo: Facebook
The richly endowed country in east Africa that Winston Churchill, the twentieth century's British statesman, in his book "My African Journey" published in 1908, called "the pearl of Africa" has since 1986 been ruled by General Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who has now proved to be the second longest serving militarist dictator in the east-central Africa region.
Museveni's 35-year-old regime ranks second only to the record previously established by his godfather, General Mobutu Sese Seko who, having been installed by external forces during the Cold War, ruled the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) through a system of patronage and military terror from 1960 until 1997.
Similarly in Uganda, General Museveni has, through fascist-like terror tactics and impoverishment of the great majority of people, managed to stay in power since 1986 when he and his National Resistance Army (NRA) stormed Kampala, the capital city, and usurped power by military force. Since then, he has brewed a lethal cocktail of fear, poverty, despair and even desperation for the great majority in the country.
Yet despite the objective sorry conditions in which millions of Ugandans are trapped, a cross-section with abiding faith and imbued with joyous stoicism still entertain hope for a bright future beyond General Museveni's triumphalist yet delusional attempts to impose on the country a family dynasty. In recent years, his son Muhoozi Kainerugaba has been promoted rapidly to Lt. General and commander of land forces. His wife Janet is a minister in the government and his brother General Salim Saleh, a senior advisor.
Lacking skills of communication and persuasion, Museveni relies on bullets. Photo: Facebook.
In this article, I provide an exposition of the major and intersecting factors and the tools that might help us understand how and why General Museveni's militarist dictatorship in Uganda has managed to stay in power for well over 35 years despite its dismal records on the rule of law, human rights, good governance, economic development and democratic practice.
Although the particular facts used in this article to illustrate the case study of Uganda might be different in degree from those that obtain in other African countries, the historical and political framework of analysis should apply with equal force across the continent.
But before I provide exposition of the explanatory factors as indicated above, I first outline a dozen indisputable evidentiary facts and unflattering data that would—today—tend to challenge Winston Churchill's designation of the country as "the pearl of Africa." I have left out the more serious allegation leveled at the dictator of committing genocide in the country's Acholi region, which should stand on its own merit.
The evidence and facts in chronological order should shine light on what have transpired in the country; but more significantly, it should be used to evaluate Uganda's standing in the international community. In making this assessment, it should be remembered that Uganda is a signatory to, and has ratified, a host of international human rights and humanitarian conventions, for example, the International Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. As a State party to the convention, Uganda has a positive duty to uphold its provisions, which, among other things, in a strict sense prohibits torture from being justified on the grounds of public interest.
The first fact is that since 1986, the country has had only one president: that is, General Yoweri Museveni. For comparative purposes, during the same period, the United States has had seven presidents: Ronald Reagan; George H.W. Bush; Bill Clinton; George W. Bush; Barack Obama; Donald Trump; and Joe Biden.
Of the other two original neighboring east African countries, Kenya has had three presidents, while Tanzania has had five. A critical fact to note is that General Museveni has achieved the feat of being a despot of unlimited power and unlimited tenure by changing the constitution of Uganda twice to suit his personal political preferences, by destroying virtually all institutions, and by the militarization of politics and politicization of the military.
Second, since 1986, General Museveni has imposed on the country a system of terror that infects people with fear and accordingly paralyzes a cross-section of citizens from effectively challenging his entrenched absolute power. And tragically, the technique of assassinations and mysterious deaths of prominent Ugandans have become the means to ensure that alternative leadership and vision for the country are eliminated—extinguished.
Prominent Ugandans who have died in unsatisfactorily explained and mysterious circumstances include the following: Dr. Andrew Lutaakome Kayiira on March 9, 1987; Attorney General Francis Joash Ayume on May 16, 2004; Brigadier Nobel Mayombo on May 1, 2007; Major-General James Bunanukye Kazini on November 10, 2009; M.P. Hon. Cerinah Nebanda on December 14, 2012; General Aronda Nyakairima on September 12, 2015; Assistant Inspector General of Police Andrew Felix Kaweesi on March 17, 2017; and Major-General Paul Lokech, dubbed the "Lion of Mogadishu" for his valiant military achievement in Somalia, on August 21, 2021.
Third, on July 11, 1989, the 106th battalion of Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) rounded up 300 men in Mukura and other surrounding areas in Teso sub-region and incarcerated them in a train wagon number C521083. Most of the men were incinerated in the train wagon. To date, the perpetrators of the heinous crime have not been brought to book.
Fourth, General Museveni has used mafia-like gangster-methods that brought him to power to hasten the breakdown of the rule of law so that he can rule without legal challenge. For example, in 2005 and 2006 he deployed a specialized machine gun wielding paramilitary unit to invade the high court, intimidate judges during the trial of opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigye who had been falsely accused of treason for challenging Museveni, and to undermine the independence of the judiciary. James Ogoola, the Principal Judge of the High Court at the time characterized the invasion and memorialized the profound lack of respect for the rule of law and the gross violation of the sanctity of the court's premises in a poem, as "a rape and the desecration of the Temple of Justice."
Fifth, in 2005, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the U.N.'s highest judicial body, ordered Uganda to pay the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) up to $10 billion for the five-year (1998-2003) occupation, plunder, torture and killings of civilians in its eastern regions. Interestingly, after the International Criminal Court (ICC) launched its own separate criminal investigation of the same crimes, that could have resulted in the indictment of Museveni—much in the same manner in which Sudan's General Omar Bashir was indicted—Museveni contacted then U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan and urged him to block the probe.
Sixth, in 2006, Jan Egeland, then U.N. Under Secretary general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, described the then 17-year-old war in the northern part of Uganda as the worst neglected humanitarian crisis on earth.
Seventh, in September 2009, Uganda security forces killed at least 40 people when they used unnecessary lethal force during two days of civil unrest in Kampala. The protests were triggered by police action when they blocked a delegation led by the hereditary king of Baganda, Kabaka Mutebi, from exercising their freedom of movement to visit Kayunga district. Museveni never held the security forces responsible for the mayhem accountable. His indifference to punish those responsible for killings of civilians over the last several decades symbolizes the entrenched impunity in the country for the commander-in-chief and his men.
Eighth, corruption has become a cancer and institutionalized in the fabric of society. In 2012, for example, the East Africa Bribery Index, in a survey conducted for it by Transparency International, found that of the five east African countries—Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda—Uganda stood out as the country with the highest levels of bribery scored at more than 40 percent. In fact, the epicenter of corruption is in the presidency, from where misappropriations of public funds are used for patronage and siphoning resources for personal enrichment. (More recently, in 2018, a U.S. court convicted a Chinese national of bribing General Museveni and his foreign minister Sam Kutesa $1 million to obtain oil and other business concessions).
Ninth, in 2014, Uganda's population census reported that the country had the highest rate of teen pregnancy in Sub-Saharan Africa with over 25 percent of pregnancies among teenagers registered every year.
Tenth, in 2016, the Ugandan army attacked the Rwenzururu royal palace of the hereditary king, Charles Wesley Mumbere, in the town of Kasese, resulting in the massacre of over 100 people including women and children. General Museveni boasted in an Al-Jazeera interview of having ordered the attack. He promoted the commander of the massacre General Peter Elwelu.
Eleventh, in 2020, the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) reported in a survey of poverty in Uganda that although there was a slight decline in poverty at the national level, it increased dramatically in Acholi sub-region. To date, the sub-region is the poorest, to the extent that 68 percent of people there are categorized as poor.
Coupled with land-grabbing in the sub-region, it can be argued that the impoverishment of people there is a deliberate strategy of social engineering for long-term consignment of the people to servitude. By social engineering is meant the practice by authorities and elites in power to use public policies, laws, psychological manipulations, the media, rhetorical and propaganda techniques to effect far-reaching normative changes and foster values that would mold people's attitude and behavior in particular ways, as desired by those in authority and elites in power.
To compound the regional inequalities, youth unemployment in Uganda is estimated to be around 70 percent in a country where young people below the age of 40 years constitute more than 80 percent of the population. With the great majority of young people losing hope, the future of the country looks bleak.
Twelfth, during the elections of January 2021, that the The Economist magazine of January 2, 2021, characterized as undemocratic and probably the most violent since General Museveni seized power in 1986, opposition candidates were arrested, crowds dispersed with tear gas and bullets, and campaigns in the capital city of Kampala, a stronghold of the opposition National Unity Platform (NUP), were banned. In the run up to the elections, in November, dozens of Ugandans were massacred by security forces. They were protesting the arrest of leading presidential challenger M.P. Robert Kyagulanyi, a.k.a. Bobi Wine. The regime itself admitted to killing 54.
General Elly Tumwine, the Security Minister, justified the massacre of citizens by asserting that it was legitimate for military forces "to shoot to kill" protesters if they "reach a certain level of violence."
Human Rights Watch's investigation concludes that the January 2021 elections were indeed marked by widespread violence and human rights abuses that included extra-judicial killings by security forces, arrests and beatings of opposition supporters and journalists, disruption of opposition rallies, and a shutdown of the internet. Even the U.S., the Museveni regime's primary sponsor, in a statement, denounced the election as "neither free, nor fair" essentially meaning Washington doesn't believe he has a legitimate mandate. The U.S. also imposed visa restrictions on unnamed Ugandan officials.
The various violations of human rights committed by the militarist dictatorship are in fact in contravention of the government's international legal obligations to which it voluntarily signed up. Perhaps more ominous for the future of the country than the persistent violations of human rights, have been the policies carried out and actions engaged in by the militarist dictatorship that have perverted ethical values in society and actively promoted the growth of sordid corruption on an unprecedented scale; destroyed and personalized most institutions of governance; mortgaged the country's modicum of sovereignty; and plundered resources in neighboring countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan.
A pertinent question is this: why has Uganda not been appropriately sanctioned for contravention of legally binding international obligations? This may in part be attributable to the fact that the international system of enforcement is not particularly effective to provide a remedy for cases of violation.
However, when it is considered that the international community has treated other countries with equally odious if not arguably less blemished records than Uganda's more harshly, we are left to seek more satisfactory explanations than simply the fact of weak enforcement mechanisms.
Two cases can be cited here. The first is that of the late military dictator of Chile, General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. In 1998 the British courts rejected the dictator's claim that he was entitled to sovereign immunity for the violations of human rights he presided over in his country. A panel of five Law Lords ruled that as a former ruler he was not immune from prosecution for criminal acts that violate international human rights treaties.
The second is the case of Zimbabwe. From the late 1990s until now, Pan-European powers, in concert, have applied some of the most punitive sanctions ever in history against Zimbabwe for violating the rights of its white farmers. The punitive sanctions have been coached in the name of upholding the rule of law, human rights and democracy.
But in the case of Uganda, instead of indictment and sanctioning of the militarist dictatorship, the international community has at best turned a blind eye to the Museveni regime's evil deeds outlined above, despite the rhetoric by Pan-European powers to stand up for the promotion of the rule of law, good governance, democracy and human rights in Africa.
It should be noted, nonetheless, that to their credit, from time-to-time Pan-European powers have registered feeble protests to Museveni's militarist dictatorship when, for example, civil society organizations and some media have exposed and widely publicized instances of massive extra judicial abductions and killings, such as the ones that occurred before, during and after the January 2021 elections.
However, on balance, the cold reality of the matter is that the public rhetoric by Pan-European powers has scarcely been matched by their action. This is so because the same Pan-European powers have sustained the militarist dictatorship by providing it with invaluable military materiel, diplomatic support, financial assistance and media outlets for public relations campaigns. These have collectively constituted the external legitimacy, which have been the linchpin for the militarist dictatorship. For the most part, therefore, the laudable public rhetoric might be regarded as no more than a mood of the moment, if not done for public relations purposes.
How can we, from an historical perspective, properly understand and explain both the gap, if not contradictions, between what Pan-European powers profess to stand for and their actions in practice, as well as the long tenure in power by the militarist dictatorship?
From a historical and political perspective two overarching and intersecting factors might help us understand and appreciate why and how Museveni's militarist dictatorship in Uganda has enjoyed such a long tenure in power, despite the evidence of persistent human rights violations. I now turn to consider the two intersecting factors.
The first factor is impersonal and external; and the other is personal in character and internal.
The impersonal and external factor that might more satisfactorily explain how Pan-European powers have handled the militarist dictatorship in Uganda is what Kwame Nkrumah referred to as "neo-colonialism." By "neo-colonialism" is meant the strategy of indirect means employed by imperial powers to maintain and advance their economic and geo-strategic interests. The strategy normally involves the employment of, and reward in money and in kind to, indigenous politico-military elites, serving as functionaries or agents of imperial powers. In Uganda, the local politico-military elites who superintend the interests of external powers are referred to as "nyampara." In Chinese literature, the indigenous functionaries who serve as cost-efficient conduits to facilitate continued control and exploitation of local resources for the benefits of foreign interests are called compadorial managers.
But although the brand of neo-colonialism in the post decolonization era, after 1960, has been slightly different, it is not totally new. In their classic, "Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism," published in 1961, Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher document that before 1880 the British government preferred "informal control" of Africa because this was deemed more cost-effective and efficient than formal occupation of the continent.
As indicated above, Kwame Nkrumah, the undisputed intellectual and visionary leader of Pan-Africanism in the second half of the twentieth century, is the leading authority on the workings of neo-colonialism in Africa. In his book, "Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism" published in 1966, he spells out with clinical details the various guises under which it operates to ensure that the country subjected to it is, in theory, though independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside. Nkrumah argues that probably the worst aspect of neo-colonialism is that to the foreign powers that employ and profit from it, it means power without responsibility to account for the consequences of their policies. Conversely, for indigenous people who suffer form neo-colonialism, it means exploitation without redress.
Nkrumah predicted the challenges neo-colonialism would create.
A year after Kwame Nkrumah published arguably this most consequential book, in 1967 Jaramogi Oginga Odinga—the father of Raila Odinga—in collaboration with Ruth First, published "Not Yet Uhuru." In the book the authors argue that juridical independence had not changed much the socio-economic dynamics of Kenya. In effect, they outline the operation of neo-colonialism in Kenya. In 1975, Colin Leys, a British political economist, published "Underdevelopment in Kenya: the Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism," which with scholarly analysis supported Odinga's earlier broad observations. In the case of current Uganda, Helen Epstein's book, "Another Fine Mess," is highly recommended if not indispensable for an understanding and appreciation of how neo-colonialism informed by geo-strategic and security calculations has operated in Uganda to sustain in power the militarist dictatorship under General Museveni.
It would therefore seem that considerations of economic and geo-strategic interests of Pan-European powers rather than concerns for the rule of law, human rights and democracy, leave alone the humanity and welfare of Africans, explain more satisfactorily than other factors why and how the militarist dictatorship in Uganda has been in power for well over 35 years. In fact, it is fair to surmise that since the mid-1960s, the operation of Pan-European neo-colonialism in Africa has substituted internal democratic support from the population with external legitimacy as a vital mainstay of authoritarian rulers in the continent.
In order to avoid confusion, I should briefly clarify the concept of legitimacy, as used in this article. It should be noted that legitimacy, as a historical concept, has been neither static nor self-evident. For example, before the late eighteenth century, legitimacy was justified on the grounds of divine right of monarchs. It was the French Revolution of 1789 that dealt crippling blows to the notion of divine right and substituted it with a modicum of popular democratic legitimacy. Similarly, in the present context of Africa's integration into the global capitalist economy and of the enormous structural economic imbalances between the countries of the North and Africa, the practical notion of legitimacy has been so transformed that external actors can bring about changes within African countries more effectively than citizens.
Museveni shown with President Reagan. Reliable agent of neo-colonialism. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
I now turn to exploring the second factor, which is internal and personal in nature. But first, it should be noted that neo-colonialism is neither self-effecting nor works in a vacuum. As such, how has it operated in Uganda since 1986? As indicated above, as a rule, it requires indigenous agents to facilitate its operation on the ground. For better or worse, General Museveni has proved to be a malleable person to facilitate the operation of neo-colonialism in the country. But why has he been so malleable?
Below, I outline three relevant themes and values that can be detected throughout General Museveni's life since his formative stint at Dar-es-Salaam University in Tanzania where he was a student in the department of political science in the late 1960s that seem to have shaped his approach to politics. I focus on the values that have shaped his character not least because he occupies the strategic and gravitational center of the dictatorship, and because his personality and whims have overshadowed all else in the country since 1986.
The first has been General Museveni's unwavering embrace of, and faith in, the potency and the effective use of violence to achieve his ends. This suggests that he is infected with deep insecurity about his ability to win rational arguments. And when he has failed to convince in an argument, he has been prepared to resort to violence to achieve his ends.
In fact, there are numerous examples over the years when he has resorted to the use of violence where he could not persuade in rational debates. This happened, for example, in 1980 when he lost the election to Parliament to Sam Kutesa, his brother-in-law and later his foreign minister. Similarly, whenever he lost presidential elections to Kizza Besigye, his former personal doctor, on at least two occasions, he mobilized the military to brutalize him and simply refused to yield power.
Likewise, in January 2021, when General Museveni was aware that he could not win in a free and fair election against rising star, Member of Parliament Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu—popularly known as Bobi Wine—the popular musician-turned-politician, he instructed his lieutenants in the police and military to subject followers of his leading political opponent to savage extra judicial killings and other grotesque violations of human rights.
The second has been his chameleon-like opportunism not moderated by any grasp of ethics or conventional morality. This means he can betray both friends and foes once he perceives them to threaten his interest in general and hold on power. The examples of how he demonized Apolo Milton Obote and persecuted Kizza Besigye, both politicians who had been his close allies in the past, illustrate the point. This may also explain the mysterious and unsatisfactorily explained deaths of prominent Ugandans cited above.
And the third is that Museveni has not been ashamed to peddle in and promote some of the worst forms of ethnic chauvinism, if it advances his ends. In fact, over the years, he has exploited ethnic affiliations to shore up support for him when he could not appeal to people on the merit of his argument or ideology. In my book "Politics and the Military in Uganda," I document how in the late 1970s, as defense minister, he disproportionately recruited people from his ethnic group into the military. It is apparent that at the time he was already preparing to mobilize people from his ethnic group in the armed forces to use unconstitutional means to usurp power.
Since his seizure of power in 1986, Museveni has brazenly populated strategic positions in the state with people from his family and sub-ethnic group. Publisher Andrew Mwenda's article titled "Family rule in Uganda" that appeared in the Independent Newspaper of March 11, 2009, documents the practice. Timothy Kalyegira's brilliant rejoinder, in an article titled "The dynamic behind Museveni's family rule" in the same newspaper on April 7, 2009, sheds more light on how General Museveni's more or less pathological sectarian tendencies and shameless ethnic chauvinism created within a short period of time an elite group drawn mostly from Western Uganda. It is this group of decadently parasitic elites and their codependents that will likely fight literally to death to defend the otherwise oppressive system, in order to protect their ill-gotten wealth and privileges.
To ensure that he and his extended family rule the country for as long as people succumb to the terror tactics he routinely employs, General Museveni has cynically exploited people's misery to build support for the dictatorship through a system of shifting alliances. In the early 1980s, for example, he exploited the sincere grievances of the people from the central region of Buganda to build support in Luweero for his guerrilla war against the then democratically-elected Uganda People's Congress (UPC) government led by Obote.
A few years ago, when the people in Buganda began to withdraw their support for him after they had realized that he had used them like a ladder to get to power, Museveni struck a symbolic alliance with political elites in Acholi, a sub-region whose people he had demeaned, demonized, massacred, forced into internally squalid displaced camps for over a decade where hundreds of thousands perished, and hammered to their knees. Having reduced the Acholi people to a state of servitude, Museveni has now without shame pretended to be their friends if not savior. The suspicious death of General Okech could create an obstacle for his scheme.
On balance, partly because he came to power through military means, and partly because he is wedded to ethnic chauvinism, from time to time Museveni treats ethnic groups out of favor as conquered people. With the traits summarized above and his insatiable desire for power, it is not difficult to see why and how external powers, whose experts, including intelligence services, are probably far conversant with his weaknesses than ordinary Ugandans, would co-opt Museveni to grease the wheels of neo-colonialism.
Rather sadly, apologists of the militarist dictator, who have settled their bargain with him, while ignoring the impact of his rule on the great majority of Ugandans, have adduced his rhetoric to argue that General Museveni is "progressive." The fact of the matter is that his initial chant of revolutionary rhetoric was simply hot air blown to disguise his reactionary core tendencies.
General Museveni's cynical manipulation and exploitation of socio-political differences in Uganda, and his lethal use of violence to eliminate known or perceived opponents, as well as the dual fostering of poverty, his shameless deployment of ethnic chauvinism and patronage as the means to ensure his hegemonic domination of the country are all a recipe for disaster, now and in the future.
If Uganda is to reverse course and redeem the promise of the country Winston Churchill called "the pearl of Africa", it would be necessary for other enlightened and courageous leaders, in the mold of Bobi Wine, General Mugisha Muntu—leader of the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) party and Kizza Besigye, to give three examples, to rise above the pathological pettiness of General Museveni.
Significantly, such leaders—and others not as well known—should renounce violence and embrace revolutionary non-violence as the means to liberate and build a democratic country.
More than this, they must demonstrate commitment to social justice, collective solidarity, and an ecumenical vision of Uganda. And most importantly, they must commit to leading by example in genuine efforts to couple power with ethical values which is something alien to General Museveni.
Professor Amii Omara-Otunnu teaches at the University of Connecticut at Storrs, U.S.A
Yoweri Museveni
Amii Omara-Otunnu
Mobutu Ssese Seko
National Resistance Army
General Salim Saleh
International Convention Against Torture
Ronald Reagan; George H.W. Bush; Bill Clinton; George W. Bush; Barack Obama; Donald Trump; Joe Biden
Andrew Lutaakome Kayiira
Francis Ayume
Nobel Mayombo
Kazini
Rwenzururu
Kwame Nkrumah
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga
Sam Kutesa
Kizza Besigye
Andrew Mwenda'

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Begbroke Science Park | OGT licenses SNP probe technology to Baylor Miraca OGT licenses SNP probe technology to Baylor Miraca – Begbroke Science Park Oxford Gene Technology has agreed a new technology licensing deal with the Texas-based Baylor Miraca Genetics Laboratories (BMGL), according to a recent report on the Zenopa website. The deal covers the use of Oxford Gene Technology's proprietary single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) array probe technology, for use in array-based analysis of low-input DNA samples.
Oxford Gene Technology has agreed a new technology licensing deal with the Texas-based Baylor Miraca Genetics Laboratories (BMGL), according to a recent report on the Zenopa website.
The deal covers the use of Oxford Gene Technology's proprietary single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) array probe technology, for use in array-based analysis of low-input DNA samples.
Oxford Gene Technology's probes target each SNP allele, with every product having undergone extensive optimisation and validation to ensure robust and high-resolution loss of heterozygosity analysis.
Read more about this deal on the OGT website.


Stress and sleep are a double-edged sword, where both sides have the ability to hurt us emotionally and physically.
For example, if we're feeling anxious about work issues or other stuff going on in our lives, getting a good night's rest becomes much harder.
Likewise, if we aren't getting enough sleep, then our ability to deal with stressful situations is subsequently weakened.
-In the United States, 65 percent of the people aren't getting the proper amount of sleep due to stress-related issues.
-16 percent suffer from insomnia due to pressure from other areas of life.
As you can tell, this is a serious subject that many of us need to take a closer look at…before it's too late!
It's easy to take for granted the things that seem natural in our lives, I've done it myself.
I know firsthand the importance of getting enough sleep because I worked third shift for about 7 years.
Now I've always been a person who takes care of myself physically, for the most part, and haven't really suffered from too many serious health issues.
But working on this schedule takes a toll on the body, as many others can attest.
Man was not meant to be nocturnal, and people on this schedule typically get less sleep than others.
We've all been there I'm sure, where you lie down in bed to go to sleep, and endless thoughts start running through your mind like a freight train out of control.
The reasons for this are pretty obvious, as life has become very fast-paced with increased responsibilities at work and at home.
But this nightly ritual is supposed to be our much needed break from stress.
It's how we remain balanced, and additionally, this time is used to recharge the body's "batteries" for the following day's activities.
Sleeping well will help you to think more clearly and therefore manage whatever challenges are in front of you.
These are the facts. A lot of people don't realize how something so simple could play such an important role towards stress relief, but we can't ignore the truth.
If you find yourself feeling frantic and aggravated much of the time, take a closer look at your sleeping pattern.
Are you falling asleep shortly after you lie down? Do you wake up often during the night or find yourself tossing and turning repeatedly?
Fortunately, there are solid ways to control this damaging cycle that are simple and easy to implement.
Many programs and techniques are available which you can use to to find a balance between stress and sleep.
Sometimes the solution can be as simple as cutting off caffeine or alcohol consumption before going to bed, or not eating any large meals for several hours prior to sleeping.
Keep a journal close by and write down everything you did throughout the evening, what you ate and when, and any thoughts or feelings that may be affecting your sleep.
This should help you to pinpoint any important issues or patterns which need adjusting in a very short time.
Hope this information was helpful, feel free to share your comments below!
I'm glad you aren't working the graveyard shift anymore. My father had to do it for over 25 years because he just couldn't find any other place that would hire him. It was a difficult period and even today, 3 years after retirement he has problems falling asleep.
I've started implementing a nighttime ritual that should help me prepare for sleep. I have a couple of s actions that I do every night, in the same order so that my mind gets the idea that I want to sleep. My father is also doing this but those 25 years of bad sleep are very hard to overturn.
That's a great idea to implement a steady nightly ritual to help you sleep better. Tell your dad to stick with it and I hope things get better for him, it might take some effort to retrain the body and mind but it's so important to get that good rest every night!


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Kurupt Young Gotti joins Chucky Workclothes on the Whitehead-produced "Nothing Moves" – a G-Funk era song which almost sounds like it could have been a leftover from Tha Streetz Iz a Mutha. And Kurupt goes all the way in on this one. Tax Season arrives Feb. 24th.


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Danielle Lloyd is 'rooting for Coleen' as she breaks silence on Wagatha Christie trial
Speaking for the first time since Coleen Rooney and Rebekah Vardy's libel battle began, Danielle Lloyd, 38, says it has been 'heart-breaking' to hear her name being brought up in the trial
Connie RuskAssistant Showbiz Editor
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Danielle Lloyd has pledged her support to Coleen Rooney as she broke her silence on the Wagatha Christie trial.
Speaking for the first time since Rooney and Rebekah Vardy's libel battle began on TalkTV on Thursday, the former glamour model, 38, says it has been 'heart-breaking' to hear her name being brought up in the trial.
Rebekah, 40, testified last week when sending a message to agent Caroline Watt labelling someone a "nasty b***h" it "definitely wasn't about Coleen", adding she thought she was referring to Danielle in the text.
Coleen's lawyer David Sherborne QC also asked Vardy over a text in August 2019 where she told her agent "leak the Maldives stuff" in relation to what he labelled the "pregnant girl leak".
Rebekah claimed her message related to a screenshotted article in a magazine about Danielle "talking about her Maldives honeymoon and her unfortunate miscarriage".
Danielle Lloyd has pledged her support to Coleen Rooney as she broke her silence on the Wagatha Christie trial (Image: TalkTV)
Vardy said the model was "not someone in my circle", and said she disagreed with her about "gender selection".
Breaking her silence on TalkTV, Danielle said: "It's honestly it really upset me and, you know, it's brought back very bad memories. One of the text messages was talking about a miscarriage that I'd had in the past.
"And I was really, really distraught at the time, and obviously for that to be brought up again, it's just been heart-breaking for me."
Danielle showed her support for Coleen, 36, but said she didn't think there would be any winners in the trial due to the staggering legal fees, with total costs of the case thought to be £2million.
Rebekah testified a text labelling someone a "nasty b***h" was about Danielle- not Coleen (Image: REX/Shutterstock)
She said: "I think in the grand scheme of things, I don't think there are going to be any winners because they're going to be out of pocket, you know, financially, both of them.
"And I don't think we will actually ever get to the bottom of who actually leaked those stories. So whatever the outcome, obviously, hopefully both girls can just get on with their lives, but obviously I am rooting for Coleen."
The two WAGs now face a wait to find out who has won their "Wagatha Christie" libel battle after the high-profile trial finished on Thursday.
Danielle said she is "rooting for Coleen" (pictured with Wayne) (Image: Phil Lewis/SOPA Images/REX/Shutterstock)
In a viral social media post in October 2019, Coleen said she had carried out a "sting operation" and accused Rebekah's social media account of leaking "false stories" about her private life to the press.
Rebekah, who is married to Leicester striker Jamie Vardy, denies leaking stories to the media and is suing her fellow footballer's wife for libel, while Coleen is defending the claim on the basis her post was "substantially true".
Vardy attended the end of the High Court trial on Thursday, however Coleen and Wayne did not appear as they jetted off to Dubai with their four sons.
The News Desk is on TalkTV from 7pm weekdays.
Matt CooperToday FM's Matt Cooper sold family home to pay debt for sick mother's home careMatt and his father wanted to ensure that she could remain in her own home
Dancing with the Stars: Paul Brogan's odds of lifting glitterball trophy slashed
Bookies have confirmed the former Dublin GAA star's odds have plummeted after Sunday night's show
Adele breaks down in tears as fan shows her photo of his late wife at Vegas show
Adele was overcome with emotion at her concert in Las Vegas as one fan showed her a picture of his late wife, before the singer dedicated one of her ballads to him
Colin Farrell uses typical Irish expression to describe Oscar nomination on US TV show
The Dubliner is up for Best Actor at this year's Academy Awards for his role in The Banshees of Inisherin
Love Island star dumped from the villa in shock eviction after intense rows
Love Island bosses have booted another contestant out of the villa in South Africa - with insiders saying fans of the show will be 'shocked' to discover which islander got the axe
Pregnant Gemma Atkinson, who is expecting her second child with Gorka Marquez, has revealed her decision to hire a private midwife after feeling she needed to be 'monitored more carefully'
YouTuber Jake Paul infuriated fans when he took to Twitter to reveal the news of the birth of Molly-Mae Hague and Tommy Fury's daughter before the happy couple got the chance to


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Sole's New Track "Three Way Fight" Addresses Politics of Protest in Denver and Beyond
Bree Davies November 25, 2016 7:22AM
Contrary to all the social-media squeals of joy from out-of-touch former punks proclaiming that thanks to this election, "punk will get good again," music has never stopped being a radical force. Art and activism have always been intertwined, and Denver's own Tim Holland, aka Sole — a musician, tape label head and activist himself — continues to keep the conversation about present-day political issues going with his music. Earlier this week, he released "Three Way Fight," a collaboration with musician and vocalist Decomposure. Westword spoke with Sole about the song and what it means to protest in 2016.
Westword: Obviously, the election is still on our minds, but I see "Three Way Fight" as one track of many in your career where you are talking about the world around you through your music. What was the impetus for the creation of "Three Way Fight," in particular?
Sole: Honestly, I don't know. I just felt like listening to the Young Jeezy song "Soul Survivor" because I love it. I was thinking about everything that had happened in the country and in Denver over the last few weeks. There's a line in the song where originally, Akon is saying, "If you lookin' for me/I'll be on the block disobeying the law." We had just shut the highway down the night before, and that line really spoke to me at that moment. I thought, "Well, I know what I'm going to be doing for the next four years."
My wife is pregnant, and I had made the decision to back off on organizing and focus on making money and being more domestic. But with the election of Trump, I just lost it. The song was an expression of the frustration I was feeling, but also the hope I was feeling about the prospects and new possibilities opening up now because everyone is under attack to one extent or another. That kind of pressure opens up possibilities for resistance and revolution.
Three Way Fight w/ Decomposure (Sole Survivor) by sole
There's no way to say, "the bright side" or what "good" could possibly come from this political nightmare, but what I have seen is a mobilization of folks who were never engaged as activists or with activism before. With that mobilization comes a lot of people who don't know what to do or what they can do. Can you talk a little bit about what it means when you say "organizing"?
I've done a number of different things over the years, and I wouldn't really call it organizing — a lot of it is just protesting. In the context of Trump, organizing means creating communities of self-defense, creating networks of support and mutual aid. We're hearing stories about Latino neighborhoods being covered with fascist symbols; we need to be able to respond to those things. We need to have people ready to go to those places and tear the posters down and put up better posters — have a visible presence in those communities. We need reach out to the people who are being disaffected and not on some white-ally bullshit — real solidarity through building networks.
We need to be able to create a material force that can actually shut the city down. Being able to galvanize thousands of people so when ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] comes to remove families, they can't get off the highway. That's the only chance we have. In a city like Denver, where something like only seventeen percent of the people in the city voted for Donald Trump, that means the other 83 percent of people who voted are kind of close to being on the same page. It's everything from small-scale getting to know your neighbor and developing communities within your neighborhood to being able to meet our own needs so that when the state tries to take these things away, we will have them on our own.
One example I've put forth is health-care co-ops. We dumped millions and millions of dollars into the election campaigns. What if we instead funneled that money into building our own institutions that can't get voted out? There are numbers of lessons in history that give people examples — the Black Panther Party or the IWW [International Workers of the World]. There was no Free Breakfast for Children program before the Black Panthers started feeding people breakfast. Later the state came in and took on the program.
Here's the thing: Cops voted for Trump. They told us that the other night as we were protesting. They are more emboldened now to shoot black people than they ever were.
Speaking of cops: At the first big rally after Trump's election, protesters were thanking police officers (see Westword's Reader: Denver Police Were Great at the Protest — Some Gave High Fives!). I was floored. But I thought, "Well, here's an opportunity to talk to our fellow protesters about what the role of the police is in a post-election Trump administration." The police are supported now more than ever, and that is not what we need.
I know. Hugging cops. You know, I was supposed to speak at that rally, but the offer was rescinded after I spent two hours writing a speech. They opted for a meditation instead. That moment was frustrating — who gets to be a leader? The first person to make a Facebook event and it goes viral? Fuck that shit. That is bullshit.
I felt like when I got to that protest, there were thousands of people like me who didn't know what they could do in the streets, or what we should do. It's not about "who gets to lead," but, really — what are we doing?
What I would say to those people who were in the streets for the first time — and this is what I wanted to say at the rally — was, look: the cops aren't going to do shit tonight. Chief White knows counterinsurgency. He's not going to come out here cracking skulls, because he doesn't want to radicalize 5,000 people. He wants you to pat yourself on the back, go home and feel good about this so you can tell your kids how 5,000 people did a faux Arab Spring in downtown Denver and then everyone just went back to clicking and liking.
That's why this song, "Three Way Fight," is about how we have the fascists on one side, but we have delusional liberal, Democrat-minded people on the other side. People with no understanding of history, people who will post an image of Rosa Parks on Facebook as an example of how to do it. But it's like, what do you mean? She broke the law. She resisted. Are you talking about the real Rosa Parks, or the whitewashed-version-of-history Rosa Parks? Because Rosa Parks committed to militant, nonviolent civil disobedience, and we're going to need that and a whole lot more for what is coming.
And Rosa Parks wasn't hugging police officers. I left that rally very frustrated, because I myself didn't know what I could or should do. I thought, I've been to a few protests, and if I don't know what to do, a lot of people don't. I can't speak for anyone else, but I felt there was an energy and fear in people there who wanted to do more. Like you said, anyone can make a Facebook event. The clicking and liking of those desiring to do more can become apathy quickly.
What do we do? We trust the voice in our gut that says, "This is fucking bullshit. This is a feel-good exercise." We have to ask, "What are people doing in other cities, and how has change historically been accomplished in the United States?" I don't think women's suffrage was accomplished by hugging cops. I know for a fact that we wouldn't have the eight-hour workday if the IWW hadn't done the work that they did. The people rallying with Martin Luther King Jr. — they were committed to nonviolent civil disobedience. But they could do it because there were all of these other people saying, "We're going to have armed self-defense; we're not going to sit around and get our asses kicked anymore." We need all of it. Next time folks are in the streets, they should find the crazy people and roll with them.
In general, what people should do is educate themselves about history, first and foremost. There are a number of great resources out there. We need to look at how nonviolence protects the state and how identity politics — while we need to understand these things — when you pull all the nuance out of real life and look these concepts of allyship and privilege, I mean, there is always someone who is less privileged than someone else. It can get really complicated. There are people in this city whose entire analysis is based around that, and while that stuff is important, we have to figure out how we go beyond that to defeat white supremacy and these systems of oppression.
On the Bandcamp page for "Three Way Fight," you say, "Fuck peace." I wonder if you could expound more on this idea — that peace or being peaceful is more of a way to, I don't know, suffocate activism in some sense?
You just said it. The whole notion of "peaceful protest" — when I criticize it, I'm not out there smashing up cop cars. But again, it's this liberal whitewashing of history, and language has just been gutted. This idea of "peaceful protest" — if we just get out there and get our voices heard, some magical thing is going to happen — that whitewashes history. Civil disobedience, marching, shutting down highways, sit-ins — I would argue that no resistance is peaceful. What is peaceful is to stay at home and watch Netflix. When you are posing no threat to power, they don't care. They're content with what you're doing.
That's why when we were marching last week, they told us, "This is your First Amendment right" — but there were 5,000 people in the streets. I listened to the cops say that. But later on in the week, when people took the streets, there were seventy of us and there and we had no First Amendment rights at all. We didn't do anything violent, and we didn't do anything that night that hadn't been done at the previous march, but as soon as we took the streets, the cops started kettling us and were arresting people. There were more cops than there were protesters that night. That gets to the root of it: The city goes after anarchists. The city was specifically targeting anarchists and anarchist organizers and radicals. They try to pick out who the leaders are and take those people off the streets, and [those people] end up getting trumped up with felonies and other false charges.
If I were the ACLU, I would ask: How come the right to assemble applied when thousands of liberals were out, but when they weren't out in the streets, there wasn't any freedom of speech? That's fucked up. Again, when we think about peaceful protest, to me, peaceful means passive. History has shown that nothing gets accomplished by being passive. We have a white supremacist going into office who has emboldened Nazis. I'm hearing about violence against gay people here in Denver already, and this is all happening because of our president-elect, and he's not even in office yet. If people think we can stand on the side of the road putting up peace signs and everything's going to be okay — if you want to talk about privilege, there's nothing more privileged than a bunch of white liberals deluding themselves into thinking that is okay because they don't have anything to lose.
It sucks to think we had to come this far — but there are definitely white folks just now facing the fact that this kind of oppression has been happening to their fellow humans for centuries and actually does affect them. Even if you think it doesn't affect you, it affects your neighbor, your co-worker, your family. Congrats, you've been awakened — but now what are you going to do?
It's all about communication. It certainly represents a failure of radical politics that we have not been able to effectively communicate with people. The term "radical" — it just means getting to the root. It doesn't mean the most macho, too-cool-for-school motherfucker. It means getting to the root of why things are the way they are and working from there. So when I say, "I hope a lot of folks get radicalized," I mean that I hope people are going through the educational process. Nobody just knows how change happens; not a lot of people know how real resistance movements happen. So hopefully, through this process, people will start to learn, because the stakes are really high. This is scary. I mean, Newt Gingrich wants to bring back the House Un-American Activities [Committee].
How do you connect with other artists and musicians who are on your same page when it comes to activism? This track sees you collaborating with Decomposure. How did that come about?
He saw me put a call out online that I needed some singing on the track. He sent me a track that was basically a letter to his libertarian brother, and I was like, man, we have to do this. Same thing with DJ Pain 1, who I've been touring with and doing a lot of work with. Again, he's just down. He comes from the same musical background — Public Enemy and getting radicalized through hip-hop. He recognizes the role that music can play, and together he and I have been making agitprop, as it were. I'm more inspired by the academics, writers and activists who I'm engaged in a conversation with because I get to ask people really difficult questions and get answers.
Speaking of collaborations, you released another video prior to election day: "Trap News: The Farce Awakens." It's a song with Brer Rabbit from Flobots and Alas from Savage Fam. Can you talk a little bit about that song and the companion video?
Brer Rabbit is a close comrade and beloved friend. The Stimulator on SubMediaTV approached me about doing an anarchist version of The Juice's Rap News. We decided to call it "Trap News" and cover the election. I thought, "Fuck, yeah — if I can throw on a wig and a pantsuit and be Hillary Clinton, that would be amazing." We brainstormed the project and thought about what other kinds of voices we would want to include, and, of course, Standing Rock, which is ongoing, was an important topic. The Stimulator had a connection to Alas from Savage Fam, a dope rapper on the ground at Standing Rock, and asked her to be on the track. I have a deep admiration for Alas and her work. Then I hit up Stephen [Brackett, Brer Rabbit] and asked him if he wanted to play Obama, and he was down.
What made Brer Rabbit's part so powerful to me was that he himself was mentored by Vince Harding, who was one of the speechwriters for Martin Luther King Jr. When he attacks Obama on his legacy along the lines of MLK, it's powerful. It's coming from this place of, like, how dare you.
What do you see as the role of artists and musicians in this conversation?
I'm a big fan of the Situationists, and one of my favorite slogans from them is "Go beyond art." I think it is critically important that artists engage in social struggles. I don't know what that means — it could mean putting together a compilation that actually raises funds for things. It could mean doing things that materially support social movements or getting involved in the streets. Or, just making better art.
If artists are worried about these issues, they need to educate themselves and the real context of all this. Donald Trump didn't invent all this shit. Artists have to find a way that engages people. Art really does play a huge role in raising awareness and making people see things in new ways.
Art alone is not enough, but it's a great start.
Download Sole's "Threeway Fight" featuring Decompsure for free via Bandcamp and check out the artist's politically-minded Solecast podcast series featuring conversations with local and international activists, philosophers, musicians, social permaculturists and more.
Bree Davies is a multimedia journalist, artist advocate and community organizer born and raised in Denver. Rooted in the world of Do-It-Yourself arts and music, Davies co-founded Titwrench experimental music festival, is host of the local music and comedy show Sounds on 29th on CPT12 Colorado Public Television and is creator and host of the civic and social issue-focused podcast, Hello? Denver? Are You Still There? Her work is centered on a passionate advocacy for all ages, accessible, inclusive, non-commercial and autonomous DIY art spaces and music venues in Denver.
Contact: Bree Davies
Twitter: @cocodavies


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The Ghost and the Darkness (1996)
Question: Which lion is ghost and which one is darkness?
specialj
Chosen answer: The darker one is darkness, the lighter one is ghost.
Jason X (2001)
Question: Everyone keeps saying Jason has the power of regeneration. That's why he has human fingers, hair, beard, etc. However that does not explain why his face does not get better. I know his face was deformed when he was a child which explains his deformity. However every time his mask is taken off, it still looks like the face of a dead guy. His face never becomes any more human like the rest of his body. Can anybody explain how his supposed "regeneration" fits into this?
Answer: Jason wasn't deformed as a child. Jason was deformed at birth. His regeneration can't fix anything better then it already was, just to where it was to begin with, therefore since his face was always deformed it can't be fixed better than its deformed state. If half his head is blown up it will regenerate, but only as far as the deformed state.
oddy knocky
Question: SPOILER: What part of Earth did Dr. Stone land on?
Answer: The scene was shot in Lake Powell, Arizona (as detailed here), but whether it's meant to be that specific location or just somewhere unspecified on Earth has not been made clear.
Casual Person
Question: At the end when Steven is the only one left alive alone with Django, he drops his cane and seems to walk fine. Would that indicate that he was faking the whole time, just pretending he needed it?
Answer: Not necessarily; Stephen's condition may be ameliorated by using a cane to walk, but he doesn't always need the cane. I myself have an ankle condition which is sometimes helped by the use of a cane, but I don't always need the cane.
zendaddy621
Star Trek: The Next Generation (1987)
Parallels - S7-E11
Question: Whenever I see this episode rerun, they leave out the scene where Picard suddenly appears at Worf's surprise party. This is a somewhat crucial scene, in my opinion, because it is one of the first clues (other than the cake switching flavors) that something isn't quite right. Why is this scene no longer shown? Is it simply due to the desire for more advertising time? Are other episodes cut like this?
Matty Blast
Chosen answer: The most common reason rerun TV series are edited is to allow for more advertising time. They can also speed up the show's running time, which is unnoticeable but gives more seconds to be sold to advertisers. Cable TV channels are allowed to have more advertising than network TV channels, and they do whatever they can to increase revenue. It does result in episodes often being choppy and the story line a bit confusing. Now channels are also overlapping the end of one show while showing the start of another one by using a split screen, giving them even more time to sell to advertisers.
Frasier (1993)
Something About Dr. Mary - S7-E16
Question: In the café, Chuck tells Roz something about his wife leaving him for someone. What does he say? I can't make out the last part of his sentence.
Answer: He says that his wife left him in the Caribbean for a Rastafarian. It sounds like 'wasta-fah-wian' due to his speech impediment.
Purple_Girl
A Good Year (2006)
Question: Did Henry know the young Max cheated at chess?
Answer: Yes, that's why Henry refers about telling the truth under the influence of wine.
The Shining (1980)
Question: What is the significance of the play that Jack is writing, in both the book and movie?
Answer: Jack, who lost his teaching job due to his alcoholism and violent temper, is attempting to rebuild his life as a writer and working at the hotel gives him the financial means to do that. As the ghosts begin taking over Jack's mind, he is increasingly unable to work on the play. As he mentally deteriorates, the play's progress (or lack of) gauges his mental decline.
Santa Claus (1985)
Question: At the end of the movie when Joe goes to live with Santa and the elves at the North Pole, what would happen to Cornelia (the girl Joe and Santa befriend) after she stayed there until the next Christmas? She would have no one to look after her when she is taken back to New York, since her only relative, her step uncle floated away after eating Patch's candy canes to evade arrest.
Heather Benton
Chosen answer: We don't know for sure that the uncle is her only relative, he is the only one we see in the film. She may have other family in or around the city that she may live with after her return.
Answer: She did have her nanny. She may have been strict, but was still fair, especially after eating Patch's lollipop, feeling like Mary Poppins, much to both their amusement.
Answer: She most likely would have stayed with her aunt. It was said by her nanny that B.Z. was her step-uncle so she definitely would have family to go back to.
The Forgotten (2004)
Question: Are Telly's husband Jim, her friend Eliot and Dr. Munce a part of the aliens' plot and if so, why would they agree to such an experiment?
Answer: They weren't and they didn't. They were "brainwashed" into believing that there never was a child.
Bonnie Cottrell
Well true except for Dr. Munce, who was aware but didn't think he had a choice.
Question: Several items thrown into the portal at the abandoned warehouse comes back through another end. How exactly do the items manage to get from the other dimension back through the other end of the portal?
Chosen answer: As seen in the film, the portals are in flux. They are constantly activating and deactivating, potentially pulling items through from one dimension to another.
Question: Is there any explanation to why several items thrown into the portal in the abandoned warehouse comes back whilst other stuff thrown into the portal doesn't?
Chosen answer: No explanation is given, but the answer is onscreen. When Jane and Thor walk into the cave after meeting Malekith, they find the other objects that were thrown into the portal that didn't return. Jane doesn't offer an explanation of how, but understands the implications of returning home. Given the fluctuating gravitational fields, we can only assume that the times at which objects entered the portal were the differentiating factor. It should also be noted that everything thrown through the portal was some kind of metal, so that might be a factor.
Evita (1996)
Question: Since it was replaced by "The Art of the Possible" in between the release of the concept album and the premiere on the West End, I've never heard the original version of "The Lady's Got Potential." Is it as rock and roll as the version in the film is?
Cubs Fan
Chosen answer: I did a little research for you. The Original London cast recording from 1976 is available on iTunes with the song "The Lady's Got Potential" intact. In the minute and a half sample iTunes allows, the song sounds pretty similar - both just as "rock and roll." However, the lyrics and instrumentals do have differences. Look it up using the key words "Evita London cast" and you should locate it. Give it a listen!
Question: At the beginning of the film Fanny is at her cafe and stops to look at a Van Gogh print above the cash register. The print has Provence printed on it in yellow. At the end of the film she looks at the print but that time there is nothing printed at the bottom of print. What does this mean?
Answer: I think the Van Gogh is really part of his buy-out package from the brokerage. This is the copy which was hanging on the boss' wall, but not the original which the boss kept in the vault.
Question: How did the rainbow bridge get rebuilt? Did I miss the explanation somewhere?
Answer: I think the implication was that it was two years since the destruction of the Bifrost bridge, and that appears to have been time enough to rebuild it using the Tesseract, which was brought back by Thor. Jane is the one who gives out the 2 years reference when remonstrating with Thor about disappearing.
SpongeBob SquarePants (1999)
Question: I've heard the rumor for a while that the show SpongeBob Squarepants was originally made for adults. The only "proof" I've seen of this is speculation of certain episodes with supposedly "adult" jokes and the town's name being Bikini Bottom. Does anyone have legitimate proof of this being true?
Answer: The show was always intended to be for kids (with the occasional joke for the grown-ups thrown in) The name Bikini Bottom follows with the theory that all of the characters in the show are able to speak because of an atomic blast, as the first atomic tests were conducted near the Bikini Islands...Bikini Bottom, meaning the bottom of the ocean at the Bikini Islands.
Actually this theory has been debunked in the show. Firstly, there are caveman versions of Spongebob and Patrick in the episode "SB-129" and Middle ages versions in "Dunces and Dragons." Also Tom Kenny (the voice of Spongebob, and sometimes Gary the Snail) has stated that the theory isn't true.
Question: Did S.H.I.E.L.D. originally consider Thor to be one of the Avengers before Loki's plans?
Chosen answer: Probably. If you look at the map in the end of Iron Man 2, you can see all sorts of "superheroes" marked on it. New Mexico is also marked, where Thor would take place (in continuity) a few days after the events of Iron Man 2. Plus, when Fury was talking to the council, they also mentioned Thor and that he might be either an asset or an enemy.
Friso94
Question: The Bifrost was destroyed at the end of the first film and Thor was sent back to Earth another way in The Avengers. So can someone explain to me why he didn't visit Jane then? Or at least after Loki's plans were foiled?
Chosen answer: The Tesseract on Earth posed a great threat to everyone. Thor wanted to get it and Loki to Asgard as soon as possible. If he first had to track down Jane in Norway, that could take a while and leave the Tesseract vulnerable.
Question: Toward the very end of the movie, when Tony and Jackie are going to see Billy dancing, it seems almost as if Jackie is reluctant to go on, and is seen walking slowly and looking all around. What is the significance of this?
Answer: Some time has passed since Billy left home and became a professional dancer. Jackie is older now and not as physically active as he once was. He has also seldom left his small, provincial town, and being in a major city like London is a little daunting for him, so he is a little uncomfortable and out-of-place.
I'd agree with "overwhelmed" (or in awe), but not to the point of being "daunting" because he was eager and excited to see what Billy had become and was not trying to avoid going there. (It was more like he was trying to not let on how excited he actually was).
KeyZOid
Interview with the Vampire: The Vampire Chronicles (1994)
Question: After 100 years; Louis finds Lestat disfigured and cowering in a cemetery in New Orleans. This seems out of character for the arrogant Lestat, especially as he has superior powers. We see him again in his usual arrogance as he takes Daniel. I'm puzzled why Lestat hid for 100 years.
Answer: Lestat was quite vain; his disfigurement was most likely the reason he stayed hidden as long as he did. Also, his true age is uncertain, so 100 years could be an insignificant amount of time to him.


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