text:
These Sexual Meditation Apps Wish to Get You Off. You Would possibly Additionally Fall Asleep.
"That is going to be attractive, rattling it," shouldn't be one thing you suppose to your self earlier than embarking on a genuinely sensual exercise, however I had excessive hopes earlier than urgent play on my 8-minute "quickie meditation." I used to be listening to "Guided by Glow," an app that produces "erotic audio classes."
I discovered myself in sweatpants and a messy bun, mendacity on my mattress—the place I'd eaten pizza mere moments earlier than—able to hearken to a faceless, honey-voiced girl named Sky "take [my] physique and thoughts on a journey of surrendering to [my] inside goddess' sexual needs."
Wham, bam, thanks ma'am porn it was not. This might take time. First, Sky would lead me on a gap meditation—breathe in, breathe out—whereas I waited for the story to start.
"I image you mendacity on some smooth sheets," she cooed. I stared at a grease stain on my bedding that was the dimensions of a big movie show ice dice. Sky led me in some extra deep breaths, and instructed me to take a look at my stomach. "I might somewhat not," I stated again to Sky, however she stored on shifting.
The scene: a picnic. We sit collectively on an empty discipline, feeling the blanket beneath, the breeze towards our pores and skin. We're consuming strawberries collectively. Now Sky is placing strawberries into quite a few orifices on my physique.
"I settle for you as you might be," Sky says, "with all of your flaws." That was type of impolite, I inform Sky, after which she provides, "and your perfections." I shut her off.
Now it's over to "Scorpio Seduction," courtesy of a deep male voice named Miles. "Whats up queen," he soothes out. "I'm in awe of your energy… We're gonna go collectively to the middle of the burning volcano."
I don't actually wish to go there, in any respect. It sounds fairly harmful. However Miles retains whispering candy nothings—he asks me to get snug, tells me I'm "the boss," and that I'm "secure and seen." It's slightly a lot. Consent could be very attractive and all that, however in some unspecified time in the future you simply want somebody to drag your hair and throw you across the mattress (or volcano, as it might be.)
I swap to 1 final recording, a "soundscape" known as "Morning Snuggle." It's the audio of waking up subsequent to a person named Van, who seems like he is aware of loads concerning the provide chain, whereas he asks me to do a "morning meditation" with him. I've no clue the place this story goes, as a result of by minute three I discover myself dozing off. I get up from my energy nap a couple of minutes later, and the story has ended. I do really feel fairly refreshed.
I discovered Guided by Glow on (where else?) The Goop Gift guide, the place events should purchase the service for $4 a month, or $48 a yr. I reached out to Sayra Participant, an actress who based the app, and tried it freed from cost in alternate for, um, analysis.
"I haven't had plenty of resonance with typical porn," Participant instructed me over the cellphone. "However I've all the time achieved yoga, and I like to give up and cease pondering and simply move. I used to be listening to a guided meditation and had this second of, 'It could be cool if this individual spoke to my physique and introduced in a sexual expertise.'"
Participant wrote her first script and known as it "Golden Boy."
"That title might go plenty of methods, but it surely was about being alone in a room with somebody who serviced you and instructed you what they had been doing as they did it," she clarified. She shared it with a writing group. "And everybody was like, that is ridiculously scorching, so I had all of them write one, too."
"I don't wish to be a porn producer. I wish to be a pleasure connoisseur."
— Sayra Participant
"Once you get anyone in your ear, it's straight to your system," Participant stated. "As a storyteller, I've the sensitivity to seek out when one thing turns folks on. Not simply sexually, however it is going to open their coronary heart, or join them. There are plenty of alternative ways to do this. So I've turn into a pleasure connoisseur. I don't wish to be a porn producer. I wish to be a pleasure connoisseur."
Guided by Glow is one in every of a slew of apps, with millennial-friendly sans serif fonts, that gives guided meditation meant to get listeners off. There's Dipsea, the place one can hearken to high-concept tales, like yoga trainer/pupil intercourse. There's Ferly, the place customers be part of a program led by an knowledgeable to focus on particular bed room hangups like low libido, stigma, or painful intercourse. Kama (as in Sutra) affords masturbation meditations and classes meant "that will help you take pleasure in your self in addition to make you a greater lover."
I listened to a 24-minute guided masturbation session by Kama whereas consuming my lunch, which is admittedly not the best way it's imagined to go, however I used to be having a busy day. It didn't carry me to a rapturous climax whereas I chewed my salad. Nonetheless, I appreciated the dearth of story or idea—it was a simple meditation—and the breathy voice who led the best way, sounding scorching however not overdone.
Jessica Graham, a mindfulness coach and creator of Good Sex: Getting Off Without Checking Out, has been recording sexual meditations since 2017 with the app Easy Behavior. "People get fairly caught of their head throughout intercourse, particularly round climax," Graham instructed me over the cellphone. "This occurs to folks of all genders, not simply ladies, who inform me that they'll't climax with another person as a result of there's an excessive amount of anxiousness and strain. This meditation could be useful for that—it teaches you to return into the physique."
"You are able to do aware meditation however simply be stroking your arm, holding your self, saying, 'I really like you sweetheart, and I'm proper right here with you.'"
— Jessica Graham
Graham provides that these apps "could be utilized with or and not using a companion," and don't must be used for explicitly sexual functions. "I all the time inform purchasers that it doesn't must be sexual," she stated. "It may be one thing you employ to tune into your sexuality, positive, but additionally simply pleasure basically. You are able to do aware meditation however simply be stroking your arm, holding your self, saying, 'I really like you sweetheart, and I'm proper right here with you.'"
The intros to the classes can definitely be jarring to somebody who's used to the immediacy of normal porn. You need to be affected person and watch for the build-up, and spend time respiratory with a random individual's voice earlier than they resolve it's time to flick your clit, or pop a strawberry up your vagina, or do no matter one does inside that intercourse volcano.
"Once you decelerate, you entry all of this pleasure and turn-ons which can be obtainable, however normally get bulldozed over," Graham stated. "As a tradition, we're very centered on the moment gratification of a cumshot and getting off. So many individuals suppose that in the event that they don't get off then they weren't profitable. However there's persistence in studying to decelerate and be together with your physique that approach."
A 24 year-old New Yorker named Sabian, who I've by no means met however is an Instagram acquaintance, answered my name to see if anybody wish to attempt a sexual meditation app and report again. (Sabian, like everybody else I enlisted on this experiment, requested that I not use her full title.)
"I assumed it was going to be bizarre, and I didn't have excessive expectations," Sabian stated. "I assumed, OK, it's going to be corny." For her first try on Guided by Glow, Sabian picked one story however rapidly turned it off as a result of "the man had a extremely thick southern accent."
"I used to be like, no, this isn't it," she stated. "You need to be choosy. So it became this entire subtask of me discovering a voice that wasn't going to trouble me for quarter-hour, particularly in the event that they're going to inform me what to do—I don't want them to have a southern accent."
Sabian tried to set the temper in her room—she wore noise-cancelling headphones, turned the brightness on her laptop computer all the best way down, and laid underneath LES lights. She listened to 1 starring a voice named Rhett, with the easy conceit of him coming as much as her in her bed room for a quickie. "I couldn't get into that one," she stated. "He stated that I smelled 'like a misty morning seaside,' and I misplaced it. As a result of I do know that I don't."
The "pretend complimenting" was slightly troublesome for Sabian to work with—at one level, Rhett known as her clit "my darling pink bean."
"It felt naughty, like I didn't need my neighbors to listen to it. The voice was phony, with the pressured inhaling, but it surely made me attractive. So I suppose it labored."
— Bianca
Sabian discovered a couple of extra that she appreciated, although she started to count on the sample of the meditation—begin off with respiratory workouts, then get to the attractive stuff. "It was a pleasant break from regular porn, and it did really feel extra comforting," she stated. "Generally after porn I really feel an actual disgrace, however with this I didn't have the expertise."
One other pal, a New Yorker named Bianca, instructed me the expertise felt "similar to cellphone intercourse, however with a lady."
"It felt naughty, like I didn't need my neighbors to listen to it," she stated. "The voice was phony, with the pressured inhaling, but it surely made me attractive. So I suppose it labored."
An acquaintance of mine named Frances additionally tried to enter the "burning volcano" from the "Scorpio Seduction" recording. "I fell asleep," she stated. "It actually put me to sleep. I laid all the way down to get comfortable, after which took a 10-minute nap midway via. However I did have notably good intercourse later within the day, so possibly that had one thing to do with it?"
Sabian, who's single and lives alone, stated she "type of felt like a cat girl" whereas listening to the app. "There was a romance novel side, and once I consider these I consider aged ladies," she stated. "At first I assumed it was going to be humorous, however then I loved it a bit."
After I instructed this to Graham, the meditation coach, she made an emphatic counterargument. "The truth that you're alone in a room with a meditation app really makes you actually cool," she insisted. "You're not a loser. You're actually rad, since you're educating your self. What a present to your potential future lovers that you just've had this exploration."
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With Ironspring Ventures, Texas gets a $61 million new fund focused on 'industrial' technologies
Jonathan ShieberFebruary 16, 20214min6680
From the chemical refineries that line the Gulf Coast to oilfields of West Texas, heavy industry has always been a big part of the economy in the Lone Star State.
Now, as venture capital moves in to the state as part of an exodus from California, a new fund is combining Texas' industrial past with its high technology future.
That fund is Ironspring Ventures, which has closed its first investment vehicle with $61 million nearly two years after it launched its fundraising efforts.
The fruit of a partnership between Adam Bridgman and Peter J. Holt, the co-founders of an earlier investment vehicle called Holt Ventures, and Ty Findley, a former investor at G.E. Ventures and the Pritzker Group, the firm's mission is to "accelerate digital adoption across legacy heavy industries," according to Bridgman.
Each member of the Ironspring team has a long history with industrial technologies and deep roots in the Texas economy. Findley, a managing partner, grew up "in the middle of nowhere in East Texas" but comes from a family of entrepreneurs who built businesses along the Texas and Louisiana border.
"I joined up with our other co-founder and managing partner, Peter Holt," said Bridgman. "That was really step one for us pursuing this broader mission of investing in legacy industry at the early stage of digital innovation. We were fortunate to find a strong cultural alignment and rare experience with Ty [Findley]. After co-investing over a period of time we got to know each other very well. We joined forces and it's been a nice journey over the last year-and-a-half of formally launching and formally closing the fund in December."
The first deal that the three men invested in together was Augmentir, a service providing information and support for remote workers. "Everything comes back to these words 'digital industrial' for us," said Findley. "There's this massive gap where people forget that almost the majority of GDP in this country is manufacturing."
So far, Ironspring has invested in four portfolio companies, Mercado, which is developing a service to improve the import process; Icon Build, a company developing 3-D printing tools and technologies for the building industry; FastRadius, which brings design tools and services for prototyping and industrial design; and GoContractor, a safety and compliance management service.
The firm's average check size is around $2.5 million and investments will range from $1 million on the low end to $4 million on the high end, according to the firm's partners. That means looking for what the firm called "post-seed" deals.
And the firm is looking for technology that is transforming how businesses design products, build them, and provide services and operate across the wide range of industrial output.
"We're trying to organize around those themes," said Bridgman.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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People and policy intrigue sociologist Sally Hillsman
by Carrie Madren
Part of AAAS member Sally Hillsman's lifelong work has been helping to ensure that high quality scientific work is done that helps policy-makers make better decisions. (Photo: Carrie Madren)
You won't find Sally Hillsman, executive officer of the American Sociological Association, walking down the sidewalk with earbuds on. That's because the lifelong sociologist cherishes the sights and sounds of metropolitan life.
"I'm a big city person," says the New Jersey native who spent much of her life in New York City and the last 17 years in Washington, D.C. — where she lives with her two large white cats in the Penn Quarter neighborhood, a stone's throw from the Smithsonian American Art Museum and other D.C. landmarks.
Born into a family full of medical doctors, Hillsman started out pre-med but switched to sociology. "I became interested in the structures of society as opposed to the body," says Hillsman, now 70, who majored in both sociology and economics. Eventually, sociology won out when she began her Ph.D., which she earned at Columbia University in 1970. Early research positions were at the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia and the Vera Institute of Justice and Center for Policy Research, both in New York City.
In the mid-1970s, Hillsman completed the first major experimental design for a study on pre-trial diversion (sending offenders to drug or other treatment instead of going through the full court system), the first successful study of its kind in the U.S. Another pioneering multi-site study examined criminal penalty fines that were adjusted to meet people's means.
As vice president of research and technology for the National Center for State Courts in Williamsburg, Virginia, she led research efforts to support the state courts. Studies there focused on statistics in the state court system and speedy trial. When she started, "We had a lot of studies about law, but not a lot of studies about how the criminal justice system works on the ground — what did it do, how did prosecution actually work," says Hillsman.
In 2002, she became head of the American Sociological Association, which has some 14,000 members and 29 staff members, and publishes nine major journals in the field. As executive officer, she manages the business side of the organization and facilitates the journals' peer review and production. She also oversees many other aspects of the Association, including the annual August meeting that draws some 6,000 people and works with the association's public information program get sociology out into the public eye via national media.
Outside of work, Hillsman listens to classical music and plays the piano, but her real passion is travel: This globetrotter has visited every continent except Antarctica, and takes one month every year to immerse herself in a different culture and part of the world. The last few years have taken her to China, Tibet, Morocco, Peru, the Easter Islands, Patagonia, Brazil and more. This fall, she'll head to Turkey and next year, Mongolia.
Souvenir statuettes from Africa, rugs from Morocco, and mini Easter Island stone heads adorn her office at the Association's new high-rise D.C. office, where she looks out over bustling K Street through picture windows.
Part of her work has been helping to ensure that high quality scientific work is done that helps policy-makers make better decisions. "I feel privileged to have been a part of that process over the last 40 years," says Hillsman.
Though the social sciences don't require enormous funding structures as do other sciences — like space exploration — it's important that the databases that sociologists rely on, census data and sample surveys by the Bureau of Justice statistics, for example, remain funded, according to Hillsman. In addition, sociology is closely linked to the other social sciences and the humanities — including languages — which need funding and support, she adds.
"The standing of the social sciences in the world of policy- and decision-making has significantly improved," she says. "Having good-quality scientific standards available is critical to a democracy."
Carrie Madren
Health and medicine/Pharmacology/Drug studies
Social sciences/Economics/Economics research
Social sciences/Philosophy/Justice
Health and medicine/Pharmacology/Drug development/Drug design
Social sciences/Psychology/Cognitive psychology/Cognition/Decision making
Applied sciences and engineering/Information science/Data samples
Applied sciences and engineering/Applied mathematics/Statistics/Statistical theory/Statistical sampling
Social sciences/Education/Educational facilities/Museums
Health and medicine/Medical specialties/Family medicine
Social sciences/Sociology/Society/Human relations/Family
Social sciences/Economics/Medical economics
Social sciences/Education/Educational facilities/Educational institutions/Universities
Social sciences/Political science/Government/Public policy
Social sciences/Human geography/Urban studies
Scientific community/Research programs/Drug research
Health and medicine/Clinical medicine/Medical treatments/Drug therapy
Applied sciences and engineering/Technology
Social sciences/Sociology/Criminology/Criminal law
Social sciences/Economics/Business
Scientific community/Academic publishing/Peer review


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[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Politics (1)
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Warburg, James Paul (1896-1969), financier, government official and presidential confidant, and political writer
Andrew R. Heinze
Warburg, James Paul (18 August 1896–03 June 1969), financier, government official and presidential confidant, and political writer, was born in Hamburg, Germany, the son of Paul Moritz Warburg, a banker, and Nina Jenny Loeb. James Warburg was settled with his family in the United States in 1901 and naturalized in 1911 along with his eminent father, a brilliant financier. If Paul Warburg embodied the classic reserve and discipline of the fin de siècle German-Jewish elite, the rebellious and impetuous James seemed equally and defiantly proud of the free-wheeling American style that would be his trademark. A brilliant student, James attended private elementary schools in New York City, the Middlesex School in Concord, Massachusetts, and Harvard, where he finished his B.A. in three years, graduating Phi Beta Kappa in 1916....


Notice no shot clock violation for Duke.
Crazy the #1 pick can't be on the floor at crunch time.
Wisky still running plays to keep them alive. Killed UK and the fact UK couldn't run any last 5 mins.
I would not have fouled on that possession.
I don't understand the foul there.
Duke just can't play Okafor in situations like this. I would foul Matt Jones.
Duke is the best team in this tourney. I do hope the officiating is looked at in off season.
Wisconsin is taking a ton of time.
I think Allen should win player of game, not Jones. Allen got them back in it when when the bugs were out.
Kiminsky should have fouled Matt Jones.
Still not in the bonus???
COngrats Duke. I still hate you and the officials stunk up the place but congrats anyway.
All Coach K had to do was roll out the ball with this class. Isn't that what they say about Cal?
Congrats to my homies @PurplePride92 and @GrizzlyAdams!!!!
Uh oh ... Wisconsin players leaving the floor without shaking hands.


In a fast paced and uncertain world, we need the extra edge on nutrition and making sure we can make it through long days. Vital 4U Screaming Energy Max Hit and the rest of the Vital 4U line of great products, helps fit this specific need.
I want to first thank Vital 4U for the bundle pack to try which included a hat, carabiner, and water bottle as well as the product to be tested. With their tagline being "Innovative Health and Energy Products that fit your lifestyle", skepticism started running through my mind despite the company being focused on one thing, my health.
So what was tested and what were the results?
Although I was only to test Screaming Energy Max Hit, I tested three items: Screaming Energy Max Hit, Vitamin, and Liquid Energy, coffee flavor (the distinction is because there are two versions of Liquid Energy – Chocolate Cherry and Coffee). Despite having a pouch, I did not test the Screaming Energy Ultra and I will explain why not as we go through this.
The tests were broken into three areas: taste, effects on my body, and longevity.
As soon as I opened the box, I had to try the coffee flavored Screaming Energy Max Hit simply because it was coffee flavored and, as many of you know, I love my coffee. On a scale of 1-5 on taste – 5 all the way. It did not have a bitter or overpowering medicine flavor to it. Many products will add flavoring just to hide the active ingredients. Because one of their active ingredients is caffeine, the coffee fit right in.
There were no effects on my body internally or externally. This means, I had no cramps, no digestive issues, or anything. It was as if I drank water. Mentally though, I felt more alert and focused. I consider this a huge bonus. Because of this, I had no issues taking the pre-mixed pouches daily as opposed to sporadically.
Now comes the answer to the biggest question, how long did the energy last. My first test was at 2pm, an hour after lunch. I started slowing down around 10pm with no crash and no ill effects. I just seemed more awake and alert for that period of time. There is one factor I did not take into account however. I slowed down for the evening around 10pm. I do not know if I could have kept going if I needed to stay up longer but feel like I could have.
Additional notes should be that I took separate pouches in three other methods: on an empty stomach, after breakfast, and one with breakfast. All three showed the same results with the times taken during breakfast seeming longer than the initial eight hour trial. The pouch itself includes 185mg of caffeine per pouch. The comparison is an 8oz cup of medium roast at 95mg/per serving. Also, and for the record, there are 9g of natural cane sugar in each pouch.
Just to be clear, we are talking about 14 pills: 11 tablets and 3 softgels. While that may seem like a lot, when it is broken down into what each one of them are and it is not a bad setup. I have taken vitamins where they have combined everything and it did not work near as well as the Vital 4U vitamin did. Yes, the taste, well, like vitamins. No promises of good flavoring here, but it was not overpowering.
My test was done on a day that I did not take the Screaming Energy and I have to say, the word impressive does not begin to do it justice. I felt healthier. What I mean by this is, it seemed my system absorption rate was working at full speed. All the vitamins seemed to go into my system at the way they were designed and no peed out when I went to the bathroom. And yes, I checked.
Longevity was not unusual by taking vitamins as a whole. When I am on a regiment of vitamins, the effects of a well feeling body usually last between 8-10 hours depending on what activity I am doing for the day. The Vital 4U Vitamins were no different but made me feel a little more…peppier.
With an energy drink that uses Ginseng as a main ingredient, it becomes difficult to hide the dirt taste. Regardless, Vital 4U does with all of their drinks. This pouch is designed for active lifestyles but not necessarily what you need for running a marathon or a football game that Screaming Energy might require. The taste was a 4 out of 5 simply because it did not have as strong of a coffee flavor as the Screaming Energy did.
Like everything mentioned previously, Liquid Energy followed suite and no ill effects to my body.
Where the Screaming Energy Max Hit lasted 8 hours plus, the Liquid Energy seemed to start slowing down at around 5-6 hours. That is not a bad thing, it is just what it was. This was the main reason why I did not try the Screaming Energy Ultra. With the time variables of Liquid Energy and Screaming Energy Max, I did not partake in any activity that required a longer energy cycle. However, I am doing an Scout Wilderness Class and an Obstacle Course Race, in which this would be perfect. For the record, the class requires long days of 7+ miles hiking daily and I feel that this would be a great addition to my pack.
The question a friend of mine asked me the other day was how does this apply to the survival, bushcraft, or preparedness theme of what we do here. I replied, pretty firmly, if it all goes down, I will need to be alert and aware for many hours in a day and no time for grogginess or sugar crashes. The Screaming Energy Max Hit would be perfect because it does just that. It's core is B vitamins, Ginseng, and Taurine, not to mention the taste is great. Since they are able to withstand 30lbs of pressure the eco-friendly foil pouches make portability and stow-ability a non-issue.
In survival, one is usually always on the go and does not have a complete nutritional mindset. Add vitamin C and one is well on the way to staying healthy regardless of what life is throwing at them. So whether you are a soccer star or a soccer parent, the pouches from Vital 4U might be just what you need.
If you read this far and are interested, use the code INSTINCT for a 25% discount at www.Vital4u.com.


Mr. Charles A. Horsky, of Washington, D.C., for the United States.
Mr. John D. Cofer, of Austin, Tex., for appellees.
This is an appeal, under the Criminal Appeals Act of March 2, 1907, 18 U.S.C. § 682, 18 U.S.C.A. § 682, and Sec. 238 of the Judicial Code, 28 U.S.C. § 345, 28 U.S.C.A. § 345, from a judgment of a district court sustaining demurrers and motions of the appellees to quash an indictment.
The indictment, filed September 17, 1938, charges appellees with violations of the Connally (Hot Oil) Act of February 22, 1935, as amended, 15 U.S.C. § 715 et seq., 15 U.S.C.A. § 715 et seq., and with conspiracy to violate such Act, 18 U.S.C. § 88, 18 U.S.C.A. § 88. The various substantive counts charge that appellees, in violation of the Act, as amended, transported in interstate commerce from the Conroe Oil Field in Montgomery County, State of Texas, to Marcus Hook, Pa., certain petroleum products in excess of the amounts permitted to be produced, transported, and withdrawn from storage under the laws of Texas and the regulations and orders prescribed by the Railroad Commission of Texas. These transportations are alleged to have been made on various dates from November 4, 1935, to March 20, 1936. The conspiracy count charges a conspiracy by appellees to violate the Act, as amended, by producing, transporting, and withdrawing from storage petroleum in excess of the amounts permitted to be produced, transported, and withdrawn from storage under the laws of Texas and the regulations and orders promulgated thereunder. These transportations are alleged to have been made between the same places alleged in the substantive counts, on various dates from on or about September 4, 1935, to on or about March 15, 1937.
Sec. 13 of the Act of February 22, 1935, 49 Stat. 33, 15 U.S.C.A. § 715l provided that 'This Act shall cease to be in effect on June 16, 1937.' This section was amended by the Act of June 14, 1937, 'by striking out 'June 16, 1937' and inserting in lieu thereof 'June 30, 1939". 50 Stat. 257, 15 U.S.C.A. § 715l. No other amendments to the Act were made.
The single question before us is whether violations of this Act alleged to have been committed prior to June 16, 1937, may be prosecuted under an indictment returned subsequent thereto. The district court by sustaining the demurrers and motions to quash answered that question in the negative. We think it erred.
The Congress alone may declare whether those who, before June 16, 1937, violated the Act may be prosecuted thereafter. The question is one of the purpose of Congress. Explicit provisions in the amendment preserving the right of prosecution after the date originally set for expiry of the Act would have made that purpose clear beyond question. But the surrounding circumstances here make this purpose as clear and as unequivocal as an explicit provision. This is an Act designed to protect interstate and foreign commerce from the diversion and obstruction of, and the burden and harmful effect upon, such commerce caused by contraband oil, (as defined in the Act) and to encourage the conservation of deposits of crude oil within the United States. Administrative machinery is provided for the control of shipment or transportation of contraband oil in interstate commerce. Secs. 4, 5 and 9. Such shipment or transportation is prohibited, unless on appropriate findings the President, by proclamation, lifts the prohibition. Secs. 3 and 4. Penalties are provided for violations of the Act or any regulations prescribed thereunder. Secs. 6 and 7. And section 10 implements the Act with civil and criminal procedures to enforce its sanctions. The Act is thus a self-sustained and organic whole, equipped to effectuate a declared policy of the Congress. By its original terms it would have expired June 16, 1937. But it never expired, for on June 14, 1937, the whole Act was continued in effect until June 30, 1939. Its substantive phases were not altered one whit or tittle; its sanctions were neither reduced nor increased. Precisely the same acts continue to be prohibited after the amendment as before. The amendment merely perpetuated the entire Act for another term.
In view of these circumstances, it seems clear beyond question that it was the purpose of Congress, expressed in the amendment of June 14, 1937, to treat this Act precisely in the same way as if by its original terms it was to expire on June 30, 1939. Due to the amendment, the Act has never ceased to be in effect. No new law was created; no old one was repealed. Without hiatus of any kind, the original Act was given extended life. There was no First Connally Act followed by a Second Connally Act. During the periods in question there was but one Act. No evidence has been brought to our attention, and we have found none, that Congress proposed to waive or to pardon violations which occurred prior to June 16, 1937, but which were not prosecuted until subsequent thereto.
There is a secondary consideration which points to the same conclusion. If the appellees are right in their contention, a temporary act such as this one would lose, as a practical matter, some of its sanctions. Violations could occur with impunity months before its expiry, for in practice there frequently is an unavoidably substantial lag between violation and prosecution. The statute should not be so construed if another interpretation will make it effective. As this Court said in Bird v. United States, 187 U.S. 118, 124, 23 S.Ct. 42, 44, 47 L.Ed. 100. 'There is a presumption against a construction which would render a statute ineffective or inefficient, or which would cause grave public injury or even inconvenience.' We are unwilling to conclude that although the same acts continue to be prohibited after June 16, 1937, as before, violations committed prior to that date are not punishable thereafter.
In view of this conclusion, we do not reach the nub of appellees' argument based on Chief Justice Marshall's statement in The Irresistible, 7 Wheat. 551, 552, 5 L.Ed. 520, 'that an offense against a temporary act cannot be punished after the expiration of the act, unless a particular provision be made by law for the purpose.' For in this case, as we have said, the Act of February 22, 1935, did not expire on June 16, 1937.
But even if we assume the validity of that statement, it seems to us clear that though the Act be treated as having expired or terminated on June 16, 1937, the result is the same. For in this case 'particular provision' has been made 'by law for the purpose' of extending the enforcement machinery with reference to prior criminal violations. The 'particular provision' was the amendment of June 14, 1937, extending the effective period of the Act. That amendment was passed prior to the original expiration date. When read in light of the title of the amendatory statute, viz. 'An Act To continue in effect until June 30, 1939, the Act * * * approved February 22, 1935', 50 Stat. 257, the statement of purpose becomes plain and unambiguous. If the amendment of June 14, 1937, had merely 'extended' the duration, or postponed the expiration, of section 10 of the Act dealing with criminal penalties, 'particular provision' for subsequent prosecutions would have been indubitably clear. The fact that all sections, including section 10, were extended makes it nonetheless plain. The whole, though larger than any of its parts, does not necessarily obscure their separate identities.
In view of these various considerations, we hold that this prosecution does not offend the prohibition in Article I § 9, cl. 3 of the Constitution, U.S.C.A., against ex post facto laws.


text:
Carriera

Club
La carriera di Gina Mambrú inizia nella formazione del , dove gioca dal 2001 al 2005. Nella stagione 2006-07 fa la sua prima esperienza in un campionato estero, andando a giocare nella División de Honor spagnola col . Al termine di questa esperienza, torna a giocare in patria, difendendo i colori del  e , con nel mezzo una esperienza in un club di Trinidad e Tobago.

Nella stagione 2008-09 gioca nella V.Challenge League, serie cadetta del campionato giapponese, con le , risultando miglior realizzatrice e miglior attaccante del campionato, nonostante il terzo posto finale della sua squadra. Nella stagione seguente approda invece in Brasile, al , club di Superliga.

Dopo due stagioni all'estero, torna a giocare al . Nella stagione 2013 approda nella Liga de Voleibol Superior Femenino, dove veste la maglia delle , raggiungendo le finali scudetto. Nella stagione seguente è nuovamente in Porto Rico, questa volta per difendere la maglia delle .

Nella stagione 2014-15 gioca nella Voleybol 1. Ligi turca col , al termine degli impegni con la formazione turca, nel maggio 2015 firma col  per il solo campionato mondiale per club. A metà stagione seguente viene ingaggiata dal  di Bronzolo, nella Serie A1 italiana. Ritorna in campo per disputare il campionato 2017 con la squadra indonesiana del , nella Proliga.

Rientra in Repubblica Dominicana per disputare la prima edizione della Liga de Voleibol Superior con il , conquistando lo scudetto. Per il campionato 2019 approda attraverso uno scambio di giocatrici al . Torna a giocare in Indonesia per la Proliga 2020, ancora con il , mentre poco dopo l'inizio del campionato 2020-21 si accasa nuovamente in Turchia, disputando la Sultanlar Ligi con l'.

Nazionale
Partecipa al campionato nordamericano Under-20 2006, vincendo la medaglia d'argento e venendo premiata come miglior attaccante del torneo e nel 2008 debutta anche nella nazionale dominicana maggiore, vincendo la medaglia d'argento alla Final Four Cup.

Nell'estate del 2009 vince l'argento alla Coppa panamericana, il bronzo alla Final Four Cup e l'oro al campionato nordamericano, qualificandosi alla Grand Champions Cup, dove vince un altro bronzo; un anno dopo invece conquista la medaglia d'oro alla Coppa panamericana, ai XXI Giochi centramericani e caraibici e alla Final Four Cup.

Dopo aver vinto la medaglia d'argento alla Coppa panamericana 2011, conquista un altro argento al campionato nordamericano 2013 e partecipa alla Grand Champions Cup 2013, venendo premiata come miglior opposto; seguono la medaglia d'oro prima alla Coppa panamericana 2014 e poi ai XXII Giochi centramericani e caraibici, ricevendo il premio di miglior servizio, e alla NORCECA Champions Cup 2015, la medaglia d'argento alla Coppa panamericana 2015, il bronzo ai XVII Giochi panamericani, dove viene premiata come miglior servizio del torneo, e l'argento al campionato nordamericano 2015.

Successivamente conquista l'oro alla Coppa panamericana 2016, torneo nel quale vince l'argento nel 2017, 2018 e 2019, seguiti dall'oro ai XIII Giochi centramericani e caraibici, dall'argento alla NORCECA Champions Cup 2019 e da un altro oro al campionato nordamericano 2019.

Palmarès

Club

2018

Nazionale (competizioni minori)
  Campionato nordamericano Under-20 2006
  Final Four Cup 2008
  Coppa panamericana 2009
  Final Four Cup 2009
  Coppa panamericana 2010
  Giochi centramericani e caraibici 2010
  Final Four Cup 2010
  Coppa panamericana 2011
  Montreux Volley Masters 2013
  Coppa panamericana 2014
  Giochi centramericani e caraibici 2014
  NORCECA Champions Cup 2015
  Coppa panamericana 2015
  Giochi panamericani 2015
  Coppa panamericana 2016
  Coppa panamericana 2017
  Coppa panamericana 2018
  Giochi centramericani e caraibici 2018
  Coppa panamericana 2019
  NORCECA Champions Cup 2019

Premi individuali
 2006 - Campionato nordamericano Under-20: Miglior attaccante
 2009 - V.Challenge League: Miglior realizzatrice
 2009 - V.Challenge League: Miglior attaccante
 2009 - Qualificazioni nordamericane al campionato mondiale 2010: MVP
 2009 - Qualificazioni nordamericane al campionato mondiale 2010: Miglior servizio
 2010 - Pallavolista dominicana dell'anno
 2013 - Grand Champions Cup: Miglior opposto
 2014 - XXII Giochi centramericani e caraibici: Miglior servizio
 2015 - XVII Giochi panamericani: Miglior servizio
 2016 - Qualificazioni ai Giochi della XXXI Olimpiade: Miglior servizio

Note

Collegamenti esterni

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Edie Rudder Wadsworth writes words that burn deep into your soul. Her book, All The Pretty Things launches today. It needs to be on your must read list.
It's the story of a young girl's journey into womanhood and how through everything love, grace, forgiveness and redemption were the threads that held it all together resulting in a beautiful tapestry only God could weave.
It's the first book in a long time that I couldn't put down until every last word was savored. Edie's voice draws you in and compels you to stay. You will come away with your heart full and a new resolve to embrace your life and live it with grace.
For me to say I have a favorite book would be like asking Imelda Marcos to choose a favorite pair of shoes. Although, I don't think I have quite as many books as she did shoes, nor, do I think you can compare my love of books with her love of shoes. I think the motives behind the love are different. Still, you must get the point. I could never have just one favorite book.
I love books, and given cash to shop I would more than likely spend the money on books rather than shoes. Shoes wear out and go out of style. Books are timeless. A good book transcends time and is relevant throughout the ages.
This would be where I would now list a very classic book that has been around since forever, proving it's timelessness, that all great literary persons have read and recommend. Except, I am not. The book I have chosen to talk about today would be considered shallow by a lot of book lovers.
It's a romance novel; one of the few books I've read more than once, or even twice and will probably read again at some point in the future. I love all manner of books. And if you browse my shelves you will notice everything – children's, classics, novels, self-help, organization, home decor, hymn books, Bibles, bible commentaries, inspirational, devotional, spiritual growth, humor, history, poetry….Some of the books would be profound and some would be fluff. I have a pretty wide range of interests. But, I have always loved a good romance.
I grew up reading Grace Livingston Hill and Emilie Loring Romance novels. There were very few books that were mom-approved for my reading list. Harlequin romance novels were off-limits, although I have read a few in my time. My mom considered them not fit for my teenage mind. I think some of them had a few bad words and too much kissing.
As I have gotten older the romance novel has interested me less, unless it is very well-written. Which is why I think I still like some of the Emilie Loring books. Even though they can be cliche, she still has somewhat of a classic style. She has good description and she occasionally quotes snippets of classic poems, showing that she was well-read. There is of course somewhat of a formula to romance novels, which is to be expected, but I think that was part of the attraction. They provided a chance to escape for a while. I could get lost in someone else's life and imagine my life a little different, if just for awhile.
My favorite Emilie Loring book is Forsaking All Others. It is about a young and upcoming stage actress who has become the guardian of her young nephew and for the sake of his health must give up her career and move to a better climate. There is also a very young doctor who needs a wife to protect his reputation in a very gossipy dessert town. Throw in the older, mutual friend, who thinks marriage between the two would solve both their problems and you have the basic plot for a marriage of convenience that might just turn into real love. Sappy, I know. What can I say. But there you have it. One of my favorite all time romance novels is Forsaking All Others.
A few months ago, I decided I needed to find a hardback copy of this book. I found a first edition library copy at a reasonable price, so purchased it. When it arrived I read the book again. It did not disappoint. It now sits in the book hutch that found me waiting patiently to be loved again.
My book hutch now, with a few more books than the first picture. Notice the copy of Shakespeare on the top shelf? I have other shelves of books too.
What about you? Do you have a favorite romance book? A favorite any book? You can click here for more about my reading habits.


text:
HomeA Justice-Based Proposal for Basic Income
A Justice-Based Proposal for Basic Income
An unconditional basic income has become an increasingly relevant and important proposal in the past decade. There is an increasing automation of work in manufacturing and services, a limitation of trade union involvement in worker's lives, and the development of an increasingly large precariat[1] of semi-employed workers. This has led to an increasing decoupling of productivity and wages (due both to technological developments which decrease skilled work[2] and the destruction of trade union influence[3]) as well as the development of a rentier economy, where income earned "does not compensate productive activities"[4]. Of the current tranches of wealth found in the global economy, 74% comes from economic rent[5]. Much of this rent derives from monopolistic tendencies, including intellectual property[6], network externalities[7] and the concentration of wealth through technological innovation[8]. The modern economy is extremely unequal, with the majority of people having little access to these tranches of rental income. This is the opposite of a truly free society, where one's "opportunities are being leximinned subject to the protection of their formal freedom"[9]. Such a society is one that guarantees a level of security while allowing for self-ownership and the attainment of leximin opportunities i.e. "some can have more opportunities than others, but only if their having more does not reduce the opportunities of some of those with less"[10].
Basic income fits into this "real-libertarian" freedom by helping inculcate an institutional setup where justice is accorded a "soft lexicographic priority"[11]. It would be provided through a cash payment, paid at regular intervals, on a uniform basis. Its payment would be facilitated through a political community (not necessarily through a nation-state, but also through cities, regions and provinces) and funded via forms of distributive income, including rental income such as land values, Tobin taxes and collective assets with no individual owner. The most fundamental point is that it is provided unconditionally, irrelevant of income level and employment status[12]. The proposition that one must work to receive this benefit becomes irrelevant as "a basic income is paid as a matter of right – and not under false pretences"[13].
This institutional framework, with its particular emphasis on unconditionality, helps create the foundation of this freedom. By ending the unemployment trap, and creating more subjective choices to be made by workers, leximin opportunity is increased alongside a sense of security from the vagaries of the employment market. There becomes an "absence of legal restrictions on doing whatever one might want to do" and an "absence of constraints on 'doing whatever one might want to do' stemming from the lack of external resources"[14] as a basic income provides an effective security fund. This also gives autonomy to people who would now constitute the developing precariat, thus satisfying a conception of self-ownership whereby one's choices stem from their subjective valuation. The three tenets of real-libertarian freedom: security, self-ownership and leximin opportunity, can be satisfied by an unconditional basic income.
However this raises a number of philosophical and theoretical objections. Chief among is the idea that by providing basic income unconditionally, income is being redistributed from those earned it to those who didn't, thus creating a situation where something is earned for nothing. A "norm of reasonable mutual advantage"[15], whereby a member of a cooperative community who receives benefits from said community is expected to reciprocate their own benefits and not become a burden, is violated. In effect, the productive members of a society are exploited for the general benefit of free riders.
This, I believe, is a flawed objection that may hold water in certain theoretical contexts, but doesn't adequately address the modern economy and society that individuals are currently faced with. Thus I intend to critique this as focused far too much on a labourist conception of society, where work itself is prized as an objective measure of societal worth while ignoring the destroyed opportunities that such a theoretical idea closes off. Next, even if we take the exploitation object (which underlies the labourist viewpoint) as a given, real-world conditions shows us that this objection is being consistently violated due to the levels of rentierism present in modern neoliberal capitalism. Finally, in defending a basic income, one is defending a conception of society that is more equal and contains more opportunities for everyone. In effect, it gives individuals the ability to participate both in a genuine Dworkinian auction where equal needs and desires can be met, and a Cohen-esque political community where participation is key to developing a sense of mutuality among its members. In this sense, basic income should not just be viewed as a tool of policymakers to produce new outcomes in our current societal conditions, but as part of a radical program of change that is deontological in conception, where the maximisation of mutuality and opportunity as seen as the priorities of justice.
The major objection to basic income is the exploitation objection, also known as the reciprocity objection. To articulate this objection, White presents a fictional person, who spends a fair amount of time watching TV, reading books and occasionally going out. This individual seemingly contributes nothing to society. He produces nothing, doesn't raise children nor care for the elderly[16]. The question then becomes: is it legitimate to provide this man with a an unconditional income? In the situation of a basic income, it would be the case that this individual receives a uniform, consistent payment even though he has seemingly done nothing that can be considered contributory or reciprocal. This person has effectively broken the norm of reasonable mutual advantage.
The reciprocity objection then is that "those who willingly enjoy the economic benefits of social cooperation have a corresponding obligation to make a productive contribution, if they are so able, to the cooperative community which provides these benefits". It would be unfair to accept the benefits of a community while failing to contribute a return of equal worth[17]. Exploitation comes into this when "failure to (act as a reciprocal member of a cooperate community) …treats them (fellow individuals) in an offensively instrumental way"[18]. To achieve a situation where this objection becomes irrelevant, White prescribes that instead of an unconditional basic income, where laziness and selfishness can be rewarded, there should exist a uniform distribution of income with a "'quotum of work' performed by each person"[19] as the conditional factor in receiving it. Fundamentally, the objection rests on the belief that one's contribution to the cooperative community/society is their ability to work, as work itself fulfils the object of reciprocity.
Such a view is problematic in multiple ways. For example, by prizing reciprocity as an obligation of justice above all else, it ignores other measures such as security and equality. This itself has many philosophical and political issues which aren't fully explored. The idea that work itself is the major contributory element to society has many similarities to the Lockean concept of societal justice and property relations. According to Locke, "the 'labour' of his body and the 'work' of his hands, we may say, are properly his". This legitimates then "that labour put a distinction between them and common. That added something to them more than Nature, the common mother of all, had done, and so they became his private right"[20]. In this labour theory of property, work itself is the moral and just dimension through which ownership of wealth and its earned quality are determined. Nozick eludes to this in his concept of original acquisition, from which follows an inalienable right to one's income that cannot be justly distributed[21]. In terms of legitimate acquisition of the commons, as Locke defines it, how can one provide an equal share when extracting land? Further, when this land is not in use how is ownership determined? Does it fall back to the commons, or remain an exigent part of the original homesteader? These remain ambiguous.
The basic idea of recognising labour above other measures of justice is present in the reciprocity objection and in Locke's labour theory of property. This has problematic consequences when concerning the just distribution of income. In the case of Locke's theory, the justice of common ownership is reduced to a secondary variable behind a mythical idea of labour. What of leximin opportunity, or the provision of security? These are also subsumed to this labourist conception, with real-libertarian freedom becoming unimportant. Further, the assumptions made are unrealistic in relation to prevailing socio-economic relations. For this labourist idea to hold, there need to ample leximin opportunities, a labour market with perfect conditions of competition, and the ability for workers to have the power of exit. Labour's contributory factor in any other condition than this leads to systems of exploitation similar to those prevailing under modern capitalism. What we see, with the exploitation/reciprocity objection and the labour theory of property that underpins certain concepts of it, is a value structure informed by the importance of individualised labour-based contribution as the general aim of justice.
In the case of existing capitalist labour markets, there are significant discrepancies and disequilibria which lead to the erection of entry barriers and the limitation of choice for potential employees. In this situation, the labourist conception goes out the window as labour is an extremely imperfect measurement of justice. One's access to it can be severely limited in prevailing market conditions. This then pushes people into exploitative or oppressive relations of employment, thus negating any conception of security or fairness. "For a variety of reasons, justice requires that we protect people against the consequences of market vulnerability or prevent vulnerability itself"[22]. In measuring the degree of justice, sacrificing a degree of reciprocity for an increase in effective security from market vulnerability allows for a more just society. The introduction of a basic income would introduce this security, as it provides a cushion through which choice in employment can be developed.
This can go further when recognising that in the current capitalist context, huge realms of work and social activity which are integral to the reproduction of society, such as "daily activities for household upkeep (e.g., cooking, washing, cleaning, shopping for own household, etc.), care work (e.g., care of children, the old, the sick, disabled and others that need care), and unpaid voluntary services" which make up 35%-50% of total work time in modern economies[23], are unremunerated. Other examples can include many forms of household production and consumption, such as food gathering and subsistence activities. With a basic income, these forms of unpaid work are given a monetary recognition which market valuation cannot provide. There also exists a plethora of "bullshit jobs", with a ballooning in administrative jobs with the subsequent reduction in manufacturing and agricultural employment. Whole new industries surrounding marketing and advertising have been created. Where is the economic worth in this? How can labour productivity as a measure of justice and value be truly possible with the range of opportunities restricted to low-pay sectors, unpaid work and work that provides little social value or economic productivity?
The reality is that the labourist values embodied in the reciprocity objection are extremely problematic, and do not in themselves produce relations of justice and equality. In prevailing conditions, conferring more power on labour in the abstract simply furthers inequality as those with the best access to paid employment are unnaturally benefitted at the expense of vast tranches of people who aren't in that societal position. In Van Parijs's crazy/lazy dichotomy[24], this can be seen in the sense that requiring some form of work contribution inevitably creates inequality between those who can work hard, and those who can't or don't. In a perfectly utopian world of labour market equilibrium and a just distribution of leximin resources, a basic income that allows this distribution would still be just as by prizing socially-defined hard work over a concept of laziness, an unequal relation between the crazy and the lazy is created, and real-libertarian freedom is consequently diminished. Here then we see the deontic need for a basic income, as the best realisation of real-libertarian goals in relation to prevailing socio-economic structures of employment and exchange.
With a basic income, the subset of values which contribute toward a cooperative community can be expanded and better understood. The idea of gainful exchange becomes important instead of a simplistic understanding of work as contributory. "In conditions in which jobs affording opportunity for self-respect are scarce, beer guzzlers can be seen as engaging in an exchange with those who seek sites of opportunity for self-respect in paid employment. By staying out of the job market, beer guzzlers relieve downward pressure on wages and decrease competition for self-respect supporting jobs"[25]. Therefore, one cannot deny their claim to distributions of wealth, as the ability to have choice in one's life, and thus provide outlets of meaningful exchange and the provision of different forms of contribution, become more important variables of justice and provision. The examples of basic income-type provision that exist prove this to an extent. The first, the example of Mincome in Manitoba, showed little in the way of work disincentives. The slight disincentives that did occur were explained by an increasing desire to perform more unpaid labour in the home, and to move toward education rather than focus on employment[26]. The second, the SEWA project in India, also showed similar results, with a diversification of interests becoming apparent among the women receiving the income. In particular, there was a shift from wage labour toward forms of self-employment, thus providing new outlets for equal social relations of exchange[27]. What we see here is a basic income providing the institutional framework that allows for the maximisation of opportunity, and the provision of new forms of employment and exchange (as well as the remuneration for existing forms which are currently unpaid). It effectively provides "the real freedom to choose among the various lives one might wish to lead"[28].
However, when considering real-world conditions, where significant precarity exists among the labouring classes and large amounts of wealth that are not earned through a form of productive activity flow to the wealthiest individuals, one can take the reciprocity/exploitation objection at face value and still find it extremely problematic when considering the flows of wealth that currently exist. Many of these flows constitute wealth earned not through productive activity or the provision of new developments or innovations, but from situational positions of power and wealth which have no justification when prizing either reciprocity or real-libertarian freedom as the objects of justice.
As noted in the introduction, 74% of the wealth that flows to the wealthiest in society comes from rental income. Current distributions of income, with "30 percent of all the income produced in the nation…paid out as capital income" and the richest 1% receiving 10% of their income through forms of capital income[29], show income is being earned not through productive activity but through situational circumstances and unequal distributions of politico-economic power. The most significant cause of this comes from monopoly, which derives from capitalist market failures that "cause social harm because they stand in the way of an efficient allocation of resources"[30]. One such monopoly-based discrepancy are stock options. Stock options "represent a situational rent, a windfall income received on the basis of where the person sits (the executive office) instead of how talented, hard-working, or risk-taking the person is"[31]. They push CEO pay and remuneration up above levels that would represent market competition, and encourage a short-termist perspective that invests into risky, speculative projects at the expense of beneficial, long-term expenditures on labour and infrastructure. This is a non-reciprocal rent created through an unjust position of power conferred by market failure and the discrepancies of information aggregation which encourage short-termism and profiteering.
Similarly, the conferring of network externalities to the wealthiest individuals and groups represents another situational rent that provides unproductive windfall income. "Network externalities are like gold lying underground"[32]. Their exploitation is not bad in itself, but the occurrence of wealth earned from it is not necessarily legitimate as that gold existed prior to its exploitation by a particular individual or group. An obvious example of this externality is land. The general view of land, as described aptly by Locke, is that when one mixes their labour with 'unclaimed' land, the land becomes theirs. However this surely is the definition of a network externality, and as a result confers a privilege upon someone that does not come through productive activity, but through the simple act of claiming land. As George notes "what is necessary for the use of land is not its private ownership, but the security of improvements"[33]. This is another form of rent, whereby "the share in the wealth produced which the exclusive right to the use of natural capabilities gives to the owner"[34]. With monopolisation, we see the development of unjust accumulations of wealth and power that extend neither reciprocity nor real-libertarian freedom. The private extraction of land rent encapsulates this injustice, allowing for an accrual of wealth derived not from productive activity but from holding something situationally. "Thus rent or land value does not arise from the productiveness or utility of land. It in no way represents any help or advantage given to production, but simply the power of securing a part of the results of production"[35].
Intellectual property is another avenue of rentierism. "Particularly since 1995, intellectual property has become a prime source of rental income…Knowledge and technology-intensive industries, which according to WIPO now account for over 30 per cent of global output, are gaining as much or more in rental income from intellectual property rights as from the production of goods or services"[36]. In the same way land is enclosed away from its common holding, intellectual property is the siphoning of knowledge and technology from the "scientific commons"[37] and into the realm of commercial profiteering. This has led to phenomena such as patent trolling and hoovering, where companies become increasingly reliant not on productive activity but on the rental income derived from property rights held over particular forms of technology and knowledge. The pharmaceutical industry, to name one, has engaged in follow-on patenting and ever-greening, where slight upgrades and improvements to existing drugs are patented as new inventions[38] and more rental income is derived from it.
Finally, another significant source of rental income are those found within employment rents. In a situation of a non-Walrasian economy where "the labour market does not tend to clear" due to regulations such as minimum wage legislation or to the prevailing conditions of a situation of perfect competition, "where insider-outsider and efficiency-wage theories" show involuntary unemployment. "Both sets of theories generate the conclusion that even in a competitive context, firms will pay their employees higher wages than those they could get away with by hiring equally skilled unemployed workers"[39], leading us to understand that employment in the context of market relations is scarce. By treating it as scarce, the case can be made that it be treated as similar to land and capital, as endowments that need to be distributed equally. In relation to prevailing labour market conditions, with a range of bullshit jobs that provide little meaningful engagement or social value and the decoupling of productivity from wages as noted by Solow, job scarcities are extremely prevalent when understanding the need for a basic income based on the redistribution of these endowments. "The removal of a willingness-to-work condition on receipt of welfare in conditions of job abundance and job scarcity should be thought of as an acknowledgement that many jobs are menial, dangerous, degrading, exhausting, all-consuming, and exploitative"[40].
However, in conceiving of the redistribution of employment rents, there is a tripartite effect. You have the worker who receives a windfall due to Walrasian imperfect competition, the worker who doesn't, and the individual who chooses not to work. In the case of the first two, the redistribution of employment rents can be seen as legitimate as illegitimate windfalls are redistributed to those who have lost out (i.e. the involuntarily unemployed). However, the individual who chooses not to work does not meet such conditions, as their situation is not involuntary, and the unequal relations of wealth do not affect them. Thus, in considering the distribution of employment rents, we have to consider White's distinction between labourist and unconditional redistributions[41]. In the labourist conception, one's entitlement comes from one's desire to work, while with an unconditional entitlement any requirement is void. In the case of employment rents, where redistribution is premised on taking unearned privilege from productive individuals to those who would be envious of them (in this case those who work but don't earn such privilege), an institutional arrangement based around the labourist conception is necessary to not fall into the trap of simply subsidising unproductive behaviours. By taking the reciprocity objection seriously, even while rejecting its general premise, we see that employment rent redistribution is problematic when allowing it to be redistributed to those who are not envious of others who work.
However, this is a case of institutionalisation, not a full on objection to the implementation of a basic income. As noted earlier by McKinnon, work is not the only way of creating socio-economic value, as things like gainful exchange are also important. Further, in the context of real-world dynamics, unpaid work of many kinds constitute a significant part of many people's lives, whether in housework or household production. In recognising the need for labourist distributions, one can still have loose obligations when implementing basic income, leading to a form of "participation income", "a non-means-tested allowance paid to every person who actively participates in economic activity, whether paid or unpaid"[42]. This does not break the understanding of basic income that I've described, but rather inscribes particular value structures in relation to certain assets such as the social factory, where contributory values may well work better for leximin opportunities as productive individuals would not be subject to the whims of those uninterested in using such a social factory productively.
What these multiple examples of rental income demonstrate is that in the modern world the reciprocity objection is irrelevant when thinking of just income distributions for the simple fact that values of reciprocity are regularly broken by monopoly-based rent accruing from land, intellectual property and job assets. To describe a basic income as problematic under these conditions ignores the tranches of wealth earned from windfall incomes. With a work-obligation, as recommended by the reciprocity objection, societal values are forced into a framework where work is prized above all else, irrelevant of its scarcity and the variety of alternative activities that provide value to one's life. With a UBI, monopolisation by employers and capital-owners can be prevented/counteracted, shifting the economic battleground to a more equitable situation. With the modern economy effectively a rentier's playground, such a situation is preferable in terms of expanding freedom and opportunity.
Basic income also becomes preferable when looking at the best way to shape and institutionalise real-libertarian freedom. In particular, it can meet two concepts of society, that of the envy test whereby real equality can be achieved, and that of Cohen's concept of community as the shared values and mutual understandings of its constituent individuals. In recognising the deontic value of a basic income, we need to understand what values should be instituted in a society based on justice. By recognising the extent of unearned wealth, and the extent to which individuals and political communities are far from any Walrasian economy of perfect competition, a basic income can be the best mechanism through which unearned wealth is redistributed as a matter of right. In this sense basic income is not a tool of policy that can achieve better outcomes, but is valuable in and of itself as something that tackles the range of unjustified inequalities that mark the modern world.
To achieve a situation of equality, one must begin by developing an original auction of some kind. Dworkin provides the example of immigrants arriving on an island. None of the immigrants have any innate rights to any of the resources on the island, but instead these resources will be divided equally among them[43]. Further, it is agreed they must meet the envy test, whereby "no division of resources is an equal division if, once the division is complete, any immigrant would prefer someone else's bundle of resources to his own bundle"[44]. In the case of the auction, each immigrant is given a number of clamshells to use as counters of value in the auction. The procedure then follows from this, with different packages of resources being bundled and each immigrant having the ability to bid on these packages. An auctioneer sets particular prices for these bundles, attempting to reach a market-clearing price, with prices being adjustable if the market isn't cleared. Throughout the auction the bidders are also able to change their bids or propose the bundling of different lots from those originally proposed[45]. In the end, with clearing prices set and bidders able to propose their own prices and bundles of lots, the envy test can be adequately met when distributing resources. Peoples opportunities and desires are provided for as they can price them in these situations of scarcity. This itself, in an equality of opportunity framework, allows for forms of inequality due to the ability of individuals to exploit their lots to the degree they want[46].
There can certainly be problems with this, including that in the real-world any access to resources is extremely unequal from the beginning, and that many preferences people hold about themselves are not necessarily borne of their agency but of the wider structures they find themselves within. A Dworkinian auction as an original position of society may well meet the envy test, but in a world of rental income and scarcity of land, technology and job assets, the envy test cannot be met. An unconditional basic income may well move society toward an auction-like situation, whereby resources can be adequately redistributed to the extent that individuals have access to leximin opportunities. "Given an initial situation in which external resource endowments happen to be distributed unequally, justice demands the confiscation of their entire competitive value, as well as the redistribution of that value in equal amounts"[47]. A basic income achieves this by providing a mechanism for the redistribution of collective assets, such as land, the commons of knowledge and the scarcity of jobs. Funding the basic income through a uniform tax-and-transfer system that relies on these resources provides a more just footing for societal interaction and the development of individuals talents and desires. Further, it provides an effective security fund that is resilient to the pressures of a market, unlike the situation of a simple Dworkinian auction, as income is redistributed from the effects of non-Walrasian competition.
The Dworkinian auction has the capacity for significant inequalities to develop both from unequal talents which allow individuals to use resources in a manner that produces more income for them, and from option luck, where one's choices produce unintended outcomes simply due to luck. In the context of a market society, particularly that that exists today, these forms of luck are inescapable as the market is hardly escapable itself. "The means of exiting any particular market society consist of resources that are accessible only on terms set by that market society"[48]. Such inequalities however are compatible with what Cohen terms a socialist equality of opportunity, as the individuals involved started with similar situational positions[49]. However, in conceiving of an integrated political community, such inequalities do prove problematic. "The requirement of community that is central here is that people care about, and, where necessary and possible, care for, one another, and, too, care that they care about one another"[50]. In a situation of inequality, particularly those that exist in the real world, the fostering of a sense of community becomes increasingly difficult as one in a higher position (owing to forms of rental income) cannot truly relate to or care about others in a lower position of wealth and power.
With the institutionalisation of a basic income, the inherent inequalities that are acceptable under equality of opportunity in the Dworkinian auction but problematic in a conception of community can be combated and prevented. In the modern market system there are huge disparities of wealth and economic power deriving from the ability to hold particular assets and collect rental income from them. Even in the situation of a Dworkinian auction, people's choices and option luck can lead to situations where such rental income remains prevalent. But with a basic income, with wealth being redistributed from rental assets, the full effect of these circumstances in minimising the ability to construct a sense of community can be limited. Its encouragement of self-ownership allows a more equal footing through which disparate individuals can communally understand each other, and its provision of security means that people can spend their time focused on involving themselves in the activities of a political community. "Basic income (can be) an institution which serves to include all members of society as fully participating citizens in the democratic community , rather than putting them on hold for entrance into a labour market that offers too little opportunities"[51].
By emphasising a full sense of real-libertarian freedom, where leximin opportunities are maximised, security is provided and self-ownership is developed, both the starting point of a Dworkinian auction and a sense of communal equality can be constructed. The huge wealth disparities emerging from the holding of assets and rent due to effective option luck can be redeveloped and transitionally changed through the institution of a basic income. A political community of equals can be developed both economically through the redistribution of resources and socially through the institutionalisation of a communal feeling of equality.
An unconditional basic income can help create new value structures in the modern world. It moves us away from the idea of work as the measure of societal contribution, and toward a better understanding of an integrated society as containing different forms of work and social value, from unpaid work in the household (such as parenting, elderly care, etc.) and the household economy of subsistence production to the different pathways of meaningful exchange which are limited in a world of artificial scarcity and huge disparities of wealth and power. In this context the reciprocity objection falls down, as it speaks of a world where work is easily accessible, and provides a meaningful outlet for individuals to engage with. However "a fourth of the adults actually employed in the US are paid wages lower than would lift them above the official poverty line"[52], pushing people out of dignified work and into the precariat, where minimum-wage, part-time work is the norm. The phenomena of bullshit jobs, where one's productivity is an irrelevance to their wage, proves that work is not a meaningful measurement of societal value or contribution.
The prevalence of rental income in the modern world also shows the reciprocity objection as having little relevance. With 74% of the world's wealthiest individuals' income deriving from economic rent, the claim that providing a basic income would be morally objectionable as it is taking money from the productive and giving it to the unproductive is untenable. Such a situation already thrives in the modern world, existing as it does for the wealthy who can rely on capital assets for their income. Thus I reject the premise of the reciprocity/exploitation objection as completely unrealistic. It is one thing to believe in some obligation toward a political community, where one is expected to contribute in some manner. But basing this in a concept of work simply furthers the exploitation of the ever-growing precariat, forcing them into demeaning forms of work for the simple belief this contributes toward society.
By institutionalising a basic income, the effects of work itself can be mitigated by eliminating a large amount of useless, demeaning jobs that provide little to society. Further, it moves society closer to a Dworkinian auction, as leximin opportunities can be maximised and the envy test can be met, with societal rents being redistributed uniformly and thus providing individuals the basis to meet their chosen needs and desires. As well as this, basic income can foster a true sense of community by providing a safety net that allows for choices in one's direction in life, and fostering a universalisable sense of self-ownership which provides the framework for a communal equality.
Thus basic income must be seen deontically, as a right in and of itself that is derived from the tranches of societal rent. However, it must also be recognised that basic income is no panacea. While it can be seen as a political project in and of itself, there to replace existing welfare schemes which can be sclerotic and bureaucratic, this presents problems of its own. In the developing world of precarity, with the move toward a post-Fordist organisation of production and work, a guaranteed minimum income could come to simply replace existing forms of social insurance[53]. Rather than recreating societal values toward those of economic and political equality, it may well serve to inculcate new forms of wage labour and production systems which continue to foster inequality at the expense of other social values and systems. Thus basic income should not be seen as an isolated policy, but as part of a wider transitional, radical project of politico-economic change that fosters the values of equality and mutuality.
[1] Standing, G. 2011
[2] Bernstein, A. & Raman, A. 2015
[3] Solow, R. 2015
[4] Jacobs, D. 2015, 5
[5] Jacobs, D. 2016
[6] Jacobs, D. 2015, 24
[9] Van Parijs, P. 1995, 27
[10] Van Parijs, P. 1995, 5
[11] Van Parijs, P. 1995, 27
[12] Van Parijs, P. 2005, 8-17
[14] van der Veen, R. 1998, 146
[15] White, S. 2003, 63
[16] White, S. 2006, 1-2
[17] van der Veen, R. 1998, 153-154
[20] Locke, J. 1823, 116
[21] Nozick, R. 1974, 172
[22] White, S. 2006, 5
[23] Hirway, I. 2015, 2
[25] McKinnon, C. 2003, 154
[26] Hum, D. & Simpson, W. 2001
[27] Standing, G. 2013
[28] Van Parijs, 1995, 33
[29] Bruening, M. 2017
[30] Jacobs, D. 2015, 17
[33] George, H. 1935, 398
[36] Standing, G. 2016, 49
[39] Van Parijs, P. 1995, 107
[43] Dworkin, R. 2002, 66-67
[44] Dworkin, R. 2002, 67
[48] Cohen, G.A. 2009, 33
[49] Cohen, G.A. 2009, 31-32
[51] van der Veen, 1998, 144
[52] Livingston, J. 2016
[53] Aglietta, M. 2015, 386
Aglietta, M. (2015). A Theory of Capitalist Regulation: The US Experience. London: Verso Books.
Bernstein, A. & Raman, A. (2015). The Great Decoupling: An Interview with Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee. Available: https://hbr.org/2015/06/the-great-decoupling. Last accessed 30th Dec 2016.
Bruenig, M. (2017). The Rich Already Have a UBI. Available: https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/01/rich-universal-basic-income-piketty-passive-income-capital-income/. Last accessed 2nd Jan 2017.
Cohen, G.A. (2009). Why Not Socialism?. Woodstock: Princeton University Press.
Dworkin, R. (2002). Sovereign Virtue. 4th ed. United States of America: Harvard University Press.
George, H. (1935). Progress and Poverty. New York: Robert Schalkenbach Foundation.
Graeber, D. (2013). On the Phenomenon of Bullshit Jobs. Available: http://strikemag.org/bullshit-jobs/. Last accessed 3rd Jan 2017.
Hirway, I. (2015). Unpaid Work and the Economy: Linkages and Their Implications. Levy Economics Institute of Bard College. 838, 1-26.
Hum, D. & Simpson, W. (2001). A Guaranteed Annual Income? From Mincome to the Millennium. Policy Options. 78-82.
Jacobs, D. (2015). Extreme Wealth is Not Merited. Oxfam Discussion Papers. 1-48.
Jacobs, D. (2016). Are Billionaires Fat Cats or Deserving Entrepreneurs?. Available: http://www.populareconomics.org/are-billionaires-fat-cats-or-deserving-entrepreneurs/. Last accessed 30th Dec 2016.
Livingston, J. (2016). Fuck Work. Available: https://aeon.co/essays/what-if-jobs-are-not-the-solution-but-the-problem. Last accessed 3rd Jan 2017.
Locke, J. (1823). Two Treatises of Government. 5th ed. London: The Work of John Locke.
McKinnon, C. (2003). Basic Income, Self-Respect and Reciprocity. Journal of Applied Philosophy. 20 (2), 143-158.
Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Solow, R. (2015). The Future of Work. Available: http://www.psmag.com/business-economics/the-future-of-work-why-wages-arent-keeping-up. Last accessed 30th Dec 2016.
Standing, G. (2011). The Precariat – The new dangerous class. Available: http://www.policy-network.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=4004&title=+The+Precariat+%e2%80%93+The+new+dangerous+class. Last accessed 30th Dec 2016.
Standing, G. (2013). India's Experiment in Basic Income Grants. Available: http://isa-global-dialogue.net/indias-great-experiment-the-transformative-potential-of-basic-income-grants/. Last accessed 2nd Jan 2017.
Standing, G. (2016). The Corruption of Capitalism. London: Biteback Publishing.
van der Veen, R.. (1998). Real Freedom versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income. Political Studies. 46 (1), 140-163.
Van Parijs, P. (1995). Real Freedom for All. New York: Oxford University Press.
Van Parijs, P. (2005). Basic Income: A Simple and Powerful Idea for the Twenty-First Century. In: Wright, E.O. Redesigning Distribution: Basic Income and Stakeholder Grants as Cornerstones for an Egalitarian Capitalism. London: Verso Books. 7-38.
White, S. (2003). The Civic Minimum. New York: Oxford University Press.
White, S. (2006). Reconsidering the Exploitation Objection to Basic Income. Basic Income Studies. 1 (2), 1-17.
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3 thoughts on "A Justice-Based Proposal for Basic Income"
Basic Income's Role in a Traditional Society | The Libertarian Ideal says:
[…] [1] https://thelibertarianideal.wordpress.com/2017/01/15/a-justice-based-proposal-for-basic-income/ […]
Ben Jamin' says:
Only the creation of a good or services and its provenance confers a moral property right.
Everything without provenance, like for example the scarcity value derived from natural resources, is our Commonwealth. From which we all own an equal share.
Whether this share is paid out as a Citizens Incomes, or pooled to pay for public services is a separate issue.
Policy Positions and Political Imaginaries: Framing Basic Income | The Libertarian Ideal says:


Egyptian mythology claims that cats have nine lives and this might be the main thing Alice Vachet and her kitty have in common: several exciting lives displayed through her expert tweets and daily Insta Stories which feed our screens and social media with colourful photos where smiles and digital expertise intertwine. Let's dive into the world of this "life addict" in all its aspects.
Sitting at the terrace of a café in Boulogne, Alice started depicting her experiences under the last rays of a lingering autumnal sun while composedly sipping her large coffee. She graduated from ESSCA Angers business school and specialised head on in web marketing. This decision took her to the beautiful city of Shanghai where she spent her fourth year of studies in between digital beams and cultural wonderments. An unfortunate food choice will send her straight to the hospital for several weeks on. As luck would have it, if the body is paralysed, the mind can remain fully conscious and running. This event marked the start of her long-lasting attachment to the blue bird of which she promptly understood every organic quirk, statistic machinery and personalisation options. She eventually emerged from the chrysalis of her illness and flew right into the digital sky.
The horizon of social media immediately appealed to Alice as she laid down her thoughts 140 characters at a time on her Twitter account drawing from her expertise both acquired in agency and start-up environments. With the strong support of a community captivated by her virtual presence, she decided to launch a personal blog to share her must-sees, some key figures she collected through research or simply quotes. "Dare, as you have the right to fail". As an entrepreneur, she has made this statement her own. But what is social media without images? She asked herself before switching on her Instagram account, which turned out to be an instant success – thanks to a secret digital recipe, 100% organic. There, she imparts stories of her everyday life, blending personal entertainment and professional situations – all illustrated with #nofilter photos. The outcome is significant: 130K of thumbs up from her followers.
How can you get an internship at Canal+ when you do not seem to fit the requested profile? Alice simply set up a metaphorical tent in front of the desk of the HRD, who was so impressed by her determination that she eventually offered her a web marketing internship in accordance with the famous "Canal spirit" – which might be living its last moments. This opportunity will soon turn into a 2-year-contract. The self-made-woman went on adding another string to her bow by fruitfully pitching in the mess of community management. This part of the story started with Haribo and ended a few years down the line with a rich portfolio of clients, a little before being recruited by French retailer Carrefour to accompany their digital transformation. Alice came into the administration of the latter as they were struggling with digital innovation and gave them a key element to smoothen their strategy: the CSR angle. One strategic proposal later, she was approached by Bertrand Swiderski for a new exciting job that she gladly took on for several months. The next episode sees the "start-up nation" calling and Alice enthusiastically responding by entering Zeï and treating herself to a green cure alongside Noël Bauza. Advertising: check! Agencies: check! Start-ups: check!
Let's do some business now, shall we?
As she was thriving at Zeï, proposals of participation to conferences kept on coming her way. She realized that her social imprint carries a real impact and decided to take the leap by creating "Alice & CoW", a micro-company offering social media training modules, among other services. A few weeks after that, she was already standing in front of Science Po Paris, ENA and EM Lyon Business School students, sharing her expertise and unveiling the secrets of digital success. The teacher in her rapidly saw the light as she was pouring from her experience in personal branding to what seemed like an ever growing audience.
This life is about virtual and real life encounters, Canteloup's fun and rumours on Europe 1 radio, Patrick Bruel's insane retwitting and one of Alice's passions: accompanying public or private figures through every stage of their digital branding. She likes to sit around the table, identify targets and come up with digital lines of action all the while designing standard approaches that will soon become a reference for her students or key offers on Alice & CoW. If you too, following Patrick Bruel and Thierry Moreau, would like to know how to bring together your various supporters and avoid bad buzz, here is a door you should definitely be knocking on.
Influential people are many to refuse the title of influencer, when it comes to social media. Alice used to sit on that side of the fence before fully crossing it and proclaiming herself as an "influencer in the realm of technology" on the basis of her expertise in innovation, start-ups, artificial intelligence… With regards to her professional past, it appears rather difficult to question this appellation! However such a status also implies various social commitments. In the realm of sports, Alice is ambassador for the Rugby World Cup 2023 and the Olympics Paris 2024, which entices her to digitally push French applications forward. The businesswoman is also regularly invited to participate in conferences as she did for "RED for Executive woman" where she openly fought for equal pay rights. Instagram brings its share of opportunities to the table, but the product aspect of things does not really appeal to Alice, except if it is green and she personally uses it. Brands beware – as she needs to agree with your values before accepting a sponsored contract! Last time I checked, she was authentically standing next to Dominique Farrugia for "1to1 Biarritz". Did you see her there?
"Authentic, green and expert" is what she will tell you about herself. Not veggie, nor activist, she nonetheless puts a great deal of importance on ecology in all its dimensions. Whether we are talking about her fruity diet, her commitment to green start-ups or her daily 12km walks, one of Alice's lives is undoubtedly green. It might not be on show but the trained eye can see a Hulk from afar!
Having seven lives intertwining everyday does not keep Alice from dedicating a few minutes to discover, wonder, try out new things and broadcast innovative thoughts. Thus in the course of her systematic morning watch, she lurks into the restless world of technological news and takes the necessary time to dig deep into the subjects she lays eyes on. These digital discoveries feed her creativity as much as well as the one-hour-walks she takes in the morning to mentally prepare her day. A reflective break, a form of meditation, which allows her to position herself and orientate her "why" on the thing she values most: her freedom.
Chapter IX. Life is boring?
In ten years, you might find Alice in a stud farm, riding a thoroughbred horse, wheedling it with enthusiasm. Horse-riding is lifelong passion she has had since her youngest age and which has made her in many ways more eco-friendly and caring towards nature. If you do not, then she most probably will be wandering the Parisian streets, stopping here and there in complete awe of the historical architecture of the capital and examining street art pieces. This ninth life, the life of passions easy on the heart and the eyes, fertilizes all the others, as it is central and paramount for the young woman's balance. And with all this, what happened to her free time one might ask? Well she actually takes some on Sundays, to experience complete boredom… Because, in her own words: "I like to get really bored in order to truly disconnect".


text:
Q: Google Service Account Delegation 404 error I am attempting to authenticate with a service account to work on behalf of a user account on the domain. I have delegated admin access and added to the GSuite console. I can get an access token with the below but the making batch requests to copy drive files returns "code: 404, message: 'File not found:". The below code is writted in Google Apps Script. Am I missing something form the process to creating and authenticating the service account?
    var CREDENTIALS = {
      private_key: "-----BEGIN PRIVATE KEY----- XXXXXXX \n-----END PRIVATE KEY-----\n",
      client_email: "XXXXXX@fXXXXXX.iam.gserviceaccount.com",
      client_id: "1XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX",
      user_email: "XXXXX@XXXX.XXX.XXX",
      scopes: ["https://www.googleapis.com/auth/drive","https://www.googleapis.com/auth/spreadsheets","https://www.googleapis.com/auth/userinfo.email","https://www.googleapis.com/auth/script.external_request"]
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          var url = "https://www.googleapis.com/oauth2/v3/token";
          var header = {
            alg: "RS256",
            typ: "JWT",
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          var claim = {
            iss: CREDENTIALS.client_id,
            sub: CREDENTIALS.user_email,
            scope: CREDENTIALS.scopes.join(" "),
            aud: url,
            exp: (now + 3600).toString(),
            iat: now.toString(),
          };
          var signature = Utilities.base64Encode(JSON.stringify(header)) + "." + Utilities.base64Encode(JSON.stringify(claim));
          var jwt = signature + "." + Utilities.base64Encode(Utilities.computeRsaSha256Signature(signature, CREDENTIALS.private_key));

          var params = {
            method: "post",
            payload: {
              assertion: jwt,
              grant_type: "urn:ietf:params:oauth:grant-type:jwt-bearer",
            },
          };
          var res = UrlFetchApp.fetch(url, params).getContentText();
          return JSON.parse(res)
        }

The batch process is a bit rough but this is the gist of it.
var request={
  batchPath:
  requests:[]
}

var backoff =0

function batch(request) {
  var oAuth=oAuthToken().access_token
  var url ='https://www.googleapis.com/'+request.batchPath
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  if(body.length<1){
    return []
  }
  var boundary = 'xxxxxxxxxx';
  var contentId = 0;
  var data = '--' + boundary + '\r\n';

  for (var i in body) {
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      data += "--" + boundary + '\r\n';
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        object: JSON.parse(e.match(/{[\S\s]+}/)[0]),
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    });
  };

  var payload = Utilities.newBlob(data).getBytes();
  var head = {Authorization: 'Bearer ' + oAuth}
  var options = {
    method: 'POST',
    contentType: 'multipart/mixed; boundary=' + boundary,
    payload: payload,
    headers: head,
    muteHttpExceptions: false
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  }
}

A: Add the supportsAllDrives = true query parameter to the request.
The parameters indicates whether the requesting application supports both My Drives and shared drives and the default value for this is false.
Reference

*

*Drive API Parameters

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange