Washington DC, [USA] Oct 22 (ANI): According to a recent study, people with high blood pressure taking medication for their condition are more likely to benefit from the therapy if they have good oral health.
Davide Pietropaoli, lead investigator of the study said, "Physicians should pay close attention to patients' oral health, particularly those receiving treatment for hypertension, and urge those with signs of periodontal disease to seek dental care. Likewise, dental health professionals should be aware that oral health is indispensable to overall physiological health, including cardiovascular status."
The target blood pressure range for people with hypertension is less than 130/80 mmHg according to the latest recommendations from the American Heart Association/American College of Cardiology. The findings of the study have been published in the journal of the American Heart Association.
In the study, patients with severe periodontitis had the systolic pressure that was, on average, 3 mmHg higher than those with good oral health. Systolic pressure, the upper number in a blood pressure reading, indicates the pressure of blood against the walls of the arteries.
"Patients with high blood pressure and the clinicians who care for them should be aware that good oral health may be just as important in controlling the condition as are several lifestyle interventions are known to help control blood pressure, such as a low-salt diet, regular exercise, and weight control," Pietropaoli said.


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Neoliberalism, Political Economy, Populism, Poverty & Inequality, President Trump
Populism isn't a dirty word it's time for the left to reclaim it * Populism Now! – David McKnight.
Apr 8, 2018 TPPA = CRISIS	3 Comments
When the political class adopted Neoliberalism, it effectively transferred significant amounts of political power, the democratic power of governments, to private corporations.
We need to take it back! (Hans)
David McKnight makes the case for a people power that doesn't scapegoat immigrants or minorities.
Here's a quick quiz. What do the following political figures have in common: Pauline Hanson, Bill Shorten, Donald Trump, Jeremy Corbyn and Bernie Sanders?
Answer: all have been accused of populism. Whether they've bashed banks, billionaires or boat people, they've been damned as populists. Yet these political figures come from wildly different parts of the Left and Right. Can they all be populists?
Mostly, when I hear people damning someone as a populist, they are talking about a right-wing version. But it's not that simple. In this book, I argue that a progressive version of populism exists too.
A progressive populism takes up the genuine economic grievances of everyday Australians without scapegoating migrants or minorities in the way Donald Trump and the proBrexit forces have done. In fact, a progressive form of populism is the best way of defeating the racist backlash of right-wing populism because it addresses the social and economic problems which partly drive the rise of right-wing populism. As well, it asserts our common humanity, whatever diversity we also express.
I first discovered populism when I began teaching investigative journalism in the late 1990s at university. I had some understanding of the subject already, having worked on the ABC's investigative TV program Four Corners. Like other journalists, I knew about the role of investigative journalism in the Watergate scandal of the early 1970s. However, to teach it as an academic course I needed to know about its historical origins. I found that investigative journalism (originally called muckraking) began in the United States around 1900 during what Americans call 'the Progressive Era'. It was called this because it was a period of radical ideas and activism about social reform. One expression of this was the emergence of a new political party, the People's Party, in 1890-91. It stood for the interests of ordinary people farmers and workers against the 'robber barons' in the privately owned banking, oil and railway industries. Friends and enemies alike described the approach of the People's Party as Populism and its supporters as Populists.
The muckraking journalists were crusaders on issues which they shared with the Populists. For example, in his book The Jungle, writer Upton Sinclair exposed the dangerous and filthy conditions endured by the Chicago meatworkers. Years later his book was recognised as one of the forces behind the introduction of food safety laws. One of the first female muckrakers, Ida Tarbell, exposed the ruthless practices of Standard Oil in crushing rival companies in a series of articles published in McClure's Magazine, and eventually a book, The History of the Standard Oil Company. Today, Standard Oil is better known as Exxon and remains a ruthless corporation. Lincoln Steffens' book The Shame of the Cities exposed the corruption of political machines linked to gambling, prostitution and bribery. Other muckrakers attacked the role of big money in government and the power of Wall Street. Their journalism, I realised, was a key contribution to the progressive causes shared with the Populists.
The key idea of the Populists was that the interests of ordinary people were in conflict with those of the elite. Some of the Populists had conspiratorial ideas about money and power but their movement was a powerful challenge to aggressive, unregulated big business. Having been on the Left of politics since my teens, I found this history of a forgotten reform movement fascinating. its goals of economic and social justice for ordinary people are still relevant today.
Years later I rediscovered American populism when I read a book by journalist Thomas Frank, What's the Matter with Kansas? Published in the wake of the election of George W Bush, his book pointed out that Kansas, now a conservative Republican state, was once a centre of radical activity. One Kansas town produced a socialist newspaper, Appeal to Reason, which sold hundreds of thousands of copies. In the 1890s its farmers, driven to the brink of ruin by years of bad prices and debt, held huge meetings where Kansas radicals like Mary Elizabeth Lease urged the farmers to 'raise less corn and more hell'. From this situation, the People's Party emerged as the enemy of the 'money power' and as an alternative to both Democrats and Republicans. It advocated publicly owned railways and banks along with a progressive income tax on the rich. For this, Frank tells us, they were reviled 'for their bumpkin assault on free market orthodoxy'.
In 2015 and 2016 I found myself hearing commentators talk about the rise of modern forms of populism during the looming US presidential election. Both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders were referred to as populists. Sanders had opened his campaign with the statement: 'This country and our government belongs to all of us, not just a handful of billionaires'. It was a modern echo of the progressive side of the American populist tradition. Although he didn't win the Democrats' presidential nomination, Sanders shifted the political agenda and challenged the untrammelled power of the wealthy in the name of ordinary people.
Trump, a right-wing populist, represented the worst aspects of popular prejudice. Yet he won. Like many others, I was stunned as I read the first online news reports announcing this. How could it have happened? One of the most illuminating insights came from Thomas Frank, who argued that Trump's populist campaign on economic issues was far more important than most people realised at the time and had been the key to him winning crucial states. The abandoned factories and crumbling buildings in cities devastated by free trade deals had created a 'heartland rage' that swamped the Democrats.
All of this was 'the utterly predictable fruit of the Democrats' neoliberal turn', he said. 'Every time our liberal leaders signed off on some lousy trade deal, figuring that working-class people had "nowhere else to go", they were making what happened last November, Trump's win, a little more likely.'
Such sentiments inspired this book. And all of this is relevant to Australia because both our Labor and Liberal politicians have, in recent decades, largely accepted the principles of deregulation, privatisation and small government, together known as neoliberalism. In part, this book is an investigation into the failures of these principles in Australia.
The final reason for writing this book is more personal. I grew up in a single-income, bluecollar family with my mother suffering from a severe mental illness. Yet we survived and thrived thanks in part to a strong public sector, especially in health and education. This public sector was grounded in the major parties' consensus that it was both morally obligatory and economically sound that important public services should be equally available to all and provided collectively. Now this consensus is being broken apart and discarded. This is not some misty-eyed memory about a non-existent golden age, an error often made by right-wing populists when they equate the White Australia Policy years with better conditions overall. Australia is a better and more open society today, not least because it is more culturally diverse. But in terms of simple practical things such as expecting a secure wellpaid job, social services and a home to live in, we are going backwards.
When I started researching this book in the wake of the shock Trump victory and the vote for Brexit I was already a critic of neoliberalism. But as I probed more deeply I grew angrier and angrier. My research revealed that the orthodoxies of deregulation and privatisation, regarded as supreme common sense by the political and economic elite, are radically transforming Australia. The gulf between billionaires and the poor is widening as old egalitarian Australia crumbles; deregulated banks have become parasitic to the rest of the economy; corporate tax avoidance is out of control; and our pay and conditions are being eroded. As it had with me, this has angered many ordinary Australians. Some falsely blame migrants and refugees while others rightly blame a corporate and political elite. To change things, we need to rebuild a new progressive agenda which unites ordinary Australians against these elitedriven policies.
Of prime importance in such a renewed progressive agenda is genuine action on the biggest danger of all, irreversible climate change, which will hit ordinary Australians first. A progressive populist approach aims to unite Australians in the broadest possible new movement one that will provide the necessary people power to avert the worst kinds of changes in the future. Nothing less than the survival of humanity is at stake.
THE POLITICS OF POPULISM
We forced discussions on issues the establishment had swept under the rug for too long. We brought attention to the grotesque level of income and wealth inequality in this country and the importance of breaking up the large banks, we are stronger when we stand together and do not allow demagogues to divide us by race, gender, sexual orientation or where we were born.
US presidential candidate, Bernie Sanders
The establishment complains I don't play by the rules. By which they mean their rules. We can't win, they say, because we don't play their game. We don't fit in their cosy club. We don't accept that it is natural for Britain to be governed by a ruling elite, the City and the tax-dodgers, and we don't accept that the British people just have to take what they're given.
British Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn
With Donald Trump's successful campaign to win the US presidency and Britain's decision to 'Brexit' from Europe, we suddenly began to hear a lot of the word 'populism' in the political discourse. At first it was used to describe the attack Donald Trump made on illegal Mexican immigration when he announced his candidacy for the Republican nomination in mid 2015. With his trademark bombast, he declaimed, 'When Mexico sends its people they're not sending their best They're sending people who have lots of problems They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists'. He then added, 'and some, I assume, are good people'. His call to build a wall on the US-Mexico border ('which Mexico will pay for') became a recurrent theme of his campaign and later, his presidency.
Nor was his abuse limited to Mexicans. After a Muslim US citizen committed a terrorist attack in San Bernadino, California, Trump called for a ban preventing Muslims from entering the United States, at one point including those who were American citizens currently abroad. Trump's campaign received what seemed to be a certain death blow in October 2016, when the Washington Post revealed an audio tape of his boast that, because he was 'a star', he could grab women 'by the pussy' and get away with it.
By the normal rules of elections in the United States and elsewhere, his popular support should have shrunk. Trump's coded appeals to racism, crude misogyny and calculated abuse should have fatally wounded his bid for the White House. But his popular support grew and Trump eventually attained the most powerful position in the world. In office, he has confirmed the worst expectations, responding to North Korea's threat to the United States with a warning that North Korea 'will be met with fire and fury like the world has never seen before', a thinly disguised threat to unleash a nuclear war.
How did we get into this situation? Trump's election victory owed a lot to two factors. One was his economic populism, which criticised free trade and globalisation. This received a warm response from many working Americans. He threatened to withdraw the United States from the North American Free Trade Agreement. He promised to impose high tariffs on runaway US companies which moved production overseas. He threatened restrictions on imported Chinese goods. Globalisation, he said, helped 'the financial elite' while leaving 'millions of our workers with nothing but poverty and heartache'. All the while he targeted the states hardest hit by economic globalisation. Much of this was downplayed or never reported by both social media and the traditional news media, which preferred to concentrate on his more colourful outbursts and tweets.
The second key to his victory was his skilful use of social media, which he credited with being a way to counteract what he called the 'fake news' propagated by mainstream news media. On Facebook and Twitter his popularity eclipsed that of Hillary Clinton and it was there that he circulated his own 'alternative facts'. The algorithms of social media, which suggest news based on past activity, transformed this popularity into self-reinforcing echo chambers of Trump supporters. And all of this was fed by the crisis in traditional journalism, whose capacity to report news had been eroded by the power of that selfsame social media.
The election of Donald Trump has taken us all into a new and dangerous place. If it had been an isolated incident it would not matter so much. But it was far from that. A few months before Trump's election, Britain went to the polls to decide whether or not to leave the European Union (EU). The vote was voluntary but the turnout was high. More than 30 million people voted, with a majority in favour of Britain's exit, styled Brexit. Another victory for populism, said the commentators.
The British vote to leave the EU spanned traditional Right and Left and drew support from unexpected places. While the 'Leave' vote was highest in traditionally Conservative areas, it was also high in some working-class Labour strongholds. For some, voting to leave the EU was a protest against the economic effects of the globalised economy, with its problems of unemployment and low wages. For others, their main concern was the immigration which had ensued from open borders. 'We want our country back!' was a common cry. Donald Trump, then campaigning for president, hailed the Brexit vote as a 'great victory' and drew parallels to his own opposition to 'rule by the global elite'. A new populist Right was on the move globally.
Soon populism seemed to be everywhere. In Europe the established parties saw their dominance challenged by right-wing populism. In France in 2017 the antiimmigrant and anti-Muslim National Front achieved 34 per cent of the presidential vote, its highest yet. That same year the far right Alternative for Germany won an unprecedented 13 per cent of the vote and 90 seats in the Bundestag. In the Netherlands Geert Wilders' xenophobic Party for Freedom advanced in the 2017 general elections.
In Australia too Trump-style political disaffection is taking hold. A reputable study by academics at the Australian National University (ANU) shows that key indicators, including satisfaction with democracy, trust in government and loyalty to major parties are at record lows among Australians. The study was conducted following the July 2016 election and found that only 26 per cent of Australians think the government can be trusted (the lowest level since it was first measured in 1969). Forty per cent of Australians were not satisfied with democracy (the lowest level since the period after Gough Whitlam was dismissed in 1975); and there was a record low level of interest (30 per cent) in the 2016 election.
The study's lead researcher, Professor Ian McAllister, said that we are seeing 'the stirrings among the public of what has happened in the United States of the likes of Trump, Brexit in Britain, in Italy and a variety of other European countries, it's coming here and I would have thought this a wake-up call for the political class'. Australian conservatives, hoping to take advantage of this disillusion, welcomed Trump's victory, with Tony Abbott tweeting: 'Congrats to the new president who appreciates that Middle America is sick of being taken for granted'. Mining magnate Gina Rinehart urged Australia to follow Trump's lead and Andrew Bolt told his audience: 'The revolution is on!' Very much part of this phenomenon, Pauline Hanson's One Nation party achieved an unprecedented four seats in the Senate in the 2016 election.
But what is populism?
To many, 'populism' is a shorthand term for pandering to people's baser instincts, exemplified in Trump's campaign and his presidency. It inflames a desire to blame ethnic and religious minorities; it is a lust for cheap popularity and it is a phony hostility to the Establishment and to 'the elite', such is the common understanding. Populist leaders are seen to be posing as outsiders and as representatives of the underdog. Above all, populism is regarded as a right-wing phenomenon.
But it's not that simple. This book argues that a progressive version of populism exists too. A progressive populism fights for the genuine economic grievances of everyday people without blaming minorities or migrants. In fact, a progressive populism is a very good way to neutralise this sort of scapegoating because it addresses the social and economic problems which partly drive the rise of right-wing populism.
Populism is a notoriously loose description of a political stance. In many ways it is a style of doing politics rather than a series of particular policies. Some people think populism means trying to be popular, but this is misleading. The words populist and populism come from the Latin word for 'the people' (populus) what today we'd call the public. The meaning survives in the expression vox populi, the voice of the people. Generally speaking, populism is a style of politics which frames politics as a conflict between the people and an elite. But the identity of the people and the nature of the elite can vary widely. On this basis populism can be either a right-wing or a left-wing phenomenon. In some countries today, the traditional battle between right and left is being channelled through a populist filter.
Academic Margaret Canovan conducted one of the early studies of populism. She argues that there are two broad strands to populist movements. The first is rural, based on organisations of peasants or farmers, a kind which typically emerges when these people are confronting modernisation. The second is characterised by highlighted tensions between the elite and the grassroots. This can take the form of 'idealisations of the man in the street or of politicians' attempts to hold together shaky coalitions in the name of "the people"'. Canovan concludes that populism can take right-wing or left-wing forms but that 'all forms of populism without exception involve some kind of exaltation of and appeal to "the people" and all are in one sense or another anti-elitist'.
The American writer John Judis, author of the recent book The Populist Explosion, also argues that populism is 'not an ideology but a way of thinking about politics'. He too supports the view that populism can exist in both left and right forms. Left-wing populists champion the people against an elite or establishment (as in Occupy Wall Street's slogan about the One Per Cent versus the 99 per cent). Right-wing populists are against an elite 'that they accuse of coddling a third group, which can consist, for instance, of immigrants, lslamists or African American militants'.
Judis notes that the original US People's Party was formed in the 1890s when Kansas farmers united with an early workers' organisation and challenged the existing establishment of Republicans and Democrats. The People's Party developed policies against monopolistic railroads and greedy banks and in favour of progressive income tax and expanding public controls. As one populist writer said, they aimed to get rid of 'the plutocrats, the aristocrats, and all the other rats'. To the Australian Labor Party, emerging in the same tumultuous decade of the 1890s, the US People's Party was something of a model and there were early proposals to call the new Australian party the People's Party, rather than the Labour Party.
This progressive strand within American populism re-emerged in 2015-16 when Bernie Sanders competed with Hillary Clinton to become the Democrats' presidential candidate. At the start of that campaign he was seen as little more than an eccentric, rumpled, 70-plus year old running an unusual campaign. One newspaper described him as a 'grumpy grandfather type' who 'embraces his reputation for being gruff, abrupt and honest and promises to be bold'. As time went on, observers began to note the cheering, youthful crowds that he drew, his calls for a 'political revolution' and his strong social media campaign on Facebook.
Although he did not win the Democratic nomination, Sanders surprised everyone by doing well enough in the battle for the presidential nomination to win 23 primary and caucus races to Clinton's 34. With no big corporate donors, he raised millions of dollars in small donations from a growing support base, especially from the young. Most surprising of all were his campaign's public statements and appeals. Sanders attacked 'the One Per Cent' of super-rich people who had benefitted enormously from the globalised economy while others struggled to survive. In one speech at Liberty University, he said: 'In my view there is no economic justice when the 15 wealthiest people in this country in the last two years saw their wealth increase by $170 billion'. It was a fact he repeated all through his energetic campaign.
Another Sanders target was the deregulated banking system that had caused the global financial crisis. Sanders charged: 'Wall Street used their wealth and power to get Congress to do their bidding for deregulation and then, when Wall Street collapsed, they used their wealth and power to get bailed out'.' The contrast he pointed out in several speeches was with the 41 per cent of American workers who didn't take a single day of paid vacation in 2015 and with the third of workers in the private sector who cannot even claim paid sick leave.
Like Trump, Bernie Sanders was also widely regarded as a populist, reviving a long American tradition in which the central conflict is seen to be between the people and the elite.
Sanders happily described himself as a democratic socialist and pointed to the socialdemocratic states of Scandinavia as models. In his platform, Sanders said he supported: a national public healthcare system; an end to corporate welfare; abolishing fees for college degrees; a full employment policy; raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour; and preventing 'greed and profiteering of the fossil fuel industry'. The money to achieve these aims was to be raised by compelling wealthy individuals and corporations to pay their fair share of tax.
All of these policies, advocating a stronger role for government, effectively rejected the decades-long dominance of the ideology known as neoliberalism the ideology of small government, of globalising in the form of deregulated markets and of faith in market forces to guide and manage the economy.
Progressive populism in the Sanders mould attributes today's social and economic problems not to migrants or minorities nor to the 'politically correct' mainstream media, but to the failure of neoliberal policies. And because progressive populism addresses the forces driving the rise of right-wing populism, it is the most effective antidote.
The political theorist Chantal Mouffe is not surprised by the rise of right-wing populism:
In a context where the dominant discourse proclaims that there is no alternative to the current neoliberal form of globalisation and that we have to submit to its diktats, it is small wonder that more and more workers are keen to listen to those who claim that alternatives do exist, and that they will give back to the people the power to decide.
And this is just what Trump promised. Unlike the campaign of Hillary Clinton, issues of economic injustice featured heavily in his winning campaign. Just a few days before the November election, Trump told a huge crowd in an aircraft hangar in Pittsburgh: 'When we win, we are bringing steel back, we are going to bring steel back to Pennsylvania, like it used to be. We are putting our steel workers and miners back to work'. Trump touched a raw nerve. No steel mills now exist in Pittsburgh and hundreds of thousands of steelworkers had lost their jobs since the 1980s, in part due to freer global trade. Whether Trump was sincere in (or even capable of delivering) his promise to bring steel jobs back to Pittsburgh is not the point. Identifying economic grievances and blaming them on free trade and globalisation is almost unprecedented by a Republican candidate. More importantly, it was a challenge which Hillary Clinton, as a long time supporter of neoliberal free trade, could not rebut. As it turned out, Trump did win in Pennsylvania. It was one of the three 'rust belt' states that made the difference to victory or defeat in the presidential election.
Both Trump and Sanders were outsiders in US politics. Both denounced the domination of big business and the banks and blamed them for much of US economic woes. Both based their campaign on appeals to ordinary Americans and both were described as populists. Unlike Trump, Sanders was a progressive populist. When he talked about the elite and the establishment, he meant the economic elite and the corporate establishment. Unlike Trump, Sanders did not scapegoat immigrants or ethnic minorities.
The groundswell grows
The groundswell of populism soon saw Sanders joined by the leader of the British Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn. When he began his election campaign in April 2017, Corbyn faced deep opposition from many of his fellow Labour members of parliament. Like most media commentators, they also believed that because of his leftwing history and left-wing policies he could not possibly win. And certainly he was in trouble at the beginning of the campaign, when polls were placing Labour up to 24 points behind the Conservatives.
From the start of the 2017 election campaign Corbyn framed the contest in the language of progressive populism. He described the election as a battle of 'the establishment versus the people' and promised to overturn 'a rigged system' that favoured the rich and powerful. Under him, Labour would not be part of the 'cosy club' whose members think it is natural for Britain to be 'governed by a ruling elite, the City and the tax dodgers', he said. His opponents believed such deeply controversial rhetoric was guaranteed to result in a huge loss.
But his message was straightforward and cut through the spin and PR fog of traditional political rhetoric. And these policies proved popular among the British people. Early opinion polling showed that up to 71 per cent of people supported his proposal to raise the minimum wage to ten pounds an hour. A similar proportion of the British public (62 per cent) supported his plan to raise taxes on the rich and high income earners.
Corbyn's manifesto broke other unspoken rules of the economic consensus of neoliberalism. He argued that the railways and water supply should return to public ownership. He promised to extend free school meals by a tax on private school fees. He also urged increased funding for social housing, and his pledge to abolish university fees helped build a powerful momentum among young people, who registered to vote at unprecedented levels and voted Labour on election day.
The Conservatives had called the election, confident they would increase their majority in parliament, and Corbyn's campaign of progressive populism destroyed their majority and almost beat them.
There were close parallels between the movements around Bernie Sanders and Jeremy Corbyn. Officials from Sanders' campaign helped Corbyn with ideas on strategy and fundraising. Sanders himself visited Britain just days before the election campaign and drew comparisons between his own policies and Corbyn's:
Too many people run away from the grotesque levels of income and wealth inequality that exist in the United States, the UK and all over the world Globalisation has left far too many people behind. Workers all over the world are seeing a decline in their standard of living. Unfettered free trade has allowed multinational companies to enjoy huge profits and make the very rich even richer while workers are sucked into a race for the bottom.
The spread of progressive populist ideas has not been confined to the United States and Britain. In Spain the progressive populist party Podemos emerged in 2014 and grew so rapidly that it secured 20 per cent in the 2015 elections, campaigning on an anti-austerity platform, supporting increased public spending and strong anti-corruption measures. In the 2016 election it retained its electoral support. In Greece, another new progressive party, Syriza, formed out of a coalition of left-wing and environment groups and received 35 per cent of the vote in the 2015 elections, later forming government. While the majority trend within European populism is rightwing, the significance of a new left populism should not be underestimated.
Neoliberal globalisation
Driving the emergence of right and left-wing populism is the set of policies known as neoliberalism.
Neoliberalism became the mindset of the political class in the 1980s and was a very deliberate project to wind back the welfare state, reducing the public sphere with its public goods of health, education, transport and culture, along with the tax system which paid for it.
The neoliberal project is based on the idea that the market is the most efficient distributor of goods because it combines the profit motive and competition. It takes no account of justice, inequality or social cohesion. Ultimately this promotes the transformation of all human relationships (not just economic ones) into commercial transactions.
It was neoliberalism with its floating currencies and deregulated markets which drove the present form of globalisation. But neoliberal globalisation means much more than a loosening of trade. It means the unplanned transfer of blue and white-collar jobs from erstwhile industrial countries to less developed nations. It also means national governments are less able to control what happens in their own society and economy.
When the political class adopted neoliberalism, it effectively transferred significant amounts of political power, the democratic power of governments, to private corporations. While benefitting a corporate elite, the neoliberal experiment demonstrably failed in the global financial crisis and the effects of that failure are still with us.
What had been a crisis of private debt was transformed by government bail-outs into an alleged crisis of public debt. This sleight of hand reinforced the neoliberal dogma that the problem was always governments. The ideology of 'small government' meant that governments imposed even more stringent cost-cutting measures.
The failure of neoliberalism in Australia
The populist groundswell in the United States, Britain and Europe and elsewhere is reflected by similar movements in Australia, prompted by similar causes. In the following chapters I examine the ways in which Neo-liberalism has failed to produce a good society, as well as its role in fostering a populist backlash.
First and most significantly, 30 years of neoliberal globalisation and deregulation have produced a polarisation of wealth which has undermined Australia's egalitarian ethos. The gulf between the super-rich and the rest of us is widening. We are becoming a more divided society with a tiny wealthy elite at one extreme and a significant group of poor at the other.
Nor is it solely a matter of fuelling material inequality. As important as inequality (and more important in the long term) is climate change. The ideology of small government and deregulation is impeding our response to accelerating climate change despite the clear warning signs in record high temperatures and the bleaching of the Great Barrier Reef in Australia. Whatever combination of market and state arrangements is best at fostering renewable energy, it will need tough government action to implement this and to defeat the power of the coal and oil industries. To support such action we need a broad populist coalition of all the diverse forces demanding real action on climate.
And just as it has in the United States and Britain, privatisation is spreading throughout Australian society, changing services that used to be provided to all citizens into profitmaking enterprises. The sale of public assets like seaports, airports and electricity poles and wires has simply created expensive monopolies. Billions have also been wasted in attempting to privatise technical and vocational education. Despite these failures, private companies are now being encouraged to move deeper into education, aged care and disability services.
Likewise, Australia has its own rust belt of closed factories and, for those in employment, jobs are increasingly casual, part time and less secure. The deregulation of Australian workplaces means that for younger workers, jobs with paid holidays and fair wages are becoming less common. And thanks to a variety of temporary overseas visa schemes a casualised, cashinhand underclass is spreading in the agriculture, retail and hospitality sectors. Such workers are exploited and their labour conditions undermine those of local workers. This is not occurring accidentally but because economic orthodoxy (backed by employers) demands this labour deregulation. The resulting job insecurity combined with low wages is one factor stoking a right-wing populist backlash based on xenophobia and hostility to overseas workers.
While low-paid workers are made increasingly vulnerable, at the other end of the scale big corporations do everything they can to avoid paying tax, a practice made easier in the globalised world of neoliberalism. In 2014, the Australian branch of the tech giant Apple paid $80 million in tax just 1 per cent of its total Australian income of $6 billion. Its rival, Microsoft, paid just 5 per cent of its income. Over several years big mining companies like BHP and Rio Tinto shifted billions through Singapore, where tax rates can be a mere 2.5 per cent. Nor is it just corporations. Some of Australia's richest families and individuals pay little or no tax. When the Panama Papers were leaked, up to 800 wealthy Australians were associated with shell companies in tax havens like Panama. Meanwhile, ordinary Australians are left to pick up the tab for hospitals, roads and schools, effectively subsidising those who refuse to pay their share.
Finally, compounding the problem of wealth inequality, the banking and finance sector has swollen enormously since it was deregulated. In Australia we have some of the biggest and most profitable banks in the world. Together they form a rapacious oligopoly which extracts more than $30 billion in profits each year from the rest of Australia.
In their zeal to lend money, deregulated banks have fuelled a housing price boom, the result of which is that fewer Australians now own their own home than 40 years ago.
It's now time to look again at regulating banks and the finance industry to ensure that they act in the public interest.
Overall, the spread of neoliberal orthodoxy through society has corroded many of the institutions and relationships on which citizens rely and which offer protection from the vagaries of the market. This orthodoxy has shrunk the democratic space by removing all sorts of functions from the public to the private sphere. The real meaning of 'small government' is that we have ended up with a small democracy, because governments are still the only institutions we have for exercising our democratic, collective voice. The zealous advocacy of theories of selfinterest, competition and small government has led to a dead end.
All of this spawns populisms of both the Right and Left. The crucial point of difference between them concerns the meaning of and response to globalisation. Are the problems of globalisation primarily issues of economics and economic justice or are they mainly an issue of immigrants and of changing the ethnic mix? Progressive populists are alarmed by the damage that open economic borders, which import cheap products and export jobs, do to local jobs and the national economy. Right-wing populism dredges the deepest and most dangerous emotions to reject the changing ethnic mix which results after years of relatively open immigration.
When right-wing populists define what they mean by the 'elite' they take aim at the progressive middle class, the so-called politically correct, who abhor racism and gender inequality. Progressive populists, by contrast, define the 'elite' in economic terms as the super-rich and corporate moguls. When talking about 'the people', progressives seek to unify the middle class and working class in an alliance for reform. Progressive populists emphasise the common ground which the majority of people share on issues of economic justice.
By focussing attention on genuine economic grievances, a progressive populist agenda can undercut the way ethnic and religious minorities are demonised.
Some see progressive populism as the natural continuation and revival of social-democratic and labour politics which have been compromised by their turn to 'third way' politics. One critic is political theorist Chantal Mouffe. She argues that the neoliberal consensus between conservative and once-radical workers' parties has created a favourable ground for the rise of populism because many people feel their voices are unheard and ignored in the representative system. The problem is that this often takes the form of a right-wing populism which sees 'the people' defined to exclude immigrants and minorities.
On this basis many people criticise 'populism' negatively. She responds:
This is a mistake, because populism represents an important dimension of democracy. Democracy understood as 'the power of the people' requires the existence of a 'demos' a people. Instead of rejecting the term populist, we should reclaim it.
In this book my intention is to reclaim populism by fostering a progressive version of it which puts the interests of the common man and woman first, ahead of the priorities of a wealthy global elite whose interests and priorities have dominated for far too long.
THE RISE AND RISE OF THE SUPER-RICH
There's class warfare, all right, but it's my class, the rich class, that's making war and we 're winning.
Warren Buffett, billionaire investor
With their collective wealth estimated at $US7.7 trillion, the global elite of the super-rich are the natural opponents of progressive populism. Some of that global elite are household names in Australia. In July 2016 over 200 of them gathered for a huge celebration in the dazzling blue waters of the Mediterranean. Trucking billionaire Lindsay Fox was throwing an all expenses paid birthday party and had invited his closest friends to enjoy a cruise from Athens to Venice via Corfu. Fox's ship of choice was Seabourn Odyssey, renting for over a million dollars a week and containing 225 luxury suites.
Lindsay Fox's own wealth totals $2.9 billion. His fellow passengers included the mining billionaires Gina Rinehart and Andrew Forrest.
According to the Australian Financial Review's 2017 Rich List they are worth (in Australian dollars) $10.4 billion and $6.8 billion respectively. Shopping centre king John Gandel ($6.1 billion) and retail giant Solomon Lew ($2.3 billion) also took part in the exclusive celebration on the high seas. Further down the guest list for the stylish cruise were former Liberal Treasurer Joe Hockey, former Liberal Victorian Premier Jeff Kennett, media businessman Harold Mitchell and golfer Greg Norman.'
This public airing of the details of a party for Australian billionaires is rare. It's not always easy to get information on the super-rich. A key source is the Financial Review's annual Rich List. The 2017 edition identified 60 Australian billionaires, headed by the paper manufacturing magnate Anthony Pratt ($12.6 billion). The most modest billionaire (scraping in at just $1 billion) is Melbourne-based Peter Gunn, who owns PGA Group, a private investment business that holds a property empire in office and industrial blocks and is also involved in cattle production. Others among the ten wealthiest are James Packer ($4.75 billion), whose money is in casinos; Harry Triguboff ($11.45 billion), who made a fortune from building tower blocks; and Frank Lowy ($8.26 billion), the Westfield shopping centre magnate. The eighth wealthiest Australian is Hui Wang Mau ($6 billion), who made much of his money in Hong Kong property and took out Australian citizenship after studying in South Australia in the early 1990s.
Populism Now!
by David McKnight
#neoliberalism #populism #newleft #peoplepower #endneoliberalism #socialism
Previous PostThe Calm Button, a Sober look at Mindfulness. Mrs D Is Going Within – Lotta Dann.Next PostMR MICAWBER IS NOT A GOOD GUIDE WHEN IT COMES TO PUBLIC FINANCES – Bryan Gould.
3 thoughts on "Populism isn't a dirty word it's time for the left to reclaim it * Populism Now! – David McKnight."
Half the problem is that we don't teach politics in high school, not properly.
dmusedamerica says:
I appreciate your point of view. I haven't read your book yet, but will. Populism. I have a hard time trusting it. A neo-enlightenment, fo sho. If education became tinder to a giant fire that led to an unexpected evolution, that'd be da bomb. All humanity participated equitably in all of our governance. Hell yeah. Without the neo-enlightenment education evolution, I don't know if "populism" can overcome out base tribalistic tendencies.
oiltranslator says:
So democratic is now a synonym for coercive?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: Persistent=false for @Schedule doesn't work in JBoss AS 7.1.1 What I understand from the below code is that whenever the server either crash or I stop the deployed artifact inside the server, the Persistent=false should clean the timer meaning that whenever the application is working again, it won't try to run jobs that should have been ran.
So from my point of view, this is a bug from JBoss AS 7.1.1, but I couldn't find fix/workaround for this.
@Singleton
public class RetrieveScheduledJob
{
    @Schedule(minute = "0,10,20,30,40,50", hour = "*", persistent = false)
    synchronized public void runRetrieve() throws InterruptedException
.
.
.
}

Another minor issue is that, because of the above issue, I might have the same job running in parallel. I tried to fix with synchronized and @Singleton, but maybe I`m missing something.
JDK1.7_u45
JBoss AS 7.1.1

Thanks

A: Did you check that with a fresh AS instance, maybe you have deployed first with "persistent=true" and there was a bug in AS that the schedule is not removed from the persistence if you change the flag from true to false.
This is solved in a later version.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


This coming Saturday Aug 14th I will be speaking at SharePoint Saturday Columbus 2010 and next Thursday Aug 19th I will be speaking at the local Central Ohio SharePoint User Group (COSPUG) monthly meeting. If you've been following me lately you may have overheard that I'm the lead event coordinator for SharePoint Saturday Columbus. That alone has consumed almost all of my time for the past 3 months, even more so the last month. It has truly been a wild ride so far but the event is coming together really well. I'll save more about it for my recap post after the event is over. For now I just wanted to give a quick update about these two speaking engagements (nice to be speaking in-state as opposed to out-of-state the past 8 months.) Below are the abstracts for my talks. If you are in the Columbus area feel free to stop on by for either event. Hope to see you there.
Abstract: "All I have to do is run some STSADM commands to deploy my SharePoint solutions, right?" If you are saying that to yourself, then you are missing out on some of the more advanced processes you can employ to deploy and maintain your SharePoint solutions and farm. In this session, we will cover lessons learned from three years of deploying and automating SharePoint solutions. This will include using a combination of STSADM, PowerShell, SharePoint API and a number of other tools in a real-world situation to deploy an entire suite of custom SharePoint solutions. This session is targeted to farm administrators and developers. Prior experience with SharePoint solutions, STSADM and minimal PowerShell experience is suggested.


text:
namespace <%= prompts.prefix %>.layout.directives {
  'use strict';

  export var Namespace = '<%= prompts.prefix %>.layout.directives';

  angular
    .module(Namespace, [
      `${Namespace}.Header`
    ]);
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Resources Publications GPST Sporting chance
Career: Sporting chance
An opportunity to combine two passions in one career
Date 28 March 2018
Publication GPST
THIS month the Gold Coast of Australia is hosting more than 6,600 athletes and team officials from 71 nations at the 2018 Commonwealth Games. All four UK nations have sent not only athletic teams but "teams behind the teams" – these including squads of physiotherapists and highly trained sport and exercise medicine doctors.
Attending to elite athletes at major sporting events is a specialised role requiring not only core emergency skills and training in musculoskeletal medicine but also experience as a generalist. This might involve, for example, treating chronic asthma in an athlete without falling foul of complex doping rules and procedures.
This is peak specialism – but an interest and expertise in sports medicine can be just as essential on the sidelines of a school rugby pitch. And more often than not it is a GP providing that kind of medical cover.
There are numerous avenues for GPs wishing to pursue an interest in sport and excercise medicine (SEM). It could involve an all-encompassing career change with the goal of becoming a consultant specialist in SEM, or it could be a special interest undertaken alongside working in general practice.
SEM as a GMC specialty
Sport and exercise medicine became a recognised specialty by the General Medical Council in 2005. SEM trainees must complete a four-year training programme administered by the Joint Royal Colleges of Physicians Training Board. A GP can enter SEM training at ST3 level and by ST5 must have completed the Faculty of Sport and Exercise Medicine (FSEM) UK Membership Exam. Later upon completion of specialist training a certificate of completion of training (CCT) is awarded and an SEM consultant can join the GMC specialist register for SEM and apply to become a Fellow of the FSEM UK.
The medical care of injury and illness in sport is just one element of SEM. It also has much broader application in improving the health of the general public through exercise advice and prescription (exercise medicine) and general musculoskeletal medicine.
SEM doctors are involved in promoting physical activity and exercise medicine both to reduce and treat many non-communicable diseases. The role might include diagnosing musculoskeletal injuries or illness in patients for whom exercise would be beneficial and overseeing rehabilitation programmes, or it might involve a wider public health role in encouraging exercise and physical activity in the general population.
SEM specialists can be employed as team doctors for a sports club or organisation, or as a doctor for a specific sporting event or venue. In this role they support sportsmen and women in the medical care of injury and illness as part of a multidisciplinary team, maximising performance and reducing injury time and co-morbidity associated with sporting participation. This can involve treating a variety of conditions such as soft-tissue injuries of muscles and ligaments, or fractures.
It would be hard to describe a typical day for an SEM doctor. Work can vary from outpatient clinics reviewing sports injuries and NHS clinics to pitch-side immediate care at the highest level of elite sport. Some SEM doctors run specialist clinics performing image-guided interventional procedures; others may be concerned with assessment and rehabilitation of outpatients. SEM doctors also work in other areas, for example emergency medicine, and may be employed by universities, involved in research and education.
SEM as a special interest
GPs with a special interest in SEM can gain professional recognition in the field by sitting the FSEM UK membership exam. This skills and knowledge-based qualification provides formal accreditation and is the national standard for doctors working across SEM. The British Association of Sport and Exercise Medicine (BASEM) defines a GP with a special interest in SEM as holding an NHS or equivalent post and often with considerable experience in sport medicine and a higher degree such as an MSc in SEM and/or the FSEM UK membership exam.
All GPs can now apply for membership of FSEM UK by taking parts 1 and 2 of the membership exam, which is recognised as a UK standard, aligned with what is expected of doctors in the field.
Full or part-time jobs for GPs might involve working in clinical exercise, health promotion or in sports science with national sporting bodies and professional clubs – or providing unpaid support for schools and at amateur sporting events.
For more information on careers in sport and excercise medicine check out:
British Association of Sport and ExerciseMedicine
Faculty of SEM UK
NHS careers
Q&A Dr Jonathan Hanson, consultant physician in sport and exercise medicine
How did you first get involved in sport and exercise medicine?
I was sporty at school and university but also worked as a lifeguard as a student – so I combined sport and medicine from an early age. I did an intercalated degree as an undergraduate in Aberdeen on ACL deficient knees and MRI and was introduced to team work by my supervisor Dr Frank Smith – unusually a radiologist – but also the team doctor at Montrose football club. On my surgical rotation a very grumpy surgeon I worked for had a meltdown in theatre and advised me to get a job that lets me get outside. There and then I knew what I wanted to do and started shadowing other team doctors and volunteering for experience. One opportunity then led to another.
What attracted you to the specialty?
I saw it as a specialty that sits with a foot in specialism and generalism, and gives a way of staying close to the team environment as well as being something that would always have to change. I wouldn't be "inside" the same building for the next 35 years of my career and there might be a chance to travel a bit and work with some amazing people. Basically I knew I would never be bored in SEM.
What do you enjoy most about the job?
The variety: I work in clinics and pitch-side and consult in a wide range of settings from hospitals to hotels. I need broad, excellent clinical and non-technical skills to cope with unusual situations for individuals with unusual demands of themselves. The workplace: I am surrounded by driven individuals who want to get better and challenge me to be the best I can be every day. The niche: seeing a patient respond to a doctor giving them even just some basic rehab advice for an injury.
What do you find most challenging?
The plate spinning. Most SEM doctors have portfolio careers with a few employers to keep happy. That's a good thing for skill retention but you need understanding employers – let alone families.
What has been your most memorable experience in SEM?
For many years I was the team doctor for the British mountain running squad. The events would be unflashy long weekends to the mountains without any of the profile of some other World Championships – but the athletes were beasts and the racing was ridiculously tough and yet they were all completely down to earth people who just got on with it. I was there long enough to see some of the juniors come through to dominate the senior races. GB is a top nation in the world and some of the venues were remote and spectacular with extreme medical environments.
What advice would you give to a trainee GP interested in pursuing a full or part-time career in SEM?
I'd definitely have a fall-back and probably keep your regular clinical skills up through a portfolio career. So, complete training and get your exams in another specialty. There are many ways to have an influence and not everyone is desperate to do elite sport. Contributing to local PCT musculoskeletal models or exercise policy can be equally as rewarding for some. It is a specialty so you need to do the hours like anything else: shadow, volunteer, gain experience, ask lots of questions. Those of us within want new blood to take the specialty on.
Top image: Dr Jonathan Hanson aiding a player on the rugby pitch
Providing a safety net The road to Zanzibar


text:
The element collectors
By Kit Chapman2019-04-12T10:19:00+01:00
Why chemists want to work with everything on the periodic table
Bill Gates has a copy of the periodic table in his office. It's a little more than that, though – it's a collection of samples from as many elements as he can gather (you can buy your own for a mere £40,000). Of course, radioactivity means Gates can only go so far, and for the transactinides he has to make do with little pictures of their namesakes. I can go one better: I've got a periodic table signed by a member of every lab where one of those superheavy elements was discovered. My collection includes scientists from across North America, Europe and Asia, including the team leads for element 107 onwards. Take that, Gates.
Source: © Royal Society of Chemistry/Steve Lake
While most chemists don't collect elements in some feverish Pokémon-style attempt to complete a display case, many play their own game in the lab. A few weeks ago I asked on Twitter if any chemists ever worked with an element just to tick it off their bucket list; the answer, from PhD students to some of the most distinguished professors in the world, was a resounding 'yes'. Some confessed to contriving dubious reactions just to justify an element's inclusion; a few arranged sample swaps to help each other fulfil their elemental dreams. There are even websites where you can tick off the elements you've worked with for all to see. Of course, we all have our favourites (bismuth is the prettiest element and I defy anyone to prove me wrong) but there's something satisfying about completing a list.
The psychology of collecting is complicated. Some think it's about anxieties; others an evolved need to gather things to demonstrate viability as a mate. The truth is that nobody really knows why we do it. Personally, I suspect it's more about camaraderie than bragging rights. Chemists invariably talk about chemistry with each other, and when someone brings up a particularly nasty, quirky or supposedly-inert-but-actually-quite-violent reaction it's always nice to share your (hopefully metaphorical) scars. Sure, it's testimony to your own skill – a sloppy chemist won't get away with mishandling tellurium – but it's mostly about a sense of belonging.
Of course, no one has been able to work with every chemical element (and it's unlikely, given how unstable some of them are, that anyone ever will). But that's no reason to give up; after all, the best chemistry sometimes happens in the least likely places, and it could be your need to play with zirconium, ruthenium or niobium makes a breakthrough you could never have imagined. Gotta catch 'em all.
International year of the periodic table
Margarita Salas: the marquesa of molecular biology
Hayley Bennett celebrates the Spanish biochemist who flourished during the Franco era
The citizen scientists searching for slime moulds
Exploring the beauty and diversity hidden in a small Australian rainforest
Cultivating the research group garden
Nurturing chemists will soon bear fruit
Idealisations to the rescue
How simplifications help us to better understand the world
When does a hydrogen bond become a covalent bond?
Ultrafast infrared spectroscopy probes the character of the short, strong bonds in HF2–


text:
Q: Trying to set an ID for an element using knockout.js and getting undefined I am new to knock out and fairly new to JavaScript so apologies if I have done something silly here...
I am using knockout.js (3.4.2) to maintain a list of dependents, I have the add and delete working OK but I want to set an ID on an element to allow me to make it read only.
I have based my code to do this on the knockout example, their working example can be seen here: Demo
When I run my code the ID is set to undefined:
<input data-bind="uniqueId: dependantName, value: dependantName" id="undefined" type="text">

My code on JS fiddle
https://jsfiddle.net/zacmarshall/khb13ha4/
HTML:
<!DOCTYPE html>

    <input data-bind="value: newDependantName" />
    <input data-bind="value: newDobDD" />
    <button data-bind="click: addDependant">Add</button>

                Name
                Date of Birth

                    Before
                        <input type="text" data-bind="uniqueId: dependantName, value: dependantName"/>

                    <input data-bind="value: dobDD" />
                    <input data-bind="value: itemIndex"/>
                    Remove

javascript:
function Dependant(data) {
    this.itemIndex = ko.observable(0);
    this.dependantName = ko.observable(data.dependantName);
    this.dobDD = ko.observable(data.dobDD);
    this.readOnly = ko.observable(data.readOnly);
    this.showEditButton = ko.observable(data.showEditButton);
}

function DependantListViewModel() {
    // Data
    var self = this;

    self.dependants = ko.observableArray([]);
    self.newDependantName = ko.observable();
    self.newDobDD = ko.observable();
    self.readOnly = ko.observable();
    self.showEditButton = ko.observable();
    self.itemIndex = ko.observable();

    var i = 0;

    // Operations
    self.addDependant = function() {

        var data1 = {   itemIndex : (i),
                        dependantName : this.newDependantName(),
                        dobDD : this.newDobDD(),
                        readOnly : "readonly",
                        showEditButton : (!0)
                        };
        self.dependants.push(data1);
        self.newDependantName("");
        self.newDobDD("");
        i++
    };
    self.removeDependant = function(dependant) { self.dependants.remove(dependant) };

    self.editDependant = function(i) {
        console.log("editedDependant");
        self.readOnly(undefined);
        self.showEditButton(!1)
    };
    self.saveDependantItem = function(self) {
        self.readOnly("readonly"), self.showEditButton(!0)
    };

}

ko.bindingHandlers.uniqueId = {

    init: function(element, valueAccessor) {
        var value = valueAccessor();
        value.id = value.id || ko.bindingHandlers.uniqueId.prefix + (++ko.bindingHandlers.uniqueId.counter);
        console.log("in handler");
        element.id = value.id;
    },
    counter: 0,
    prefix: "unique"
};

ko.bindingHandlers.uniqueFor = {
    init: function(element, valueAccessor) {
        var value = valueAccessor();
        value.id = value.id || ko.bindingHandlers.uniqueId.prefix + (++ko.bindingHandlers.uniqueId.counter);

        element.setAttribute("for", value.id);
    }
};

ko.applyBindings(new DependantListViewModel());

A: The bug refers to this in your init:
var value = valueAccessor(); // this is undefined
value.id = value.id // therefore this falls over

This is the issue:
self.dependants.push(data1);
It should be:
self.dependants.push(new Dependant(data1));
And then update your Dependant model to pass the index:
this.itemIndex = ko.observable(data.itemIndex);
Here is a working Fiddle


text:
Understanding Comics
Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art is a 1993 non-fiction work of comics by American cartoonist Scott McCloud.[1] It explores formal aspects of comics, the historical development of the medium, its fundamental vocabulary, and various ways in which these elements have been used.[2] It expounds theoretical ideas about comics as an art form and medium of communication, and is itself written in comic book form.[3]
Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art
Cover of the original Tundra Publishing edition of Understanding Comics: The
Mark Martin
Reinventing Comics
Understanding Comics received praise from notable comic and graphic novel authors such as Art Spiegelman, Will Eisner, Alan Moore, Neil Gaiman, and Garry Trudeau (who reviewed the book for the New York Times).[4] Although the book has prompted debate over many of McCloud's conclusions,[5] its discussions of "iconic" art and the concept of "closure" between panels have become common reference points in discussions of the medium.[6][7]
The title of Understanding Comics is an homage to Marshall McLuhan's seminal 1964 work Understanding Media.[citation needed]
Publication historyEdit
Excerpts from Understanding Comics were published in Amazing Heroes #200 (Apr. 1992); that issue later won the 1992 Don Thompson Award for Best Non-Fiction Work. McCloud previewed the book at the August 1992 Comics Arts Conference.[8]
Understanding Comics was first published by Tundra Publishing; reprintings have been released by Kitchen Sink Press, DC Comics' Paradox Press, DC's Vertigo line, and HarperPerennial. The book was edited by Mark Martin, with lettering by Bob Lappan.
EditionsEdit
SoftcoverEdit
Tundra (1993): ISBN 1-56862-019-5
Kitchen Sink (Jan. 1993): ISBN 0-87816-243-7
William Morrow Paperbacks (April 1994): ISBN 0-06-097625-X
Paradox Press/DC (May 1999): ISBN 1-56389-557-9
Harper Perennial (2004)
HardcoverEdit
Kitchen Sink (Aug. 1993): ISBN 0-87816-244-5
Vertigo/DC Comics (2000): ISBN 1-56389-759-8
SequelsEdit
McCloud has followed up Understanding Comics with Reinventing Comics (2000), in which he suggested ways for the medium to change and grow; and Making Comics (2006), a study of methods of constructing comics.
SummaryEdit
Understanding Comics is a wide-ranging exploration of the definition, history, vocabulary, and methods of the medium of comics. An attempt to formalize the study of comics, it is itself in comics form.
The book's overarching argument is that comics are defined by the primacy of sequences of images.[9] McCloud also introduced the concept of "closure," to refer to a reader's role in closing narrative gaps between comics panels.[10] The book argues that comics employ nonlinear narratives because they rely on the reader's choices and interactions.
The book begins with a discussion of the concept of visual literacy and a history of narrative in visual media. McCloud mentions, among other early works of graphic narrative, the Bayeux Tapestry, as an antecedent to comics. Understanding Comics posits Swiss caricaturist Rodolphe Töpffer as in many ways "the father of the modern comic." McCloud emphasizes Töpffer's use of "cartooning and panel borders" along with "the first interdependent combination of words and pictures seen in Europe."[11]
McCloud also highlights the differences between iconic and realistic figures. Iconic figures can be compared to your standard cartoon, while realistic figures focus more on photo-quality in terms of detail. He states that our culture is captivated by iconic images more so due to their simplicity. He provides a full comparison and breakdown of iconic and realistic images and gives an interesting explanation of his reasoning behind this statement.
One of the book's key concepts is that of "masking," a visual style, dramatic convention, and literary technique described in the chapter on realism. It is the use of simplistic, archetypal, narrative characters, even if juxtaposed with detailed, photographic, verisimilar, spectacular backgrounds. This may function, McCloud infers, as a mask, a form of projective identification. His explanation is that a familiar and minimally detailed character allows for a stronger emotional connection and for viewers to identify more easily.
One of the book's concepts is "The Big Triangle," a tool for thinking about different styles of comics art. McCloud places the realistic representation in the bottom left corner, with iconic representation, or cartoony art, in the bottom right, and a third identifier, abstraction of image, at the apex of the triangle. This allows placement and grouping of artists by triangulation.
Awards and honorsEdit
Understanding Comics won multiple Harvey Awards in 1994 for Best Graphic Album/Original Material[12] and Best Biographical, Historical or Journalistic Presentation.[12] In addition, McCloud won the 1994 Harvey Award for Best Writer.[12]
Understanding Comics won the 1994 Eisner Award for Best Comics-Related Book.[13]
Author McCloud won the 1994 Adamson Award for Best International Comic-Strip [or comic book] Cartoonist. The book was a finalist for the 1994 Hugo Award for Best Non-Fiction Book.
The Swedish translation of the book, Serier: Den Osynliga Konsten, published in 1995 by Häftad, was awarded the 1996 Urhunden Prize.
The French translation of the book, titled L'Art invisible and published by Vertige Graphic, won the Prix Bloody Mary at the 2000 Angoulême International Comics Festival. In addition, it was nominated for that year's Angoulême International Comics Festival Prize for Best Album.
Along with Will Eisner's Comics and Sequential Art, Understanding Comics is considered to form the foundations for formal comics studies in English.[14]
The book was called "one of the most insightful books about designing graphic user interfaces ever written" by Apple Macintosh co-creator Andy Hertzfeld.[15][undue weight? – discuss]
ParodiesEdit
Understanding Comics was parodied by Dylan Sisson in his Filibusting Comics: The Next Chapter, published by Fantagraphics in 1995, and later translated into Spanish.[16]
It was parodied again, in Tim Heiderich and Mike Rosen's Misunderstanding Comics, self-published via Kickstarter in 2012.[17]
Comics and Sequential Art, an earlier book by Will Eisner on the same subject
Comics studies
"How to Read Nancy," an essay by Mark Newgarden and Paul Karasik
Masking (illustration)
^ Brooks, Kevin (2009). "More "Seriously Visible" Reading: McCloud, McLuhan, and the Visual Language of "The Medium Is the Massage"". College Composition and Communication. 61 (1). JSTOR 40593531.
^ Varnum, Robin; Gibbons, Christina T (2007). The Language of Comics: Word and Image. University Press of Mississippi. pp. xiii, xiv, 147. ISBN 1578064147. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
^ Manning, A.D. (March 1998). "Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art (article)". IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication. 41 (1): 66–69. doi:10.1109/TPC.1998.661632. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
^ Trudeau, Garry. "Understanding Comics—Scott McCloud," New York Times Book Review (Feb. 13, 1994), p. 13.
^ Horrocks, Dylan. "Inventing Comics: Scott McCloud's Definition of Comics" The Comics Journal #234 (June 2001).
^ Brenner, Robin (March–April 2006). "Graphic novels 101: where to start". The Horn Book Guide. 82 (2): 240. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
^ Magnussen, Anne; Christiansen, Hans-Christian (2000). Comics & Culture: Analytical and Theoretical Approaches to Comics. Museum Tusculanum Press. pp. 13, 14, 23, 49. ISBN 9788772895802. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
^ Past Presentations list at the CAC website. Accessed January 27, 2008.
^ Thomas 2010, pp. 157, 170.
^ Hatfield 2005, p. 70.
^ McCloud, Scott, Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art. New York: Harper Collins & Kitchen Sink Press. 1994. ISBN 0-06-097625-X, pg 17.
^ a b c "1994 Harvey Award Nominees and Winners". Hahn Library Comic Book Awards Almanac. Retrieved November 16, 2011.
^ "1994 Will Eisner Comic Industry Award Nominees". Hahn Library Comic Book Awards Almanac. November 16, 2011.
^ Heer & Worcester 2009, p. xiv; Holston 2010, p. 16.
^ "Recommended Computer Books". www.differnet.com. Retrieved 2018-01-19.
^ Sebastian, Trisha. "Filibusting Comics #1," Sequential Tart (July 1, 2002).
^ Johnston, Rich. "Kickstart From The Heart – Misunderstanding Comics," Bleeding Cool (July 30, 2012).
McCloud speaks at TEDtalks about Understanding Comics
Understanding Comics entry at ScottMcCloud.com
Cartoonist Dylan Horrock's rebuttal of McCloud's definition of comics
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Understanding_Comics&oldid=886202496"
Last edited on 4 March 2019, at 20:31


text:
Dlouhy oder Dlouhý ist der Familienname folgender Personen:

 Kurt Dlouhy (* 1949), österreichischer Dirigent
 Lukáš Dlouhý (* 1983), tschechischer Tennisspieler
 Michal Dlouhý (* 1968), tschechischer Schauspieler

Dlouhy oder Dlouhý steht für:
 Dlouhy Fahrzeugbau, österreichisches Unternehmen
 Dlouhý Újezd (Langendörflas), Gemeinde im Plzeňský kraj, Tschechien
 Dlouhý Most (Langenbruck), Gemeinde im Liberecký kraj, Tschechien

siehe auch:
 Dlauhy

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


We drop off your new curbside bin and bags! When you need more bags, order online and we drop them off the next week. The 13 gallon curbside bin comes with wheels and a locking lid for $24, half the price of retail. Your food waste must be contained within a compostable bag. This keep your bin clean and ensures all material is emptied. A paper grocery bag works well or you can purchase compostable bag liners for your 13 gallon bin or kitchen counter top container through our web store.


text:
The Rolling Stones quantity
Double vinyl LP pressing. 2010 reissue of the classic Stones album Regarded as one of the greatest albums in Rock 'n' Roll history and one of the most defining of the Stones' catalogue. Upon it's release more than three decades ago, Exile on Main Street innovatively wove varying musical genres, instruments and even artists into a compelling rhythmic masterpiece. The original 18-track double-album was recorded in various stages at multiple locations, including Olympic Studios in London, Keith Richard's mansion Nellcote in France, and in Los Angeles where the literal Main Street influenced the album title. These atypical circumstances surrounding the recording process greatly affected the album's outcome which was highly reflective and influenced by the sociopolitical turbulence that marked the late '60s and early '70s.
Rocks Off , Rip This Joint , Shake Your Hips , Casino Boogie , Tumbling Dice , Sweet Virginia , Torn and Frayed , Sweet Black Angel , Loving Cup , Happy 1 Turd on the Run 1, Ventilator Blues 1, I Just Want to See His Face 1, Let It Loose 1, All Down the Line 1, Stop Breaking Down 1, Shine a Light 1, Soul Survivor
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I have a Mark II Target that I've had for a couple decades plus and have thoroughly enjoyed it and have only had a literal handful of misfires that I attribute to the ammo itself. I used to shoot all the time, could rapid fire all 10 shots, and keep them within the diameter of a silver dollar.
I happened across their new version with the redesigned breakdown. A single button on the rear that breaks the pistol down vs the old "Swiss army knife" style in the grip. This is the hunter model and I love the grips and fluted barrel. I've got to get back to shooting more often.
Russ69Runner and HD539 like this.
Very nice weapon. Like the up grad also.
Don't you just love it. I 95 in Fla. Is always being torn up and fixed. Every thing is moving along at a high rate of speed then slam on the brake's. Then moving like a snail pace on what is a four lane supper highway. Don't figure. Also the HWY patrol is every where along these repair area's. Fines are double in the construction area. Drive safe my friend's.


A hard to find small leaved green cultivar making a semi-dwarf bush up to 8-10 feet tall. Pale yellow green leaves with a hint of rusty red on the edges. Name means 'rice planting girl'. Plants are 15-20" tall.
Price includes Shipping & Handling via Priority Mail in USA only.


text:
Article 1. Name.
The name of the Society shall be the Organization for Human Brain Mapping.
Article 2. Purpose.
The purpose of the Society shall be to advance the understanding of the anatomical and functional organization of the human brain, and promote its medical and societal applications. To this end, the Society shall bring together scientists of various backgrounds who are engaged in investigations relevant to human brain organization and participate in other activities to facilitate communication among these scientists and promote education and mentoring in human brain mapping.
Article 3. Membership
Section 1. Membership shall be open to persons from all disciplines engaged in or supporting functional and structural mapping of the human brain. Procedures for membership application and approval are to be established by Council.
Section 2. Council may set annual dues according to the needs of the Society.
Article 4. Meeting
Section 1. Annual Meeting. The Society shall meet annually at a place, date, and hour designated by the Council. An Annual Business Meeting shall be held during the Annual Meeting.
Section 2. Conduct of Business. Business of the Society shall be transacted at the Annual Business Meeting. Conduct of the meeting shall adhere to Roberts' Rules of Order.
Section 3. Voting and Representation. No voting will take place during the Annual Meeting. All items requiring member vote will occur electronically either before or after the Annual Meeting. Eligible Members of the Society will be allowed one electronic vote with decisions made by a simple majority of votes received.
Article 5. Council
Section 1. Council. The Society's affairs shall be conducted through the Council. The Council shall have 15 Councilors. All Councilors shall be entitled to one vote each.
Section 2. Quorum. A quorum of Council shall consist of 8 members.
Section 3. Meetings. Council shall meet once during the Annual Meeting and at other times and places as is deemed necessary. Additional meetings of the Council may be called by the Chair at a place, date, and hour that is approved by a majority of the Council. Council may transact business by mail, fax, or any form of electronic communication provided that not less than eight members of Council shall approve any proposed transaction.
Section 4. Election of Councilors. Councilors are elected for a three year term and are not eligible for reelection for three years after serving one term. Each year, five Councilors shall be elected for the positions of Chair-Elect, Treasurer-Elect, Secretary-Elect, Program Chair-Elect and Education Chair-Elect from a slate of candidates prepared by the Nominating Committee. Newly-elected Councilors shall assume office after the Annual Meeting.
Section 5. Nomination of Councilors. Slates of candidates for Councilor positions will be prepared by the Nominating Committee. The Committee shall invite nominations from Members, add its own candidates, and prepare a slate of candidates for each open position. In their selection of candidates, the Nominating Committee shall take into consideration balance across scientific disciplines, gender and geographic region.
Section 6. Vacancies. All vacancies in Councilor positions shall be filled on an interim basis by the Council Chair. At the next annual election, the vacancy shall be filled for the remaining tenure of the vacated position by the candidate for Councilor receiving the next highest votes for that position in the Council election.
Section 7. Voting. Councilors shall be elected by a simple plurality of votes on valid ballots received in an election held prior to the Annual Meeting. The specific procedures and deadlines for the annual election of new Councilors shall be established by Council. Voting members may vote for five candidates (one for each position), including write-in candidates.
Article 6. Officers
Section 1. Council Chair. The Chair of the Council shall preside over meetings of the Council. The Past Chair and Chair-elect shall assist the Chair and substitute for the Chair when necessary, with the Past Chair taking precedence over the Chair-Elect in substituting for the Chair.
Section 2. Secretary. The Secretary will be responsible for the minutes of all meetings of the Council and be responsible for communications to members and meeting participants.
Section 3. Treasurer. The Treasurer shall be responsible for all moneys and valuable effects in the name and to the credit of the Society, and for full and accurate accounting of receipts and disbursements in books belonging to the Society. The Treasurer shall have signatory powers and shall disburse funds of the Society as may be ordered by Council. The Treasurer shall render to the Chair and Council at its regular meetings, or when the Council so requires, an account of the financial transactions and status of the Society. The Treasurer shall be the Chair of the Finance Committee.
Section 4. Program Chair. The Program Chair, along with the Program Committee, designs the educational program format, content and schedule, oversees the entire abstract process in partnership with the Executive Office and Local Organizing Committee. The Program Committee will facilitate communication between Council and the members.
Section 5. Education Chair. The Education Chair facilitates communication between the Council and the Program Committee for the Educational Courses that are presented the day before each Annual Meeting. The Education Chair, along with the Program Committee, designs the educational program format, content and schedule, oversees the Call for Proposals for Educational Courses and works directly with the course organizers to ensure the courses meet stated objectives. The Education Chair shall be the Chair of the Education Committee who determines other educational offerings outside of the Annual Meeting.
Section 6. Terms of Officers. The Chair, Secretary, Treasurer, Program Chair and Education Chair will serve as Officers of the Society. The Chair-Elect, Secretary-Elect, Treasurer-Elect, Program Chair-Elect and Education Chair-Elect shall serve as Officers in their second year on the Council. Thus, the Past-Chair, Past-Secretary, Past-Treasurer, Past-Program Chair and Past Education Chair will all be members of the Council to assist the current Officers. The term for new Officers shall begin after the Annual Meeting. Should any Office fall vacant during the year, the Council shall elect a substitute.
Article 7. Committees and Advisory Boards
Section 1. Formation. Council may appoint committees or task forces to act for Council for special purposes, designating their duties and powers in the resolution of appointment. Such resolution must be adopted by a majority of Councilors in office. Council may also appoint or designate members of the Society to serve as members of standing committees as deemed appropriate.
Section 2. Scientific Advisory Board. The Council shall appoint a Scientific Advisory Board (SAB). The composition of the Scientific Advisory Board will consist of (11) members. Nine will be active OHBM members who have served either as a Council Chair or Program Chair and have demonstrated active and consistent involvement in OHBM activities. In addition, two members of the SAB will come from outside of the OHBM community. Chairs of the SAB will be selected from those who have served as past Chairs of OHBM or the Program Committee. The purpose of the SAB is to provide strategic advice to the Council. The intent is to ensure has been to keep a separation between the two groups so that an impartial and fresh look can be given by the SAB to issues identified by Council. The SAB shall report to the Council once a year at the time of the Annual Meeting.
Section 3. Standing Committees. Standing Committees shall include but are not limited to the following committees: Local Organizing, Finance, Nominating, Program, Communications, Diversity & Gender, and Education.
(a) Local Organizing Committee. The Local Organizing Committee will consist of a Chair as identified by the Program Committee, and the LOC Chair will identify a group of individuals (6-8) to be a part of the LOC. Once potential LOC members are identified, the list is forwarded to the Program Committee for approval. Changes in the composition of the LOC are subject to approval by the Program Committee. The LOC will develop the LOC Symposium, work with the Executive Offices to identify possible venues for the social events and reach out to local vendors and other funding sources to gather information on potential sponsorship of the Annual Meeting. The LOC will also secure student volunteers to assist during the Annual Meeting.
(b) Finance Committee. The Finance Committee shall consist of the current Treasurer, the past Treasurer, and Treasurer-elect. The Treasurer shall serve as Finance Committee Chair. The Finance Committee shall advise Council respecting the annual budget, the handling of reserve funds, investments and depositories, and other financial matters.
(c) Nominating Committee. The Nominating Committee shall consist of the Secretary, Secretary-Elect, Past Secretary, OHBM Chair, OHBM Chair-Elect, OHBM Past Chair and a representative from the Diversity & Gender Committee appointed each year. The Secretary will serve as Chair of the Nominating Committee. The Nominating Committee will select the slate of candidates for Council positions each year. The Committee shall invite nominations from members and prepare a slate of 2 to 3 candidates for each open position for the annual election.
(d) Program Committee. The Program Committee has regular members including the Program Chair who will serve as Chair of the Program Committee, Past Program Chair, Program Chair-Elect, Education Chair, Education Chair-Elect, Education Past-Chair, OHBM Chair, OHBM Chair-Elect, OHBM Past-Chair, LOC Chair, LOC Chair-Elect, LOC Past-Chair and additional members as proposed by previous committees and approved by Council. Additional members will serve three year terms. The Program Committee shall be responsible for oversight of the scientific program for the Annual Meeting and facilitating preparations and communications for the Annual Meeting.
(e) Communications Committee. The Council shall appoint a Communication Committee Chair-Elect at their regular meeting held during the Annual Meeting. The Chair shall serve a three year term as Chair-Elect, Chair and then Immediate Past Chair. Additional members of the Committee will be proposed by the Committee. The Communication Committee is responsible for expanding OHBM's visibility and influence among the membership and external audiences and to ensure a continuous presence of OHBM in the community outside of the annual meetings, encouraging interaction among the membership, and enhancing communication between Council and membership.
(f) Diversity & Gender Committee. The Council shall appoint a Diversity & Gender Committee Chair-Elect at their regular meeting held during the Annual Meeting. The Chair shall serve a three year term as Chair-Elect, Chair and then Immediate Past Chair. Additional members of the Committee will be proposed by the Committee. The Diversity & Gender Committee will be responsible for advancing the Society's enduring mission to create a wholly diverse, engaged and inclusive international community of those dedicated to discover the Society of the human brain.
(g) Education Committee. The Education Chair will serve as the Chair of the Education Committee. The Chair shall serve a three year term as Education Chair-Elect, Education Chair and Past Education-Chair. Additional members of the Committee will be proposed through a Call for Volunteers. The Education Committee will be responsible for advancing the Society's educational initiatives and activities outside of the Annual Meeting.
Article 8. Fiscal Year
Section 1. Period. The fiscal year of the Society shall be the calendar year commencing on the 1st day of January and ending on the 31st day of December.
Section 2. Treasurer's Report. A report of the fiscal state of the Society shall be made by the Treasurer at the Annual Meeting and whenever requested by Council.
Article 9. Organization and Financing of Annual Meeting
Section 1. Site selection for future Annual Meetings shall be managed by the Council in a manner established by the Council.
Section 2. Once a meeting site is selected, a Local Organizing Committee shall be designated and approved by the Program Committee. Responsibility for logistical organization of each Annual Meeting resides with the Executive Office with assistance by the Local Organizing Committee.
Section 2. Upon request of Council, the Executive Office shall submit a budget of projected income and expenses for approval by Council.
Section 3. Allocation of Society funds to cover expenses for the Annual Meeting shall be approved by Council. The Society shall assume responsibility for all approved financial obligations. Any financial obligations incurred by the Local Organizing Committee that are not approved by Council are not the responsibility of the Society.
Section 4. All income in excess of approved expenses shall be the property of the Society.
Section 5. After the Annual Meeting, the Executive Office shall render to Council for approval an account of all funds disbursed and funds received related to the Annual Meeting in an audited report. The Treasurer may also request a financial report from the Executive Office at other times at his or her discretion.
Article 10. Amendments.
Amendments to the Bylaws can be made at any time during the fiscal year or at the Annual Meeting. Amendments to the Bylaws may be proposed on resolution by majority of Council, or by a written proposal signed by not less than ten percent (10%) of the voting membership. Amendments are then presented to the voting members for an electronic vote or discussed at the General Assembly and Feedback Forum during the Annual Meeting for voting by the membership. They Bylaws may be amended by a simple majority of votes received.
Article 11. Chapter Formation
Section 1. Purpose. Regional Chapters are designed to advance communities based on geographical location, that conform to one or more generally recognized geographical regions or as recognized by Council. Chapters strive to reflect the multi-disciplinary nature of OHBM and seek the same intellectual balance as OHBM itself. Members of a Chapter need not be members of OHBM; however, all leadership positions must be filled by OHBM members.
Section 2. Definition. OHBM defines geographic regions using the official United Nations designations. Designation of Regions is non-exclusive in the Region and OHBM may, in its sole discretion, designate other affiliates in the Region or may sponsor or conduct programs, accept members, and perform other activities within the Region.
Section 3. Activities. A Chapter may engage in any educational or scientific activities that meets the needs of their specific region. OHBM's Secretary and the Executive Director will serve as main points of contact for the Chapters. Chapter activities are typically held within the region rather than in conjunction with the OHBM Annual Meeting. Activities do not require prior approval and may include: organizing lectures, colloquia, workshops, conferences, outreach and social/networking events.
Section 4. Formation Process. Formation of a Chapter shall be proposed by a petition of at least twenty-five (25) OHBM Members in good standing, which shall define its primary purpose in relation to OHBM's mission, governance, intended activities for its first three (3) years of operation, and budget with an explanation of the extent of the Chapter's intended fund-raising activities, if any. The Chapter will agree to sign OHBM's Regional Chapter Affiliation Agreement which outlines the roles and responsibilities of the Chapter's relationship with OHBM.
Section 5. Review of Petitions. The OHBM Council will review petitions during their regularly scheduled meetings. Council will consider the relevance of the Chapter to the association and possible conflicts with other Chapters.
Section 6. Duration of Regional Chapters.
a. The charter granted by OHBM to the Chapter will remain in full force unless and until revoked by OHBM or surrendered by the RC. OHBM has the authority to revoke the charter of RC if the Council determines that their conduct is in breach of any provision of the Agreement. The process for revoking the charter can be found in the Agreement.
b. A Regional Chapter, once established, shall operate for a period of five (5) years, after which it shall be terminated unless a new petition for its continuation is presented to the Council one month before the closest meeting before the date of termination. Notwithstanding the foregoing, if a Chapter fails to organize any scientific activity for a period of three (3) years, it shall be terminated, and, unless there are new circumstances, no petition for its re-establishment shall be permitted for a period of at least one (1) year thereafter. The Council shall have the right to dissolve a Chapter at any time if the Council concludes that dissolution is in the best interests of OHBM.
Section 7: Chapter Governance. All Chapter leadership must include a Chair, Chair-Elect, Immediate Past-Chair, Secretary, Secretary-Elect, Immediate Past Secretary, Treasurer, Treasurer-Elect and Immediate Past Treasurer. Leadership must be comprised of OHBM members in good standing. The process for selecting leadership must be detailed in the Chapter's Bylaws and presented to the OHBM Council for review and approval. For the inaugural year of the Chapter, the Chair, Chair-Elect, Secretary, Secretary-Elect, Treasurer and Treasurer-Elect will initially be selected by a majority vote of those listed on the initial petition that will be considered the members of that Chapter. In the first year of formation, the Chair, Chair-Elect, Secretary, Secretary-Elect and Treasurer and Treasurer-Elect will serve two year terms.
Section 8: Chapter as Legal Entities. Regional Chapters may be established as legal entities within their country(ies) of origin according to local law. They may have local budgets, including funds allocated to them by the Council (See Section 9), raise money locally, though only with the advice of the Council (to avoid conflict of interest), and seek dues from their Members. The terms and conditions of membership will be determined by the Chapter and will be outlined in the Chapter's Bylaws. Membership dues are collected by the Chapter but an agreement may be reached with OHBM whereby dues are collected directly from members by OHBM, and OHBM will remit dues to the Chapter on a quarterly basis. Chapters may also charge appropriate fees for any activities which they organize. Each Chapter must appoint a local Treasurer, who shall take, maintain and present books and records of accounts for Chapter activities. All funds held or received by Chapters shall belong to Chapter; and upon termination or dissolution of a Chapter, any remaining funds shall become a donation towards travel awards funding for the next OHBM Annual Meeting. OHBM, for its part, shall not apply funds generated by a Chapter except for the benefit of the Chapter unless the funds were contributed by OHBM, nor allow others to use such funds except for the benefit of the Chapter.
Section 9: Chapter Annual Report. Each year, the OHBM Council will review the Chapter's Annual Report which details the past year activities of the Chapter as well its program for the following year including funding request from OHBM if any. The review of this report will be an important factor in determining the continuing existence and any requested funding of the Chapter.
Section 10: Chapter Leadership.
a. Chair. The Chair is responsible for: 1) coordinating and overseeing all Chapter activities; 2) directing activities of the Secretary, Treasurer and other volunteer leadership; and 3) enhancing communication between the Council and Chapter.
b. Secretary. The Secretary is responsible for: 1) collecting, preparing and circulating all documents related to Chapter activities including meeting minutes and an annual report to Council; 2) posting and monitoring written materials in the online community portal for their respective Chapter; and 3) delivering all documents to the OHBM Executive Office so they can become a part of the association's records.
c. Treasurer. The Treasurer is responsible for: 1) all moneys and valuable effects in the name and to the credit of the Chapter; 2) full and accurate accounting of receipts and disbursements in books belonging to Chapter; and 3) a reporting of financial transactions and status of the Chapter to the OHBM Council.
Section 11. Chapter Oversight. OHBM Executive Office will serve as the central site for coordinating Chapter needs.
Article 13. Special Interest Group Formation
Section 1. Definition of Special Interest Group. Special Interest Groups (SIGS) are designed to advance communities of shared interest on topical and active areas of neuroimaging research or other related areas that expand knowledge, learning or technology for OHBM's Members.
Section 2. Activities. SIG activities are held within the framework of the Annual Meeting and need to be approved in advance by the OHBM Executive Office. Should SIGS wish to hold activities outside of the Annual Meeting, they must first obtain Council approval. Requests for outside activities will be reviewed on a case-by-case basis. Activities of SIGS may include: submitting educational proposals or posters for consideration at the Annual Meeting; hosting online learning/community discussions; and organizing social events to be held during the Annual Meeting.
Section 3. Formation Process. A SIG will be established following a petition of not less than twelve (12) OHBM Members in good standing presented to the Council. The petition will define the scope of the SIG, provide a statement explaining how the proposed SIG will enhance OHBM's objectives, outline the governance, and include a description of the SIG's first year's activities. The petition must include signatures from the petitioners indicating that they endorse the commitment they are collectively making as a Group.
Section 4. Review of Petitions. Council will review petitions three times per year at their meetings in December, March and June; therefore, petitions must be received by the OHBM Executive Director no later than November 1st, February 1st and May 1st respectively.
Section 5. Duration of Special Interest Groups. SIGS shall be established for a period of five (5) years. At the end of this time, each SIG will be terminated and will need to submit a petition for the reinstatement of the Group, or for the establishment of a Group with a substantially similar scope. Petitions to establish SIGS in fields related to those of prior Groups are acceptable as long as they display substantially novel and different direction and content. Council has the right to dissolve any SIG at any time if the Council concludes that dissolution is in the best interest of OHBM. Any SIG which fails to organize any activity within a period of three (3) years shall automatically be terminated, and no petition for its reinstatement, or the creation of a new SIG on the same or closely similar topic, shall be allowed for a period of one (1) year thereafter.
Section 6. Special Interest Group Governance. Each SIG shall be governed by a Chair and Secretary comprised of OHBM Members in good standing. The Chair, Chair-Elect, Secretary and Secretary-Elect will initially be selected by a majority vote of those listed on the initial petition that will be considered the members of that SIG. The Chair and Secretary will serve for a three year term – Chair-Elect; Chair and Immediate Past Chair; Secretary-Elect, Secretary and Immediate Past Secretary. In the first year of formation, the Chair, Chair-Elect, Secretary and Secretary-Elect will serve two year terms. Those currently registered as SIG members will be solicited for nominations for open Chair-Elect and Secretary-Elect positions. Nominees will be reviewed with selections made by the Chairs and Secretaries of the SIG.
Section 7. Special Interest Group Leadership.
a. Chair. The Chair is responsible for: 1) coordinating and overseeing all SIG activities; 2) directing activities of the Secretary and other volunteer leadership; and 3) enhancing communication between the SIG and the Council.
b. Secretary. The Secretary is responsible for: 1) collecting, preparing and circulating all documents related to SIG activities including meeting minutes and an annual report to Council; 2) posting and monitoring written materials in the online community portal for their respective SIG; and 3) delivering all documents to the OHBM Executive Office so they can become a part of the association's records.
Section 8. Special Interest Group Annual Report. Each year, the OHBM Council will review the SIG's Annual Report which details the past year activities of the SIG as well its program for the following year including funding request from OHBM, if any. The review of this report will be an important factor in determining the continuing existence and the funding of the SIG.
Section 9. Special Interest Group Oversight. OHBM Executive Office will serve as the central site for coordinating SIG needs.