Ecosystem services have been identified as a central link between society, or human systems, and the structure and function of natural systems (e.g., U.S. LTER 2007, MEA 2005). A fundamental economic problem is that while almost everyone—environmental groups, policy makers, and broad segments of the general public—seems to believe ecosystem services are valuable, the available public policy tools and approaches for private action fall short, and often omit, a direct link to the real values of the people. If ecosystem services are of economic value, then a fundamental challenge concerns how to identify the link between ecosystem services and the quality of life of individual households, and how to use that link to integrate ecosystem service values into the decisions of businesses and individuals in society. Given current markets and policies decision–makers are unable to recognize the full value of services ecosystems provide. What can be done to integrate ecosystem service values into the economy? After reviewing a fundamental cause for why markets often overlook ecosystem services, and after considering some limitations of the often effective approaches of philanthropy and government, we consider the potential to leverage experimental economics to create and test approaches to integrate values at the individual level into markets addressing ecosystem services.
One daunting frontier for ecosystem services originates from the natural character of many services, which sharply restricts or prevents the ability of providers to capture a return from many, often most, beneficiaries. This is the nature of "public goods" and "fugitive resources." Both involve "nonexclusivity": providers cannot exclude beneficiaries from benefit without payment for the cost of provision. For public goods, many people may benefit simultaneously, so no one provider (or user–beneficiary) can exclude anyone else at any particular moment. An owner of undeveloped farm, forest or lake shore often cannot insist on payment from the sprawling, urban–fringe residents who value open space for aesthetic tranquility; therefore, the landowner has little incentive to consider his community's open space values in choices about current use of his land. For fugitive resources, Nature does not allow a provider to contain and control the resource she has provided or protected; rivers flow and wildlife migrate across boundaries. A farmer or lawn–owner whose fertilizer percolates to the Mississippi or Potomac cannot insist on a return from the fishermen who would gain from a smaller Gulf Coast dead–zone, or from the patrons of oyster bars who seek a Chesapeake culture of local shellfish. Moreover, the opportunity for every beneficiary to benefit without payment creates the incentive to "free ride" or hang back and wait for potential providers—or public–spirited philanthropists—to "do the right thing" at their own expense, despite their own opportunity to ride free on others' generosity.
As a result, the could–be bounty of ecosystem services, and the conditions of ecosystem structure and function, often arise as a residual, left–over after–thought of decisions that potential providers make to sustain their livelihoods. For example, even conservation–minded farmers must implement practices within the annual, weather–dependent, schedule of their business, and society receives fish, wildlife, open space and water quality that results (or doesn't result).
To be sure, we have institutions, public policies and private actions underway that mitigate the nonexclusive nature of Nature's services. But most existing tools remain short on their ability to integrate ecosystem services into the economy in a manner that is fully commensurate with familiar, commercially viable products.
Government authority generates land–use and environmental regulations that place enforceable limits on the degree to which individuals and firms can impose consequences on a broader community, such as through pollution or use of resources held in the public trust, with impacts on public health or endangered species. Government can also implement incentive payments which directly or indirectly compensate providers for actions to provide for ecosystem services, such as through federally funded conservation reserve or wetland reserve programs. It should be noted that, as market–based approaches, government incentive payments primarily focus on the supply side opportunity costs of providers, such as compensating farmers who forego crop production on land enrolled in a conservation reserve. Centrally–guided incentive payments may reflect politically or bureaucratically attenuated demand–side, public values through a benefit–cost analysis, but, in this article, we discuss the potential to integrate demand–side values through more complete market mechanisms.
Philanthropy, such as through wildlife conservation organizations or land trusts, can provide complementary actions. Philanthropists can provide payments for ecosystem services by, for example, compensating ranchers for tolerating wolves or purchasing conservation easements on undeveloped farms or forests. Philanthropists can stimulate government action by offering matching funds for taxpayer–approved conservation bond–issues or providing some offsets for debts of developing countries that protect biodiversity. Of course philanthropy exists under the shadow of incentives for individuals to ride free–waiting for some other donor to step forward.
Clearly, however, the limitations of government and philanthropic action may create additional expenses or opportunities lost. Philanthropists face their dependence on good will of donors, and costs to fight free–riding, and despite the effectiveness and nimbleness that can come from a carefully focused mission, philanthropic approaches can generate bureaucratic costs. Government may be better positioned to provide a broad approach, perhaps including equity considerations, casting a wide umbrella supported by more stable (if sometimes controversial) funding. But government's costs to obtain detailed (local–level) information, to safeguard public integrity, and to balance political tensions, can sometimes create the agility and efficiency of a bull at Tiffany's china shop. Both may find it difficult to focus their mission or goals in detailed alignment with the interests of a diverse public.
In contrast, decentralized market approaches to provision of valued goods and services are respected for agility, responsiveness to diverse preferences, and efficiency in directly aggregating consequences of individual values and choices into fairly universal signals of relative scarcity (called relative prices). Often supported by a coalition of nationally or internationally known, large, commercial firms and philanthropic organizations, we see nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) developing standards and practices for certification of ecosystem or natural resource–based products as "sustainably produced" through harvest and process chains that are environmentally friendly. The Marine Stewardship Council (MSC), concerning seafood, and the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), concerning forest products, provide two examples, and we are witnessing a proliferation of green–marketing efforts—sometimes supported by third–party verification exemplified by MSC or FSC eco–labeling—whereby firms are recognizing a public demand for attention to environmental stewardship. While laudable, these efforts tie ecosystem services to the consumer's choices among familiar commercial products, rather than directly targeting the consumer's value for specified ecosystem services.
Approaches to ecosystem services based primarily on a natural–science perspective can overlook another significant challenge: identification of what people value, rather than simply what scientists currently measure. From the human household's perspective, what is the service? Physical measures of ecosystem output, such as for water quality and quantity, may often be salient and intuitive for, say, provisioning services like water for drinking or irrigation purposes. But what about measures linking water quality and services of interest for recreation? Egan, Herriges, Kling and Downing (forthcoming) show that individual households, pursuing a diverse set of activities, are responsive to a broad suite of water quality measures suggested by biologists, but careful modeling is needed to link biological measures through the process by which households seek ecosystem services and therefore value various dimensions of water quality.
Private NGOs, government, and academia have stimulated innovative work on the valuation of ecosystem services. Society's representatives' need a better understanding of what it is that households actually value from ecosystems. We need, and are pursuing, better methods to measure value, and to link available actions to restore or sustain ecosystem structure and functions that yield desirable ecosystem services. Support for the social science of ecosystem services is critical to developing effective policies supporting the public welfare.
But what is substantially missing from the mission of economics relative to ecosystem services is work focused on integrating values directly into the economy, particularly demand–side values. Market–based approaches that integrate demand–side values give the people a direct and immediate voice—an economic voice—to indicate whether particular levels of or changes in ecosystem services are more or less valuable than particular levels of or changes in familiar, commercially produced goods.
How can society stimulate the integration of demand–side values in policies and market–based approaches addressing ecosystem services? This integration is already done for many provisioning services of ecosystems, through long established markets for food, fiber and natural resource–based commodities. How can we directly attack nonexcludability and give beneficiaries an economic voice upon which entrepreneurs can capture a return from enhancement of ecosystem services?
Experimental economists are increasingly investigating mechanisms that stimulate individuals to go beyond baseline donations and to transform a higher portion of their values into revenues in support of public goods. Experimental economists bring human subjects into a controlled laboratory setting to study how incentives and rules of exchange lead to individual or collective choices and outcomes. In public goods experiments, researchers design a set of monetary payoffs that individuals can earn through their choices, and these payoffs simulate the manner in which individuals benefit from real public goods. For example, working agricultural ecosystems might give rural residents aesthetic pleasure when farms provide grassland habitats for songbirds; every member of the community receives a "songbird benefit" whenever the habitat is provided, regardless of who bore the costs. In the laboratory, a group of individuals may be asked to pay for provision of a group–fund that provides a monetary return to everyone in the group, including those members who chose not to invest. Since the group–fund does not exclude noncontributors from benefiting, it comprises an abstract, monetized simulation of a public good.
Such experiments have shown that changing the incentives for individuals to ride free on the contributions of others can increase the degree to which individuals voluntarily pay for the cost of a public good and can bring their payments into a closer correspondence with their own value for the good. While practical mechanisms reduce the incentives for individuals to free–ride, additional effort is needed to evaluate and improve the degree to which mechanisms balance the provision of benefits net of costs. Since many people benefit simultaneously, an efficient balance of costs and benefits occurs when a provider delivers increments of public good until the costs of delivering the last unit are just offset by the combined total amount that all beneficiaries would willingly pay for that increment rather than doing without it.
Since different people have different values, some may value the public good more or less highly than others, so a combined total amount may involve different people paying different prices. This issue is not surprising; obviously with familiar donations mechanisms, different people donate different amounts. But it means the nonexcludable character of some ecosystem services will require entrepreneurs to explain the rationale for market mechanisms to newcomers from the general public.
The insights from economics experiment already offer potential to support markets for real ecosystem services. Through USDA funding, the authors have established an experimental market in Jamestown, R.I. This example shows both promising results and significant areas where progress requires additional work to design and test mechanisms by which entrepreneurs could develop ecosystem service markets.
Jamestown is widely regarded for supporting conservation of undeveloped farm, forest and open space and is in the process of completing transactions to purchase development rights on the last few operating farms. However, while setting aside development rights may prevent the construction of additional residential neighborhoods or other developed uses, it may still be challenging for farmers to maintain farm operations. Moreover, changes in the intensity of farming, along with rising costs for energy or other inputs, push more ecosystem services outside the margin that farmers can sustain while maintaining their business.
This applies, for example, to the cultural or aesthetic services provided by grassland wildlife to residents who seek to live in a rural community that supports a healthy ecosystem. The experimental market centered on selling, to Jamestown residents, an opportunity to protect grassland habitats during the nesting season. This product was presented as contracts with farmers who agreed to forego hay harvesting and restrict grazing on 10–acre fields during eight weeks from the beginning of May to the beginning of July.
Using insights from laboratory experiments, the research design allowed a comparative test of three market mechanisms, including one intended only to measure potential value and two intended to raise revenues sufficient to cover the costs of a contract. The study created an experimental (but nonprofit) business and advertised under the trade mark of the Nature Services Exchange of Jamestown, created as a partnership of the University of Rhode Island and EcoAsset Markets Inc., an independent business in Providence, R.I. Residents were randomly assigned to groups. Each household in a group was asked to make a monetary offer subject to rules of the market mechanism assigned to that group; offers were made by personal check or by credit–card authorization.
The rules for all mechanisms included a "provision point," which corresponds to the minimum amount of funding that a group must provide in order to cover the costs of a public good. In Jamestown, the provision point is linked to the cost of a contract with a farmer who agrees to omit any harvest of hay on a specified, 10–acre field during the late–spring nesting season for Bobolinks, a grassland–nesting bird. Contracts were negotiated to cover the farmer's cost to replace the loss of feed by foregoing a hay harvest and to compensate for additional risk and management inconvenience to manipulate herds around the protected field(s). However, the provision point is more than a simple fundraising goal; rather it also comprises an implicit (beneficent) threat that a specific, quantified increase in the services of a public good will not occur unless the group provides for its costs. Laboratory experiments have shown a money–back–guarantee reinforces the provision point and the tie between contributions and the specific service offered. The guarantee establishes the rule that if funding falls short of the provision point, so the good is not provided, the fundraiser (seller) will not simply redirect revenues to other purposes. The provision point and money–back–guarantee rules reduce the incentives to ride free because group members (should) realize that the responsibility lies with the defined group and no one outside the group, so there are limitations on the opportunity to wait for others to pay. These rules were used in the Jamestown experimental market.
Laboratory experiments have also demonstrated that rules to rebate excess funds to contributors increase the offers that individuals will make, given their values. Rebates reduce the free–riding incentive for individuals to hold–back in a strategic effort to offer just–the–right–amount rather than paying more than was necessary after the contributions of others. The rebate feature was varied across mechanisms tested in Jamestown.
Our "pivotal mechanism" (PM) established a full rebate to any individual whose offer was not needed to meet the provision point for their field after all other contributions from their group were taken into account. This PM creates an incentive for each person to view their own contribution as if it was the last one needed, and their decision would make–or–break the outcome for their group's hayfield. The PM provides incentives for individuals to reveal their full willingness to pay to protect a hayfield for grassland birds, but it's advantage in measuring value is off–set by the practical limitation that very few or no individuals will be pivotal in most situations, so the PM generally fails to raise actual revenues.
Our "proportional rebate" (PR) mechanism is one of two we designed to raise revenues. Under the PR rules, any funds collected above the amount needed to cover the cost of a farm contract would be rebated to each contributor in proportion to their own contribution to the total of all contributions from their group. In our 2007 market, the second revenue–raising mechanism used the set of offers from a group to calculate the lowest possible "uniform price" (UP) such that everyone who paid would receive a rebate of the excess of their offer above the UP; anyone who offered to pay less than the UP would receive a full refund. Under the UP, everyone who pays will pay the same price (after their rebate).
The market generated total offers of around $9700, across all three mechanisms, with substantial variation across groups depending upon the rules by which excess funds would be rebated. Based on laboratory experiments, we expected the PR mechanism to come closest to the "full value" estimated under the pivotal mechanism (PM), and Jamestown's preliminary results support this prediction. While the UP approach was expected to, and did, elicit lower offers (and lower revenues) from groups, in on–going research we are investigating the possibility that similar mechanisms may produce more stable revenues year–after–year, as compared to PR. In the 2007 market, of six hayfields available for bird conservation, revenues met the provision points for three. Initial analysis suggests, however, that for about 400 homes participating there is potential value–as revealed under the various mechanisms– ranging from $8800 to $28,000 to protect a field for grassland birds. The on–going challenge will be finding better ways to align revenues with this potential value.
The Jamestown experience shows that, even in the case of a cultural or aesthetic ecosystem service, experimental economic markets might prove successful. In Jamestown, all three of the fields that were ultimately protected would have been harvested during the 2007 nesting season had the farmers been unable to obtain support to offset costs to their operation. Moreover, other data from this study suggests that not only did residents value contracts focused on Bobolinks, but they may also value contracts that help farmers to restore previously idled hayfields to a state that provides additional habitat and also eliminates invasive plants that may be harmful to other aesthetically–valued wildlife (like the monarch butterfly). The ecosystem service market may eventually enable farmers to expand their operations with services that Jamestown's exurban residents' value.
Developing mechanisms to enable entrepreneurs to leverage consumer values may substantially expand the potential for market approaches to lead to valuable impacts for ecosystem services. Consider for a moment the cap–and–trade approaches used for air and water pollutants, and currently under discussion for carbon emissions. If market mechanisms create a closer alignment between individual and collective values and incentives to support the public good, then markets may create an avenue by which communities can directly influence the key choice of the overall cap on emissions; individuals and groups who value a further reduction in emissions could buy and retire a quantity of permits in a manner that effectively lowers the overall cap. Markets enable private action that can complement or improve upon the government, or philanthropic, actions already underway for ecosystem services.
Here again the Jamestown Bobolink market provides an example. After seeing a summary of the experimental market in Audubon magazine in November 2007, a community–garden club in Grant, Minnesota, contacted the authors and developed their own entrepreneurial approach to protect a hayfield next to their community garden. This year their club members have rented the hayfield in consideration of grassland birds, illustrating that once enabled, entrepreneurship can expand to enhance the provision of ecosystem services in a nimble fashion.
Furthermore, research on the implementation of ecosystem service markets may benefit from interdisciplinary teams and inclusion of outreach. In Jamestown, farmers' independent experimentation is likely to yield modifications to contracts, such as to plan for early–season grazing, that both enhance farmers' ability to deliver ecosystem services and lower the costs (or provision points) implied. At this writing, Jamestown farmers are weighing options to alter grass species in their hayfields, to better manage joint production of grassland birds and feed for livestock (G. Neale, personal communication). Moreover, ecological research on bird behavior may enable the design of methods that allow environmental managers to guide birds toward fields that are likely to be protected in the next season. Such considerations may be critical to establishing hayfield harvest rotations through a series of years that sustain the quality of hayfields for both feed production and habitat. The field experience also has raised a number of questions that were not apparent from a review of experimental economics literature alone, including questions about which mechanisms would produce stable revenues over time or be adaptable to situations where many increments to ecosystem services might be possible.
The challenge of ecosystem services is as complex as the complexity of human and ecological systems combined. Ecosystem services link us with Nature and progress will often require a comprehensive approach with disciplinary, interdisciplinary and integrated teams on the frontier.
Eagan, K., Herriges, J., Kling, C.L. & Downing, J. (Forthcoming). Valuing water quality as a function of water quality measures. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, (in press).
Ferraro, P. J. (2001). Global habitat protection: Limitations of development interventions and a role for conservation performance payments. Conservation Biology, 15(4), 990–1000.
Ferraro, P. J. & Kiss, A. (2002). Direct payments to conserve biodiversity. Science, 298(November 29), 1718–1719.
Ledyard, J. (1995). Public goods: A Survey of Experimental Research. Pages 111–249 in The Handbook of Experimental Economics, J. Kagel and A. Roth (eds.). Princeton University Press: Princeton, NJ.
Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA). (2005). Ecosystems and Human Well–being: Synthesis. Island Press: Washington, D.C.
Powers, W.M. (1996). Lost Landscapes and Failed Economies: The Search for a Value of Place. Island Press: Washington, D.C.
Rich, T. D., Beardmore, C. J., Berlanga, H., Blancher, P. J., Bradstreet, M.S.W., Butcher, G. S., Demarest, D. W., Dunn, E. H., Hunter, W. C., Iñigo–Elias, E. E., Kennedy, J. A., Martell, A. M., Panjabi, A. O., Pashley, D. N., Rosenberg, K. V., Rustay, C. M., Wendt, J. S., & Will, T. C. (2004). Partners in Flight North American Landbird Conservation Plan. Cornell Lab of Ornithology. Ithaca, NY. Retrieved June 12, 2008 from Partners in Flight website http://www.partnersinflight.org/cont_plan/ (VERSION: March 2005).
Trust for Public Land. (2004). Land Vote 2003. The Trust for Public Land: Boston, MA.
U.S. Long Term Ecological Research Network (LTER). (2007). The Decadal Plan for LTER: Integrative Science for Society and the Environment. LTER Network Office Publication Series No. 24: Albuquerque, N.M.
Stephen K. Swallow is a Professor (swallow@uri.edu), Elizabeth C. Smith is a PhD candidate (lizcsmith@gmail.com), Emi Uchida is an Assistant Professor (emi@uri.edu), and Christopher M. Anderson is an Associate Professor (cma@uri.edu), Department of Environmental and Natural Resource Economics, University of Rhode Island, Kingston, R.I.
This essay reflects significant support from a USDA/NRCS/Conservation Innovation Grant; USDA/CSREES/NRI Grant for Managed Ecosystems; the Rhode Island Agricultural Experiment Station W-1133/2133 (contribution no. 5142); a NOAA Fellowship in Marine Resource Economics; an NSF/LTER Social Science Supplement to VCR; and collaboration with EcoAsset Markets Inc.


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You are here: Home / Politics / Govt / House Speaker defends $300,000 for Dubuque Amtrack station
House Speaker defends $300,000 for Dubuque Amtrack station
A Republican-led group is criticizing $300,000 in state spending on an Amtrak train depot for Dubuque, dismissing it as a "train to nowhere" since Amtrak doesn't have a train running to Dubuque today. David Kochel, president of the "Iowa Progress Project," says it's wasteful "pork barrel" spending.
"At a time when money's tight in Iowa I don't think they need to be spending $300,000 to build a train depot when they don't even have Amtrak service to Dubuque," Kochel says. "I know they would like to get it in the future, but it doesn't make any sense to be spending money that you don't have for a project that you don't need where a train doesn't yet exist."
Kochel says it is especially bad decision-making when Cedar Rapids flood victims are waiting for help, and the legislature won't reconvene in special session to address their concerns. "Budgets are about choices and we've had the kind of year where we should be focused on doing things for the people of Iowa who need it and not worrying about pork projects like this," Kochel says.
The Iowa Progress Project is urging "fellow conservatives" to call House Speaker Pat Murphy, a Democrat, to complain about this project. "With budget being as tight as it is and with the economy being where it is, this is not the time to be spending money on projects that aren't and frankly at this moment aren't even possible when there are more pressing concerns to be focused on by Iowans," Kochel says.
Speaker Murphy, the Democrat who's from Dubuque — where this project would be built, defends his actions. "We've been working on the rail project for several years and we were able to get $300,000 in this year's budget to help set up the rail service between Dubuque and Chicago," Murphy says. "I think it's great economic development for the city of Dubuque as well as the state of Iowa and also increases tourism to the area."
Murphy says he's worked "very hard" on the project and takes "full credit" for getting that money set aside for Dubuque. "A train to Chicago I don't think is a train to nowhere," Murphy says. An Iowa Department of Transportation official seemed puzzled by the Republican group's charges, pointing to Amtrak studies which indicate the line may soon extend to Dubuque.
Boosters of the project, like Sue Czeshinski of the Dubuque Convention and Visitors Bureau, are outraged. "We find it disappointing to think that Dubuque, one of the state's largest tourist destinations, would be considered nowhere," Czeshinski says. Dubuque ranks sixth on the list of most popular tourist destinations in Iowa according to Czeshinski.
"It's certainly somewhere to the over 60 different countries that are represented in our visitor's center book every year…so we certainly are on the map in terms of travel and are growing our population as well," Czeshinski says. Dubuque City Manager Mike Van Milligan says the $300,000 would be used to start building a platform in the Port of Dubuque for passengers to get on and off the Amtrak train.
"This money from the state has identified for the Illinois Department of Transportation that Iowa is serious about this project," Van Milligan says, "and it's also leveraged $250,000 from the federal government as seed money to work on this internodal transportation facility which will include much more than rail service."
The proposed Dubuque Amtrak link is connected to the bid the City of Chicago is submitting to host the 2016 Olympics. "Part of Chicago's Olympic bid is they have to identify alternative forms of transportation to bring people in," Van Milligan says, "and actually Dubuque has already been selected for some preliminary events in the archery competition if they are to get the Olympics."
Next week Congressman Bruce Braley, a Democrat from Waterloo, and Congressman Jim Oberstar, a Democrat from Minnesota who's head of the U.S. House Transportation Committee, plan to meet in Dubuque to discuss the project. At the same time, the Iowa Progress Project is running ads and sending email addressed to "fellow conservatives," hoping to derail the $300,000 state appropriation for the "train to nowhere."
AUDIO: Radio Iowa's O. Kay Henderson report Dubuque Amtrack money. :58 MP3
Filed Under: Politics / Govt Tagged With: Democratic Party, Republican Party, Transportation, Travel

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Stanisław Bajda (ur. 10 maja 1949 w Reczpolu) – polski samorządowiec i nauczyciel, w latach 2002–2006 starosta przemyski, w latach 2006–2010 członek zarządu województwa podkarpackiego III kadencji.

Życiorys
Absolwent Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej w Rzeszowie. Przez 33 lata pracował jako nauczyciel na terenie powiatu przemyskiego, m.in. w szkole podstawowej w Reczpolu. Od lat 90. był radnym gminy Krzywcza oraz powiatu przemyskiego, kandydował na wójta gminy Krywcza. Zajmował stanowisko członka zarządu (1999–2002) i starosty przemyskiego (2002–2006). Należał do Ligi Polskich Rodzin, z ramienia której w 2005 kandydował do Senatu w okręgu nr 21, zajmując 3. miejsce na 14 kandydatów. Później związał się z Prawem i Sprawiedliwością, z listy którego w 2006, 2010 i 2014 wybierano go do sejmiku podkarpackiego, a w 2011 startował w wyborach do Sejmu. 25 listopada 2006 powołany na członka zarządu województwa podkarpackiego. Zajmował stanowisko do końca kadencji 30 listopada 2010. W 2018 nie ubiegał się o reelekcję do sejmiku.

Żonaty, ma dwoje dzieci.

Przypisy

Absolwenci Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej w Rzeszowie
Członkowie zarządu województwa podkarpackiego
Ludzie związani z Przemyślem
Politycy Ligi Polskich Rodzin
Politycy Prawa i Sprawiedliwości
Polscy nauczyciele
Polscy radni rad gmin
Polscy radni rad powiatów
Radni sejmiku województwa podkarpackiego
Starostowie województwa podkarpackiego
Urodzeni w 1949

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


This video was created entirely by kids, sharing our message! Video, Editing, and Directing was done by my 15 year old sister, Vocals by myself, and the group of kids you see in the video, are all people from my school that believe in the same message as i do! This video is one of many in Matisyahu and Defeat the label's contest, so please follow this link and vote for me! Matisyahu World.


Discussion in 'General Banter' started by FRANKIE, Jan 27, 2014.
The smile on a girls face after she sees a shoe shop?
I don't know if there's a measurable interval of time there.
My wife does this in the car while I'm driving. Now that she's an "experienced" driver, I get constant comments.
When deciding if I spend money on myself!
The blink of an eye.?
You can get them off that fast????????
Someone is going to feel a right Planck when we find out the real answer. !
A politicians answer to a question ,and the Truth !!
Oooo, nice one Aceman, I see what you did there.
its like being at school.....do we win a prize ?
Yep that is the smallest measurable unit of time in theory but the actual smallest time that has been measured in practice is in fact 12 attoseconds as there isn't anything yet that can measure a smaller interval.
A guy I work with starting work and stopping work.


text:
namespace Spooker.Time
{
	////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////
	///
	/// Provides snapshot of timing values.
	///
	////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////
	public class GameTime
    {
		#region Public Fields

		/// Returns how much time has passed since last update
		public GameSpan ElapsedGameTime = GameSpan.Zero;

		/// Returns how much time has passed since starting game
		public GameSpan TotalGameTime = GameSpan.Zero;

		#endregion Public Fields

        #region Contructors/Destructors

		///
		/// Initializes a new instance of the <see cref="Spooker.Time.GameTime"/> class.
		///
		public GameTime()
		{
		}

		///
		/// Initializes a new instance of the <see cref="Spooker.Time.GameTime"/> class.
		///
		/// <param name="elapsed">Elapsed time.</param>
		/// <param name="total">Total time.</param>
		public GameTime(GameSpan elapsed, GameSpan total)
        {
			ElapsedGameTime = elapsed;
			TotalGameTime = total;
        }

        #endregion

        #region Functions

		///
		/// Update the specified updateable.
		///
		/// <param name="updateable">Updateable.</param>
		public void Update(IUpdateable updateable)
		{
			updateable.Update (this);
		}

        #endregion
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Share this Story: Alberta education minister critical of Calgary school board over staff cuts
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Alberta education minister critical of Calgary school board over staff cuts
Lauren Krugel
Alberta premier Jason Kenney shakes hands with Adriana LaGrange, Minister of Education after being is sworn into office, in Edmonton on Tuesday April 30, 2019. Alberta's education minister is ordering a financial audit and governance review of the Calgary Board of Education. Adriana LaGrange is accusing the board, which has ended the contracts of 300 temporary teachers, of recklessly misusing taxpayer dollars. Photo by JASON FRANSON /THE CANADIAN PRESS
CALGARY — Alberta's education minister is ordering a financial audit and governance review of the Calgary Board of Education after 300 temporary teachers were told they would be losing their jobs in the new year due to a budget shortfall.
Adriana LaGrange says she's extremely disappointed with the board that oversees Calgary's public schools.
Alberta education minister critical of Calgary school board over staff cuts Back to video
"When you look at the fact that they have a $1.2-billion budget serving 130,000 students and their only recourse in their decision-making is to cut teachers, it's unacceptable," she said in Edmonton on Wednesday.
The board had said the United Conservative government's budget left it with a $32-million budget gap that would mean cutting funds to 246 schools by $22 million.
Chief Supt. Christopher Usih said the board had to act quickly because the budget was reduced mid-year and several decisions are being made on how to cover the gap.
The board of trustees said it is confident in its financial and governance practices and will co-operate with any review.
"We submit all required financial information to the ministry monthly, quarterly and annually. We continue to receive clean audits that show our financial results are fully compliant with legislation, regulation and Canadian accounting standards," the trustees said in a statement.
"In a large organization that welcomes all students and serves very diverse needs we have made decisions within the financial constraints under which we operate."
LaGrange said she made it clear she expected all school boards to minimize the impact on front-line staff and teachers, and to put students' education first.
"I offered all the school boards the opportunity to have the expertise of my department, help them out if they found themselves in any difficulties, and they have not availed themselves of that," she said.
No one from the board mentioned layoffs when she met with officials Monday, she added.
In an earlier statement, LaGrange accused the board of a "reckless misuse of taxpayer dollars." She pointed to its decision to enter into an expensive 20-year lease almost a decade ago and a $9.1-million accounting error found in a 2018 provincial audit.
Sarah Hoffman, education critic for the Opposition NDP, said the UCP government bears responsibility because it was warned its budget cuts would result in teacher layoffs.
"The UCP government said that they were going to fund enrolment growth. They didn't. They said they were going to protect education. They're cutting it," Hoffman said in Edmonton.
"And here we are mid-year dealing with those consequences and kids are paying the price and teachers are losing their jobs."
Alberta Teachers' Association president Jason Schilling said LaGrange has not explained how to effectively run a school board with such a budget shortfall.
"If she thinks that she could do better, then I would like her to show us how that's done, because we are seeing boards impacted by this budget across the province."
Schilling said morale has taken a hit as teachers will now face larger classes. He also noted that having teachers leave mid-year will be disruptive to young students.
"Every kid loves their teacher when they're in elementary school, and once that teacher's gone, it must be hard to reconcile that."
— With files from Dean Bennett in Edmonton


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Siegfried Lenz (født 17. marts 1926 i Lyck, Masurien i Østpreussen, død 7. oktober 2014 i Hamborg) var en tysk forfatter. Lenz var søn af en tolder, og efter afsluttende eksamen i 1943 blev han indkaldt som 17 årig til militærtjeneste i marinen. Han var i 18 måneder sammen med 1300 andre marinesoldat på krydseren Admiral Scheer, hvor han blandt andet var vidne til evakueringen af civile fra Østpreussen og russernes sænkning af lazaretskibet Wilhelm Gustloff.

Den 9. april 1945 blev krydseren Admiral Scheer sænket ved værftet i Kiel af engelske bombefly, men da var hovedparten af besætningen inklusive Letz gået fra borde. Fra Flensborg blev Lenz i krigens sidste uger forflyttet til Danmark, hvor han skulle begynde sin tjeneste på hjælpekrydseren  "Hansa". Han benyttede episoden til at desertere i Danmark, hvor han i dagene omkring krigens slutning gemte sig i Næstved. Efter fredsslutningen i 1945 blev han for en tid interneret af englænderne i Slesvig-Holsten som krigsfange. På grund af sine gode engelskundskaber blev han hurtigt brugt som tolk.

Derefter læste han filosofi, engelsk sprog og litteratur på universitetet i Hamborg. Under studierne arbejdede han som praktikant på avisen Die Welt, hvor han senere blev fatsansat redaktør. Her mødte han sin senere hustru Liselotte (død 5. februar 2006). De giftede sig i 1949. Den 12. juni 2010 blev han gift med Ulla Reimer, Fyn. De boede skiftevis i Lenz' hus i Othmarschen og i Ulla Reimers hus på Fyn.

Siden 1951 levede han som forfatter i Hamborg. Siegfried Lenz havde i 26 år sommerhus i Lebøl på Als. Han havde stærke forbindelser til Danmark og både læste og talte dansk. Lenz var medlem af Gruppe 47. Flere af hans romaner er skrevet på Als, blandt andet Tysktime (bog), Forhistorien (bog), Eksercerpladsen (bog) og Kummer mit jütländischen Kaffeetafeln (genudgivet på tysk 2006; dansk udgave (Sønderjysk kaffebord) første gang 2011 på Forlaget Hovedland).

Lenz debuterede i 1951 med de humoristiske fortællinger fra sin østpreussiske hjemegn Es waren Habichte in der Luft, Der var høge i luften (bog).
Han er særlig kendt for sine romaner og noveller med mere alvorlige temaer fra den tyske historie og nutidens Tyskland. Hans internationale gennembrud kom med romanen Tysktime i 1968. Romanen handler om en kritisk maler, som i Hitlertiden får forbud mod at male. Hovedfiguren i bogen var bygget over maleren Emil Nolde.

Lenz har skrevet tolv romaner og flere noveller, essays og hørespil. Flere andre af hans værker er oversat til dansk. 2006 udgav han romanen Et minuts stilhed (bog), der handler om gymnasieeleven Christian, der er forelsket i sin engelsklærerinde Stella.

Hans bøger er oversat til 30 sprog og i et oplag på mere end 20 millioner eksemplarer. Gennem sine menneskeskildringer giver han omverdenen et mere nuanceret billede af det moderne Tyskland og tyskerne, end det nazismen tegnede. Et af temaerne i hans værker er at give oprejsning til taberne i hverdagen, at genoprette deres værdighed. Lenz engagerede sig også i det nye Tyskland som flittig debattør og var blandt andet en varm fortaler for Willy Brandts østpolitik.

1988 fik han på Frankfurt bogmesse tildelt Den Tyske Boghandels fredspris. 1999 fik han på 250 året for Goethes fødsel Goethe-prisen. 2000 blev han æresborger i Hamborg. 2011 modtog han samme hædersbevisning fra fødebyen Ełk

Bibliografi
 1951 Der Überlaufer (dansk titel: Overløberen.)
1951 Es waren Habichte in der Luft, novellesamling (dansk titel Der var høge i luften, Bechs Forlag) - Fortællinger fra hans barndoms Østpreussen.
 1953 Duell mit dem Schatten, roman
 1955 So zärtlich war Suleyken, novellesamling (dansk titel Påskebordet, Hovedland 2012)
 1956 Das schönste Fest der Welt novelle
 1957 Der Mann im Strom, roman,
 1958 Jäger des Spotts. Geschichten aus dieser Zeit, novellesamling
 1945 Lukas, sanftmütiger Knecht, novelle
 1959 Brot und Spiele, roman
 1960 Das Feuerschiff, novelle (dansk titel Fyrskibet, Bechs Forlag)
 1961 Zeit der Schuldlosen, scenisk værk
 1962 Stimmen der See, novelle
 1963 Stadtgespräch, roman
 1964 Das Gesicht, scenisk værk
 1964 Lehmanns Erzählungen (dansk titel Sønderjysk kaffebord, Hovedland) - Kaffebordet udviklede sig under tysk besættelse, som apolitisk samvær i en forbudstid.
 1965 Der Spielverderber, novelle
 1967 Haussuchung, scenisk værk
 1968 Deutschstunde roman (dansk titel Tysktime, Gyldendal 1970) - Siggi skriver 1954 en tysk stil, der skal handle om 'Pligtens glæder'.
 1968 Leute von Hamburg, novelle
 1970 Beziehungen, essay
 1970 Die Augenbinde, scenisk værk
 1971 Die Herrschaftssprache der CDU, tale
 1971 Verlorenes Land – Gewonnene Nachbarschaft, tale
 1971 So war das mit dem Zirkus, børnebog
 1973 Das Vorbild roman (dansk titel Et forbillede søges", Gyldendal 1974)
 1973 Wie bei Gogol, novelle
 1975 Der Geist der Mirabelle, novelle
 1975 Einstein überquert die Elbe bei Hamburg, novelle
 1978 Heimatmuseum, roman (dansk titel Forhistorien, Gyldendal 1981)
 1980 Drei Stücke, scenisk værk
 1980 Gespräche mit Manès Sperber und Leszek Kołakowski 1981 Der Verlust, roman
 1984 Ein Kriegsende, novelle
 1987 Das serbische Mädchen, novelle (dansk titel Den serbiske pige, Gyldendal 1989)
 1990 Die Klangprobe, roman (dansk titel Klangprøven, Gyldendal, 1991)
 2008 Schweigeminute (dansk titel Et minuts stilhed, Hovedland, 2008)
 2010 Die Auflehnung 2011 Die Maske, novellesamling (dansk titel Masken", Hovedland 2012)

Eksterne henvisninger

 Siegfried Lenz hjemmeside
 Til Lenz 80-års fødselsdag
 Lenz romaner og noveller

Romanforfattere fra Tyskland
Novelleforfattere fra Tyskland
Essayister fra Tyskland
Dramatikere fra Tyskland
Personer fra Østpreussen


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The Pretty Little Liars finale was a huge disappointment would be an understatement for fans who think that 7 years of their life got wasted. It left many loose ends. The burning questions that the showrunners promised to answer were left unanswered. This was bound to annoy the fans. And the reveal? Well, it was way too predictable. Let us take a look at some reasons why the Pretty Little Liars finale was one of the worst episodes ever.
1. First and foremost, the reveal was way too predictable. I mean come on, the twin theory! Really Marlene? At least you could have had the courtesy to make one of the parents as the AD. Veronica wasn't Spencer's real mother. It could have made so much sense and would have been shocking at the same time.
2. The direction of the Pretty Little Liars finale was poor. Remember the time when Cece was revealed as A? Even though that one wasn't up to the mark either, but at least fans were given an opportunity to experience the thrill of wondering who was underneath that black hoodie. The Cece reveal wasn't interesting but the moment right before she was going to reveal her true face was spectacular. The finale couldn't even build up a certain level of excitement.
3. Marlene once said that the big villain was in the pilot episode whereas during that time Alex didn't even know who these people were.
4. We never got an explanation as to why Noel was so hellbent on ruining these girls' life. He wasn't related to Alex in any way nor shared some kind of friendship.
5. "I was first told at the beginning of season five. Marlene took me aside and told me, 'I have an idea, but I don't know if the network will let me do it…' Then she sat me down and explained this whole ending to me. She said, 'You cannot tell anybody. It might not even happen.' So I sat on it for over a year. Then at the end of season six, she said, 'We're going to do it,'" Troian said. At this exact moment, Troian should have quit.
6. The explanation for Alex's motives in the Pretty Little Liars finale was weak. Yes, we get it, she was jealous of Spencer that she didn't get the desired childhood. But why torture other girls? Although Aria gave her opinion in the courtroom that she didn't want Charlette out of Radley, Hanna and Emily were nowhere at fault.
7. Many Emison shippers are going to argue with this one but Emily and Alison were a bad idea from the beginning. Ali used her, practiced her kisses on her for the real thing, married a guy, and then finally when all that went to hell she went after poor Emily. It gave a really wrong message that its okay to take people for granted, toss them around like a toy and when you want to settle down just manipulate them into the whole idea.
8. Last, but not the least, they built up Wren's character to put him on a necklace? Disappointment is indeed an understatement.
So, what do you think of the Pretty Little Liars Finale reveal? Let us know in the comments below.
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NOTEWORTHY: The AHN Award! Every year the Arts & Healing Network honors healing artists who are truly making a difference in the world. These awards offer the recipients encouragement and support to continue and expand their outstanding work. The 2015 AHN Awards are now open for nominations! This year's theme is art and social change. Make a nomination by May 1st!
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Portico and the National Library of the Netherlands partner to place archive replica at the National Library of the Netherlands
Digital preservation service Portico and the National Library of the Netherlands (Koninklijke Bibliotheek or KB) have partnered to establish an online replica of the Portico archive that will be hosted by the KB.
Portico and the KB have a long history of collaboration; for more than a decade, they cooperated to form and implement their respective digital preservation principles and practices. They have worked together to research the handling of digital preservation formats and to develop automated preservation workflows. As part of this work, Portico has also provided copies of its archive, on disk, to the KB, which has maintained custody of this offline copy. Portico and the KB are now extending this partnership by establishing an online replica of the Portico archive at the KB.
The partnership with the KB also extends Portico's work with national libraries. Portico is increasingly called upon by national libraries to provide preservation expertise and infrastructure, including a longstanding partnership with the British Library to help meet UK legal deposit mandates.
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Though worlds apart, Ethiopia and the United States are suddenly proven attractive to Asian producers for different reasons. This shift in the global division of labor is opening new opportunities for Taiwan's textile and garment makers.
Set foot in Taiwan-based Everest Textile Co.'s factory in the Hawassa Industrial Park in Ethiopia and one sees 1,400 sewers making clothes for French brand Decathlon and English brand Regatta using fabric from Thailand, Taiwan and China. The factory ships more than 130,000 garments across the Mediterranean Sea to the European market.
Two years ago, the sewers were still farmers, cultivating the land from sunrise to sunset. Today, they sew clothing for international brands six days a week.
A half a globe away in Forest City, North Carolina, a red-brick textile factory that witnessed 100 years of the textile industry's history before being shuttered for more than a decade has been revived. Everest Textile has set up a vertically integrated production line there, capable of everything from weaving fabric to producing clothing.
Everest Textile's network epitomizes the huge relocation of the global textile industry. On one side of the world, it's training Ethiopian farmers to sew clothes; on the other side, it's shipping 450 containers of textile machinery and accessories from Taiwan and China to the North Carolina factory, where all one sees are American women working robots suspended from above to sew clothes for the American market.
With labor-intensive manufacturing in China losing steam, the Trump administration pulling out of the TPP and ready to up the ante in its trade battle with Beijing, and Vietnam's tax-free paradise fading and suppliers there facing constant strikes, the route traveled by a typical piece of clothing is taking a major diversion.
Beyond Taiwanese manufacturers, apparel and shoe suppliers from Japan, South Korea and China have also set up factories in Ethiopia.
South Korea garment maker Shin Textile Solutions, which counts Nautica, Mizuno, New Balance and Jack Wolfskin among its customers, also manufactures clothing in Vietnam. But it has expanded into Ethiopia in the past two years and is now building a dorm there big enough to accommodate 10,000 people.
"Wages in Southeast Asia are constantly rising, and we have to diversify our risk. So our parent company decided to set up a factory in Ethiopia," says Oh Jeong Hak, the vice president of Shin Textile Solutions subsidiary Shints ETP Garment.
The American south, which is seeing the revitalization of its textile industry, has also begun to attract Asian textile manufacturers. The Tainan-based Everest Textile is just one of them, having set up a fabric production line and a small, automated garment production line there.
It's part of a trend of apparel makers moving out of China. In 2016, 36 of every 100 garments in the world were made in China, down from 39 out of every 100 in 2015 and the lowest ratio since 2010, according to World Trade Organization statistics.
Chaney Ho, executive director of IT service management company Advantech Co., believes those numbers reflect the arrival of the Globalization 3.0 era.
"In the Globalization 2.0 era, the world shut down its factories at the same time and then moved to China. In today's Globalization 3.0 era, you have to take your talent, technology and capital to the market to manufacture there, train local talent, and build a local ecosystem. That's the only way to offset the disputes caused by lost jobs or trade deficits," Ho says.
The reshuffling of the global supply chain presents Taiwan with a new opportunity that it is well-positioned to capitalize on, Ho believes.
Taiwan's island nation status has opened the local manufacturing industry to diverse sources of technology, he says, and by relocating production to Southeast Asia and China over the past 20 years, Taiwanese companies have accumulated vast manufacturing and management experience.
"Today, only Taiwanese, Japanese and Korean companies have the ability to manage cross-border supply chains," Ho says.
Even with that experience, developing a presence in Africa, which has almost no manufacturing foundation, or rebuilding a factory in a part of the United States that the textile and garment industry abandoned decades ago has presented a huge challenge.
Following the footsteps taken by Taiwan's textile industry, CommonWealth Magazine took off from Taiwan to continental Africa then traveled to the East Coast of the United States, circling the globe to witness how Globalization 3.0 production bases are changing the face of global supply chains and how Taiwan's textile industry is coping.
♦ The Unknown Brains Behind The Brands: Who Puts the Performance in Performance Sportswear?
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Mobile police urge residents to download Smart 911 app after weekend shootings :: RickeyStokesNews.com!
MOBILE, Ala. (WPMI) — It was weekend of violent chaos with five shootings across Mobile. Two people were shot and killed and multiple others were injured.
"It's sad. It is sad, especially being so close," says a Mobile resident who did not want to be identified.
MPD was able to locate those victims quickly, but in case you ever find yourself in a life or death situation with no one around. The Mobile Police Department is urging the community to download the app Smart 911. It's an app that will help them find you quicker when calling 911.
Was kinda wondering...when electronic bingo and lottery were once discussed it was going to bring tremendous crimes and crime rates to Alabama.
Governor BoBo Dummy Riley closed all but the Indians.
Since KAY Ivey passed the skyrocketing gas prices, has that contributed to all of the shootings?