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President Biden's Rule By Executive Decree
by Richard M. Ebeling | Feb 3, 2021
President Biden and those around him are attempting to implement through executive order and other means are policies and political positions that many in the society do not share or to which they do not assign the same degree of urgency.
Photo: Gage Skidmore
In the first ten days of his new administration, following his inauguration on January 20, 2021, President Joe Biden signed more than 25 executive orders changing the direction and content of federal government activities. That is four times as many executive orders as were signed in the same number of first days in the White House as Donald Trump, and five times as many as Barack Obama gave his signature to in his comparable period in office. There seems to be a new precedent of far greater government by decree.
Through these executive orders President Biden, among other things, initiated the United States once again being committed to the climate change targets of the Paris Accords; reversed Donald Trump's withdrawal from the World Health Organization; halted construction on the Keystone XL oil pipeline from Canada to the U.S. Gulf coast; froze any further new permits for oil drilling on federal government-owned land; instructed all federal agencies to follow goals and targets for racial and gender-based "equity" outcomes in employment and contracting and regulatory oversight; reinforced protectionist "buy American" rules in all federal government procurements; extended "freezes" on federally-funded student college loan payments and extended a nationwide federal restriction on evictions and foreclosures until at least the end of March 2021; virtually "nationalized" government control and oversight of the manufacture and supplying and distribution of anti-Covid-19 vaccines; imposed anti-virus face mask-wearing on all federal property and public transportation; and a slew of many others.
Progressives Delighting in Biden's Flood of Executive Orders
Some in the American political "progressive" movement have hailed this de facto "government-by-presidential-command" as both good and desirable, indeed, essential to the future political health of the country. For instance, the January 29, 2021, online issue of The Nation magazine contained an article by its national affairs correspondent, Jeet Heer, on, "Biden's Executive Orders are Essential to Restoring Democracy."
First of all, the author argues, these executive orders make it very clear who is president of the United States in the face of Republicans who cannot reconcile themselves to that reality. By signing his name on these documents in the Oval Office of the White House, this shows who won the election and who is the boss of the country. In other words, for all the doubters, "This will show you. Now, live with it."
But more than sticking it into the eye of those who won't accept Biden's legitimacy to the office of the presidency, Mr. Heer insists that signing and implementing these executive orders "show that elections have their consequences – and that the 81 million Americans who helped Biden win the White House deserve to have their views imprinted on government." Also, by issuing these executive orders, it demonstrates how "transitory" were the Trump years, by basically overturning by the stroke of a pen as much as it is possible of an entire preceding presidency. It is almost as if Trump never existed in that role.
The author takes a swipe at a recent editorial in The New York Times, hardly a bastion of limited government, free-market views, for suggesting that Biden should "ease up" with his presidential pen, and work more with Congress to bring about desired changes.
The Liking for Unrestrained Leaders in Charge
No, Mr. Heer wants a presidential pen that is quick in initiating change. "Congress works slowly," he says, and it will take too much time to pass laws for removing the Trump policy legacies. After all of this is done, Biden can then foster "a healthier relationship with Congress."
In Jeet Heer's view, and one presumes the outlook of The Nation editorial board, "Biden's executive orders aren't a threat to democracy. Rather they spring from an energized Democratic Party that is helping to revitalize American democracy and make it functional again."
This desire for swift presidential action and impatience with the slower wheels of Congressional deliberation is nothing new among members and supporters of the Democratic Party. When Franklin D. Roosevelt returned from one of his wartime meetings with Soviet dictator, Joseph Stalin, he told one of his staff members, "What helps a lot is that Stalin is the only man I have to convince. Joe doesn't worry about a Congress or a Parliament. He is the whole works."
If only FDR could have been a dictator, too . . . the "whole works" without American voters to convince or a U.S. Congress to deal with or a Supreme Court that overturns his central planning programs. Well, one can at least dream.
Progressives' Arrogance and Hypocrisy
Let us take a few moments to look at Mr. Heer's reasoning on President Biden's recent executive actions. Those who may have read some of my articles over the last four years will know that I have been a forthright critic of many of Donald Trump's economic and social policies and his own executive actions. I have also not minced words in expressing my, well, disgust with Trump's rude, crude, boorish and arrogant words and deeds both before and following his election to the White House in 2016.
But it takes real audacity to express shock and anger at those who have expressed concerns about voting "irregularities" during the recent presidential election and whether its outcome was completely fair and square when many in the Democratic Party and the "progressive" movement asserted and insisted for the entire four years of Trump's term in office that his was a "stolen" and therefore illegitimate election due to the "interference" and manipulating intrigue of "the Russians." That Trump was a puppet, with Vladimir Putin the ventriloquist; accusations that were never proven to have any basis in fact.
Let me further add, that even if less than perfect care was taken in the procedural oversight of the accepted ballots and votes counted, it is clear to me that whether by more "legitimate" votes or less, Joe Biden won the election. And for those who think otherwise: live with it, get over it, and move on. This is the same advice I gave to my "left-of-center" acquaintances for the last four years.
The attitude expressed by Jeet Heer about Biden letting his legitimacy critics know who is president by "in your face" executive orders is no different than Donald Trump's words and deeds in the face of those who challenged his right to be in the White House. "See this? That'll teach you. And I hope it really annoys you!"
Fantasy that Biden's Victory Represents the American People
But what of the more substantive argument that Mr. Heer makes that it is only by taking direct action through executive orders that President Biden can give an active policy voice to the 81 million Americans who helped put him in the White House? And that, therefore, elections, but especially this election, have "consequences?"
If you look at the vote totals between Joe Biden and Donald Trump, Biden received 81.28 million votes to Trump's 74.22 million votes; that is, Biden got over 7 million more votes than Trump. Out of 159.63 million total votes cast, Trump had the support of 46.8 percent of Americans to Biden's 51.3 percent of American voters. Besides these votes, the Libertarian Party candidate, Jo Jorgensen, had 1.72 million votes or 1.2 percent of the total. The remaining votes went to lesser candidates running for the presidency who were on the ballots.
This means that to Biden's 81.28 million votes, 78.35 million Americans did not vote for him, or 48.7 percent wanted someone else other than the present occupant of the White House. To say that Biden's executive orders are meant to "revitalize" democracy by having the "views imprinted on government" of the 81.28 million who voted for him, is really to say that nearly 49 percent of the voting citizens of the country are to have the policies of the candidate that the slightly more than 51 percent voted for imposed on them, whether they like those policies or not.
It should not be forgotten that some of those Biden votes came from people who were voting against Trump, and not necessarily for the entire grab bag of Democratic Party and "progressive" policies being implemented through executive order. This is reinforced by the fact that the Republicans gained seats in the House of Representatives, narrowing the Democrat majority in that branch of the Congress to 10 votes. The Republicans have kept the Democrats to a tie in the U.S. Senate, with the tie-breaking vote dependent upon Kamala Harris as the Vice-President of the United States, who presides over the Senate.
Survey Says: Americans are Divided on Policy Priorities
The political division in the House of Representatives and the Senate, along with the nearly 49 percent of the electorate who did not vote for Biden is highlighted in more detail from a Pew Research Center survey released on January 29, 2021, about people's views on the importance of various policy issues. The breakdown offered by the Pew Survey, which was taken in early January of 2021, also looks at the difference of opinions based on gender, race, and age and not just political party affiliation or leanings.
The top policy concerns of Americans in the survey, in general, are: improving the economy (80 percent) and finding a way to handle the coronavirus crisis (78 percent; followed by increased job availability (67 percent), defending against terrorism (63 percent), improving the political system (62 percent), reducing healthcare costs (58 percent), securing Social Security (54 percent), improving education (53 percent), dealing with the problems of the poor (53 percent), addressing issues around race (49 percent), reducing crime (47 percent), addressing criminal justice reform (46 percent), dealing with immigration (39 percent), dealing with climate change (38 percent), strengthening the military (37 percent), dealing with global trade (32 percent), improving transportation (32 percent), and dealing with drug addiction (28 percent).
Notice that the two issues constantly emphasized in the mainstream media – race relations and climate change – are very far from the top of the list of concerns for the aggregate of those surveyed (49 percent and 38 percent, respectively).
Democrats and Republicans Divided on Policy Issues
But the picture changes once looked at below the survey aggregate of all those who responded. For instance, when looked at in terms of Republican and Republican-leaning vs. Democrat and Democrat-leaning, 72 percent among Democrats consider race relations as important to grapple with; among Republicans and leaning that number was only 24 percent. Dealing with climate change, 59 percent in this Democratic category considered it important by 59 percent, but by only 24 percent of this in the Republican category. (Notice that not even 60 percent of Democrats and Democrat-leaning consider climate change as "the" problem for the country to confront, in spite of the hoopla in the press.)
On the coronavirus, 93 percent of Democrats emphasize the importance of dealing with it, while that number drops to 60 percent among Republicans. Dealing with problems of the poor is considered important by 68 percent of Democrats, but by only 35 percent of Republicans. Among Democrats 67 percent are concerned about reducing healthcare costs, while 46 percent of Republicans feel that way. The pattern is reversed on different issues, such as reducing crime, with 55 percent of Republicans viewing it as important to deal with, while only 39 percent of Democrats feel that way. Among Republicans, 51 percent think it is important to strengthen the military, while among Democrats that falls to 28 percent. And for reducing the federal government's budget deficit, that is considered important by 54 percent of Republicans, but only 29 percent of Democrats.
Racial Differences on Policy Importance
Along race or ethnic lines, the Pew Survey divided responders into three categories: white, Hispanic, and black. Addressing race issues mattered to 83 percent of blacks, 68 percent of Hispanics and 40 percent of whites. Dealing with problems of the poor was important to 77 percent of blacks in the survey, 64 percent of Hispanics, and 46 percent of whites. On improving education, this mattered to 72 percent of blacks, 66 percent of Hispanics, and 45 percent of whites. All three groups had large majorities for dealing with the coronavirus, with this said by 95 percent of blacks, 82 percent of Hispanics, and 72 percent of whites.
Interestingly, less than 50 percent in all three groups considered dealing with drug addiction as a serious problem to face, with 43 percent among blacks, 39 percent among Hispanics, and 23 percent among whites. The same was true with climate change, with 49 percent of blacks saying it was important to deal with, 46 percent of Hispanics, and 34 percent of whites. And, again, on the issue of immigration, with 47 percent of blacks saying it was an important issue, 45 percent of Hispanics, and 37 percent of whites.
Policy Views Among Men and Women
Among men and women, differences on issues were expressed, but on most of them the percentage divergences between them were relatively small, in spite of the frequent assertion that men and women often think differently on social and economic issues. But, interestingly, whether the percentage differences between men and women was smaller or larger, on virtually every issue, women considered it a more important issue to be dealt with, including bolstering the military.
On a noticeable number of the issues in those listed at the beginning, both men and women assigned urgencies of less than 50 percent to one after another, such as problems of drug addiction (31 percent women and 25 percent men), climate change 41 percent women and 35 percent men), strengthening the military (41 percent women and 34 percent men), and dealing with immigration (43 percent women and 35 percent men).
On race relations as an important issue, 56 percent of women said yes, while 41 percent of men did so. For reducing healthcare costs, 63 percent of women said it was important and 52 percent of men said so. On defending against terrorism, 68 percent of women and 59 percent of men. On dealing with problems of the poor, 57 percent of women and 49 percent of men. The urgency of the coronavirus crisis, 80 percent of women and 75 percent of men. And on strengthening the economy, 82 percent of women and 78 percent of men.
Age Group Differences on Policy Issues
Finally, there are noticeable differences among demographic age groups in the Pew Survey. Among those 50 and older, 77 percent considered defending against terrorism important, while only 39 percent said yes to that in the 18-29 age group, and 58 percent for those between 30 and 49. For those in that youngest 18-29 age group, only 14 percent thought strengthening the military to be important; but even among those 50 and older, barely 50 percent considered it important.
In spite of all the talk of "the young" seriously concerned with the environment, dealing with climate change was ranked as important by only 43 percent of those between the ages of 18 and 29. All other age groups clustered in the 30s percentages concerning climate change. Dealing with immigration was also low for all age groups, with the youngest group in the survey with only 33 percent saying yes to that question while the older age groups considered it important in the 40s percentages. Again, all the age groups assigned a low importance to dealing with drug addiction, being in the 20s and low 30s percentage ranges.
What all age groups were concerned about, in the sense that each of the groups considered it important noticeably above 50 percent, were strengthening the economy, improving the jobs situation, solving the coronavirus problem, and health care costs. For all age groups, dealing with problems of the poor hovered in the low and mid-50s percentage range. For all the talk that "the young" are deeply concerned with race relations in America, only 54 percent of those in the 18 to 29-year category said it was important to deal with, and with other age groups that fell to the upper 40s percentages.
The Media Views of People's Views are not Accurate
Those in the "progressive" and more "radical" wing of the Democratic Party insist that Biden's election to the White House expresses the "democratic" will of the American people for a radical change in the direction of more paternalist, interventionist, even more socialist-oriented policies and programs. Certainly, a writer such as Jeet Heer in The Nation wishes to portray this to be the case. And he is not alone in this.
The fact is, there are significant divergences of values and views about the current situation in the United States concerning the policies considered to be more and less important to grapple with. It shows itself most starkly among political party lines and racial groupings, at least as conveyed in this recent Pew Research Center survey. It is noticeable, but in general far less so, among men and women; and there are divergences among age groups, but less on many issues than is suggested in the media.
What is pretty clear is that the buzzword, hot button issues in much of the mainstream media and among the academic and political "progressive" ideologues are not the burning problems of society in the minds of "the people" as expressed in this Pew Research survey. Climate change, income inequality, race relations? Not at the top of the lists for the vast majority of the people. Even among Democrats and the Democrat-leaning, climate change barely had 60 percent of the respondents saying that it was a crucial issue. Less than 50 percent of both men or women in the survey considered climate change urgent. And this low percentage was also the case among age groups.
Even when healthcare costs, or dealing with the coronavirus crisis, or improving the economy and the jobs situation were given high percentage responses in terms of importance, this in no way informs how the people expressing these concerns see the answers to them. For instance, on the need to improve schooling, a 2018 survey found that 47 percent of Democratic Party-identifying black and Hispanic parents favored charter school opportunities. While among Democratic Party-identifying white parents that number was only 27 percent.
Progressive Hubris of Knowing Where Society Should Go
For the Jeet Heers of the world, the ideological presumption is that seeing a problem automatically implies the need for bigger and more intrusive government. For more centralized planning "solutions" to make that beautiful and better collectivist world that, surely, if everyone was as enlightened, informed and "socially aware" as them, they would see this to be true.
Convinced they are on the "right side of history," that they are the virtuous warriors for the establishment of "identity politics"-guided outcomes for social, racial, and gender groups, bolstered by the destruction and the banishment of all in the past and the present that needs culture cancelling, they cannot wait for the cumbersome, time-consuming, and reactionary-plagued institutional means of legislative procedures as established in the U.S. Constitution.
Furthermore, the racist, sexist, and capitalist exploiters and oppressors have so manipulated the political system in buying elected representatives to the House and the Senate, that the "true" democratic will of "the people" may be foiled or even worse if we remain tied to the clearly false "bourgeois" notions of democratic procedures and methods.
Real "people's" democracy requires breaking through the logjam of out-of-date Constitutional barriers to "progressive" change. We have "our person" (don't say "man," it's not politically correct!) in the White House. He/she shares our view or we can assist him/her to see the logical implications of the general views that we all share in common. We know it to be right, after all, that all of history is a trajectory away from individualism and the private property rights of the past to collectivism and political central planning of society for the good of all, rather than simply for a few who unjustly have too much.
Quickly Pushing Through and Implementing the Agenda
So, sign and implement as many such presidential executive orders as possible, President Biden, to establish the precedent and the, then, embedded policies so that changing them or reversing them becomes difficult; then reinforce it with "entitlement" legislation in that slow-moving Congress, so any future attempt to repeal it will seem to be the same as threatening the very premises of what then has come to be taken for granted as the "American way." It will be the "third-rail" that if anyone tries to repeal any of the interventionist-welfare state and socialist-type planning by any other name, it will mean their political death in any attempt to return to the "bad old days" of misguided economic liberty and personal choice.
This is what makes the new administration's direction such dangerous times right now. Because those with influence inside and outside of the Biden White House right now are determined not to let a crisis and confusion go to waste. But the old Chinese proverb that in every crisis there is also opportunity, applies no less for critics and opponents of the Biden's administration's agenda.
The Pew Research survey makes clear that much that President Biden and those around him are attempting to implement through executive order and other means are policies and political positions that many in the society do not share or to which they do not assign the same degree of urgency. Or for which they do not necessarily see the same big government answers to each of the problems.
This, therefore, creates the opportunity to take advantage of the situation, and to argue and reason about and refute the political premises, economic and social policy ideas, and the ideological foundations upon which this collectivist push is being made.
It may be politically incorrect to express it this way anymore, but, "It ain't over until the Fat Lady sings." (Does saying this make it a candidate for "cancelling"?) Either way, policies implemented are ultimately the outcome of ideas fought over concerning whether or not to value and secure political freedom, economic liberty, and constitutional order. In spite of a lot of totalitarian-like rhetoric in the air, the intellectual field is still open to vigorous debate and competition. It just needs to be taken advantage of by not presuming the contest is already lost.
Made available by the American Institute for Economic Research.
Richard M. Ebeling
Dr. Richard M. Ebeling is the recently appointed BB&T Distinguished Professor of Ethics and Free Enterprise Leadership at The Citadel. He was formerly professor of Economics at Northwood University, president of The Foundation for Economic Education (2003–2008), was the Ludwig von Mises Professor of Economics at Hillsdale College (1988–2003) in Hillsdale, Michigan, and served as vice president of academic affairs for The Future of Freedom Foundation (1989–2003).
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Observations on Today's Political Situation in the U.S.
Selfishness Without a Self: Trump's True Colors Revealed
A Vote At The Crossroads: Thomas Sowell On The Georgia Special Election
Media Saves Joe Biden — Just as It Saved Barack Obama
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The Orwellian "Build Back Better" and "Inflation Reduction Act" plunders from the future to gratify hoped-to-be-Democrat voters now.
Instead of the United States abandoning the Electoral College, state legislatures should take us in exactly the opposite direction. From now on, they should abandon a statewide popular vote for president, and instead either appoint electors directly or implement an Electoral College-type system within each state.
The 'progressive' left and 'conservative' right are two sides of a damaged coin. The two sides have differences, but they also have important elements in common, although these are manifested in somewhat different forms.


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The Cable: How the Cease-Fire With Russia Might Save Ukraine How the Cease-Fire With Russia Might Save...
The Cable
How the Cease-Fire With Russia Might Save Ukraine
The U.S.- backed cease-fire deal between Russia and Ukraine is widely seen as a victory for Moscow. But it might be just what Kiev needs to stave off economic disaster.
| February 12, 2015, 5:51 PM
The U.S.-endorsed cease-fire between Russia and Ukraine is widely viewed as a win for Russian President Vladimir Putin. But it might be exactly what Ukraine needs to prevent an economic collapse.
The deal forces Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko to acknowledge gains made by pro-Russian separatists. Ultimately, Putin is the only one who can stop the flow of Russian weapons and soldiers across the border with Ukraine, a key component of the deal. And critics in the United States continue to insist military assistance is needed to deter Putin.
But it also allows Ukraine to receive a cash injection that is needed to save its failing economy. Ukraine's currency, the hryvnia, is tanking — it plummeted 50 percent last week, causing a spike in inflation. Military operations are draining the country's coffers. Foreign investors, weary of uncertainty, are staying away. Trade with Russia — its largest partner — has dried up, strangling Ukraine's industrial base.
Sean Kay, a professor in the department of politics and government at Ohio Wesleyan University, told Foreign Policy the debate over whether the U.S. should send weapons is obscuring the International Monetary Fund's $17.5 billion lifeline to Ukraine that was announced soon after the cease-fire was signed. Once other donors kick in, Ukraine is set to get about $40 billion. Right now, the country of some 45 million people only has just $6 billion in currency reserves, down 15 percent in the last month. By comparison, Spain, which has a population of 47 million, has $51 billion in reserves.
"Ukraine may have needed this deal as much as anyone," Kay said. The IMF "was reticent to make that commitment without the prospect of a stable window, and Ukraine probably felt a pretty significant need to create stability."
"For all the bluster about sending weapons, I don't hear the same people making the argument that we should be sending a big check," he said.
For now, Secretary of State John Kerry's backing of the deal takes weapons off the table. It also means the momentum to send arms to Ukraine building over the last two weeks has crashed.
Lawmakers in both parties who favored more military aid to Ukraine expressed skepticism of Russia's commitment to the deal.
"We hope for peaceful resolution from this agreement, but we must also be mindful of Russia's historical pattern of cease-fire violations," Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio) told Foreign Policy.
Kaptur is among 30 lawmakers who signed a recent letter to Obama calling for an increase in military aid to Ukraine.
Sen. John McCain, one of Congress's strongest hawks on military assistance to Ukraine, said the specter of sending lethal aid should continue to be strongly considered.
"Some will use this deal as excuse to delay sending defensive lethal assistance to Ukraine. But as long as Vladimir Putin negotiates peace while sending in tanks, that need still exists," McCain said.
Andrew Dobriansky is the spokesman for the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, a group that advocates for Ukraine in the United States. He dismissed the deal.
"We know it's not worth the paper it's written on," Dobriansky told Foreign Policy. "We need defensive measures. Seventy percent of casualties are coming from light rocket and heavy artillery attacks. We could cut that down if we had early wanting radar systems and drones."
Photo credit: Sergey Gapon/Getty Images
Tags: Europe, Germany, Russia, Ukraine


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Home » Communications & Media » Grow first, develop later? The pitfalls of measuring economic growth using GDP
Grow first, develop later? The pitfalls of measuring economic growth using GDP
November 29, 2019 by reespejo
People taking in the view of the city skyline along Marina Bay in Singapore. (Photo: AFP/ROSLAN RAHMAN)
Asit K. Biswas and Kris Hartley
CHANNEL NEWS ASIA | November 29, 2019
GDP is an imperfect metric. But it continues to be used as a benchmark for national performance and policymaking in an era of social, economic, and environmental disruption, highlight Asit K Biswas and Kris Hartley.
SINGAPORE: Singapore's projected 2019 growth rate in gross domestic product (GDP) of 0.5 to 1 per cent comes as a shock to many but is expected given current geopolitical instability and weakening global demand.
October marked the third quarter in a row that Singapore exports have fallen.
Global headwinds and geopolitical tensions have been blamed. When big powers like China and the United States fight, admittedly, nearly everyone else suffers – especially small states whose exports account for a high percentage of GDP.
Still, while there is currently much hand-wringing around the world about tepid GDP growth, the dramas of global economic cycles hardly deserve to monopolise public attention and policy intervention.
WHY GDP IS NOT A GOOD MEASURE OF NATIONAL GOALS
For one, GDP itself reflects an economic model based on unsustainable and inequitable foundations.
Between 2008 and 2019, the United States went through the longest period of economic expansion, as measured by GDP, in its history.
Despite this growth, the country is now experiencing its highest levels of income inequality in 50 years, an enduring opioid crisis, and increasing rates of suicide and so-called "deaths of despair".
GDP – the preeminent comparative measure of development – draws attention away from social and environmental issues that are crucial to human well-being.
A view of Singapore's central business district. (File photo: Reuters)
Credited with first establishing the idea of GDP, Nobel prize laureate Simon Kuznets made clear decades ago that the measure concerned only economic production and not human well-being.
However, commentators and policymakers routinely conflate the two, with the troubling consequence that governments focus on economic output to the exclusion of welfare issues in measurable and unmeasurable forms.
IN INDIA, WHERE PROMISES OF GROWTH OBSCURE CHALLENGES
The pitfalls of this approach can be seen in India, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government rode to power promising higher GDP growth.
The administration has endeavoured to realise this promise by strengthening the country's fiscal position through demonetisation and the 2017 introduction of a consumption tax.
However, these policies have disproportionately impacted informal sectors, raising costs of business and threatening the livelihoods of millions of lower-middle class and poor workers.
Adding to the confusion is the Modi administration's publication of potentially misleading statistics. The country's stated 7 per cent yearly GDP growth rate was later said by the government's former Chief Economic Advisor to be overestimated by more than 2 percentage points.
MEASUREMENT REMAINS A PROBLEM
India is not alone in such data anomalies. China also faces questions about the quality of its economic data, including the overstatement of yearly GDP growth by 2 percentage points between 2008 and 2016.
China's normally steady unemployment rate rose to 5.3 percent in February while retail sales growth remained near a 15-year low. (File photo: AFP/NICOLAS ASFOURI)
Such phenomena have been attributed in part to political pressure; economic data are often collected by local government officials whose job security and promotion are tied to economic growth.
For many rapidly growing countries, China included, the excessive focus on GDP is a priority that filters down to all levels of government.
Economic growth is also a source of international prestige. GDP estimates by global institutions such as the International Monetary Fund are treated as a horse race in which the winners attract foreign investment and command greater geopolitical influence.
GROW NOW DEVELOP LATER
China is emblematic of the grow-now-develop-later mindset.
According to World Bank data, China now has the highest GDP in the world at purchasing power parity.
Yet, the country faces substantial environmental and public health costs from pollution, along with unsustainable levels of household debt – two of many challenges concealed by a slavish focus on GDP growth.
For the governments of China, India, and many other countries, these outcomes are no surprise; economic growth is the primary source of political legitimacy.
China's economy expanded at its slowest pace for nine years in the third quarter of 2018. (Photo: AFP/Johannes EISELE)
WHAT CITIZENS WANT
Part of the problem with using GDP as a measurement of economic success is that it doesn't quite measure what citizens feel are important. Such economic metrics are typically focused on output, and can be immediately and straightforwardly measured.
But desired national outcomes are typically more distant in time. These can also be impacted by numerous intervening factors within and outside the scope of public policy.
GDP figures also make it more difficult to place blame for failed outcomes.
Many publics around the world want better. There is growing dissatisfaction about lax consideration for long-term outcomes in policymaking.
One example is the climate action movement, seen in recent protests and strikes by young people around the world.
Pressure to find a replacement for GDP has yielded several alternatives, including the OECD's Beyond GDP initiative and the ecological and socially focused Genuine Progress Indicator.
Country-level efforts can also offer globally scalable alternatives. Within New Zealand's Living Standards Framework, the definition of capital is broadened to include environmental, human, and social capital and is applied to the preparation of a "well-being budget" that targets child poverty, mental health, and wealth inequality.
Other alternatives, such as the notion of Green GDP pursued by China and others, have gained less traction.
Efforts to mainstream a new way of viewing GDP, if used to compare countries, have the potential to shame underperformers – dampening prospects of full and universal participation.
Some countries might also lack the capacity to measure softer aspects of growth and development.
China and India will together account for more than half of the growth in energy concumption, though China will remain the largest market AFP/Johannes EISELE
TOWARDS A FRAMEWORK COUNTRIES CAN AGREE ON
One path towards a comprehensive framework is the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Adopted in 2015, the SDGs include 17 social, economic, and environmental goals specified by 232 indicators.
Measuring SDG indicators in a way that is meaningful for global comparison requires high-level universal reporting standards and guardrails to prevent gaming.
Additionally, implementation of SDGs must consider practical challenges facing local policymakers, who must interpret metrics based on unique conditions and capacity constraints. Metricising development can also lock policymakers into a "streetlight" perspective that focuses efforts only on what can be measured.
WHY GDP CONTINUES TO BE THE METRIC FOR GROWTH
So maybe we're back at square one. GDP is an imperfect metric, as its inventor stated decades ago. However, it continues to be used as a benchmark for national performance and for policymaking in an era of social, economic, and environmental disruption.
Extinction Rebellion climate change activists block an entrance to general aviation terminal at the Geneva Airport, Switzerland November 16, 2019 REUTERS/Denis Balibouse
While there is a movement to find development metrics to replace GDP, these too are at risk of falling into the same streetlight effect and one-size-fits-all traps as GDP itself.
Countries must consider their own practical realities as they develop alternative measures, and analysts must be mindful of national-level capacity and political constraints.
Broadly, sweeping indices like the World Happiness Report can draw casual public interest to social well-being; indeed, Singapore's 34th rank in the 2019 index could be cause for discussion given the country's top-10 position in GDP per capita.
At the same time, more substantive indices regarding sustainability and social progress address detailed issues with which national policymakers can engage on issues beyond economic growth.
Ultimately, the difficult work of understanding and confronting the 21st century's complex mix of policy challenges does not excuse governments from the urgency of looking beyond GDP growth.
Asit K. Biswas is Distinguished Visiting Professor of Engineering at the University of Glasgow. Kris Hartley is an Assistant Professor of public policy at The Education University of Hong Kong.
This article was published by CHANNEL NEWS ASIA, November 29, 2019.
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Tag Archives: Boston Celtics
Note-A-Bulls: Boston hands the helpless Bulls their fifth straight loss 100-80
March 13, 2017 Jason Schwartz	Leave a comment
I'm not sure how many doom and gloom articles have been written about the Bulls this year, but there's about to be one more added to the list. In what can only be described as an absolute thumping, the Bulls (31-35) lost to the Celtics (42-25) on Sunday afternoon 100-80 in a game that somehow wasn't as close as the score indicated. There are numerous stats that illustrate the Bulls ineptitude in this contest but I think one stands above the rest. With under 10 minutes to play in the second quarter, the Bulls had amassed a grand total of three field goals and had managed to turn the ball over six times. Their turnover to field goal ratio was an astounding 2:1 with under 10 minutes to go in the first half.
This one started bad and stayed ugly as the Bulls managed to score a measly 26 points in the entire first half. That was "good enough" for lowest mark of any NBA team at the half this season and only three more than the Bulls franchise low of 23 in a half.
There were several issues with the offense, especially in the first half. The most glaringly obvious were the spacing issues. There were times in the first half when there would be four of the five Bulls on the court on the same side of it. Or four Bulls clogging the lane at the same time. These issues are pretty predictable for anyone who looks at the Bulls roster and fails to see a premier outside threat. But there were some possessions that were just downright laughable, even for this space challenged squad.
Of course, there were other offensive issues as well. Turnovers remained an issue for this squad, and general shot-making was a challenge to say the least. The Bulls actually managed to find some open looks despite their spacing problems only to clank the majority of their opportunities. The Bulls finished the first half 11/43 from the field, 25 percent. It's hard to stay in any game shooting at that clip, especially against a quality team on the road.
Dwyane Wade had one of the more memorable quotes of the day in a post-game interview where he was asked about minutes for potentially ill-prepared players on the roster. His response: "I wish upper management could be answering these questions. Because I'm tired of answering them" (via KC Johnson). Wade's candidness about the front office is rather refreshing in the midst of a five game losing streak. I'm sure Bulls fans would like a similar explanation as far as what exactly Gar Forman and John Paxson are planning in terms of the future of this roster.
Wade however, didn't exactly back up his post-game talk on the court. The Marquette product finished the game with just 8 points in 26 minutes while accumulating a career-worst +/- rating of -37. That's a hard number to reach being on the floor for just over a half of basketball. Wade wasn't particularly bad (minus a defensive gaffe in the first), but if you're not part of the solution than you're part of the problem. So he gets a black mark for that reason alone.
Elsewhere, Cameron Payne, the Bulls newest addition, continued his struggles. Having been given the backup point guard duties and seeing an increase in playing time, Payne showed he still has a long way to go before having an impact in this league. Payne scored 7 points and added 3 assists in 20 minutes on 3/7 shooting. However, he also managed to turn the ball over a concerning 5 times and generally showed little grasp of the flow of the offense. Things weren't much better on the defensive side of things as Payne was constantly being taken off the dribble leading to easy baskets in the paint for the Celtics.
It's hard to give an MVP to anyone for their performance yesterday, but Robin Lopez would have been the most deserving. The starting center scored 13 points on 5/6 shooting and displayed his normal hustle to grab boards even when things were getting out of hand. Say what you will about his skill, Lopez always goes 100% and never takes a play off.
For Boston, Isaiah Thomas did his thing, going for 22 points on an efficient 9/14 shooting. Al Horford also had himself a nice game scoring 12 while grabbing 7 boards and handing out 6 assists. The Celtics will need Horford to have well-rounded game if they are going to pull the upset of the Cavs in the playoffs this year. Boston needs that balance on the roster as they can't solely rely on Thomas to do it all come playoff time.
Next Up: The Bulls travel to Charlotte tomorrow to take on the Hornets in an attempt to halt their five game skid.
2016-17 NBABoston CelticsChicago BullsDwyane WadeIsaiah ThomasRobin Lopez
Everything else, Note-A-Bulls
Note-A-Bulls: Bulls end the first half on a high note with gritty win over the Celtics
February 16, 2017 Jason Schwartz	Leave a comment
17. That's how many Thursday night home games the Bulls have won in a row on TNT. That's incredible. Is that an obscure stat? Perhaps. Is it an explainable fact? Absolutely not. What makes this streak even more incredible is almost every game in that stretch has come against a very good basketball team. You don't play the Jazz on TNT, you play the likes of the Celtics, the Cavs, the Raptors. Like I said it defies explanation, which is also a phrase that could be uttered to describe the ending of the Bulls (28-29) 104-103 win over the Celtics (37-20) last night.
With one minute and twenty seconds left in the fourth quarter, Doug McDermott had just hit his second consecutive free throw to pull the Bulls within one at a score of 103-102. Over the next three combined possessions that included two consecutive Bulls offensive rebounds, both teams could not add to their tally. So with eight seconds remaining and Bulls trailing by one, it came down to Jimmy to decide things.
Butler took his time setting up his move insuring his shot would be the last. From the right wing Jimmy awkwardly pulled up for a game-winning attempt while falling off-balance, the shot did not go. But after a dejected Bulls began heading toward their bench, they had realized a somewhat questionable foul had been called. Objectively, Marcus Smart played some pretty great D and may have grazed Jimmy's elbow on the shot, but that's not a call you make in that circumstance. As he has done so many times this year, Jimmy came through to knock down the ensuing two free throws to take a one point advantage. A last ditched effort from Al Hereford careened off the rim and the Bulls were heading into the All-Star break on a winning streak after back-to-back impressive wins over the Raptors and Celtics and within a game of the six-seed in the East.
My unsung hero of the night goes to the oft-maligned Bobby Portis. The reserve forward had a career high 19 points to go with eight rebounds on 8/13 shooting from the floor. 13 of those points came in the first-half when the Celtics were threatening to run away with this one as they shot 53 percent in the half. Portis was hitting jump shots from all over, including one from deep, and displayed the type of hustle the Bulls had dreamed about when they drafted the 2nd year pro number 20 overall in the 2015 draft. Portis still struggled a bit on the defensive end and turned the ball over twice from traveling, but the Arkansas grad showed something the Bulls hadn't seen out of him in a long time, potential.
Another reason the Bulls won this game was due to their dominance on the glass. The Bulls out-rebounded the Celts 51-31 on the game including a staggering 15-4 edge on the offensive boards. This allowed the Bulls to win thanks to shooting noticeably worse than the Celtics thanks to the 13 extra shots they attempted compared to their opponents. This also resulted in a decided edge in second chance points, 22-4 in the Bulls favor.
Not everything went right for the Bulls, as they continued to stink up the joint from behind the arc. They shot 6/25 on the night (24 percent), lowering their league worse average from 31.8 percent. The lack of spacing in the Bulls offense often creates a log jam in the paint which makes it much more difficult to drive with any sort of efficiency. Doug has been hit or miss, while Niko got a DNP coach's decision leaving the Bulls ammo-less. The Bulls will never be the Warriors in terms of shooting, but you have to at least make your opponent respect your shooting ability to free up space.
Isaiah Thomas continued his recent hot-stretch going for 29 points on 8/18 shooting while going an impressive 9/9 from the charity stripe and dishing out seven assists. The diminutive guard didn't have his usual 4th quarter heroics, often forcing up shots in the final frame, but his ability to manipulate his body to get shots off in the lane against bigger defenders is extraordinary. Thomas is a worthy all-star, and I hope he doesn't get overlooked (no pun intended) for his stature as his game speaks volumes.
Up Next: The Bulls get a reprieve for awhile as Jimmy Butler heads to New Orleans for the All-Star game this Sunday in the annual East vs. West clash.
2016-17 NBABobby PortisBoston CelticsChicago BullsIsaiah ThomasJimmy Butler


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Climate change worries halt Vienna airport's third runway
environmentairportpollution
View of Vienna airport. Photo: Hansueli Krapf/Wikimedia
A court has blocked Vienna airport's plans for a third runway saying it would have resulted in greater greenhouse gas emissions, in a verdict described by lawyers as a first.
Austria's Federal Administrative Court said in a ruling published late on Thursday that the "positive aspects of the project cannot justify the high extra carbon dioxide pollution."
A third runway would result in a "significant" rise in greenhouse gas output, contravening the country's domestic and international undertakings to reduce emissions, a statement said.
"The airport's possibilities to reduce CO2 emissions through its own measures (such as the installation of solar panels and changing its vehicles to electric cars) were insufficient," it added.
"As far as I know this is unique that climate protection is used as an argument to block a concrete plan," Christian Schmelz, a lawyer for the airport, told the newspaper Die Presse.
Erika Wagner, head of the Environmental Law Institute at Linz University, called it a "landmark ruling".
The airport, which handled 23 million passengers in 2016 and which has wanted to construct the runway for a decade, said it would appeal, possibly at Austria's highest court.
Plastic bags on the way out in Austria's supermarkets
High altitude ski resorts get less snowfall
River turbines turn Austria's Danube green
Austria's first 'organic village' wins award
Lower Austria goes 100 percent renewable


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Disney turns away from hand-drawn animation
Studio says none of its animation companies are working in the traditional 2D format, and there are no current plans to do so again
Ben Child
@BenChildGeek
Thu 7 Mar 2013 06.27 EST First published on Thu 7 Mar 2013 06.27 EST
Hands down ... Mickey Mouse in the 1983 Disney film Mickey's Christmas Carol. Photograph: Sportsphoto Ltd/Allstar/Disney
Disney, the Hollywood titan which brought the world classics such as Fantasia, Bambi and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, has admitted it has no current plans to make hand drawn animated films.
Speaking at an annual shareholder's meeting in Phoenix, Arizona, on Wednesday, chief executive Bob Iger revealed that none of the studio's animation companies was working on 2D, hand-drawn material for the big screen. While Iger did not rule out returning in the future to the style which made the company famous, the long gestation period for Hollywood animated productions means a gap of several years before any new film might emerge.
"To my knowledge we're not developing a 2D or hand-drawn feature animated film right now," said Iger. "There is a fair amount of activity going on in hand-drawn animation but it's largely for television at this point. We're not necessarily ruling out the possibility [of] a feature but there isn't any in development at the company at the moment."
The news will upset fans of traditional hand-drawn animation, who had been cheered by the revival of the form under John Lasseter, the Pixar boss who also became Disney Animation's chief creative officer in 2006. Lasseter told a London audience for a 2009 screening of Bolt (a CGI animation) that he had re-hired many of the animators who were ditched by the previous regime because of the emergence of computer-generated technology in the 1990s.
"Unfortunately 2D became the excuse for poor storytelling," said Lasseter, who pioneered the CGI animation revolution with Toy Story in 1995. "The general consensus was that audiences did not want to watch hand-drawn animated films, which is of course completely ridiculous. The day I stepped in we got in touch with these guys and set about bringing back the artists that Disney had laid off."
The studio subsequently put the hand-drawn animation The Princess and the Frog into production. The traditional musical, based on the Brothers Grimm story the Frog Prince but relocating the action to 1920s New Orleans, was well-reviewed but failed to mirror the astounding success of Pixar at the box office with a middling return of $267m (£178m). Another hand-drawn animation – 2011's Winnie the Pooh – drew praise from critics but pulled in just $33m across the globe. Meanwhile, Disney CGI efforts such as 2009's Bolt and 2010's Tangled grossed $310m and $590m respectively.
It may not all be hard lines for the style that made the studio famous, however. One US blogger covering the news of hand-drawn animation's demise has pointed to rumours that Disney is planning a feature using similar techniques to the Oscar-winning short film Paperman. That film was produced by animators working with computers who were drawing rather than modelling images. The studio's animated film arm is also offering an eight-week intern program specifically in 2D animation this summer.
Animation in film


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Home > Pop > nsfw
Olivia Culpo Looks Sexy In Tiny Tube Dress On Instagram
By Maria Goncalves
Nov. 12 2018, Updated 7:54 a.m. ET
Despite all the rumors about her personal life, Olivia Culpo seems to be living her best life and she wants everyone to know it!
The 26-year-old took to Instagram to share a couple of pictures of herself enjoying a delicious-looking cocktail at a Cointreau party. And it wasn't just any regular cocktail: it was her very own drink, which she specifically designed for the brand, and named it The Red Carpet Cosmos. Her outfit was on point, as Olivia donned a tiny red polka dot tube dress that hugged her figure and showed plenty of skin, which she paired with matching red heels and a red clutch. In the pictures, the model is seen proudly holding her designer cocktail as she strikes a sexy pose. For the most eager fans, she also announced in her caption that the recipe would be coming soon.
As per usual, Olivia also documented the whole night on her Instagram stories. She not only filmed the commotion going on inside the venue, but she also smiled to the camera as she sipped on her signature beverage. All the hard work must have left her starving, as the former Miss Universe posted a story in which she's seen devouring a mini burger, with the caption, "Give me a break, can't a girl eat her mini burger in peace?!?!"
Earlier in the day, Olivia had been spotted flaunting her toned legs in a leather mini skirt while out and about in New York City. As previously reported by the Inquisitr, she completed her outfit with a skin-tight black top, a coral-colored cropped jacket and a pair of black heeled Dr. Marten boots and opted for a natural-looking makeup style.
The Sports Illustrated swimsuit model has been keeping herself busy since it was revealed that she had split up with her ex-boyfriend, NFL star Danny Amendola — for the second time this year. The couple called it quits after Amendola was photographed cozying up to sports reporter Bianca Peters on the beach in Miami while Olivia was away in Australia shooting for Sports Illustrated.
Sources had previously told Radar Online that the Reprisal actress was furious to learn of what Amendola was up to while she was away and that she's had enough with him.
"She's humiliated and p***ed off that he went behind her back like that. He was all over Bianca for everyone to see. She can't believe he did that to her. It's over," an insider revealed.
Latest nsfw News and Updates


Join Councilmembers and University of Washington professors and graduate students at a research colloquium discussing how scientific research could improve City programs or services.
WHEN: Friday, Dec. 7, 12:30 – 2:30 p.m.
For additional information, visit www.seattle.gov/audit/docs/2012UW_Colloquium_flyer.pdf or contact Claudia Gross Shader, Assistant City Auditor at 206-684-8038 or Claudia.gross-shader@seattle.gov.
Posted: December 5th, 2012 under Councilmember Burgess, News Releases.


Dr. Jabbour graduated from the University of Oklahoma College of Medicine at Oklahoma City in 1990. He works in Tulsa, OK and specializes in Orthopaedic Surgery and Orthopedic Sports Medicine. Dr. Jabbour is affiliated with St John Medical Center and Tulsa Spine & Specialty Hospital.
Dr. Antoine I. Jabbour is a board certified orthopedic surgeon specializing in sports medicine in Tulsa, Oklahoma. Visit www.tulsasportsmedicine.com to find out more.
Dr. Antoine I. Jabbour is a board certified orthopedic surgeon specializing in sports medicine in Tulsa, Oklahoma Visit www.tulsasportsmedicine.com to find out more.


Everything you do is an action of some kind. Action words are called verbs. In Spanish, verbs are much easier to recognize than in English. That's because all verbs end in -ar, -er or -ir.
Here we're just going to talk about verbs that end in -ar. Lots of actions that you do every day end in -ar.
Two common verbs that end in -ar are hablar and escuchar, which mean to talk and to listen.
To use verbs in Spanish, you usually take off the -ar (or -er or -ir) ending, and replace it with a special ending to indicate who's doing the action. When you do this, you are conjugating the verb, which means matching the verb to the person.
1. Take off the -ar ending.
2. Add one of these 6 endings: o, as, a, amos, áis, an.
Watch the video on conjugating -ar verbs.
Take the quiz on conjugating -ar verbs.


Most Rutgers employees will enjoy a long holiday break this year, but some of our members working in Cooperative Extension, based in county offices will be working on the four floating holidays (Dec. 27–30 this year.) County‐based employees in the URA unit who are assigned to offices which follow a holiday schedule that is different than that set forth in Article 14 "Holidays" section of the 2007–2011 URA‐AFT Administrative Unit Contract are entitled to a day and a half of holidays for each of those days when they work.
The most common county holidays are Washington's and Lincoln's Birthdays, Good Friday, Columbus, Veteran's and Election Day. However, if your county does not observe all of these, you should request personal holiday time from your supervisor, at the rate of 1 1/2 days.
Read the 2008 side agreement here.
The new policy will establish that: "Requests for vacations shall not be unreasonably denied." Many members have reported that supervisors have refused requests for vacation so often, and so unfairly, that they end up carrying over vacation time until they lose it. URA unit members (but not the non‐unionized supervisory and professional staff) will also gain important protections against forfeiting vacation days, interrupted vacations, and managers who will not approve requests for vacation.
Some members have also been called while on vacation by supervisors who want them to return to the office, sometimes for trivial reasons such as: "I forgot my password." The URA's letter of agreement states that employees may be called back from vacation only in an emergency where they are the only employee who can remedy the situation. The agreement goes on to guarantee that an employee who is unable to return from vacation, in case of an emergency at work will not be subject to discipline.
Employees who make a written request for vacation will be entitled to a written response within 14 days of their request.
The letter of agreement was negotiated by a team made up of President Lucye Millerand, Newark Campus vice president Darlene Smith, New Brunswick executive board member Joyce Sagi and Camden steward Cynthia Davidson. Many URA stewards and members provided input on their needs and concerns.
You should soon be able to find the new vacation policy 60.3.10 in the university policy library, and read the URA agreement here.


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About UsProgramReviewsBlogFree TrainingAPPLY Now
How to Never Need a Vacation Ever Again!
The majority of people count down the days until their next vacation, the time where they get to escape their boring mundane reality that brings them no joy. Their only release comes from crossing off days on their calendar and hoping that their vacation comes just a bit earlier. What if you could create a life that you don't feel the need to escape from? What if you love your Monday morning at work just as much as you love your Saturday night with friends partying in a new country.
Sounds extremely far-fetched, doesn't it?
Well, it doesn't have to be.
Why do you feel like you need a vacation?
In a discussion with the OBA fam community the other day, the topic of burnout and feeling unable to let go and being attached to the outcome came up. Almost everyone suggested a vacation as the solution to any of these issues.
Now don't get me wrong, vacations are awesome.
I love vacations.
But the reason you constantly crave one is because you're overwhelmed with all the stuff in your life and you feel the need to get away from it.
You need to distance yourself from the situations in order to feel like you can relax. To escape reality for a while.
But what if you could just relax and feel that way in every single situation?
The only reason you feel overwhelmed is because you're clinging to an outcome or you're resisting the things that you need to do.
How to stop needing one?
By letting things flow through you instead of keeping them inside of you. This way you'll feel good all the time.
I understand it's easier said than done, but it just needs practice.
You basically don't want to cling and resist.
Instead, you want to let things just flow and let them be as they are.
So if you have a goal, for example, to sign a certain client or to make a certain amount of money or whatever it is that you have, don't put a date on it.
If you put a date on it, then you're going to have doubts as you're approaching the date, you're going to be like, "I need to get that outcome by this time" and this doesn't let it flow.
Suddenly you're clinging or resisting and it's going to stay inside of you.
Or if you're like, "I really want to sign this client specifically" or "I really want to sign this person on the sales call." It's like you're shooting yourself in the foot.
Maybe that person is not meant to be a client but now you're clinging to that result. If you don't sign that person on a sales call, then you're going to be negatively impacted by it and feel as if you failed to achieve one of your goals.. On the other hand, if you approach a sales call being open to whatever outcome and aiming to give it your best, you're letting the universe deliver its side of the deal.
You're going to do your very best. The universe is going to do its best, and you'll see what happens.
So you're still aiming towards your goal, but you're open to the outcome, you're open to how it should unfold.
This is your life now, you don't want to wake up one day and be like "Oh my God, I've been working straight for two years, I really need a vacation."
Is that how you want to live your life?
Only enjoying your vacations?
Or would you rather enjoy every single moment of your life?
If I had a wish for you, it wouldn't be, "I hope that she gets that client or I hope that she makes that amount of money or I hope that she does this." What I would wish for is that you would no longer need a vacation, that you love your life so much that your normal mundane days would feel just as good as being on vacation.
That's what I want for you.
Regardless of your situation, decide to enjoy whatever it is that you're doing at that moment and not cling to a mindset of "Once I get this, then I'll be good."
Let things be. Let things unfold.
Give it your best and trust the universe. Let things flow and you won't need a vacation. You'll feel good with your day to day life. Even the little things can be exciting.
To Sum It Up:
If you want to live the rest of your life trying to enjoy every moment instead of waiting for your next vacation, then just enjoy all the little things. Be grateful that there's something instead of nothing.
Don't cling or resist, just let things flow. Put your best inputs but don't try to control the outputs.
Prioritize creating a life you enjoy living instead of waiting for a chance to escape it every once in a while.
I hope that helps you create a more fulfilling life where everyday feels like a vacation!
P.S. If you think you have what it takes and you're ready to put your heart and soul into creating or scaling your own business, I would love nothing more than to see you succeed and be the best at what you do. You can book a free strategy call with me so we can discuss all the details. Apply below x
Acknowledging The Amazing Gifts You've Been Given
How to Generate Leads for your Online Service Based Business
Interested in joining OBA?
©2020 OnlineBizAcademy.com LLC | ALL RIGHTS RESERVED | Los Angeles, CA


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Every mixin gets resolved by the [mixin](plugins/Mixin.md) plugin which therefore must be included in the configuration.

* [Before / After](#before-after)
* [Blank](#blank)
* [Contains](#contains)
* [Empty](#empty)
* [Extend](#extend)
* [First Letter](#first-letter )
* [Stateful Conditions](#stateful-conditions)
* [Substr](#substr)

## Before / After
```javascript
{
  box: {
    fontSize: 20,
    before: {
      content: 'I appear before'
    },
    after: {
      // This text will also appear in red
      content: 'I appear after'
    }
  }
}
```
Behaves basically just like `:before` & `:after` pseudo classes from CSS. Let's you add content before / after the applied element.

## Blank
```javascript
{
  box: {
    fontSize: 20,
    blank: {
      // Adds padding if the element is empty or includes whitespace
      padding: 20
    }
  }
}
```
Behaves like the `:blank` pseudo class known from CSS. Works as [Empty](#empty), but also adds styles if the element contains whitespaces.

## Contains
> Only works with `<Text>`

```javascript
{
	box: {
		fontSize: 20,
		// only resolves if element is a string
		// and contains at least one number
		'contains([0-9])': {
			color: 'blue'
		}
	}
}
```
Contains let's you check wether a primitive element *(string or number)* contains a given regex.

## Empty
```javascript
{
  box: {
    fontSize: 20,
    empty: {
      // Adds padding if the element is empty (no children)
      padding: 20
    }
  }
}
```
Behaves like the `:empty` pseudo class known from CSS. Only adds styles if the element is empty / got no children.

## Extend
```javascript
const extendStyles = {
	backgroundColor: 'red'
}

{
	box: {
		color: 'blue',
		// single
		extend: extendStyles

		// multiple (array)
		extend: [extendStyles, {fontSize: 20}]
	}
}
```
Lets you extend your styles with other styles. The idea was taken from Sass' `@extend` and works basically all the same.

### Advanced

Extending also supports conditioned extend which is achieved by passing both a `condition` as well a `styles` object.
```javascript
{
	box: {
		color: 'blue',
		extend: {
			// any condition
			condition: true === true,

			// either a single style object or multiple (array)
			styles: extendStyles
		}
	}
}
```
##### ECMAScript 2015 (ES6): Spread operator
If you are already using ECMAScript 2015 which I highly recommend, you do not need the extend-plugin except if you need the conditioned one.
Just use the new spread operator `...`.
```javascript
{
	// preceding to be used as a base
	box: {
		...extendStyles,
		color: 'blue'
	},

	// or subsequent which perhaps overwrites other styles
	container: {
		color: 'blue',
		...etendStyles
	}
}
```

## First Letter
> Only works with `<Text>`

```javascript
{
  box: {
    fontSize: 20,
    firstLetter: {
      // Colors the first letter red
      color: 'red'
    }
  }
}
```
Behaves like the `:first-letter` pseudo class known from CSS. Will only style the first letter of an element's child. Only works on `string` and `number`.

## Stateful Conditions
```javascript
{
	box: {
		color: 'blue',
		'status=active': {
			color: 'red'
		},
		'clicks>=20': {
			color: 'yellow'
		}
	}
}
```

A shortcut to specify state-specific styles.
It supports 6 different operators: `>=`, `<=`, `!=`, `=`, `>` and `<`.

This improves readability since you won't need to use expressions like this: `style={[styles.box, this.state.active && styles.active]}`.

It also helps to keep some kind of separation of concerns since you have all your styles compact in one place.

#### Idea
There are several states which are quite common to style a component state-specific. We call such states **style-state** since its only purpose is to validate component styling which is UI-only.
> **Note**: Avoid using stateful conditions with other than style-states since this would destroy semantics.

### Validation
It takes `Component.props`, `Component.state` and `Component.context` to check if there is a key that matches the condition. e.g. `status=active` gets validated with `Component.props['status'] === 'active'`.

### Advanced
You can even use dot-notation to adress deeper nested props and state. e.g. `items.name=foo`.

## Substr
> Only works with `<Text>`

```javascript
{
	box: {
		fontSize: 20,
		// colors every number blue
		'substr([0-9])': {
			color: 'blue'
		}
	}
}
```
Substr it similar to contains as it only works on primitive elements *(string and number)* and takes a regex as parameter.

It let's you style substrings without splitting the element yourself at all.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Q: Keeping up with Rails versions and hosting As Rails does change quite a bit fairly quickly could somebody please share their experiences maintaing an existing application as Rails develops. How does a hosting service like Heroku handle this? Do hosts support legacy versions of rails or would one be at the mercy of the host to upgrade an app?
Edit:
With a framework such as Asp.net which is not updated that frequently, it would seem to me that fewer apps would be broken due less quickly. Is a developer always chasing after the next version of rails?

A: With Gems and now Bundler, this isn't really an issue. To keep your application up to date, all you have to do is tell it which version of Rails to bundle with your app in the Gemfile: gem 'rails', '3.1'. This works for any version, past or current. The only thing you have to worry about is the libraries like Ruby, but any version of Rails will work on most versions of Ruby. Plus, most hosts will even allow users on shared servers to compile your own Ruby if you want.

A: Hosts definitely support 'legacy' versions up to a point. I think even GitHub is on Rails 2.2, though they might be self-hosted.
Hosting tends not to be that big of a deal with respect to new rails versions, however. It's the community. Gems, plugins, and systems come in and out of fashion at blinding speed in the Rails community and you can quickly find yourself committed to a pile of unmaintained contributed code. Most new gems now ONLY support Rails 3, so if you have a 2.x.x app and want to use those things, you're SOL unless you backport it yourself.
So yes, you are chasing Rails versions over the long period. There's 2 ways to solve it: either walk away from every app you write after it's finished, like a consultant, or keep your app small. If you want to build a large, feature-filled platform, you can't build it as one app. You'll get stuck on a Rails version forever and have to rewrite it eventually anyway. Just set a threshold and say when this app is over 10,000 lines, it's time to break it up into services so it doesn't get fossilized.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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text:
\section{Introduction}
The family $\mathcal{M}_{k}$ of  $k$-monotone densities on $\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+}$ is a mixture model defined by the basic density $g_{0}(x)\equiv k(1-x)_{+}^{k-1}$. That means that every density $f\in\mathcal{M}_{k}$ is a multiplicative convolution of some mixing probability distribution $G$ and $g_{0}$:
$$
f(x) = \int_{0}^{+\infty} \frac{1}{y}\ g_{0}\left(\frac{x}{y}\right)dG(y).
$$
This class generalizes classes of monotone ($1-$monotone) and convex decreasing (2-monotone) densities on $\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+}$. As $k$ increases, the classes $\mathcal{M}_{k}$ decrease and the class of completely monotone densities lies in the intersection of all $\mathcal{M}_{k}$. \cite{BW-2009} proves consistency and \cite{MR2382657} gives asymptotic limit theory for the MLE of a $k-$monotone density. For $k=1$ the uniqueness of the MLE follows from a well known characterization of the Grenander estimator, for $k=2$ the uniqueness was proved in \cite{MR1891742} and for $k=3$ in \cite{Balabda-2004}. In \cite{MR653523} the uniqueness and weak consistency was proved for the MLE of a completely monotone density. In \cite{MR1234757} a general method was developed which allows to prove uniqueness of the MLE in mixture models defined by strictly totally positive kernels such as the exponential kernel for completely monotone densities. However, for $k-$monotone densities the kernel is not strictly totally positive as follows from \cite{MR0053177} and uniqueness of the MLE for $k>3$ has not been investigated before. Below, we answer this question proving the following theorem:
\begin{Thm}
\label{thm-unique}
Let $k\ge 2$ be a positive integer and $X_{1},\dots,X_{n}$ be i.i.d. random variables with $k$-monotone density $f_{0}\in\mathcal{M}_{k}$. With probability $1$ the MLE $\hat f_{n}$ is uniquely defined by some discrete mixing probability measure $\hat G_{n}$. The cardinality of the support set $\mathop{\mathrm{supp}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\hat G_{n})$ is less or equal than $n$.
If $\mathop{\mathrm{supp}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\hat G_{n})$ consists of points $Y_{1}<\dots<Y_{m}$, $m<n$ then there exists a subset of order statistics $X_{(i_{1})}< \dots <X_{(i_{m})}$ such that:
$$
X_{(i_{j})} < Y_{j} < X_{(i_{j+k})},
$$
where we assume $X_{(i_{l})}=+\infty$ for $l>m$. Also we have $Y_{m}>X_{(n)}$.
\end{Thm}

\section{Proof}
With probability $1$ we have that the order statistics are distinct:
$$
0<X_{(1)}<\dots < X_{(n)}.
$$
We assume that $X_{(l)}=+\infty$ for $l>n$.

The proof consists of several lemmas. First lemma provides a tool for counting zeroes of a function.
\begin{Lem}
\label{app-gen-Rolle}
Let $A\subseteq\mathbb{R}\mathstrut$ be an interval. Consider a function $f\in C^{k}(A)$. Then the following inequality is true for the number of zeroes $N(f,A)$ of $f$ counted with multiplicities:
$$
N(f^{(k)}, A)\ge N(f,A) - k.
$$
Here the multiplicity of zero $x$ of the function $f\in C^{k}(A)$, $k\ge 0$, $x\in A$ is an integer $n\le k+1$ such that:
$$
f(y) = \dots = f^{(n-1)}(y)=0
$$
and either $n=k+1$ or $f^{(n)}(y)\neq 0$.
\end{Lem}
\begin{proof}
Let $x_{i}$, $1\le i \le m$ be zeroes of $f$ on $A$ and $n_{i}$ be its multiplicities. Then by Rolle's theorem the derivative $f'\in C^{k-1}(A)$ has $m-1$ zeroes between points $x_{i}$ with multiplicities at least $1$ and also zeroes $x_{i}$ with multiplicities $n_{i}-1$. Thus:
$$
N(f',A)\ge m-1 + \sum_{i=1}^{m} (n_{i}-1) = -1 + \sum_{i=1}^{m} n_{i} = N(f,A) - 1.
$$
Applying this inequality $k$ times we obtain the result.
\end{proof}

Proof of the second lemma builds the necessary tools for the main result. Note, that discreteness of the mixing measure $\hat G_{n}$ actually follows from general results about the MLE for mixture models proved in \cite{MR684866}. We repeat a part of that argument to make our proof self-contained and also to provide references to the classic convex analysis textbook \cite{MR0274683} for an interested reader.
\begin{Lem}
\label{lem-unique-supp}
There exists a set $Y$ of points $Y_{1}<\dots <Y_{m}$, $m\le n$ such that $k-$monotone density $\hat f_{n}$ defined by a mixing probability measure $\hat G_{n}$ is the MLE if and only if $\mathop{\mathrm{supp}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\hat G_{n})\subseteq Y$. In other words, any MLE
has the form:
\begin{eqnarray}
\label{mle-repres}
\hat f_{n}(x) = \sum_{j=1}^{m} a_{j}\frac{k(Y_{j}-x)_{+}^{k-1}}{Y_{j}^{k}},
\end{eqnarray}
where $a_{j}\ge 0$, $\sum a_{j}=1$ and $Y_{j}> X_{(j)}$. Moreover, the vector $(\hat f_{n}(X_{(i)}))_{i=1}^{n}$ is unique.
\end{Lem}
\begin{proof} Following \cite{MR684866,Lindsay:95} we define a curve $\Gamma$ parameterized by $y\in\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+}$ as:
$$
\Gamma(y) = \left(\frac{1}{y}\ g_{0}\left(\frac{x}{y}\right)\right)_{i=1}^{n} = \left(\frac{k(y-X_{(i)})_{+}^{k-1}}{y^{k}}\right)_{i=1}^{n}.
$$
Since $g_{0}(x/y)$ as a function of $y$ is bounded and equals zero at $0$ and $+\infty$ we have that $\Gamma$ is compact. Suppose that $f\in\mathcal{M}_{k}$ with corresponding mixing probability measure $G$. Then the vector $(f(X_{(i)}))_{i=1}^{n}$ belongs to the set $\bar\Gamma = \mathop{\mathrm{cl}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\mathop{\mathrm{conv}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\Gamma))$:
\begin{eqnarray*}
(f(X_{(i)}))_{i=1}^{n} = \int_{0}^{+\infty}\Gamma(y)dG(y)
\end{eqnarray*}
Since $\Gamma$ is compact it follows that $\bar\Gamma$ is also compact and $\bar\Gamma = \mathop{\mathrm{conv}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\Gamma)$ by (\cite{MR0274683}, Theorem 17.2). Therefore, the continuous function $\prod_{i=1}^{n}z_{i}$ attains its maximum on $\bar\Gamma$, where $z_{i}$ are the coordinates in the space $\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+}^{n}$. Let us denote $S\equiv \mathop{\rm{argmax}\mathstrut}_{\bar\Gamma} \prod_{i=1}^{n}z_{i}$.

Since the intersection of $\Gamma$ and the interior $\mathop{\mathrm{ri}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+}^{n})$ of $\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+}^{n}$ is not empty we have $S\subset \mathop{\mathrm{ri}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+}^{n})$. The function $\prod_{i=1}^{n}z_{i}$ is strictly concave, therefore $S$ consists of  a single point $b=(b_{i})_{i=1}^{n}>0$. Therefore for any MLE $\hat f_{n}$ it follows that the vector $(\hat f_{n}(X_{(i)}))_{i=1}^{n}$ is equal to $b$ and unique. The gradient of $\prod_{i=1}^{n}z_{i}$ at $b$ is proportional to $1/b\equiv(1/b_{i})_{i=1}^{n}$.

We have $\dim(\bar \Gamma) = n$. Indeed if we consider $n$ points $t_{i}\in (X_{(i)}, X_{(i+1)})$ then the vectors $\Gamma(t_{i})$ are linearly independent (\cite{MR0053177} or direct observation).
By (\cite{MR0274683}, Theorem 27.4) the vector $1/b$ belongs to the normal cone of $\bar\Gamma$ at $b$. Since $1/b>0$ we have  $b\in \partial \bar\Gamma$ and the plane $\alpha$ defined  by the equation $\sum_{i=1}^{n} z_{i}/b_{i} = n$ is a support plane of $\bar\Gamma$ at $b$. Thus for $v_{i} = k/nb_{i}$ we have:
$$
p(y) \equiv y^{k} - \sum_{i=1}^{n} v_{i} (y-X_{(i)})_{+}^{k-1}\ge 0,
$$
for all $y\ge 0$ and $p(y)=0$ if and only if $y=0$ or  $\Gamma(y)\in\alpha$. Let us denote by $Y$ the set of $y$ such that $\Gamma(y)\in\alpha$ i.e. $\Gamma(Y)=\alpha\cap\Gamma$.

The intersection $\alpha\cap\bar\Gamma$ is an {\it exposed face} (\cite{MR0274683}, p.162) of $\bar\Gamma$. By Theorem 18.3 from \cite{MR0274683} we have $\alpha\cap\bar\Gamma = \mathop{\mathrm{conv}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\Gamma(Y))$ and by  Theorem 18.1 we have $\mathop{\mathrm{supp}\mathstrut}\nolimits(\hat G_{n})\subseteq Y$.

The function $p(y)$ belongs to $C^{(k-2)}(\mathbb{R}\mathstrut_{+})$; at $y=0$ it has a zero of multiplicity $k-1$ and at each $y\in Y$ it has a zero of multiplicity greater or equal than $2$. By Lemma~\ref{app-gen-Rolle} we have:
$$
N(p^{(k-2)},[0,X_{(j)}]) \ge N(p,[0,X_{(j)}]) - (k-2) \ge 2\#(Y\cap [0,X_{(j)}]) + 1.
$$
The function $p^{(k-2)}(y)$ is piecewise quadratic and therefore on each interval $[X_{(i)},X_{(i+1)}]$ it may have at most two zeroes and on $[0,X_{(1)})$ it has only one zero at zero. Thus:
$$
1+2(j-1) \ge N(p^{(k-2)},[0,X_{(j)}]) \ge 2\#(Y\cap [0,X_{(j)}]) + 1
$$
or equivalently the set $Y$ has no more than $j-1$ points on $[0,X_{(j)}]$. In particular, the set $Y$ contains no more than $n$ points. Let $Y_{1}<\dots<Y_{m}$ be the points of $Y$. Then we have $Y_{j}>X_{(j)}$.

This implies that for any MLE $\hat f_{n}$ the support of the corresponding mixing measure $\hat G_{n}$ is a subset of $Y$ and thus any MLE $\hat f_{n}$ has the form:
\begin{eqnarray*}
\hat f_{n}(x) = \sum_{j=1}^{m} a_{j}\frac{k(Y_{j}-x)_{+}^{k-1}}{Y_{j}^{k}},
\end{eqnarray*}
where $a_{j}\ge 0$, $\sum a_{j}=1$.
\end{proof}
The last lemma proves uniqueness of the MLE.
\begin{Lem}
\label{lem-unique-coeff}
The discrete mixing probability measure $\hat G_{n}$ which defines an MLE is unique.
\end{Lem}
\begin{proof}
Suppose there exist two different MLEs $\hat f^{1}_{n}$ and $\hat f^{2}_{n}$. Then by Lemma~\ref{lem-unique-supp} we have:
$$
\hat f^{l}_{n}(x) = \sum_{j=1}^{m} a^{l}_{j}\frac{k(Y_{j}-x)_{+}^{k-1}}{Y_{j}^{k}}
$$
and therefore the function $q(x)$ defined by:
$$
q(x) = \hat f^{1}_{n}(x) - \hat f^{2}_{n}(x) = \sum_{j=1}^{m} s_{j}\frac{k(Y_{j}-x)_{+}^{k-1}}{Y_{j}^{k}},
$$
where $s_{j} = a^{1}_{j}-a^{2}_{j}$, admits at least $n$ zeroes $X_{(i)}$ and not all $s_{j}$ are equal to zero. Therefore, by Lemma~\ref{app-gen-Rolle}:
$$
N(q^{(k-2)},[0,X_{i}))\ge N(q,[0,X_{i})) - (k-2) \ge i-1 - (k-2).
$$
The function $q^{(k-2)}$ is piecewise linear with knots at $Y_{j}$. Therefore, $N(q^{(k-2)},[0,X_{i})) \le \#\{Y\cap[0, X_{(i)})\} + 1$ and:
$$
\#\{Y\cap[0, X_{(i)})\} \ge i - k.
$$
This implies:
$$
Y_{i-k} < X_{(i)},
$$
and by Lemma~\ref{lem-unique-supp}
$$
Y_{i-k} < X_{(i)} < Y_{i}.
$$
Now, by Corollary 1 of \cite{MR0053177} we have $\det((Y_{i}-X_{(j)})_{+}^{k})_{i,j=1}^{m}>0$. Thus the vectors $\Gamma(Y_{i})$, $1\le i\le m$ are independent and all $s_{i}=0$. This contradiction completes the proof.
\end{proof}

Note, that from Lemma~\ref{lem-unique-supp} it follows that any mixing probability measure on a finite set $Y=\{Y_{j}\}$ defines MLE.
Lemma~\ref{lem-unique-coeff} shows that the MLE is unique and hence the vectors $\Gamma(Y_{j})$ are independent.
In particular, there exists a subset of order statistics $X_{(i_{1})}<\dots <X_{(i_{m})}$ such that:
$$
\det\left((Y_{j}-X_{(i_{l})})_{+}^{k-1}\right)_{j,l=1}^{m}>0.
$$
Therefore, by Corollary 1 of \cite{MR0053177} we obtain $Y_{j-k}<X_{(i_{j})}<Y_{j}$.

The equality~\eqref{mle-repres} also implies that for any MLE $Y_{m}>X_{(n)}$ since otherwise the last coordinate of all vectors $\Gamma(Y_{j})$ is equal to zero and $\hat f_{n}(X_{(n)})=0$
 and this completes the proof of Theorem~\ref{thm-unique}.

\nocite{*}

\section*{Acknowledgments}
I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Jon A. Wellner, for introducing this problem to me and for helpful comments and suggestions.

\bibliographystyle{ims}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaArXiv


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text:
World Russia Society Opinion Science Sport Incidents Business
Russia World Society Science Incidents Opinion Business Archive
ENG RUS FRA PT
Author`s name Pravda.Ru
Bush shows example of bad diplomacy
Palestinian president Yasser Arafat has said that the "road map", a plan for peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, became non-viable on April 14, after US President George W. Bush approved an Israeli plan for unilateral withdrawal from the Palestinian territories.
This is only one of the results of President Bush's unsuccessful diplomatic showmanship. The documents adopted at the American-Israeli summit in the US leave much room for interpretation and spell many problems for the Middle East, as a result.
It may be recalled that on Wednesday, April 14, Bush, during talks with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, for the first time admitted that Israel may keep the territories it occupied since 1967. UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338 mandate the Israelis to quit them. And until now all bilateral and multilateral agreements on peaceful settlement in the region have taken these decisions into account.
Bush, however, citing resolutions 242 and 338, notes that in the light of present-day circumstances, with Israel having built large populated localities there, it is unrealistic to expect the negotiations on final status to lead back to 1949 armistice frontiers.
Bush's remarks on Palestinian refugees evoked another storm in the Middle East. It is clear that the issue of Palestinian refugees in the obtaining circumstances should be resolved in the context of a Palestinian state and arrival of Palestinians there, rather than in Israel, the US president said.
All these remarks came as a complete surprise to American partners in the "Middle East quartet" - Russia, the EU, and the UN. Moreover, not the sense, but the form and the fact that Washington had not agreed these remarks with anybody.
To begin with, Washington has decided once more to do without the UN and the Security Council, whose decisions underlie, incidentally, not only the unfinished edifice of Middle East settlement, but - it may be recalled - the existence of Israel and Palestine.
Of course, it is common knowledge that President Bush believes in strong-arm and unilateral methods when dealing with conflicts. And the international community will have long to unravel the consequences of Washington's policy in Iraq. But, seemingly, on Middle East settlement, one can avoid Iraqi mistakes. The quartet mechanism was developed precisely to find joint and objective solutions to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
It has been believed for many years that Washington holds a manifestly pro-Israeli stance, and Moscow a pro-Palestinian one. Both co-sponsors sought to get rid of such labels. Inside the quartet they balanced each other, with the result that, whatever views of the mediators were, their moves have been coordinated lately when it concerned the principles of conflict settlement. And now Washington has upset this balance.
On top of everything else, it made public what has for many years remained behind the scenes. Negotiations imply compromises, and they need new solutions - which should be discussed behind closed doors. The most interesting thing is that Bush made a patent slip by saying something that did not reflect real US positions at these confidential discussions. For example, Israel's total return to the 1949 borders is no longer mooted, and has not been so for a long time. Parties to conflict and middlemen were actually seeking possibilities for a territorial compromise, as well as for a universal solution to the recognition of the Palestinian refugees' right to return. And, officially and non-officially, there were options suiting both parties to the conflict.
But with Bush having made his remarks, a compromise for the Palestinians appears practically impossible, because it would look like a concession to the Israelis and Americans. And, as in the situation with Iraq, Bush has given a blank check to extremists and radicals.
And that is not all. Bush refers not only to Israeli borders with the Palestinians, but also to its borders with Syria and Lebanon. And Bush's remarks may kill their hopes too - that the issue will be resolved with due account taken of their interests and positions.
On balance, the US president has said this time too many things that need a lot of time to sort out. Each party to settlement understands his words in their own way, but their understanding does not match the others' assessments. It's chaos total and complete. The Israeli Left wingers - supporters of peaceful settlement - have received Bush's words as a chance that the peace process will be carried on and end in the establishment of two states.
The only thing remaining is to start bringing some order into an emerging bedlam. Moscow, for example, in its official statements prefers to concentrate on good things, believing that Washington's references to UN Security Council resolutions, to the road map, statements on the parties' adherence to the idea of coexistence of Israel and a Palestinian state, and approval of Israel's intention to leave the Gaza Strip and eliminate some of the settlements in the West Bank can be seen in the positive light. As for the rest, which "can be seen in the negative light", it prefers to say nothing about it for the time being.
The main problem now is to persuade the Palestinians that Bush's statement is not so catastrophic as they think it is. The first attempt has been made in Moscow at a meeting with Palestinian National Authority's Foreign Minister Nabil Shaat. A concept for talks by Shaat in Washington, where he goes on Monday, will also be formulated in the Russian capital, sources say.
It remains to be hoped that the Palestinians will heed the voice of reason and will not yield to provocations, although it is obvious that it will take quartet members a long time to calm down the Middle East, agitated by Bush.
The paramount task is to adopt a common interpretation of Bush's statement to avoid reading it in many different ways. This is why Moscow is insisting on an urgent convocation of a quartet meeting at the ministerial level.
US sends warplanes to Cuba and Venezuela to monitor Russian missiles
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Russia successfully completes testing Kinzhal missiles in the Arctic
Russia redeploys Sukhoi fighter jets, S-400 air defence systems to Belarus
Russia prepared for new wave of COVID-19, no lockdown planned
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Russia redeploys military hardware and personnel to western borders
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text:
Q: Spring LDAP: fail-safe LDAP searches I'm using Spring to make some queries to a LDAP server. However, a CommunicationException is thrown by LdapTemplate.search()  and crashes my application when the connection with the LDAP server becomes unavailable.
Where should I handle this? I see a NamingException in LdapTemplate.search() method documentation, but I'm not sure if I should handle this exception or CommunicationException.